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diff --git a/3741.txt b/3741.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..161bb0b --- /dev/null +++ b/3741.txt @@ -0,0 +1,7784 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Writings of Thomas Paine, Vol. I, by Thomas Paine + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Writings of Thomas Paine, Vol. I + +Author: Thomas Paine + +Release Date: February, 2003 [Etext #3741] +Posting Date: February 7, 2010 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOMAS PAINE *** + + + + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE, VOLUME I. + +COLLECTED AND EDITED BY MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY + + +1774 - 1779 + + +[Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine +Volume I" (1894 - 1896). The author's notes are preceded by a "*".] + + + + +XIX. THE AMERICAN CRISIS + + + Table of Contents + + Editor's Preface + + The Crisis No. I + + The Crisis No. II - To Lord Howe + + The Crisis No. III + + The Crisis No. IV + + The Crisis No. V - To General Sir William Howe + - To The Inhabitants Of America + + The Crisis No. VI - To The Earl Of Carlisle, General Clinton, And + William Eden, ESQ., British Commissioners At New York + + The Crisis No. VII - To The People Of England + + The Crisis No. VIII - Addressed To The People Of England + + The Crisis No. IX - The Crisis Extraordinary - On the Subject + of Taxation + + The Crisis No. X - On The King Of England's Speech + - To The People Of America + + The Crisis No. XI - On The Present State Of News + - A Supernumerary Crisis (To Sir Guy Carleton.) + + The Crisis No. XII - To The Earl Of Shelburne + + The Crisis No. XIII - On The Peace, And The Probable Advantages + Thereof + + A Supernumerary Crisis - (To The People Of America) + + + + +THE AMERICAN CRISIS. + + + + +EDITOR'S PREFACE. + +THOMAS PAINE, in his Will, speaks of this work as The American Crisis, +remembering perhaps that a number of political pamphlets had appeared in +London, 1775-1776, under general title of "The Crisis." By the blunder +of an early English publisher of Paine's writings, one essay in the +London "Crisis" was attributed to Paine, and the error has continued +to cause confusion. This publisher was D. I. Eaton, who printed as +the first number of Paine's "Crisis" an essay taken from the London +publication. But his prefatory note says: "Since the printing of this +book, the publisher is informed that No. 1, or first Crisis in this +publication, is not one of the thirteen which Paine wrote, but a +letter previous to them." Unfortunately this correction is sufficiently +equivocal to leave on some minds the notion that Paine did write the +letter in question, albeit not as a number of his "Crisis "; especially +as Eaton's editor unwarrantably appended the signature "C. S.," +suggesting "Common Sense." There are, however, no such letters in the +London essay, which is signed "Casca." It was published August, 1775, +in the form of a letter to General Gage, in answer to his Proclamation +concerning the affair at Lexington. It was certainly not written by +Paine. It apologizes for the Americans for having, on April 19, at +Lexington, made "an attack upon the King's troops from behind walls and +lurking holes." The writer asks: "Have not the Americans been driven +to this frenzy? Is it not common for an enemy to take every advantage?" +Paine, who was in America when the affair occurred at Lexington, would +have promptly denounced Gage's story as a falsehood, but the facts known +to every one in America were as yet not before the London writer. The +English "Crisis" bears evidence throughout of having been written in +London. It derived nothing from Paine, and he derived nothing from it, +unless its title, and this is too obvious for its origin to require +discussion. I have no doubt, however, that the title was suggested +by the English publication, because Paine has followed its scheme in +introducing a "Crisis Extraordinary." His work consists of thirteen +numbers, and, in addition to these, a "Crisis Extraordinary" and a +"Supernumerary Crisis." In some modern collections all of these have been +serially numbered, and a brief newspaper article added, making sixteen +numbers. But Paine, in his Will, speaks of the number as thirteen, +wishing perhaps, in his characteristic way, to adhere to the number +of the American Colonies, as he did in the thirteen ribs of his iron +bridge. His enumeration is therefore followed in the present volume, and +the numbers printed successively, although other writings intervened. + +The first "Crisis" was printed in the Pennsylvania Journal, December +19, 1776, and opens with the famous sentence, "These are the times that +try men's souls"; the last "Crisis" appeared April 19,1783, (eighth +anniversary of the first gun of the war, at Lexington,) and opens with +the words, "The times that tried men's souls are over." The great +effect produced by Paine's successive publications has been attested by +Washington and Franklin, by every leader of the American Revolution, +by resolutions of Congress, and by every contemporary historian of the +events amid which they were written. The first "Crisis" is of especial +historical interest. It was written during the retreat of Washington +across the Delaware, and by order of the Commander was read to groups of +his dispirited and suffering soldiers. Its opening sentence was adopted +as the watchword of the movement on Trenton, a few days after its +publication, and is believed to have inspired much of the courage which +won that victory, which, though not imposing in extent, was of great +moral effect on Washington's little army. + + + + +THE CRISIS + + + + +THE CRISIS I. (THESE ARE THE TIMES THAT TRY MEN'S SOULS) + +THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the +sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their +country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man +and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this +consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the +triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness +only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper +price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an +article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated. Britain, with an army to +enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right (not only to TAX) +but "to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER," and if being bound in that +manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon +earth. Even the expression is impious; for so unlimited a power can +belong only to God. + +Whether the independence of the continent was declared too soon, or +delayed too long, I will not now enter into as an argument; my own +simple opinion is, that had it been eight months earlier, it would have +been much better. We did not make a proper use of last winter, neither +could we, while we were in a dependent state. However, the fault, if it +were one, was all our own*; we have none to blame but ourselves. But +no great deal is lost yet. All that Howe has been doing for this month +past, is rather a ravage than a conquest, which the spirit of the +Jerseys, a year ago, would have quickly repulsed, and which time and a +little resolution will soon recover. + + + * The present winter is worth an age, if rightly employed; but, if +lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the evil; and +there is no punishment that man does not deserve, be he who, or what, or +where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious +and useful. + +I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret +opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up +a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, +who have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities +of war, by every decent method which wisdom could invent. Neither have I +so much of the infidel in me, as to suppose that He has relinquished the +government of the world, and given us up to the care of devils; and as I +do not, I cannot see on what grounds the king of Britain can look up +to heaven for help against us: a common murderer, a highwayman, or a +house-breaker, has as good a pretence as he. + +'Tis surprising to see how rapidly a panic will sometimes run through +a country. All nations and ages have been subject to them. Britain has +trembled like an ague at the report of a French fleet of flat-bottomed +boats; and in the fourteenth [fifteenth] century the whole English army, +after ravaging the kingdom of France, was driven back like men petrified +with fear; and this brave exploit was performed by a few broken forces +collected and headed by a woman, Joan of Arc. Would that heaven might +inspire some Jersey maid to spirit up her countrymen, and save her fair +fellow sufferers from ravage and ravishment! Yet panics, in some cases, +have their uses; they produce as much good as hurt. Their duration is +always short; the mind soon grows through them, and acquires a firmer +habit than before. But their peculiar advantage is, that they are the +touchstones of sincerity and hypocrisy, and bring things and men to +light, which might otherwise have lain forever undiscovered. In fact, +they have the same effect on secret traitors, which an imaginary +apparition would have upon a private murderer. They sift out the +hidden thoughts of man, and hold them up in public to the world. Many +a disguised Tory has lately shown his head, that shall penitentially +solemnize with curses the day on which Howe arrived upon the Delaware. + +As I was with the troops at Fort Lee, and marched with them to the edge +of Pennsylvania, I am well acquainted with many circumstances, which +those who live at a distance know but little or nothing of. Our +situation there was exceedingly cramped, the place being a narrow +neck of land between the North River and the Hackensack. Our force +was inconsiderable, being not one-fourth so great as Howe could bring +against us. We had no army at hand to have relieved the garrison, had +we shut ourselves up and stood on our defence. Our ammunition, light +artillery, and the best part of our stores, had been removed, on the +apprehension that Howe would endeavor to penetrate the Jerseys, in +which case Fort Lee could be of no use to us; for it must occur to every +thinking man, whether in the army or not, that these kind of field forts +are only for temporary purposes, and last in use no longer than the +enemy directs his force against the particular object which such forts +are raised to defend. Such was our situation and condition at Fort Lee +on the morning of the 20th of November, when an officer arrived with +information that the enemy with 200 boats had landed about seven miles +above; Major General [Nathaniel] Green, who commanded the garrison, +immediately ordered them under arms, and sent express to General +Washington at the town of Hackensack, distant by the way of the ferry += six miles. Our first object was to secure the bridge over the +Hackensack, which laid up the river between the enemy and us, about six +miles from us, and three from them. General Washington arrived in about +three-quarters of an hour, and marched at the head of the troops towards +the bridge, which place I expected we should have a brush for; however, +they did not choose to dispute it with us, and the greatest part of our +troops went over the bridge, the rest over the ferry, except some which +passed at a mill on a small creek, between the bridge and the ferry, and +made their way through some marshy grounds up to the town of Hackensack, +and there passed the river. We brought off as much baggage as the wagons +could contain, the rest was lost. The simple object was to bring off +the garrison, and march them on till they could be strengthened by the +Jersey or Pennsylvania militia, so as to be enabled to make a stand. +We staid four days at Newark, collected our out-posts with some of +the Jersey militia, and marched out twice to meet the enemy, on being +informed that they were advancing, though our numbers were greatly +inferior to theirs. Howe, in my little opinion, committed a great error +in generalship in not throwing a body of forces off from Staten Island +through Amboy, by which means he might have seized all our stores +at Brunswick, and intercepted our march into Pennsylvania; but if we +believe the power of hell to be limited, we must likewise believe that +their agents are under some providential control. + +I shall not now attempt to give all the particulars of our retreat to +the Delaware; suffice it for the present to say, that both officers +and men, though greatly harassed and fatigued, frequently without rest, +covering, or provision, the inevitable consequences of a long retreat, +bore it with a manly and martial spirit. All their wishes centred in +one, which was, that the country would turn out and help them to drive +the enemy back. Voltaire has remarked that King William never appeared +to full advantage but in difficulties and in action; the same remark may +be made on General Washington, for the character fits him. There is a +natural firmness in some minds which cannot be unlocked by trifles, but +which, when unlocked, discovers a cabinet of fortitude; and I reckon it +among those kind of public blessings, which we do not immediately see, +that God hath blessed him with uninterrupted health, and given him a +mind that can even flourish upon care. + +I shall conclude this paper with some miscellaneous remarks on the state +of our affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why +is it that the enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these +middle ones the seat of war? The answer is easy: New England is not +infested with Tories, and we are. I have been tender in raising the +cry against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their +danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a world either to their folly +or their baseness. The period is now arrived, in which either they or +we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall. And what is a +Tory? Good God! what is he? I should not be afraid to go with a hundred +Whigs against a thousand Tories, were they to attempt to get into arms. +Every Tory is a coward; for servile, slavish, self-interested fear is +the foundation of Toryism; and a man under such influence, though he may +be cruel, never can be brave. + +But, before the line of irrecoverable separation be drawn between us, +let us reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the +enemy, yet not one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. +Howe is as much deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. +He expects you will all take up arms, and flock to his standard, with +muskets on your shoulders. Your opinions are of no use to him, unless +you support him personally, for 'tis soldiers, and not Tories, that he +wants. + +I once felt all that kind of anger, which a man ought to feel, against +the mean principles that are held by the Tories: a noted one, who kept a +tavern at Amboy, was standing at his door, with as pretty a child in his +hand, about eight or nine years old, as I ever saw, and after speaking +his mind as freely as he thought was prudent, finished with this +unfatherly expression, "Well! give me peace in my day." Not a man lives +on the continent but fully believes that a separation must some time or +other finally take place, and a generous parent should have said, "If +there must be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have +peace;" and this single reflection, well applied, is sufficient to +awaken every man to duty. Not a place upon earth might be so happy as +America. Her situation is remote from all the wrangling world, and she +has nothing to do but to trade with them. A man can distinguish himself +between temper and principle, and I am as confident, as I am that God +governs the world, that America will never be happy till she gets clear +of foreign dominion. Wars, without ceasing, will break out till that +period arrives, and the continent must in the end be conqueror; for +though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can +never expire. + +America did not, nor does not want force; but she wanted a proper +application of that force. Wisdom is not the purchase of a day, and it +is no wonder that we should err at the first setting off. From an excess +of tenderness, we were unwilling to raise an army, and trusted our +cause to the temporary defence of a well-meaning militia. A summer's +experience has now taught us better; yet with those troops, while they +were collected, we were able to set bounds to the progress of the enemy, +and, thank God! they are again assembling. I always considered militia +as the best troops in the world for a sudden exertion, but they will not +do for a long campaign. Howe, it is probable, will make an attempt on +this city [Philadelphia]; should he fail on this side the Delaware, he +is ruined. If he succeeds, our cause is not ruined. He stakes all on his +side against a part on ours; admitting he succeeds, the consequence will +be, that armies from both ends of the continent will march to assist +their suffering friends in the middle states; for he cannot go +everywhere, it is impossible. I consider Howe as the greatest enemy the +Tories have; he is bringing a war into their country, which, had it not +been for him and partly for themselves, they had been clear of. Should +he now be expelled, I wish with all the devotion of a Christian, that +the names of Whig and Tory may never more be mentioned; but should the +Tories give him encouragement to come, or assistance if he come, I +as sincerely wish that our next year's arms may expel them from the +continent, and the Congress appropriate their possessions to the relief +of those who have suffered in well-doing. A single successful battle +next year will settle the whole. America could carry on a two years' war +by the confiscation of the property of disaffected persons, and be made +happy by their expulsion. Say not that this is revenge, call it rather +the soft resentment of a suffering people, who, having no object in view +but the good of all, have staked their own all upon a seemingly doubtful +event. Yet it is folly to argue against determined hardness; eloquence +may strike the ear, and the language of sorrow draw forth the tear +of compassion, but nothing can reach the heart that is steeled with +prejudice. + +Quitting this class of men, I turn with the warm ardor of a friend to +those who have nobly stood, and are yet determined to stand the matter +out: I call not upon a few, but upon all: not on this state or that +state, but on every state: up and help us; lay your shoulders to the +wheel; better have too much force than too little, when so great an +object is at stake. Let it be told to the future world, that in the +depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that +the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to +meet and to repulse it. Say not that thousands are gone, turn out your +tens of thousands; throw not the burden of the day upon Providence, but +"show your faith by your works," that God may bless you. It matters not +where you live, or what rank of life you hold, the evil or the blessing +will reach you all. The far and the near, the home counties and the +back, the rich and the poor, will suffer or rejoice alike. The heart +that feels not now is dead; the blood of his children will curse his +cowardice, who shrinks back at a time when a little might have saved the +whole, and made them happy. I love the man that can smile in trouble, +that can gather strength from distress, and grow brave by reflection. +'Tis the business of little minds to shrink; but he whose heart is firm, +and whose conscience approves his conduct, will pursue his principles +unto death. My own line of reasoning is to myself as straight and clear +as a ray of light. Not all the treasures of the world, so far as I +believe, could have induced me to support an offensive war, for I think +it murder; but if a thief breaks into my house, burns and destroys my +property, and kills or threatens to kill me, or those that are in it, +and to "bind me in all cases whatsoever" to his absolute will, am I to +suffer it? What signifies it to me, whether he who does it is a king or +a common man; my countryman or not my countryman; whether it be done by +an individual villain, or an army of them? If we reason to the root +of things we shall find no difference; neither can any just cause be +assigned why we should punish in the one case and pardon in the other. +Let them call me rebel and welcome, I feel no concern from it; but I +should suffer the misery of devils, were I to make a whore of my soul by +swearing allegiance to one whose character is that of a sottish, stupid, +stubborn, worthless, brutish man. I conceive likewise a horrid idea in +receiving mercy from a being, who at the last day shall be shrieking to +the rocks and mountains to cover him, and fleeing with terror from the +orphan, the widow, and the slain of America. + +There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. +There are persons, too, who see not the full extent of the evil which +threatens them; they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if he +succeed, will be merciful. It is the madness of folly, to expect +mercy from those who have refused to do justice; and even mercy, where +conquest is the object, is only a trick of war; the cunning of the +fox is as murderous as the violence of the wolf, and we ought to guard +equally against both. Howe's first object is, partly by threats and +partly by promises, to terrify or seduce the people to deliver up their +arms and receive mercy. The ministry recommended the same plan to Gage, +and this is what the tories call making their peace, "a peace which +passeth all understanding" indeed! A peace which would be the immediate +forerunner of a worse ruin than any we have yet thought of. Ye men of +Pennsylvania, do reason upon these things! Were the back counties to +give up their arms, they would fall an easy prey to the Indians, who are +all armed: this perhaps is what some Tories would not be sorry for. Were +the home counties to deliver up their arms, they would be exposed to the +resentment of the back counties who would then have it in their power to +chastise their defection at pleasure. And were any one state to give up +its arms, that state must be garrisoned by all Howe's army of Britons +and Hessians to preserve it from the anger of the rest. Mutual fear is +the principal link in the chain of mutual love, and woe be to that state +that breaks the compact. Howe is mercifully inviting you to barbarous +destruction, and men must be either rogues or fools that will not see +it. I dwell not upon the vapors of imagination; I bring reason to your +ears, and, in language as plain as A, B, C, hold up truth to your eyes. + +I thank God, that I fear not. I see no real cause for fear. I know +our situation well, and can see the way out of it. While our army was +collected, Howe dared not risk a battle; and it is no credit to him +that he decamped from the White Plains, and waited a mean opportunity to +ravage the defenceless Jerseys; but it is great credit to us, that, with +a handful of men, we sustained an orderly retreat for near an hundred +miles, brought off our ammunition, all our field pieces, the greatest +part of our stores, and had four rivers to pass. None can say that our +retreat was precipitate, for we were near three weeks in performing it, +that the country might have time to come in. Twice we marched back to +meet the enemy, and remained out till dark. The sign of fear was not +seen in our camp, and had not some of the cowardly and disaffected +inhabitants spread false alarms through the country, the Jerseys had +never been ravaged. Once more we are again collected and collecting; our +new army at both ends of the continent is recruiting fast, and we shall +be able to open the next campaign with sixty thousand men, well armed +and clothed. This is our situation, and who will may know it. By +perseverance and fortitude we have the prospect of a glorious issue; +by cowardice and submission, the sad choice of a variety of evils--a +ravaged country--a depopulated city--habitations without safety, and +slavery without hope--our homes turned into barracks and bawdy-houses +for Hessians, and a future race to provide for, whose fathers we shall +doubt of. Look on this picture and weep over it! and if there yet +remains one thoughtless wretch who believes it not, let him suffer it +unlamented. + +COMMON SENSE. + +December 23, 1776. + + + + +THE CRISIS II. TO LORD HOWE. + + "What's in the name of lord, that I should fear + To bring my grievance to the public ear?" + CHURCHILL. + +UNIVERSAL empire is the prerogative of a writer. His concerns are with +all mankind, and though he cannot command their obedience, he can assign +them their duty. The Republic of Letters is more ancient than monarchy, +and of far higher character in the world than the vassal court of +Britain; he that rebels against reason is a real rebel, but he that in +defence of reason rebels against tyranny has a better title to "Defender +of the Faith," than George the Third. + +As a military man your lordship may hold out the sword of war, and call +it the "ultima ratio regum": the last reason of kings; we in return +can show you the sword of justice, and call it "the best scourge of +tyrants." The first of these two may threaten, or even frighten for a +while, and cast a sickly languor over an insulted people, but reason +will soon recover the debauch, and restore them again to tranquil +fortitude. Your lordship, I find, has now commenced author, and +published a proclamation; I have published a Crisis. As they stand, they +are the antipodes of each other; both cannot rise at once, and one of +them must descend; and so quick is the revolution of things, that your +lordship's performance, I see, has already fallen many degrees from +its first place, and is now just visible on the edge of the political +horizon. + +It is surprising to what a pitch of infatuation, blind folly and +obstinacy will carry mankind, and your lordship's drowsy proclamation +is a proof that it does not even quit them in their sleep. Perhaps you +thought America too was taking a nap, and therefore chose, like Satan +to Eve, to whisper the delusion softly, lest you should awaken her. This +continent, sir, is too extensive to sleep all at once, and too watchful, +even in its slumbers, not to startle at the unhallowed foot of an +invader. You may issue your proclamations, and welcome, for we have +learned to "reverence ourselves," and scorn the insulting ruffian that +employs you. America, for your deceased brother's sake, would gladly +have shown you respect and it is a new aggravation to her feelings, +that Howe should be forgetful, and raise his sword against those, who at +their own charge raised a monument to his brother. But your master has +commanded, and you have not enough of nature left to refuse. Surely +there must be something strangely degenerating in the love of monarchy, +that can so completely wear a man down to an ingrate, and make him proud +to lick the dust that kings have trod upon. A few more years, should you +survive them, will bestow on you the title of "an old man": and in some +hour of future reflection you may probably find the fitness of Wolsey's +despairing penitence--"had I served my God as faithful as I have served +my king, he would not thus have forsaken me in my old age." + +The character you appear to us in, is truly ridiculous. Your friends, +the Tories, announced your coming, with high descriptions of your +unlimited powers; but your proclamation has given them the lie, by +showing you to be a commissioner without authority. Had your powers been +ever so great they were nothing to us, further than we pleased; because +we had the same right which other nations had, to do what we thought +was best. "The UNITED STATES of AMERICA," will sound as pompously in the +world or in history, as "the kingdom of Great Britain"; the character of +General Washington will fill a page with as much lustre as that of +Lord Howe: and the Congress have as much right to command the king and +Parliament in London to desist from legislation, as they or you have +to command the Congress. Only suppose how laughable such an edict would +appear from us, and then, in that merry mood, do but turn the tables +upon yourself, and you will see how your proclamation is received here. +Having thus placed you in a proper position in which you may have a full +view of your folly, and learn to despise it, I hold up to you, for +that purpose, the following quotation from your own lunarian +proclamation.--"And we (Lord Howe and General Howe) do command (and in +his majesty's name forsooth) all such persons as are assembled together, +under the name of general or provincial congresses, committees, +conventions or other associations, by whatever name or names known and +distinguished, to desist and cease from all such treasonable actings and +doings." + +You introduce your proclamation by referring to your declarations of +the 14th of July and 19th of September. In the last of these you sunk +yourself below the character of a private gentleman. That I may not +seem to accuse you unjustly, I shall state the circumstance: by a verbal +invitation of yours, communicated to Congress by General Sullivan, then +a prisoner on his parole, you signified your desire of conferring with +some members of that body as private gentlemen. It was beneath the +dignity of the American Congress to pay any regard to a message that +at best was but a genteel affront, and had too much of the ministerial +complexion of tampering with private persons; and which might probably +have been the case, had the gentlemen who were deputed on the business +possessed that kind of easy virtue which an English courtier is so truly +distinguished by. Your request, however, was complied with, for honest +men are naturally more tender of their civil than their political fame. +The interview ended as every sensible man thought it would; for +your lordship knows, as well as the writer of the Crisis, that it is +impossible for the King of England to promise the repeal, or even the +revisal of any acts of parliament; wherefore, on your part, you had +nothing to say, more than to request, in the room of demanding, the +entire surrender of the continent; and then, if that was complied with, +to promise that the inhabitants should escape with their lives. This was +the upshot of the conference. You informed the conferees that you were +two months in soliciting these powers. We ask, what powers? for as +commissioner you have none. If you mean the power of pardoning, it is +an oblique proof that your master was determined to sacrifice all before +him; and that you were two months in dissuading him from his purpose. +Another evidence of his savage obstinacy! From your own account of the +matter we may justly draw these two conclusions: 1st, That you serve +a monster; and 2d, That never was a messenger sent on a more foolish +errand than yourself. This plain language may perhaps sound uncouthly to +an ear vitiated by courtly refinements, but words were made for use, +and the fault lies in deserving them, or the abuse in applying them +unfairly. + +Soon after your return to New York, you published a very illiberal and +unmanly handbill against the Congress; for it was certainly stepping out +of the line of common civility, first to screen your national pride +by soliciting an interview with them as private gentlemen, and in the +conclusion to endeavor to deceive the multitude by making a handbill +attack on the whole body of the Congress; you got them together under +one name, and abused them under another. But the king you serve, and the +cause you support, afford you so few instances of acting the gentleman, +that out of pity to your situation the Congress pardoned the insult by +taking no notice of it. + +You say in that handbill, "that they, the Congress, disavowed every +purpose for reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant and +inadmissible claim of independence." Why, God bless me! what have you to +do with our independence? We ask no leave of yours to set it up; we ask +no money of yours to support it; we can do better without your fleets +and armies than with them; you may soon have enough to do to protect +yourselves without being burdened with us. We are very willing to be at +peace with you, to buy of you and sell to you, and, like young beginners +in the world, to work for our living; therefore, why do you put +yourselves out of cash, when we know you cannot spare it, and we do not +desire you to run into debt? I am willing, sir, that you should see +your folly in every point of view I can place it in, and for that reason +descend sometimes to tell you in jest what I wish you to see in earnest. +But to be more serious with you, why do you say, "their independence?" +To set you right, sir, we tell you, that the independency is ours, not +theirs. The Congress were authorized by every state on the continent to +publish it to all the world, and in so doing are not to be considered as +the inventors, but only as the heralds that proclaimed it, or the office +from which the sense of the people received a legal form; and it was as +much as any or all their heads were worth, to have treated with you on +the subject of submission under any name whatever. But we know the men +in whom we have trusted; can England say the same of her Parliament? + +I come now more particularly to your proclamation of the 30th of +November last. Had you gained an entire conquest over all the armies +of America, and then put forth a proclamation, offering (what you call) +mercy, your conduct would have had some specious show of humanity; but +to creep by surprise into a province, and there endeavor to terrify +and seduce the inhabitants from their just allegiance to the rest by +promises, which you neither meant nor were able to fulfil, is both cruel +and unmanly: cruel in its effects; because, unless you can keep all +the ground you have marched over, how are you, in the words of your +proclamation, to secure to your proselytes "the enjoyment of their +property?" What is to become either of your new adopted subjects, or +your old friends, the Tories, in Burlington, Bordentown, Trenton, Mount +Holly, and many other places, where you proudly lorded it for a few +days, and then fled with the precipitation of a pursued thief? What, I +say, is to become of those wretches? What is to become of those who went +over to you from this city and State? What more can you say to them than +"shift for yourselves?" Or what more can they hope for than to wander +like vagabonds over the face of the earth? You may now tell them to take +their leave of America, and all that once was theirs. Recommend them, +for consolation, to your master's court; there perhaps they may make +a shift to live on the scraps of some dangling parasite, and choose +companions among thousands like themselves. A traitor is the foulest +fiend on earth. + +In a political sense we ought to thank you for thus bequeathing estates +to the continent; we shall soon, at this rate, be able to carry on a war +without expense, and grow rich by the ill policy of Lord Howe, and the +generous defection of the Tories. Had you set your foot into this city, +you would have bestowed estates upon us which we never thought of, by +bringing forth traitors we were unwilling to suspect. But these men, +you'll say, "are his majesty's most faithful subjects;" let that honor, +then, be all their fortune, and let his majesty take them to himself. + +I am now thoroughly disgusted with them; they live in ungrateful ease, +and bend their whole minds to mischief. It seems as if God had +given them over to a spirit of infidelity, and that they are open to +conviction in no other line but that of punishment. It is time to have +done with tarring, feathering, carting, and taking securities for their +future good behavior; every sensible man must feel a conscious shame +at seeing a poor fellow hawked for a show about the streets, when it is +known he is only the tool of some principal villain, biassed into his +offence by the force of false reasoning, or bribed thereto, through sad +necessity. We dishonor ourselves by attacking such trifling characters +while greater ones are suffered to escape; 'tis our duty to find +them out, and their proper punishment would be to exile them from the +continent for ever. The circle of them is not so great as some imagine; +the influence of a few have tainted many who are not naturally corrupt. +A continual circulation of lies among those who are not much in the way +of hearing them contradicted, will in time pass for truth; and the crime +lies not in the believer but the inventor. I am not for declaring +war with every man that appears not so warm as myself: difference of +constitution, temper, habit of speaking, and many other things, will go +a great way in fixing the outward character of a man, yet simple honesty +may remain at bottom. Some men have naturally a military turn, and can +brave hardships and the risk of life with a cheerful face; others have +not; no slavery appears to them so great as the fatigue of arms, and +no terror so powerful as that of personal danger. What can we say? We +cannot alter nature, neither ought we to punish the son because the +father begot him in a cowardly mood. However, I believe most men have +more courage than they know of, and that a little at first is enough +to begin with. I knew the time when I thought that the whistling of a +cannon ball would have frightened me almost to death; but I have since +tried it, and find that I can stand it with as little discomposure, and, +I believe, with a much easier conscience than your lordship. The same +dread would return to me again were I in your situation, for my solemn +belief of your cause is, that it is hellish and damnable, and, under +that conviction, every thinking man's heart must fail him. + +From a concern that a good cause should be dishonored by the least +disunion among us, I said in my former paper, No. I. "That should the +enemy now be expelled, I wish, with all the sincerity of a Christian, +that the names of Whig and Tory might never more be mentioned;" but +there is a knot of men among us of such a venomous cast, that they +will not admit even one's good wishes to act in their favor. Instead +of rejoicing that heaven had, as it were, providentially preserved this +city from plunder and destruction, by delivering so great a part of the +enemy into our hands with so little effusion of blood, they stubbornly +affected to disbelieve it till within an hour, nay, half an hour, of +the prisoners arriving; and the Quakers put forth a testimony, dated the +20th of December, signed "John Pemberton," declaring their attachment to +the British government.* These men are continually harping on the great +sin of our bearing arms, but the king of Britain may lay waste the world +in blood and famine, and they, poor fallen souls, have nothing to say. + + + * I have ever been careful of charging offences upon whole societies +of men, but as the paper referred to is put forth by an unknown set of +men, who claim to themselves the right of representing the whole: +and while the whole Society of Quakers admit its validity by a silent +acknowledgment, it is impossible that any distinction can be made by +the public: and the more so, because the New York paper of the 30th of +December, printed by permission of our enemies, says that "the Quakers +begin to speak openly of their attachment to the British Constitution." +We are certain that we have many friends among them, and wish to know +them. + +In some future paper I intend to distinguish between the different kind +of persons who have been denominated Tories; for this I am clear in, +that all are not so who have been called so, nor all men Whigs who +were once thought so; and as I mean not to conceal the name of any true +friend when there shall be occasion to mention him, neither will I that +of an enemy, who ought to be known, let his rank, station or religion be +what it may. Much pains have been taken by some to set your lordship's +private character in an amiable light, but as it has chiefly been done +by men who know nothing about you, and who are no ways remarkable for +their attachment to us, we have no just authority for believing it. +George the Third has imposed upon us by the same arts, but time, at +length, has done him justice, and the same fate may probably attend your +lordship. You avowed purpose here is to kill, conquer, plunder, pardon, +and enslave: and the ravages of your army through the Jerseys have been +marked with as much barbarism as if you had openly professed yourself +the prince of ruffians; not even the appearance of humanity has been +preserved either on the march or the retreat of your troops; no general +order that I could ever learn, has ever been issued to prevent or +even forbid your troops from robbery, wherever they came, and the only +instance of justice, if it can be called such, which has distinguished +you for impartiality, is, that you treated and plundered all alike; what +could not be carried away has been destroyed, and mahogany furniture has +been deliberately laid on fire for fuel, rather than the men should be +fatigued with cutting wood.* There was a time when the Whigs confided +much in your supposed candor, and the Tories rested themselves in your +favor; the experiments have now been made, and failed; in every town, +nay, every cottage, in the Jerseys, where your arms have been, is +a testimony against you. How you may rest under this sacrifice of +character I know not; but this I know, that you sleep and rise with the +daily curses of thousands upon you; perhaps the misery which the Tories +have suffered by your proffered mercy may give them some claim to their +country's pity, and be in the end the best favor you could show them. + + + * As some people may doubt the truth of such wanton destruction, I +think it necessary to inform them that one of the people called Quakers, +who lives at Trenton, gave me this information at the house of Mr. +Michael Hutchinson, (one of the same profession,) who lives near Trenton +ferry on the Pennsylvania side, Mr. Hutchinson being present. + +In a folio general-order book belonging to Col. Rhal's battalion, taken +at Trenton, and now in the possession of the council of safety for +this state, the following barbarous order is frequently repeated, "His +excellency the Commander-in-Chief orders, that all inhabitants who +shall be found with arms, not having an officer with them, shall be +immediately taken and hung up." How many you may thus have privately +sacrificed, we know not, and the account can only be settled in another +world. Your treatment of prisoners, in order to distress them to enlist +in your infernal service, is not to be equalled by any instance in +Europe. Yet this is the humane Lord Howe and his brother, whom the +Tories and their three-quarter kindred, the Quakers, or some of them at +least, have been holding up for patterns of justice and mercy! + +A bad cause will ever be supported by bad means and bad men; and whoever +will be at the pains of examining strictly into things, will find that +one and the same spirit of oppression and impiety, more or less, +governs through your whole party in both countries: not many days ago, +I accidentally fell in company with a person of this city noted for +espousing your cause, and on my remarking to him, "that it appeared +clear to me, by the late providential turn of affairs, that God Almighty +was visibly on our side," he replied, "We care nothing for that you may +have Him, and welcome; if we have but enough of the devil on our side, +we shall do." However carelessly this might be spoken, matters not, 'tis +still the insensible principle that directs all your conduct and will at +last most assuredly deceive and ruin you. + +If ever a nation was made and foolish, blind to its own interest and +bent on its own destruction, it is Britain. There are such things as +national sins, and though the punishment of individuals may be reserved +to another world, national punishment can only be inflicted in this +world. Britain, as a nation, is, in my inmost belief, the greatest and +most ungrateful offender against God on the face of the whole earth. +Blessed with all the commerce she could wish for, and furnished, by +a vast extension of dominion, with the means of civilizing both the +eastern and western world, she has made no other use of both than +proudly to idolize her own "thunder," and rip up the bowels of whole +countries for what she could get. Like Alexander, she has made war her +sport, and inflicted misery for prodigality's sake. The blood of India +is not yet repaid, nor the wretchedness of Africa yet requited. Of +late she has enlarged her list of national cruelties by her butcherly +destruction of the Caribbs of St. Vincent's, and returning an answer by +the sword to the meek prayer for "Peace, liberty and safety." These +are serious things, and whatever a foolish tyrant, a debauched court, +a trafficking legislature, or a blinded people may think, the national +account with heaven must some day or other be settled: all countries +have sooner or later been called to their reckoning; the proudest +empires have sunk when the balance was struck; and Britain, like an +individual penitent, must undergo her day of sorrow, and the sooner it +happens to her the better. As I wish it over, I wish it to come, but +withal wish that it may be as light as possible. + +Perhaps your lordship has no taste for serious things; by your +connections in England I should suppose not; therefore I shall drop this +part of the subject, and take it up in a line in which you will better +understand me. + +By what means, may I ask, do you expect to conquer America? If you could +not effect it in the summer, when our army was less than yours, nor +in the winter, when we had none, how are you to do it? In point of +generalship you have been outwitted, and in point of fortitude outdone; +your advantages turn out to your loss, and show us that it is in our +power to ruin you by gifts: like a game of drafts, we can move out of +one square to let you come in, in order that we may afterwards take +two or three for one; and as we can always keep a double corner for +ourselves, we can always prevent a total defeat. You cannot be so +insensible as not to see that we have two to one the advantage of you, +because we conquer by a drawn game, and you lose by it. Burgoyne might +have taught your lordship this knowledge; he has been long a student in +the doctrine of chances. + +I have no other idea of conquering countries than by subduing the armies +which defend them: have you done this, or can you do it? If you have +not, it would be civil in you to let your proclamations alone for the +present; otherwise, you will ruin more Tories by your grace and favor, +than you will Whigs by your arms. + +Were you to obtain possession of this city, you would not know what to +do with it more than to plunder it. To hold it in the manner you hold +New York, would be an additional dead weight upon your hands; and if a +general conquest is your object, you had better be without the city than +with it. When you have defeated all our armies, the cities will fall +into your hands of themselves; but to creep into them in the manner you +got into Princeton, Trenton, &c. is like robbing an orchard in the +night before the fruit be ripe, and running away in the morning. Your +experiment in the Jerseys is sufficient to teach you that you have +something more to do than barely to get into other people's houses; and +your new converts, to whom you promised all manner of protection, and +seduced into new guilt by pardoning them from their former virtues, must +begin to have a very contemptible opinion both of your power and your +policy. Your authority in the Jerseys is now reduced to the small circle +which your army occupies, and your proclamation is no where else seen +unless it be to be laughed at. The mighty subduers of the continent have +retreated into a nutshell, and the proud forgivers of our sins are fled +from those they came to pardon; and all this at a time when they were +despatching vessel after vessel to England with the great news of +every day. In short, you have managed your Jersey expedition so very +dexterously, that the dead only are conquerors, because none will +dispute the ground with them. + +In all the wars which you have formerly been concerned in you had only +armies to contend with; in this case you have both an army and a country +to combat with. In former wars, the countries followed the fate of their +capitals; Canada fell with Quebec, and Minorca with Port Mahon or St. +Phillips; by subduing those, the conquerors opened a way into, and +became masters of the country: here it is otherwise; if you get +possession of a city here, you are obliged to shut yourselves up in it, +and can make no other use of it, than to spend your country's money in. +This is all the advantage you have drawn from New York; and you would +draw less from Philadelphia, because it requires more force to keep it, +and is much further from the sea. A pretty figure you and the Tories +would cut in this city, with a river full of ice, and a town full of +fire; for the immediate consequence of your getting here would be, that +you would be cannonaded out again, and the Tories be obliged to make +good the damage; and this sooner or later will be the fate of New York. + +I wish to see the city saved, not so much from military as from natural +motives. 'Tis the hiding place of women and children, and Lord Howe's +proper business is with our armies. When I put all the circumstances +together which ought to be taken, I laugh at your notion of conquering +America. Because you lived in a little country, where an army might run +over the whole in a few days, and where a single company of soldiers +might put a multitude to the rout, you expected to find it the same +here. It is plain that you brought over with you all the narrow notions +you were bred up with, and imagined that a proclamation in the king's +name was to do great things; but Englishmen always travel for knowledge, +and your lordship, I hope, will return, if you return at all, much wiser +than you came. + +We may be surprised by events we did not expect, and in that interval of +recollection you may gain some temporary advantage: such was the case +a few weeks ago, but we soon ripen again into reason, collect our +strength, and while you are preparing for a triumph, we come upon you +with a defeat. Such it has been, and such it would be were you to try +it a hundred times over. Were you to garrison the places you might march +over, in order to secure their subjection, (for remember you can do it +by no other means,) your army would be like a stream of water running to +nothing. By the time you extended from New York to Virginia, you would +be reduced to a string of drops not capable of hanging together; while +we, by retreating from State to State, like a river turning back upon +itself, would acquire strength in the same proportion as you lost it, +and in the end be capable of overwhelming you. The country, in the +meantime, would suffer, but it is a day of suffering, and we ought +to expect it. What we contend for is worthy the affliction we may go +through. If we get but bread to eat, and any kind of raiment to put on, +we ought not only to be contented, but thankful. More than that we ought +not to look for, and less than that heaven has not yet suffered us +to want. He that would sell his birthright for a little salt, is as +worthless as he who sold it for pottage without salt; and he that would +part with it for a gay coat, or a plain coat, ought for ever to be +a slave in buff. What are salt, sugar and finery, to the inestimable +blessings of "Liberty and Safety!" Or what are the inconveniences of +a few months to the tributary bondage of ages? The meanest peasant in +America, blessed with these sentiments, is a happy man compared with a +New York Tory; he can eat his morsel without repining, and when he has +done, can sweeten it with a repast of wholesome air; he can take his +child by the hand and bless it, without feeling the conscious shame of +neglecting a parent's duty. + +In publishing these remarks I have several objects in view. + +On your part they are to expose the folly of your pretended authority +as a commissioner; the wickedness of your cause in general; and the +impossibility of your conquering us at any rate. On the part of the +public, my intention is, to show them their true and sold interest; +to encourage them to their own good, to remove the fears and falsities +which bad men have spread, and weak men have encouraged; and to excite +in all men a love for union, and a cheerfulness for duty. + +I shall submit one more case to you respecting your conquest of this +country, and then proceed to new observations. + +Suppose our armies in every part of this continent were immediately to +disperse, every man to his home, or where else he might be safe, and +engage to reassemble again on a certain future day; it is clear that you +would then have no army to contend with, yet you would be as much at +a loss in that case as you are now; you would be afraid to send your +troops in parties over to the continent, either to disarm or prevent us +from assembling, lest they should not return; and while you kept them +together, having no arms of ours to dispute with, you could not call it +a conquest; you might furnish out a pompous page in the London Gazette +or a New York paper, but when we returned at the appointed time, you +would have the same work to do that you had at first. + +It has been the folly of Britain to suppose herself more powerful than +she really is, and by that means has arrogated to herself a rank in the +world she is not entitled to: for more than this century past she +has not been able to carry on a war without foreign assistance. In +Marlborough's campaigns, and from that day to this, the number of German +troops and officers assisting her have been about equal with her own; +ten thousand Hessians were sent to England last war to protect her +from a French invasion; and she would have cut but a poor figure in her +Canadian and West Indian expeditions, had not America been lavish both +of her money and men to help her along. The only instance in which she +was engaged singly, that I can recollect, was against the rebellion in +Scotland, in the years 1745 and 1746, and in that, out of three battles, +she was twice beaten, till by thus reducing their numbers, (as we +shall yours) and taking a supply ship that was coming to Scotland +with clothes, arms and money, (as we have often done,) she was at last +enabled to defeat them. England was never famous by land; her officers +have generally been suspected of cowardice, have more of the air of a +dancing-master than a soldier, and by the samples which we have taken +prisoners, we give the preference to ourselves. Her strength, of late, +has lain in her extravagance; but as her finances and credit are now +low, her sinews in that line begin to fail fast. As a nation she is the +poorest in Europe; for were the whole kingdom, and all that is in it, to +be put up for sale like the estate of a bankrupt, it would not fetch as +much as she owes; yet this thoughtless wretch must go to war, and with +the avowed design, too, of making us beasts of burden, to support her in +riot and debauchery, and to assist her afterwards in distressing those +nations who are now our best friends. This ingratitude may suit a Tory, +or the unchristian peevishness of a fallen Quaker, but none else. + +'Tis the unhappy temper of the English to be pleased with any war, right +or wrong, be it but successful; but they soon grow discontented with ill +fortune, and it is an even chance that they are as clamorous for peace +next summer, as the king and his ministers were for war last winter. +In this natural view of things, your lordship stands in a very critical +situation: your whole character is now staked upon your laurels; if they +wither, you wither with them; if they flourish, you cannot live long to +look at them; and at any rate, the black account hereafter is not far +off. What lately appeared to us misfortunes, were only blessings in +disguise; and the seeming advantages on your side have turned out to +our profit. Even our loss of this city, as far as we can see, might be a +principal gain to us: the more surface you spread over, the thinner +you will be, and the easier wiped away; and our consolation under that +apparent disaster would be, that the estates of the Tories would become +securities for the repairs. In short, there is no old ground we can fail +upon, but some new foundation rises again to support us. "We have put, +sir, our hands to the plough, and cursed be he that looketh back." + +Your king, in his speech to parliament last spring, declared, "That +he had no doubt but the great force they had enabled him to send to +America, would effectually reduce the rebellious colonies." It has not, +neither can it; but it has done just enough to lay the foundation of +its own next year's ruin. You are sensible that you left England in a +divided, distracted state of politics, and, by the command you had here, +you became a principal prop in the court party; their fortunes rest on +yours; by a single express you can fix their value with the public, and +the degree to which their spirits shall rise or fall; they are in your +hands as stock, and you have the secret of the alley with you. Thus +situated and connected, you become the unintentional mechanical +instrument of your own and their overthrow. The king and his ministers +put conquest out of doubt, and the credit of both depended on the proof. +To support them in the interim, it was necessary that you should make +the most of every thing, and we can tell by Hugh Gaine's New York +paper what the complexion of the London Gazette is. With such a list +of victories the nation cannot expect you will ask new supplies; and +to confess your want of them would give the lie to your triumphs, and +impeach the king and his ministers of treasonable deception. If you make +the necessary demand at home, your party sinks; if you make it not, you +sink yourself; to ask it now is too late, and to ask it before was too +soon, and unless it arrive quickly will be of no use. In short, the part +you have to act, cannot be acted; and I am fully persuaded that all you +have to trust to is, to do the best you can with what force you have +got, or little more. Though we have greatly exceeded you in point of +generalship and bravery of men, yet, as a people, we have not entered +into the full soul of enterprise; for I, who know England and the +disposition of the people well, am confident, that it is easier for us +to effect a revolution there, than you a conquest here; a few thousand +men landed in England with the declared design of deposing the present +king, bringing his ministers to trial, and setting up the Duke of +Gloucester in his stead, would assuredly carry their point, while you +are grovelling here, ignorant of the matter. As I send all my papers to +England, this, like Common Sense, will find its way there; and though +it may put one party on their guard, it will inform the other, and the +nation in general, of our design to help them. + +Thus far, sir, I have endeavored to give you a picture of present +affairs: you may draw from it what conclusions you please. I wish +as well to the true prosperity of England as you can, but I consider +INDEPENDENCE as America's natural right and interest, and never could +see any real disservice it would be to Britain. If an English merchant +receives an order, and is paid for it, it signifies nothing to him who +governs the country. This is my creed of politics. If I have any where +expressed myself over-warmly, 'tis from a fixed, immovable hatred I +have, and ever had, to cruel men and cruel measures. I have likewise an +aversion to monarchy, as being too debasing to the dignity of man; but +I never troubled others with my notions till very lately, nor ever +published a syllable in England in my life. What I write is pure nature, +and my pen and my soul have ever gone together. My writings I have +always given away, reserving only the expense of printing and paper, and +sometimes not even that. I never courted either fame or interest, and my +manner of life, to those who know it, will justify what I say. My study +is to be useful, and if your lordship loves mankind as well as I do, +you would, seeing you cannot conquer us, cast about and lend your hand +towards accomplishing a peace. Our independence with God's blessing +we will maintain against all the world; but as we wish to avoid +evil ourselves, we wish not to inflict it on others. I am never +over-inquisitive into the secrets of the cabinet, but I have some notion +that, if you neglect the present opportunity, it will not be in our +power to make a separate peace with you afterwards; for whatever +treaties or alliances we form, we shall most faithfully abide by; +wherefore you may be deceived if you think you can make it with us at +any time. A lasting independent peace is my wish, end and aim; and to +accomplish that, I pray God the Americans may never be defeated, and I +trust while they have good officers, and are well commanded, and willing +to be commanded, that they NEVER WILL BE. + + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 13, 1777. + + + + +THE CRISIS III. (IN THE PROGRESS OF POLITICS) + + +IN THE progress of politics, as in the common occurrences of life, +we are not only apt to forget the ground we have travelled over, but +frequently neglect to gather up experience as we go. We expend, if I may +so say, the knowledge of every day on the circumstances that produce it, +and journey on in search of new matter and new refinements: but as it is +pleasant and sometimes useful to look back, even to the first periods of +infancy, and trace the turns and windings through which we have passed, +so we may likewise derive many advantages by halting a while in our +political career, and taking a review of the wondrous complicated +labyrinth of little more than yesterday. + +Truly may we say, that never did men grow old in so short a time! We +have crowded the business of an age into the compass of a few months, +and have been driven through such a rapid succession of things, that +for the want of leisure to think, we unavoidably wasted knowledge as we +came, and have left nearly as much behind us as we brought with us: but +the road is yet rich with the fragments, and, before we finally lose +sight of them, will repay us for the trouble of stopping to pick them +up. + +Were a man to be totally deprived of memory, he would be incapable of +forming any just opinion; every thing about him would seem a chaos: +he would have even his own history to ask from every one; and by not +knowing how the world went in his absence, he would be at a loss to +know how it ought to go on when he recovered, or rather, returned to it +again. In like manner, though in a less degree, a too great inattention +to past occurrences retards and bewilders our judgment in everything; +while, on the contrary, by comparing what is past with what is present, +we frequently hit on the true character of both, and become wise with +very little trouble. It is a kind of counter-march, by which we get into +the rear of time, and mark the movements and meaning of things as we +make our return. There are certain circumstances, which, at the time +of their happening, are a kind of riddles, and as every riddle is to be +followed by its answer, so those kind of circumstances will be followed +by their events, and those events are always the true solution. A +considerable space of time may lapse between, and unless we continue our +observations from the one to the other, the harmony of them will pass +away unnoticed: but the misfortune is, that partly from the pressing +necessity of some instant things, and partly from the impatience of our +own tempers, we are frequently in such a hurry to make out the meaning +of everything as fast as it happens, that we thereby never truly +understand it; and not only start new difficulties to ourselves by so +doing, but, as it were, embarrass Providence in her good designs. + +I have been civil in stating this fault on a large scale, for, as it now +stands, it does not appear to be levelled against any particular set of +men; but were it to be refined a little further, it might afterwards +be applied to the Tories with a degree of striking propriety: those men +have been remarkable for drawing sudden conclusions from single facts. +The least apparent mishap on our side, or the least seeming advantage +on the part of the enemy, have determined with them the fate of a whole +campaign. By this hasty judgment they have converted a retreat into +a defeat; mistook generalship for error; while every little advantage +purposely given the enemy, either to weaken their strength by dividing +it, embarrass their councils by multiplying their objects, or to secure +a greater post by the surrender of a less, has been instantly magnified +into a conquest. Thus, by quartering ill policy upon ill principles, +they have frequently promoted the cause they designed to injure, and +injured that which they intended to promote. + +It is probable the campaign may open before this number comes from +the press. The enemy have long lain idle, and amused themselves with +carrying on the war by proclamations only. While they continue their +delay our strength increases, and were they to move to action now, it +is a circumstantial proof that they have no reinforcement coming; +wherefore, in either case, the comparative advantage will be ours. Like +a wounded, disabled whale, they want only time and room to die in; and +though in the agony of their exit, it may be unsafe to live within the +flapping of their tail, yet every hour shortens their date, and lessens +their power of mischief. If any thing happens while this number is in +the press, it will afford me a subject for the last pages of it. At +present I am tired of waiting; and as neither the enemy, nor the state +of politics have yet produced any thing new, I am thereby left in +the field of general matter, undirected by any striking or particular +object. This Crisis, therefore, will be made up rather of variety than +novelty, and consist more of things useful than things wonderful. + +The success of the cause, the union of the people, and the means of +supporting and securing both, are points which cannot be too much +attended to. He who doubts of the former is a desponding coward, and +he who wilfully disturbs the latter is a traitor. Their characters are +easily fixed, and under these short descriptions I leave them for the +present. + +One of the greatest degrees of sentimental union which America ever +knew, was in denying the right of the British parliament "to bind the +colonies in all cases whatsoever." The Declaration is, in its form, an +almighty one, and is the loftiest stretch of arbitrary power that ever +one set of men or one country claimed over another. Taxation was +nothing more than the putting the declared right into practice; and +this failing, recourse was had to arms, as a means to establish both +the right and the practice, or to answer a worse purpose, which will be +mentioned in the course of this number. And in order to repay themselves +the expense of an army, and to profit by their own injustice, the +colonies were, by another law, declared to be in a state of actual +rebellion, and of consequence all property therein would fall to the +conquerors. + +The colonies, on their part, first, denied the right; secondly, they +suspended the use of taxable articles, and petitioned against the +practice of taxation: and these failing, they, thirdly, defended their +property by force, as soon as it was forcibly invaded, and, in answer +to the declaration of rebellion and non-protection, published their +Declaration of Independence and right of self-protection. + +These, in a few words, are the different stages of the quarrel; and the +parts are so intimately and necessarily connected with each other as to +admit of no separation. A person, to use a trite phrase, must be a +Whig or a Tory in a lump. His feelings, as a man, may be wounded; his +charity, as a Christian, may be moved; but his political principles must +go through all the cases on one side or the other. He cannot be a Whig +in this stage, and a Tory in that. If he says he is against the united +independence of the continent, he is to all intents and purposes against +her in all the rest; because this last comprehends the whole. And he may +just as well say, that Britain was right in declaring us rebels; right +in taxing us; and right in declaring her "right to bind the colonies in +all cases whatsoever." It signifies nothing what neutral ground, of his +own creating, he may skulk upon for shelter, for the quarrel in no +stage of it hath afforded any such ground; and either we or Britain are +absolutely right or absolutely wrong through the whole. + +Britain, like a gamester nearly ruined, has now put all her losses into +one bet, and is playing a desperate game for the total. If she wins +it, she wins from me my life; she wins the continent as the forfeited +property of rebels; the right of taxing those that are left as reduced +subjects; and the power of binding them slaves: and the single die +which determines this unparalleled event is, whether we support our +independence or she overturn it. This is coming to the point at once. +Here is the touchstone to try men by. He that is not a supporter of the +independent States of America in the same degree that his religious and +political principles would suffer him to support the government of any +other country, of which he called himself a subject, is, in the American +sense of the word, A TORY; and the instant that he endeavors to bring +his toryism into practice, he becomes A TRAITOR. The first can only be +detected by a general test, and the law hath already provided for the +latter. + +It is unnatural and impolitic to admit men who would root up our +independence to have any share in our legislation, either as electors +or representatives; because the support of our independence rests, in +a great measure, on the vigor and purity of our public bodies. Would +Britain, even in time of peace, much less in war, suffer an election to +be carried by men who professed themselves to be not her subjects, or +allow such to sit in Parliament? Certainly not. + +But there are a certain species of Tories with whom conscience or +principle has nothing to do, and who are so from avarice only. Some +of the first fortunes on the continent, on the part of the Whigs, are +staked on the issue of our present measures. And shall disaffection only +be rewarded with security? Can any thing be a greater inducement to a +miserly man, than the hope of making his Mammon safe? And though the +scheme be fraught with every character of folly, yet, so long as he +supposes, that by doing nothing materially criminal against America +on one part, and by expressing his private disapprobation against +independence, as palliative with the enemy, on the other part, he stands +in a safe line between both; while, I say, this ground be suffered to +remain, craft, and the spirit of avarice, will point it out, and men +will not be wanting to fill up this most contemptible of all characters. + +These men, ashamed to own the sordid cause from whence their +disaffection springs, add thereby meanness to meanness, by endeavoring +to shelter themselves under the mask of hypocrisy; that is, they had +rather be thought to be Tories from some kind of principle, than Tories +by having no principle at all. But till such time as they can show +some real reason, natural, political, or conscientious, on which their +objections to independence are founded, we are not obliged to give them +credit for being Tories of the first stamp, but must set them down as +Tories of the last. + +In the second number of the Crisis, I endeavored to show the +impossibility of the enemy's making any conquest of America, that +nothing was wanting on our part but patience and perseverance, and +that, with these virtues, our success, as far as human speculation could +discern, seemed as certain as fate. But as there are many among us, who, +influenced by others, have regularly gone back from the principles +they once held, in proportion as we have gone forward; and as it is the +unfortunate lot of many a good man to live within the neighborhood of +disaffected ones; I shall, therefore, for the sake of confirming the one +and recovering the other, endeavor, in the space of a page or two, to go +over some of the leading principles in support of independence. It is a +much pleasanter task to prevent vice than to punish it, and, however our +tempers may be gratified by resentment, or our national expenses eased +by forfeited estates, harmony and friendship is, nevertheless, the +happiest condition a country can be blessed with. + +The principal arguments in support of independence may be comprehended +under the four following heads. + + 1st, The natural right of the continent to independence. + 2d, Her interest in being independent. + 3d, The necessity,--and + 4th, The moral advantages arising therefrom. + +I. The natural right of the continent to independence, is a point which +never yet was called in question. It will not even admit of a debate. +To deny such a right, would be a kind of atheism against nature: and the +best answer to such an objection would be, "The fool hath said in his +heart there is no God." + +II. The interest of the continent in being independent is a point as +clearly right as the former. America, by her own internal industry, +and unknown to all the powers of Europe, was, at the beginning of the +dispute, arrived at a pitch of greatness, trade and population, beyond +which it was the interest of Britain not to suffer her to pass, lest she +should grow too powerful to be kept subordinate. She began to view +this country with the same uneasy malicious eye, with which a covetous +guardian would view his ward, whose estate he had been enriching himself +by for twenty years, and saw him just arriving at manhood. And America +owes no more to Britain for her present maturity, than the ward would +to the guardian for being twenty-one years of age. That America hath +flourished at the time she was under the government of Britain, is +true; but there is every natural reason to believe, that had she been an +independent country from the first settlement thereof, uncontrolled by +any foreign power, free to make her own laws, regulate and encourage her +own commerce, she had by this time been of much greater worth than now. +The case is simply this: the first settlers in the different colonies +were left to shift for themselves, unnoticed and unsupported by any +European government; but as the tyranny and persecution of the old world +daily drove numbers to the new, and as, by the favor of heaven on their +industry and perseverance, they grew into importance, so, in a like +degree, they became an object of profit to the greedy eyes of Europe. +It was impossible, in this state of infancy, however thriving and +promising, that they could resist the power of any armed invader that +should seek to bring them under his authority. In this situation, +Britain thought it worth her while to claim them, and the continent +received and acknowledged the claimer. It was, in reality, of no very +great importance who was her master, seeing, that from the force and +ambition of the different powers of Europe, she must, till she acquired +strength enough to assert her own right, acknowledge some one. As well, +perhaps, Britain as another; and it might have been as well to have been +under the states of Holland as any. The same hopes of engrossing and +profiting by her trade, by not oppressing it too much, would have +operated alike with any master, and produced to the colonies the same +effects. The clamor of protection, likewise, was all a farce; because, +in order to make that protection necessary, she must first, by her own +quarrels, create us enemies. Hard terms indeed! + +To know whether it be the interest of the continent to be independent, +we need only ask this easy, simple question: Is it the interest of a man +to be a boy all his life? The answer to one will be the answer to both. +America hath been one continued scene of legislative contention from +the first king's representative to the last; and this was unavoidably +founded in the natural opposition of interest between the old country +and the new. A governor sent from England, or receiving his authority +therefrom, ought never to have been considered in any other light +than that of a genteel commissioned spy, whose private business was +information, and his public business a kind of civilized oppression. In +the first of these characters he was to watch the tempers, sentiments, +and disposition of the people, the growth of trade, and the increase of +private fortunes; and, in the latter, to suppress all such acts of the +assemblies, however beneficial to the people, which did not directly +or indirectly throw some increase of power or profit into the hands of +those that sent him. + +America, till now, could never be called a free country, because her +legislation depended on the will of a man three thousand miles distant, +whose interest was in opposition to ours, and who, by a single "no," +could forbid what law he pleased. + +The freedom of trade, likewise, is, to a trading country, an article of +such importance, that the principal source of wealth depends upon it; +and it is impossible that any country can flourish, as it otherwise +might do, whose commerce is engrossed, cramped and fettered by the +laws and mandates of another--yet these evils, and more than I can here +enumerate, the continent has suffered by being under the government of +England. By an independence we clear the whole at once--put +an end to the business of unanswered petitions and fruitless +remonstrances--exchange Britain for Europe--shake hands with the +world--live at peace with the world--and trade to any market where we +can buy and sell. + +III. The necessity, likewise, of being independent, even before it was +declared, became so evident and important, that the continent ran the +risk of being ruined every day that she delayed it. There was reason to +believe that Britain would endeavor to make an European matter of it, +and, rather than lose the whole, would dismember it, like Poland, and +dispose of her several claims to the highest bidder. Genoa, failing in +her attempts to reduce Corsica, made a sale of it to the French, and +such trafficks have been common in the old world. We had at that time no +ambassador in any part of Europe, to counteract her negotiations, and +by that means she had the range of every foreign court uncontradicted +on our part. We even knew nothing of the treaty for the Hessians till it +was concluded, and the troops ready to embark. Had we been independent +before, we had probably prevented her obtaining them. We had no credit +abroad, because of our rebellious dependency. Our ships could claim no +protection in foreign ports, because we afforded them no justifiable +reason for granting it to us. The calling ourselves subjects, and at +the same time fighting against the power which we acknowledged, was +a dangerous precedent to all Europe. If the grievances justified the +taking up arms, they justified our separation; if they did not justify +our separation, neither could they justify our taking up arms. All +Europe was interested in reducing us as rebels, and all Europe (or the +greatest part at least) is interested in supporting us as independent +States. At home our condition was still worse: our currency had no +foundation, and the fall of it would have ruined Whig and Tory alike. We +had no other law than a kind of moderated passion; no other civil +power than an honest mob; and no other protection than the temporary +attachment of one man to another. Had independence been delayed a few +months longer, this continent would have been plunged into irrecoverable +confusion: some violent for it, some against it, till, in the general +cabal, the rich would have been ruined, and the poor destroyed. It is to +independence that every Tory owes the present safety which he lives +in; for by that, and that only, we emerged from a state of dangerous +suspense, and became a regular people. + +The necessity, likewise, of being independent, had there been no rupture +between Britain and America, would, in a little time, have brought one +on. The increasing importance of commerce, the weight and perplexity of +legislation, and the entangled state of European politics, would daily +have shown to the continent the impossibility of continuing subordinate; +for, after the coolest reflections on the matter, this must be allowed, +that Britain was too jealous of America to govern it justly; too +ignorant of it to govern it well; and too far distant from it to govern +it at all. + +IV. But what weigh most with all men of serious reflection are, the +moral advantages arising from independence: war and desolation have +become the trade of the old world; and America neither could nor can be +under the government of Britain without becoming a sharer of her +guilt, and a partner in all the dismal commerce of death. The spirit +of duelling, extended on a national scale, is a proper character for +European wars. They have seldom any other motive than pride, or any +other object than fame. The conquerors and the conquered are generally +ruined alike, and the chief difference at last is, that the one marches +home with his honors, and the other without them. 'Tis the natural +temper of the English to fight for a feather, if they suppose that +feather to be an affront; and America, without the right of asking why, +must have abetted in every quarrel, and abided by its fate. It is a +shocking situation to live in, that one country must be brought into all +the wars of another, whether the measure be right or wrong, or whether +she will or not; yet this, in the fullest extent, was, and ever would +be, the unavoidable consequence of the connection. Surely the Quakers +forgot their own principles when, in their late Testimony, they called +this connection, with these military and miserable appendages hanging to +it--"the happy constitution." + +Britain, for centuries past, has been nearly fifty years out of every +hundred at war with some power or other. It certainly ought to be a +conscientious as well political consideration with America, not to +dip her hands in the bloody work of Europe. Our situation affords us +a retreat from their cabals, and the present happy union of the states +bids fair for extirpating the future use of arms from one quarter of +the world; yet such have been the irreligious politics of the present +leaders of the Quakers, that, for the sake of they scarce know what, +they would cut off every hope of such a blessing by tying this continent +to Britain, like Hector to the chariot wheel of Achilles, to be dragged +through all the miseries of endless European wars. + +The connection, viewed from this ground, is distressing to every man +who has the feelings of humanity. By having Britain for our master, we +became enemies to the greatest part of Europe, and they to us: and the +consequence was war inevitable. By being our own masters, independent of +any foreign one, we have Europe for our friends, and the prospect of an +endless peace among ourselves. Those who were advocates for the British +government over these colonies, were obliged to limit both their +arguments and their ideas to the period of an European peace only; the +moment Britain became plunged in war, every supposed convenience to us +vanished, and all we could hope for was not to be ruined. Could this be +a desirable condition for a young country to be in? + +Had the French pursued their fortune immediately after the defeat of +Braddock last war, this city and province had then experienced the woful +calamities of being a British subject. A scene of the same kind might +happen again; for America, considered as a subject to the crown +of Britain, would ever have been the seat of war, and the bone of +contention between the two powers. + +On the whole, if the future expulsion of arms from one quarter of the +world would be a desirable object to a peaceable man; if the freedom of +trade to every part of it can engage the attention of a man of business; +if the support or fall of millions of currency can affect our interests; +if the entire possession of estates, by cutting off the lordly claims +of Britain over the soil, deserves the regard of landed property; and if +the right of making our own laws, uncontrolled by royal or ministerial +spies or mandates, be worthy our care as freemen;--then are all men +interested in the support of independence; and may he that supports it +not, be driven from the blessing, and live unpitied beneath the servile +sufferings of scandalous subjection! + +We have been amused with the tales of ancient wonders; we have read, +and wept over the histories of other nations: applauded, censured, or +pitied, as their cases affected us. The fortitude and patience of the +sufferers--the justness of their cause--the weight of their oppressions +and oppressors--the object to be saved or lost--with all the +consequences of a defeat or a conquest--have, in the hour of sympathy, +bewitched our hearts, and chained it to their fate: but where is the +power that ever made war upon petitioners? Or where is the war on which +a world was staked till now? + +We may not, perhaps, be wise enough to make all the advantages we ought +of our independence; but they are, nevertheless, marked and presented +to us with every character of great and good, and worthy the hand of +him who sent them. I look through the present trouble to a time of +tranquillity, when we shall have it in our power to set an example of +peace to all the world. Were the Quakers really impressed and influenced +by the quiet principles they profess to hold, they would, however +they might disapprove the means, be the first of all men to approve of +independence, because, by separating ourselves from the cities of Sodom +and Gomorrah, it affords an opportunity never given to man before of +carrying their favourite principle of peace into general practice, by +establishing governments that shall hereafter exist without wars. O! ye +fallen, cringing, priest-and-Pemberton-ridden people! What more can we +say of ye than that a religious Quaker is a valuable character, and a +political Quaker a real Jesuit. + +Having thus gone over some of the principal points in support of +independence, I must now request the reader to return back with me to +the period when it first began to be a public doctrine, and to examine +the progress it has made among the various classes of men. The area I +mean to begin at, is the breaking out of hostilities, April 19th, 1775. +Until this event happened, the continent seemed to view the dispute as +a kind of law-suit for a matter of right, litigating between the old +country and the new; and she felt the same kind and degree of horror, +as if she had seen an oppressive plaintiff, at the head of a band of +ruffians, enter the court, while the cause was before it, and put the +judge, the jury, the defendant and his counsel, to the sword. Perhaps a +more heart-felt convulsion never reached a country with the same +degree of power and rapidity before, and never may again. Pity for the +sufferers, mixed with indignation at the violence, and heightened with +apprehensions of undergoing the same fate, made the affair of Lexington +the affair of the continent. Every part of it felt the shock, and all +vibrated together. A general promotion of sentiment took place: those +who had drank deeply into Whiggish principles, that is, the right and +necessity not only of opposing, but wholly setting aside the power of +the crown as soon as it became practically dangerous (for in theory +it was always so), stepped into the first stage of independence; while +another class of Whigs, equally sound in principle, but not so sanguine +in enterprise, attached themselves the stronger to the cause, and fell +close in with the rear of the former; their partition was a mere point. +Numbers of the moderate men, whose chief fault, at that time, arose from +entertaining a better opinion of Britain than she deserved, convinced +now of their mistake, gave her up, and publicly declared themselves +good Whigs. While the Tories, seeing it was no longer a laughing matter, +either sank into silent obscurity, or contented themselves with coming +forth and abusing General Gage: not a single advocate appeared to +justify the action of that day; it seemed to appear to every one with +the same magnitude, struck every one with the same force, and created in +every one the same abhorrence. From this period we may date the growth +of independence. + +If the many circumstances which happened at this memorable time, be +taken in one view, and compared with each other, they will justify a +conclusion which seems not to have been attended to, I mean a fixed +design in the king and ministry of driving America into arms, in order +that they might be furnished with a pretence for seizing the whole +continent, as the immediate property of the crown. A noble plunder for +hungry courtiers! + +It ought to be remembered, that the first petition from the Congress +was at this time unanswered on the part of the British king. That the +motion, called Lord North's motion, of the 20th of February, 1775, +arrived in America the latter end of March. This motion was to be laid, +by the several governors then in being, before, the assembly of each +province; and the first assembly before which it was laid, was the +assembly of Pennsylvania, in May following. This being a just state of +the case, I then ask, why were hostilities commenced between the time +of passing the resolve in the House of Commons, of the 20th of February, +and the time of the assemblies meeting to deliberate upon it? Degrading +and famous as that motion was, there is nevertheless reason to believe +that the king and his adherents were afraid the colonies would agree +to it, and lest they should, took effectual care they should not, by +provoking them with hostilities in the interim. They had not the least +doubt at that time of conquering America at one blow; and what they +expected to get by a conquest being infinitely greater than any thing +they could hope to get either by taxation or accommodation, they seemed +determined to prevent even the possibility of hearing each other, lest +America should disappoint their greedy hopes of the whole, by listening +even to their own terms. On the one hand they refused to hear the +petition of the continent, and on the other hand took effectual care the +continent should not hear them. + +That the motion of the 20th February and the orders for commencing +hostilities were both concerted by the same person or persons, and not +the latter by General Gage, as was falsely imagined at first, is evident +from an extract of a letter of his to the administration, read among +other papers in the House of Commons; in which he informs his masters, +"That though their idea of his disarming certain counties was a right +one, yet it required him to be master of the country, in order to enable +him to execute it." This was prior to the commencement of hostilities, +and consequently before the motion of the 20th February could be +deliberated on by the several assemblies. + +Perhaps it may be asked, why was the motion passed, if there was at the +same time a plan to aggravate the Americans not to listen to it? Lord +North assigned one reason himself, which was a hope of dividing them. +This was publicly tempting them to reject it; that if, in case the +injury of arms should fail in provoking them sufficiently, the insult +of such a declaration might fill it up. But by passing the motion and +getting it afterwards rejected in America, it enabled them, in their +wicked idea of politics, among other things, to hold up the colonies to +foreign powers, with every possible mark of disobedience and rebellion. +They had applied to those powers not to supply the continent with arms, +ammunition, etc., and it was necessary they should incense them against +us, by assigning on their own part some seeming reputable reason why. +By dividing, it had a tendency to weaken the States, and likewise to +perplex the adherents of America in England. But the principal scheme, +and that which has marked their character in every part of their +conduct, was a design of precipitating the colonies into a state which +they might afterwards deem rebellion, and, under that pretence, put an +end to all future complaints, petitions and remonstrances, by seizing +the whole at once. They had ravaged one part of the globe, till it could +glut them no longer; their prodigality required new plunder, and through +the East India article tea they hoped to transfer their rapine from that +quarter of the world to this. Every designed quarrel had its pretence; +and the same barbarian avarice accompanied the plant to America, which +ruined the country that produced it. + +That men never turn rogues without turning fools is a maxim, sooner or +later, universally true. The commencement of hostilities, being in the +beginning of April, was, of all times the worst chosen: the Congress +were to meet the tenth of May following, and the distress the continent +felt at this unparalleled outrage gave a stability to that body which +no other circumstance could have done. It suppressed too all inferior +debates, and bound them together by a necessitous affection, without +giving them time to differ upon trifles. The suffering likewise softened +the whole body of the people into a degree of pliability, which laid the +principal foundation-stone of union, order, and government; and which, +at any other time, might only have fretted and then faded away +unnoticed and unimproved. But Providence, who best knows how to time her +misfortunes as well as her immediate favors, chose this to be the time, +and who dare dispute it? + +It did not seem the disposition of the people, at this crisis, to +heap petition upon petition, while the former remained unanswered. The +measure however was carried in Congress, and a second petition was sent; +of which I shall only remark that it was submissive even to a dangerous +fault, because the prayer of it appealed solely to what it called the +prerogative of the crown, while the matter in dispute was confessedly +constitutional. But even this petition, flattering as it was, was +still not so harmonious as the chink of cash, and consequently not +sufficiently grateful to the tyrant and his ministry. From every +circumstance it is evident, that it was the determination of the British +court to have nothing to do with America but to conquer her fully and +absolutely. They were certain of success, and the field of battle was +the only place of treaty. I am confident there are thousands and tens of +thousands in America who wonder now that they should ever have thought +otherwise; but the sin of that day was the sin of civility; yet it +operated against our present good in the same manner that a civil +opinion of the devil would against our future peace. + +Independence was a doctrine scarce and rare, even towards the conclusion +of the year 1775; all our politics had been founded on the hope of +expectation of making the matter up--a hope, which, though general on +the side of America, had never entered the head or heart of the British +court. Their hope was conquest and confiscation. Good heavens! what +volumes of thanks does America owe to Britain? What infinite obligation +to the tool that fills, with paradoxical vacancy, the throne! Nothing +but the sharpest essence of villany, compounded with the strongest +distillation of folly, could have produced a menstruum that would have +effected a separation. The Congress in 1774 administered an abortive +medicine to independence, by prohibiting the importation of goods, +and the succeeding Congress rendered the dose still more dangerous by +continuing it. Had independence been a settled system with America, (as +Britain has advanced,) she ought to have doubled her importation, and +prohibited in some degree her exportation. And this single circumstance +is sufficient to acquit America before any jury of nations, of having +a continental plan of independence in view; a charge which, had it been +true, would have been honorable, but is so grossly false, that either +the amazing ignorance or the wilful dishonesty of the British court is +effectually proved by it. + +The second petition, like the first, produced no answer; it was +scarcely acknowledged to have been received; the British court were too +determined in their villainy even to act it artfully, and in their rage +for conquest neglected the necessary subtleties for obtaining it. They +might have divided, distracted and played a thousand tricks with us, had +they been as cunning as they were cruel. + +This last indignity gave a new spring to independence. Those who knew +the savage obstinacy of the king, and the jobbing, gambling spirit of +the court, predicted the fate of the petition, as soon as it was sent +from America; for the men being known, their measures were easily +foreseen. As politicians we ought not so much to ground our hopes on +the reasonableness of the thing we ask, as on the reasonableness of +the person of whom we ask it: who would expect discretion from a fool, +candor from a tyrant, or justice from a villain? + +As every prospect of accommodation seemed now to fail fast, men began to +think seriously on the matter; and their reason being thus stripped of +the false hope which had long encompassed it, became approachable by +fair debate: yet still the bulk of the people hesitated; they startled +at the novelty of independence, without once considering that our +getting into arms at first was a more extraordinary novelty, and that +all other nations had gone through the work of independence before +us. They doubted likewise the ability of the continent to support +it, without reflecting that it required the same force to obtain an +accommodation by arms as an independence. If the one was acquirable, the +other was the same; because, to accomplish either, it was necessary that +our strength should be too great for Britain to subdue; and it was too +unreasonable to suppose, that with the power of being masters, we should +submit to be servants.* Their caution at this time was exceedingly +misplaced; for if they were able to defend their property and maintain +their rights by arms, they, consequently, were able to defend and +support their independence; and in proportion as these men saw the +necessity and correctness of the measure, they honestly and openly +declared and adopted it, and the part that they had acted since has done +them honor and fully established their characters. Error in opinion has +this peculiar advantage with it, that the foremost point of the contrary +ground may at any time be reached by the sudden exertion of a thought; +and it frequently happens in sentimental differences, that some striking +circumstance, or some forcible reason quickly conceived, will effect in +an instant what neither argument nor example could produce in an age. + + + * In this state of political suspense the pamphlet Common Sense made +its appearance, and the success it met with does not become me to +mention. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Samuel and John Adams, were severally spoken +of as the supposed author. I had not, at that time, the pleasure either +of personally knowing or being known to the two last gentlemen. The +favor of Dr. Franklin's friendship I possessed in England, and my +introduction to this part of the world was through his patronage. I +happened, when a school-boy, to pick up a pleasing natural history of +Virginia, and my inclination from that day of seeing the western side +of the Atlantic never left me. In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin proposed +giving me such materials as were in his hands, towards completing a +history of the present transactions, and seemed desirous of having the +first volume out the next Spring. I had then formed the outlines of +Common Sense, and finished nearly the first part; and as I supposed the +doctor's design in getting out a history was to open the new year with +a new system, I expected to surprise him with a production on that +subject, much earlier than he thought of; and without informing him what +I was doing, got it ready for the press as fast as I conveniently could, +and sent him the first pamphlet that was printed off. + +I find it impossible in the small compass I am limited to, to trace out +the progress which independence has made on the minds of the different +classes of men, and the several reasons by which they were moved. With +some, it was a passionate abhorrence against the king of England and his +ministry, as a set of savages and brutes; and these men, governed by +the agony of a wounded mind, were for trusting every thing to hope and +heaven, and bidding defiance at once. With others, it was a growing +conviction that the scheme of the British court was to create, ferment +and drive on a quarrel, for the sake of confiscated plunder: and men +of this class ripened into independence in proportion as the evidence +increased. While a third class conceived it was the true interest of +America, internally and externally, to be her own master, and gave their +support to independence, step by step, as they saw her abilities to +maintain it enlarge. With many, it was a compound of all these reasons; +while those who were too callous to be reached by either, remained, and +still remain Tories. + +The legal necessity of being independent, with several collateral +reasons, is pointed out in an elegant masterly manner, in a charge to +the grand jury for the district of Charleston, by the Hon. William +Henry Drayton, chief justice of South Carolina, [April 23, 1776]. This +performance, and the address of the convention of New York, are pieces, +in my humble opinion, of the first rank in America. + +The principal causes why independence has not been so universally +supported as it ought, are fear and indolence, and the causes why it +has been opposed, are, avarice, down-right villany, and lust of personal +power. There is not such a being in America as a Tory from conscience; +some secret defect or other is interwoven in the character of all those, +be they men or women, who can look with patience on the brutality, +luxury and debauchery of the British court, and the violations of their +army here. A woman's virtue must sit very lightly on her who can even +hint a favorable sentiment in their behalf. It is remarkable that the +whole race of prostitutes in New York were tories; and the schemes for +supporting the Tory cause in this city, for which several are now +in jail, and one hanged, were concerted and carried on in common +bawdy-houses, assisted by those who kept them. + +The connection between vice and meanness is a fit subject for satire, +but when the satire is a fact, it cuts with the irresistible power of a +diamond. If a Quaker, in defence of his just rights, his property, +and the chastity of his house, takes up a musket, he is expelled the +meeting; but the present king of England, who seduced and took into +keeping a sister of their society, is reverenced and supported by +repeated Testimonies, while, the friendly noodle from whom she was taken +(and who is now in this city) continues a drudge in the service of his +rival, as if proud of being cuckolded by a creature called a king. + +Our support and success depend on such a variety of men and +circumstances, that every one who does but wish well, is of some use: +there are men who have a strange aversion to arms, yet have hearts to +risk every shilling in the cause, or in support of those who have better +talents for defending it. Nature, in the arrangement of mankind, has +fitted some for every service in life: were all soldiers, all would +starve and go naked, and were none soldiers, all would be slaves. As +disaffection to independence is the badge of a Tory, so affection to +it is the mark of a Whig; and the different services of the Whigs, down +from those who nobly contribute every thing, to those who have nothing +to render but their wishes, tend all to the same center, though with +different degrees of merit and ability. The larger we make the circle, +the more we shall harmonize, and the stronger we shall be. All we want +to shut out is disaffection, and, that excluded, we must accept from +each other such duties as we are best fitted to bestow. A narrow system +of politics, like a narrow system of religion, is calculated only to +sour the temper, and be at variance with mankind. + +All we want to know in America is simply this, who is for independence, +and who is not? Those who are for it, will support it, and the remainder +will undoubtedly see the reasonableness of paying the charges; while +those who oppose or seek to betray it, must expect the more rigid fate +of the jail and the gibbet. There is a bastard kind of generosity, which +being extended to all men, is as fatal to society, on one hand, as the +want of true generosity is on the other. A lax manner of administering +justice, falsely termed moderation, has a tendency both to dispirit +public virtue, and promote the growth of public evils. Had the late +committee of safety taken cognizance of the last Testimony of the +Quakers and proceeded against such delinquents as were concerned +therein, they had, probably, prevented the treasonable plans which +have been concerted since. When one villain is suffered to escape, it +encourages another to proceed, either from a hope of escaping likewise, +or an apprehension that we dare not punish. It has been a matter of +general surprise, that no notice was taken of the incendiary publication +of the Quakers, of the 20th of November last; a publication evidently +intended to promote sedition and treason, and encourage the enemy, who +were then within a day's march of this city, to proceed on and possess +it. I here present the reader with a memorial which was laid before the +board of safety a few days after the Testimony appeared. Not a member of +that board, that I conversed with, but expressed the highest detestation +of the perverted principles and conduct of the Quaker junto, and a wish +that the board would take the matter up; notwithstanding which, it was +suffered to pass away unnoticed, to the encouragement of new acts of +treason, the general danger of the cause, and the disgrace of the state. + + + + To the honorable the Council of Safety of the State of + Pennsylvania. + +At a meeting of a reputable number of the inhabitants of the city of +Philadelphia, impressed with a proper sense of the justice of the cause +which this continent is engaged in, and animated with a generous fervor +for supporting the same, it was resolved, that the following be laid +before the board of safety: + +"We profess liberality of sentiment to all men; with this distinction +only, that those who do not deserve it would become wise and seek +to deserve it. We hold the pure doctrines of universal liberty of +conscience, and conceive it our duty to endeavor to secure that sacred +right to others, as well as to defend it for ourselves; for we undertake +not to judge of the religious rectitude of tenets, but leave the whole +matter to Him who made us. + +"We persecute no man, neither will we abet in the persecution of any +man for religion's sake; our common relation to others being that of +fellow-citizens and fellow-subjects of one single community; and in this +line of connection we hold out the right hand of fellowship to all men. +But we should conceive ourselves to be unworthy members of the free and +independent States of America, were we unconcernedly to see or to suffer +any treasonable wound, public or private, directly or indirectly, to be +given against the peace and safety of the same. We inquire not into the +rank of the offenders, nor into their religious persuasion; we have no +business with either, our part being only to find them out and exhibit +them to justice. + +"A printed paper, dated the 20th of November, and signed 'John +Pemberton,' whom we suppose to be an inhabitant of this city, has lately +been dispersed abroad, a copy of which accompanies this. Had the framers +and publishers of that paper conceived it their duty to exhort the youth +and others of their society, to a patient submission under the present +trying visitations, and humbly to wait the event of heaven towards them, +they had therein shown a Christian temper, and we had been silent; but +the anger and political virulence with which their instructions are +given, and the abuse with which they stigmatize all ranks of men not +thinking like themselves, leave no doubt on our minds from what spirit +their publication proceeded: and it is disgraceful to the pure cause of +truth, that men can dally with words of the most sacred import, and play +them off as mechanically as if religion consisted only in contrivance. +We know of no instance in which the Quakers have been compelled to bear +arms, or to do any thing which might strain their conscience; wherefore +their advice, 'to withstand and refuse to submit to the arbitrary +instructions and ordinances of men,' appear to us a false alarm, and +could only be treasonably calculated to gain favor with our enemies, +when they are seemingly on the brink of invading this State, or, what +is still worse, to weaken the hands of our defence, that their entrance +into this city might be made practicable and easy. + +"We disclaim all tumult and disorder in the punishment of offenders; +and wish to be governed, not by temper but by reason, in the manner of +treating them. We are sensible that our cause has suffered by the two +following errors: first, by ill-judged lenity to traitorous persons in +some cases; and, secondly, by only a passionate treatment of them in +others. For the future we disown both, and wish to be steady in our +proceedings, and serious in our punishments. + +"Every State in America has, by the repeated voice of its inhabitants, +directed and authorized the Continental Congress to publish a formal +Declaration of Independence of, and separation from, the oppressive king +and Parliament of Great Britain; and we look on every man as an +enemy, who does not in some line or other, give his assistance towards +supporting the same; at the same time we consider the offence to be +heightened to a degree of unpardonable guilt, when such persons, +under the show of religion, endeavor, either by writing, speaking, or +otherwise, to subvert, overturn, or bring reproach upon the independence +of this continent as declared by Congress. + +"The publishers of the paper signed 'John Pemberton,' have called in a +loud manner to their friends and connections, 'to withstand or refuse' +obedience to whatever 'instructions or ordinances' may be published, not +warranted by (what they call) 'that happy Constitution under which they +and others long enjoyed tranquillity and peace.' If this be not treason, +we know not what may properly be called by that name. + +"To us it is a matter of surprise and astonishment, that men with the +word 'peace, peace,' continually on their lips, should be so fond of +living under and supporting a government, and at the same time calling +it 'happy,' which is never better pleased than when a war--that has +filled India with carnage and famine, Africa with slavery, and tampered +with Indians and negroes to cut the throats of the freemen of America. +We conceive it a disgrace to this State, to harbor or wink at such +palpable hypocrisy. But as we seek not to hurt the hair of any man's +head, when we can make ourselves safe without, we wish such persons to +restore peace to themselves and us, by removing themselves to some part +of the king of Great Britain's dominions, as by that means they may live +unmolested by us and we by them; for our fixed opinion is, that those +who do not deserve a place among us, ought not to have one. + +"We conclude with requesting the Council of Safety to take into +consideration the paper signed 'John Pemberton,' and if it shall appear +to them to be of a dangerous tendency, or of a treasonable nature, that +they would commit the signer, together with such other persons as they +can discover were concerned therein, into custody, until such time as +some mode of trial shall ascertain the full degree of their guilt and +punishment; in the doing of which, we wish their judges, whoever +they may be, to disregard the man, his connections, interest, riches, +poverty, or principles of religion, and to attend to the nature of his +offence only." + + + +The most cavilling sectarian cannot accuse the foregoing with containing +the least ingredient of persecution. The free spirit on which the +American cause is founded, disdains to mix with such an impurity, and +leaves it as rubbish fit only for narrow and suspicious minds to grovel +in. Suspicion and persecution are weeds of the same dunghill, and +flourish together. Had the Quakers minded their religion and their +business, they might have lived through this dispute in enviable ease, +and none would have molested them. The common phrase with these people +is, 'Our principles are peace.' To which may be replied, and your +practices are the reverse; for never did the conduct of men oppose their +own doctrine more notoriously than the present race of the Quakers. They +have artfully changed themselves into a different sort of people to what +they used to be, and yet have the address to persuade each other that +they are not altered; like antiquated virgins, they see not the havoc +deformity has made upon them, but pleasantly mistaking wrinkles for +dimples, conceive themselves yet lovely and wonder at the stupid world +for not admiring them. + +Did no injury arise to the public by this apostacy of the Quakers from +themselves, the public would have nothing to do with it; but as both the +design and consequences are pointed against a cause in which the whole +community are interested, it is therefore no longer a subject confined +to the cognizance of the meeting only, but comes, as a matter of +criminality, before the authority either of the particular State in +which it is acted, or of the continent against which it operates. Every +attempt, now, to support the authority of the king and Parliament of +Great Britain over America, is treason against every State; therefore +it is impossible that any one can pardon or screen from punishment an +offender against all. + +But to proceed: while the infatuated Tories of this and other States +were last spring talking of commissioners, accommodation, making the +matter up, and the Lord knows what stuff and nonsense, their good king +and ministry were glutting themselves with the revenge of reducing +America to unconditional submission, and solacing each other with the +certainty of conquering it in one campaign. The following quotations are +from the parliamentary register of the debate's of the House of Lords, +March 5th, 1776: + +"The Americans," says Lord Talbot,* "have been obstinate, undutiful, and +ungovernable from the very beginning, from their first early and infant +settlements; and I am every day more and more convinced that this people +never will be brought back to their duty, and the subordinate relation +they stand in to this country, till reduced to unconditional, effectual +submission; no concession on our part, no lenity, no endurance, will +have any other effect but that of increasing their insolence." + + + * Steward of the king's household. + +"The struggle," says Lord Townsend,* "is now a struggle for power; the +die is cast, and the only point which now remains to be determined is, +in what manner the war can be most effectually prosecuted and speedily +finished, in order to procure that unconditional submission, which has +been so ably stated by the noble Earl with the white staff" (meaning +Lord Talbot;) "and I have no reason to doubt that the measures now +pursuing will put an end to the war in the course of a single campaign. +Should it linger longer, we shall then have reason to expect that +some foreign power will interfere, and take advantage of our domestic +troubles and civil distractions." + + + * Formerly General Townsend, at Quebec, and late lord-lieutenant of +Ireland. + +Lord Littleton. "My sentiments are pretty well known. I shall only +observe now that lenient measures have had no other effect than to +produce insult after insult; that the more we conceded, the higher +America rose in her demands, and the more insolent she has grown. It +is for this reason that I am now for the most effective and decisive +measures; and am of opinion that no alternative is left us, but to +relinquish America for ever, or finally determine to compel her to +acknowledge the legislative authority of this country; and it is the +principle of an unconditional submission I would be for maintaining." + +Can words be more expressive than these? Surely the Tories will believe +the Tory lords! The truth is, they do believe them and know as fully as +any Whig on the continent knows, that the king and ministry never had +the least design of an accommodation with America, but an absolute, +unconditional conquest. And the part which the Tories were to act, was, +by downright lying, to endeavor to put the continent off its guard, and +to divide and sow discontent in the minds of such Whigs as they might +gain an influence over. In short, to keep up a distraction here, that +the force sent from England might be able to conquer in "one campaign." +They and the ministry were, by a different game, playing into each +other's hands. The cry of the Tories in England was, "No reconciliation, +no accommodation," in order to obtain the greater military force; +while those in America were crying nothing but "reconciliation and +accommodation," that the force sent might conquer with the less +resistance. + +But this "single campaign" is over, and America not conquered. The +whole work is yet to do, and the force much less to do it with. Their +condition is both despicable and deplorable: out of cash--out of heart, +and out of hope. A country furnished with arms and ammunition as America +now is, with three millions of inhabitants, and three thousand miles +distant from the nearest enemy that can approach her, is able to look +and laugh them in the face. + +Howe appears to have two objects in view, either to go up the North +River, or come to Philadelphia. + +By going up the North River, he secures a retreat for his army through +Canada, but the ships must return if they return at all, the same way +they went; as our army would be in the rear, the safety of their passage +down is a doubtful matter. By such a motion he shuts himself from all +supplies from Europe, but through Canada, and exposes his army and +navy to the danger of perishing. The idea of his cutting off the +communication between the eastern and southern states, by means of +the North River, is merely visionary. He cannot do it by his shipping; +because no ship can lay long at anchor in any river within reach of the +shore; a single gun would drive a first rate from such a station. This +was fully proved last October at Forts Washington and Lee, where one +gun only, on each side of the river, obliged two frigates to cut and +be towed off in an hour's time. Neither can he cut it off by his army; +because the several posts they must occupy would divide them almost +to nothing, and expose them to be picked up by ours like pebbles on a +river's bank; but admitting that he could, where is the injury? Because, +while his whole force is cantoned out, as sentries over the water, they +will be very innocently employed, and the moment they march into the +country the communication opens. + +The most probable object is Philadelphia, and the reasons are many. +Howe's business is to conquer it, and in proportion as he finds himself +unable to the task, he will employ his strength to distress women and +weak minds, in order to accomplish through their fears what he cannot +accomplish by his own force. His coming or attempting to come to +Philadelphia is a circumstance that proves his weakness: for no general +that felt himself able to take the field and attack his antagonist would +think of bringing his army into a city in the summer time; and this mere +shifting the scene from place to place, without effecting any thing, +has feebleness and cowardice on the face of it, and holds him up in a +contemptible light to all who can reason justly and firmly. By several +informations from New York, it appears that their army in general, both +officers and men, have given up the expectation of conquering America; +their eye now is fixed upon the spoil. They suppose Philadelphia to be +rich with stores, and as they think to get more by robbing a town than +by attacking an army, their movement towards this city is probable. We +are not now contending against an army of soldiers, but against a band +of thieves, who had rather plunder than fight, and have no other hope of +conquest than by cruelty. + +They expect to get a mighty booty, and strike another general panic, by +making a sudden movement and getting possession of this city; but unless +they can march out as well as in, or get the entire command of the +river, to remove off their plunder, they may probably be stopped with +the stolen goods upon them. They have never yet succeeded wherever they +have been opposed, but at Fort Washington. At Charleston their defeat +was effectual. At Ticonderoga they ran away. In every skirmish at +Kingsbridge and the White Plains they were obliged to retreat, and the +instant that our arms were turned upon them in the Jerseys, they turned +likewise, and those that turned not were taken. + +The necessity of always fitting our internal police to the circumstances +of the times we live in, is something so strikingly obvious, that no +sufficient objection can be made against it. The safety of all +societies depends upon it; and where this point is not attended to, +the consequences will either be a general languor or a tumult. The +encouragement and protection of the good subjects of any state, and the +suppression and punishment of bad ones, are the principal objects for +which all authority is instituted, and the line in which it ought to +operate. We have in this city a strange variety of men and characters, +and the circumstances of the times require that they should be publicly +known; it is not the number of Tories that hurt us, so much as the not +finding out who they are; men must now take one side or the other, and +abide by the consequences: the Quakers, trusting to their short-sighted +sagacity, have, most unluckily for them, made their declaration in their +last Testimony, and we ought now to take them at their word. They have +involuntarily read themselves out of the continental meeting, and cannot +hope to be restored to it again but by payment and penitence. Men whose +political principles are founded on avarice, are beyond the reach +of reason, and the only cure of Toryism of this cast is to tax it. +A substantial good drawn from a real evil, is of the same benefit to +society, as if drawn from a virtue; and where men have not public spirit +to render themselves serviceable, it ought to be the study of government +to draw the best use possible from their vices. When the governing +passion of any man, or set of men, is once known, the method of managing +them is easy; for even misers, whom no public virtue can impress, would +become generous, could a heavy tax be laid upon covetousness. + +The Tories have endeavored to insure their property with the enemy, by +forfeiting their reputation with us; from which may be justly inferred, +that their governing passion is avarice. Make them as much afraid of +losing on one side as on the other, and you stagger their Toryism; make +them more so, and you reclaim them; for their principle is to worship +the power which they are most afraid of. + +This method of considering men and things together, opens into a large +field for speculation, and affords me an opportunity of offering some +observations on the state of our currency, so as to make the support +of it go hand in hand with the suppression of disaffection and the +encouragement of public spirit. + +The thing which first presents itself in inspecting the state of the +currency, is, that we have too much of it, and that there is a necessity +of reducing the quantity, in order to increase the value. Men are daily +growing poor by the very means that they take to get rich; for in the +same proportion that the prices of all goods on hand are raised, the +value of all money laid by is reduced. A simple case will make this +clear; let a man have 100 L. in cash, and as many goods on hand as will +to-day sell for 20 L.; but not content with the present market price, +he raises them to 40 L. and by so doing obliges others, in their own +defence, to raise cent. per cent. likewise; in this case it is evident +that his hundred pounds laid by, is reduced fifty pounds in value; +whereas, had the market lowered cent. per cent., his goods would have +sold but for ten, but his hundred pounds would have risen in value to +two hundred; because it would then purchase as many goods again, or +support his family as long again as before. And, strange as it may seem, +he is one hundred and fifty pounds the poorer for raising his goods, to +what he would have been had he lowered them; because the forty pounds +which his goods sold for, is, by the general raise of the market cent. +per cent., rendered of no more value than the ten pounds would be had +the market fallen in the same proportion; and, consequently, the whole +difference of gain or loss is on the difference in value of the hundred +pounds laid by, viz. from fifty to two hundred. This rage for raising +goods is for several reasons much more the fault of the Tories than the +Whigs; and yet the Tories (to their shame and confusion ought they to +be told of it) are by far the most noisy and discontented. The greatest +part of the Whigs, by being now either in the army or employed in some +public service, are buyers only and not sellers, and as this evil has +its origin in trade, it cannot be charged on those who are out of it. + +But the grievance has now become too general to be remedied by partial +methods, and the only effectual cure is to reduce the quantity of money: +with half the quantity we should be richer than we are now, because +the value of it would be doubled, and consequently our attachment to it +increased; for it is not the number of dollars that a man has, but how +far they will go, that makes him either rich or poor. These two points +being admitted, viz. that the quantity of money is too great, and that +the prices of goods can only be effectually reduced by, reducing the +quantity of the money, the next point to be considered is, the method +how to reduce it. + +The circumstances of the times, as before observed, require that the +public characters of all men should now be fully understood, and the +only general method of ascertaining it is by an oath or affirmation, +renouncing all allegiance to the king of Great Britain, and to support +the independence of the United States, as declared by Congress. Let, at +the same time, a tax of ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent. per annum, to +be collected quarterly, be levied on all property. These alternatives, +by being perfectly voluntary, will take in all sorts of people. Here +is the test; here is the tax. He who takes the former, conscientiously +proves his affection to the cause, and binds himself to pay his quota +by the best services in his power, and is thereby justly exempt from the +latter; and those who choose the latter, pay their quota in money, to be +excused from the former, or rather, it is the price paid to us for their +supposed, though mistaken, insurance with the enemy. + +But this is only a part of the advantage which would arise by knowing +the different characters of men. The Whigs stake everything on the issue +of their arms, while the Tories, by their disaffection, are sapping and +undermining their strength; and, of consequence, the property of the +Whigs is the more exposed thereby; and whatever injury their estates +may sustain by the movements of the enemy, must either be borne by +themselves, who have done everything which has yet been done, or by the +Tories, who have not only done nothing, but have, by their disaffection, +invited the enemy on. + +In the present crisis we ought to know, square by square and house by +house, who are in real allegiance with the United Independent States, +and who are not. Let but the line be made clear and distinct, and all +men will then know what they are to trust to. It would not only be +good policy but strict justice, to raise fifty or one hundred thousand +pounds, or more, if it is necessary, out of the estates and property +of the king of England's votaries, resident in Philadelphia, to be +distributed, as a reward to those inhabitants of the city and State, who +should turn out and repulse the enemy, should they attempt to march this +way; and likewise, to bind the property of all such persons to make +good the damages which that of the Whigs might sustain. In the +undistinguishable mode of conducting a war, we frequently make reprisals +at sea, on the vessels of persons in England, who are friends to our +cause compared with the resident Tories among us. + +In every former publication of mine, from Common Sense down to the last +Crisis, I have generally gone on the charitable supposition, that the +Tories were rather a mistaken than a criminal people, and have applied +argument after argument, with all the candor and temper which I was +capable of, in order to set every part of the case clearly and fairly +before them, and if possible to reclaim them from ruin to reason. I have +done my duty by them and have now done with that doctrine, taking it for +granted, that those who yet hold their disaffection are either a set +of avaricious miscreants, who would sacrifice the continent to save +themselves, or a banditti of hungry traitors, who are hoping for +a division of the spoil. To which may be added, a list of crown or +proprietary dependants, who, rather than go without a portion of power, +would be content to share it with the devil. Of such men there is no +hope; and their obedience will only be according to the danger set +before them, and the power that is exercised over them. + +A time will shortly arrive, in which, by ascertaining the characters of +persons now, we shall be guarded against their mischiefs then; for in +proportion as the enemy despair of conquest, they will be trying the +arts of seduction and the force of fear by all the mischiefs which they +can inflict. But in war we may be certain of these two things, viz. that +cruelty in an enemy, and motions made with more than usual parade, are +always signs of weakness. He that can conquer, finds his mind too free +and pleasant to be brutish; and he that intends to conquer, never makes +too much show of his strength. + +We now know the enemy we have to do with. While drunk with the +certainty of victory, they disdained to be civil; and in proportion as +disappointment makes them sober, and their apprehensions of an European +war alarm them, they will become cringing and artful; honest they cannot +be. But our answer to them, in either condition they may be in, is short +and full--"As free and independent States we are willing to make peace +with you to-morrow, but we neither can hear nor reply in any other +character." + +If Britain cannot conquer us, it proves that she is neither able to +govern nor protect us, and our particular situation now is such, that +any connection with her would be unwisely exchanging a half-defeated +enemy for two powerful ones. Europe, by every appearance, is now on the +eve, nay, on the morning twilight of a war, and any alliance with George +the Third brings France and Spain upon our backs; a separation from him +attaches them to our side; therefore, the only road to peace, honor and +commerce is Independence. + +Written this fourth year of the UNION, which God preserve. + + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, April 19, 1777. + + + + +THE CRISIS IV. (THOSE WHO EXPECT TO REAP THE BLESSINGS OF FREEDOM) + + +THOSE who expect to reap the blessings of freedom, must, like men, +undergo the fatigues of supporting it. The event of yesterday was one +of those kind of alarms which is just sufficient to rouse us to duty, +without being of consequence enough to depress our fortitude. It is not +a field of a few acres of ground, but a cause, that we are defending, +and whether we defeat the enemy in one battle, or by degrees, the +consequences will be the same. + +Look back at the events of last winter and the present year, there you +will find that the enemy's successes always contributed to reduce them. +What they have gained in ground, they paid so dearly for in numbers, +that their victories have in the end amounted to defeats. We have always +been masters at the last push, and always shall be while we do our duty. +Howe has been once on the banks of the Delaware, and from thence driven +back with loss and disgrace: and why not be again driven from the +Schuylkill? His condition and ours are very different. He has everybody +to fight, we have only his one army to cope with, and which wastes away +at every engagement: we can not only reinforce, but can redouble our +numbers; he is cut off from all supplies, and must sooner or later +inevitably fall into our hands. + +Shall a band of ten or twelve thousand robbers, who are this day fifteen +hundred or two thousand men less in strength than they were yesterday, +conquer America, or subdue even a single state? The thing cannot be, +unless we sit down and suffer them to do it. Another such a brush, +notwithstanding we lost the ground, would, by still reducing the enemy, +put them in a condition to be afterwards totally defeated. Could our +whole army have come up to the attack at one time, the consequences +had probably been otherwise; but our having different parts of +the Brandywine creek to guard, and the uncertainty which road to +Philadelphia the enemy would attempt to take, naturally afforded them an +opportunity of passing with their main body at a place where only a +part of ours could be posted; for it must strike every thinking man with +conviction, that it requires a much greater force to oppose an enemy in +several places, than is sufficient to defeat him in any one place. + +Men who are sincere in defending their freedom, will always feel concern +at every circumstance which seems to make against them; it is the +natural and honest consequence of all affectionate attachments, and the +want of it is a vice. But the dejection lasts only for a moment; they +soon rise out of it with additional vigor; the glow of hope, courage and +fortitude, will, in a little time, supply the place of every inferior +passion, and kindle the whole heart into heroism. + +There is a mystery in the countenance of some causes, which we have not +always present judgment enough to explain. It is distressing to see an +enemy advancing into a country, but it is the only place in which we can +beat them, and in which we have always beaten them, whenever they made +the attempt. The nearer any disease approaches to a crisis, the nearer +it is to a cure. Danger and deliverance make their advances together, +and it is only the last push, in which one or the other takes the lead. + +There are many men who will do their duty when it is not wanted; but a +genuine public spirit always appears most when there is most occasion +for it. Thank God! our army, though fatigued, is yet entire. The attack +made by us yesterday, was under many disadvantages, naturally arising +from the uncertainty of knowing which route the enemy would take; and, +from that circumstance, the whole of our force could not be brought +up together time enough to engage all at once. Our strength is yet +reserved; and it is evident that Howe does not think himself a gainer by +the affair, otherwise he would this morning have moved down and attacked +General Washington. + +Gentlemen of the city and country, it is in your power, by a spirited +improvement of the present circumstance, to turn it to a real advantage. +Howe is now weaker than before, and every shot will contribute to reduce +him. You are more immediately interested than any other part of the +continent: your all is at stake; it is not so with the general cause; +you are devoted by the enemy to plunder and destruction: it is the +encouragement which Howe, the chief of plunderers, has promised his +army. Thus circumstanced, you may save yourselves by a manly resistance, +but you can have no hope in any other conduct. I never yet knew our +brave general, or any part of the army, officers or men, out of heart, +and I have seen them in circumstances a thousand times more trying than +the present. It is only those that are not in action, that feel languor +and heaviness, and the best way to rub it off is to turn out, and make +sure work of it. + +Our army must undoubtedly feel fatigue, and want a reinforcement of rest +though not of valor. Our own interest and happiness call upon us to +give them every support in our power, and make the burden of the day, on +which the safety of this city depends, as light as possible. Remember, +gentlemen, that we have forces both to the northward and southward of +Philadelphia, and if the enemy be but stopped till those can arrive, +this city will be saved, and the enemy finally routed. You have too much +at stake to hesitate. You ought not to think an hour upon the matter, +but to spring to action at once. Other states have been invaded, have +likewise driven off the invaders. Now our time and turn is come, and +perhaps the finishing stroke is reserved for us. When we look back on +the dangers we have been saved from, and reflect on the success we have +been blessed with, it would be sinful either to be idle or to despair. + +I close this paper with a short address to General Howe. You, sir, are +only lingering out the period that shall bring with it your defeat. +You have yet scarce began upon the war, and the further you enter, the +faster will your troubles thicken. What you now enjoy is only a respite +from ruin; an invitation to destruction; something that will lead on to +our deliverance at your expense. We know the cause which we are engaged +in, and though a passionate fondness for it may make us grieve at every +injury which threatens it, yet, when the moment of concern is over, the +determination to duty returns. We are not moved by the gloomy smile of a +worthless king, but by the ardent glow of generous patriotism. We fight +not to enslave, but to set a country free, and to make room upon the +earth for honest men to live in. In such a case we are sure that we are +right; and we leave to you the despairing reflection of being the tool +of a miserable tyrant. + + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 12, 1777. + + + + +THE CRISIS. V. TO GEN. SIR WILLIAM HOWE. + + +TO argue with a man who has renounced the use and authority of reason, +and whose philosophy consists in holding humanity in contempt, is like +administering medicine to the dead, or endeavoring to convert an atheist +by scripture. Enjoy, sir, your insensibility of feeling and reflecting. +It is the prerogative of animals. And no man will envy you these honors, +in which a savage only can be your rival and a bear your master. + +As the generosity of this country rewarded your brother's services +in the last war, with an elegant monument in Westminster Abbey, it is +consistent that she should bestow some mark of distinction upon you. You +certainly deserve her notice, and a conspicuous place in the catalogue +of extraordinary persons. Yet it would be a pity to pass you from the +world in state, and consign you to magnificent oblivion among the tombs, +without telling the future beholder why. Judas is as much known as John, +yet history ascribes their fame to very different actions. + +Sir William has undoubtedly merited a monument; but of what kind, or +with what inscription, where placed or how embellished, is a question +that would puzzle all the heralds of St. James's in the profoundest mood +of historical deliberation. We are at no loss, sir, to ascertain your +real character, but somewhat perplexed how to perpetuate its identity, +and preserve it uninjured from the transformations of time or mistake. +A statuary may give a false expression to your bust, or decorate it with +some equivocal emblems, by which you may happen to steal into reputation +and impose upon the hereafter traditionary world. Ill nature or ridicule +may conspire, or a variety of accidents combine to lessen, enlarge, or +change Sir William's fame; and no doubt but he who has taken so much +pains to be singular in his conduct, would choose to be just as singular +in his exit, his monument and his epitaph. + +The usual honors of the dead, to be sure, are not sufficiently sublime +to escort a character like you to the republic of dust and ashes; for +however men may differ in their ideas of grandeur or of government here, +the grave is nevertheless a perfect republic. Death is not the monarch +of the dead, but of the dying. The moment he obtains a conquest he loses +a subject, and, like the foolish king you serve, will, in the end, war +himself out of all his dominions. + +As a proper preliminary towards the arrangement of your funeral honors, +we readily admit of your new rank of knighthood. The title is perfectly +in character, and is your own, more by merit than creation. There are +knights of various orders, from the knight of the windmill to the knight +of the post. The former is your patron for exploits, and the latter will +assist you in settling your accounts. No honorary title could be more +happily applied! The ingenuity is sublime! And your royal master has +discovered more genius in fitting you therewith, than in generating the +most finished figure for a button, or descanting on the properties of a +button mould. + +But how, sir, shall we dispose of you? The invention of a statuary is +exhausted, and Sir William is yet unprovided with a monument. America is +anxious to bestow her funeral favors upon you, and wishes to do it in +a manner that shall distinguish you from all the deceased heroes of the +last war. The Egyptian method of embalming is not known to the +present age, and hieroglyphical pageantry hath outlived the science +of deciphering it. Some other method, therefore, must be thought of to +immortalize the new knight of the windmill and post. Sir William, thanks +to his stars, is not oppressed with very delicate ideas. He has no +ambition of being wrapped up and handed about in myrrh, aloes and +cassia. Less expensive odors will suffice; and it fortunately happens +that the simple genius of America has discovered the art of preserving +bodies, and embellishing them too, with much greater frugality than +the ancients. In balmage, sir, of humble tar, you will be as secure +as Pharaoh, and in a hieroglyphic of feathers, rival in finery all the +mummies of Egypt. + +As you have already made your exit from the moral world, and by +numberless acts both of passionate and deliberate injustice engraved an +"here lieth" on your deceased honor, it must be mere affectation in you +to pretend concern at the humors or opinions of mankind respecting you. +What remains of you may expire at any time. The sooner the better. For +he who survives his reputation, lives out of despite of himself, like a +man listening to his own reproach. + +Thus entombed and ornamented, I leave you to the inspection of the +curious, and return to the history of your yet surviving actions. The +character of Sir William has undergone some extraordinary revolutions. +since his arrival in America. It is now fixed and known; and we +have nothing to hope from your candor or to fear from your capacity. +Indolence and inability have too large a share in your composition, ever +to suffer you to be anything more than the hero of little villainies and +unfinished adventures. That, which to some persons appeared moderation +in you at first, was not produced by any real virtue of your own, but +by a contrast of passions, dividing and holding you in perpetual +irresolution. One vice will frequently expel another, without the least +merit in the man; as powers in contrary directions reduce each other to +rest. + +It became you to have supported a dignified solemnity of character; +to have shown a superior liberality of soul; to have won respect by an +obstinate perseverance in maintaining order, and to have exhibited on +all occasions such an unchangeable graciousness of conduct, that while +we beheld in you the resolution of an enemy, we might admire in you the +sincerity of a man. You came to America under the high sounding titles +of commander and commissioner; not only to suppress what you call +rebellion, by arms, but to shame it out of countenance by the excellence +of your example. Instead of which, you have been the patron of low and +vulgar frauds, the encourager of Indian cruelties; and have imported a +cargo of vices blacker than those which you pretend to suppress. + +Mankind are not universally agreed in their determination of right and +wrong; but there are certain actions which the consent of all nations +and individuals has branded with the unchangeable name of meanness. In +the list of human vices we find some of such a refined constitution, +they cannot be carried into practice without seducing some virtue to +their assistance; but meanness has neither alliance nor apology. It is +generated in the dust and sweepings of other vices, and is of such a +hateful figure that all the rest conspire to disown it. Sir William, the +commissioner of George the Third, has at last vouchsafed to give it +rank and pedigree. He has placed the fugitive at the council board, and +dubbed it companion of the order of knighthood. + +The particular act of meanness which I allude to in this description, is +forgery. You, sir, have abetted and patronized the forging and uttering +counterfeit continental bills. In the same New York newspapers in which +your own proclamation under your master's authority was published, +offering, or pretending to offer, pardon and protection to these states, +there were repeated advertisements of counterfeit money for sale, and +persons who have come officially from you, and under the sanction of +your flag, have been taken up in attempting to put them off. + +A conduct so basely mean in a public character is without precedent or +pretence. Every nation on earth, whether friends or enemies, will unite +in despising you. 'Tis an incendiary war upon society, which nothing can +excuse or palliate,--an improvement upon beggarly villany--and shows an +inbred wretchedness of heart made up between the venomous malignity of a +serpent and the spiteful imbecility of an inferior reptile. + +The laws of any civilized country would condemn you to the gibbet +without regard to your rank or titles, because it is an action foreign +to the usage and custom of war; and should you fall into our hands, +which pray God you may, it will be a doubtful matter whether we are to +consider you as a military prisoner or a prisoner for felony. + +Besides, it is exceedingly unwise and impolitic in you, or any other +persons in the English service, to promote or even encourage, or wink +at the crime of forgery, in any case whatever. Because, as the riches of +England, as a nation, are chiefly in paper, and the far greater part of +trade among individuals is carried on by the same medium, that is, by +notes and drafts on one another, they, therefore, of all people in the +world, ought to endeavor to keep forgery out of sight, and, if possible, +not to revive the idea of it. It is dangerous to make men familiar with +a crime which they may afterwards practise to much greater advantage +against those who first taught them. Several officers in the English +army have made their exit at the gallows for forgery on their agents; +for we all know, who know any thing of England, that there is not a more +necessitous body of men, taking them generally, than what the English +officers are. They contrive to make a show at the expense of the +tailors, and appear clean at the charge of the washer-women. + +England, has at this time, nearly two hundred million pounds sterling +of public money in paper, for which she has no real property: besides a +large circulation of bank notes, bank post bills, and promissory notes +and drafts of private bankers, merchants and tradesmen. She has the +greatest quantity of paper currency and the least quantity of gold and +silver of any nation in Europe; the real specie, which is about sixteen +millions sterling, serves only as change in large sums, which are always +made in paper, or for payment in small ones. Thus circumstanced, the +nation is put to its wit's end, and obliged to be severe almost to +criminality, to prevent the practice and growth of forgery. Scarcely +a session passes at the Old Bailey, or an execution at Tyburn, but +witnesses this truth, yet you, sir, regardless of the policy which her +necessity obliges her to adopt, have made your whole army intimate with +the crime. And as all armies at the conclusion of a war, are too apt to +carry into practice the vices of the campaign, it will probably happen, +that England will hereafter abound in forgeries, to which art the +practitioners were first initiated under your authority in America. You, +sir, have the honor of adding a new vice to the military catalogue; and +the reason, perhaps, why the invention was reserved for you, is, because +no general before was mean enough even to think of it. + +That a man whose soul is absorbed in the low traffic of vulgar vice, is +incapable of moving in any superior region, is clearly shown in you by +the event of every campaign. Your military exploits have been without +plan, object or decision. Can it be possible that you or your employers +suppose that the possession of Philadelphia will be any ways equal +to the expense or expectation of the nation which supports you? What +advantages does England derive from any achievements of yours? To her it +is perfectly indifferent what place you are in, so long as the business +of conquest is unperformed and the charge of maintaining you remains the +same. + +If the principal events of the three campaigns be attended to, the +balance will appear against you at the close of each; but the last, in +point of importance to us, has exceeded the former two. It is pleasant +to look back on dangers past, and equally as pleasant to meditate on +present ones when the way out begins to appear. That period is now +arrived, and the long doubtful winter of war is changing to the sweeter +prospects of victory and joy. At the close of the campaign, in 1775, you +were obliged to retreat from Boston. In the summer of 1776, you appeared +with a numerous fleet and army in the harbor of New York. By what +miracle the continent was preserved in that season of danger is a +subject of admiration! If instead of wasting your time against Long +Island you had run up the North River, and landed any where above +New York, the consequence must have been, that either you would have +compelled General Washington to fight you with very unequal numbers, or +he must have suddenly evacuated the city with the loss of nearly all +the stores of his army, or have surrendered for want of provisions; the +situation of the place naturally producing one or the other of these +events. + +The preparations made to defend New York were, nevertheless, wise and +military; because your forces were then at sea, their numbers uncertain; +storms, sickness, or a variety of accidents might have disabled their +coming, or so diminished them on their passage, that those which +survived would have been incapable of opening the campaign with +any prospect of success; in which case the defence would have been +sufficient and the place preserved; for cities that have been raised +from nothing with an infinitude of labor and expense, are not to be +thrown away on the bare probability of their being taken. On these +grounds the preparations made to maintain New York were as judicious +as the retreat afterwards. While you, in the interim, let slip the very +opportunity which seemed to put conquest in your power. + +Through the whole of that campaign you had nearly double the forces +which General Washington immediately commanded. The principal plan at +that time, on our part, was to wear away the season with as little loss +as possible, and to raise the army for the next year. Long Island, New +York, Forts Washington and Lee were not defended after your superior +force was known under any expectation of their being finally maintained, +but as a range of outworks, in the attacking of which your time might be +wasted, your numbers reduced, and your vanity amused by possessing them +on our retreat. It was intended to have withdrawn the garrison from Fort +Washington after it had answered the former of those purposes, but +the fate of that day put a prize into your hands without much honor to +yourselves. + +Your progress through the Jerseys was accidental; you had it not even +in contemplation, or you would not have sent a principal part of your +forces to Rhode Island beforehand. The utmost hope of America in the +year 1776, reached no higher than that she might not then be conquered. +She had no expectation of defeating you in that campaign. Even the +most cowardly Tory allowed, that, could she withstand the shock of that +summer, her independence would be past a doubt. You had then greatly +the advantage of her. You were formidable. Your military knowledge +was supposed to be complete. Your fleets and forces arrived without an +accident. You had neither experience nor reinforcements to wait for. +You had nothing to do but to begin, and your chance lay in the first +vigorous onset. + +America was young and unskilled. She was obliged to trust her defence to +time and practice; and has, by mere dint of perseverance, maintained her +cause, and brought the enemy to a condition, in which she is now capable +of meeting him on any grounds. + +It is remarkable that in the campaign of 1776 you gained no more, +notwithstanding your great force, than what was given you by consent of +evacuation, except Fort Washington; while every advantage obtained by +us was by fair and hard fighting. The defeat of Sir Peter Parker was +complete. The conquest of the Hessians at Trenton, by the remains of a +retreating army, which but a few days before you affected to despise, is +an instance of their heroic perseverance very seldom to be met with. +And the victory over the British troops at Princeton, by a harassed and +wearied party, who had been engaged the day before and marched all night +without refreshment, is attended with such a scene of circumstances and +superiority of generalship, as will ever give it a place in the first +rank in the history of great actions. + +When I look back on the gloomy days of last winter, and see America +suspended by a thread, I feel a triumph of joy at the recollection of +her delivery, and a reverence for the characters which snatched her +from destruction. To doubt now would be a species of infidelity, and to +forget the instruments which saved us then would be ingratitude. + +The close of that campaign left us with the spirit of conquerors. The +northern districts were relieved by the retreat of General Carleton over +the lakes. The army under your command were hunted back and had their +bounds prescribed. The continent began to feel its military importance, +and the winter passed pleasantly away in preparations for the next +campaign. + +However confident you might be on your first arrival, the result of the +year 1776 gave you some idea of the difficulty, if not impossibility of +conquest. To this reason I ascribe your delay in opening the campaign of +1777. The face of matters, on the close of the former year, gave you +no encouragement to pursue a discretionary war as soon as the spring +admitted the taking the field; for though conquest, in that case, would +have given you a double portion of fame, yet the experiment was too +hazardous. The ministry, had you failed, would have shifted the whole +blame upon you, charged you with having acted without orders, and +condemned at once both your plan and execution. + +To avoid the misfortunes, which might have involved you and your money +accounts in perplexity and suspicion, you prudently waited the arrival +of a plan of operations from England, which was that you should proceed +for Philadelphia by way of the Chesapeake, and that Burgoyne, after +reducing Ticonderoga, should take his route by Albany, and, if +necessary, join you. + +The splendid laurels of the last campaign have flourished in the north. +In that quarter America has surprised the world, and laid the foundation +of this year's glory. The conquest of Ticonderoga, (if it may be called +a conquest) has, like all your other victories, led on to ruin. Even the +provisions taken in that fortress (which by General Burgoyne's return +was sufficient in bread and flour for nearly 5000 men for ten weeks, and +in beef and pork for the same number of men for one month) served only +to hasten his overthrow, by enabling him to proceed to Saratoga, the +place of his destruction. A short review of the operations of the last +campaign will show the condition of affairs on both sides. + +You have taken Ticonderoga and marched into Philadelphia. These are all +the events which the year has produced on your part. A trifling campaign +indeed, compared with the expenses of England and the conquest of the +continent. On the other side, a considerable part of your northern force +has been routed by the New York militia under General Herkemer. Fort +Stanwix has bravely survived a compound attack of soldiers and savages, +and the besiegers have fled. The Battle of Bennington has put a thousand +prisoners into our hands, with all their arms, stores, artillery and +baggage. General Burgoyne, in two engagements, has been defeated; +himself, his army, and all that were his and theirs are now ours. +Ticonderoga and Independence [forts] are retaken, and not the shadow of +an enemy remains in all the northern districts. At this instant we +have upwards of eleven thousand prisoners, between sixty and seventy +[captured] pieces of brass ordnance, besides small arms, tents, stores, +etc. + +In order to know the real value of those advantages, we must reverse +the scene, and suppose General Gates and the force he commanded to be at +your mercy as prisoners, and General Burgoyne, with his army of soldiers +and savages, to be already joined to you in Pennsylvania. So dismal a +picture can scarcely be looked at. It has all the tracings and colorings +of horror and despair; and excites the most swelling emotions of +gratitude by exhibiting the miseries we are so graciously preserved +from. + +I admire the distribution of laurels around the continent. It is the +earnest of future union. South Carolina has had her day of sufferings +and of fame; and the other southern States have exerted themselves in +proportion to the force that invaded or insulted them. Towards the close +of the campaign, in 1776, these middle States were called upon and did +their duty nobly. They were witnesses to the almost expiring flame of +human freedom. It was the close struggle of life and death, the line of +invisible division; and on which the unabated fortitude of a Washington +prevailed, and saved the spark that has since blazed in the north with +unrivalled lustre. + +Let me ask, sir, what great exploits have you performed? Through all the +variety of changes and opportunities which the war has produced, I know +no one action of yours that can be styled masterly. You have moved in +and out, backward and forward, round and round, as if valor consisted in +a military jig. The history and figure of your movements would be truly +ridiculous could they be justly delineated. They resemble the labors of +a puppy pursuing his tail; the end is still at the same distance, and +all the turnings round must be done over again. + +The first appearance of affairs at Ticonderoga wore such an unpromising +aspect, that it was necessary, in July, to detach a part of the forces +to the support of that quarter, which were otherwise destined or +intended to act against you; and this, perhaps, has been the means of +postponing your downfall to another campaign. The destruction of one +army at a time is work enough. We know, sir, what we are about, what we +have to do, and how to do it. + +Your progress from the Chesapeake, was marked by no capital stroke of +policy or heroism. Your principal aim was to get General Washington +between the Delaware and Schuylkill, and between Philadelphia and your +army. In that situation, with a river on each of his flanks, which +united about five miles below the city, and your army above him, you +could have intercepted his reinforcements and supplies, cut off all +his communication with the country, and, if necessary, have despatched +assistance to open a passage for General Burgoyne. This scheme was too +visible to succeed: for had General Washington suffered you to command +the open country above him, I think it a very reasonable conjecture that +the conquest of Burgoyne would not have taken place, because you could, +in that case, have relieved him. It was therefore necessary, while that +important victory was in suspense, to trepan you into a situation in +which you could only be on the defensive, without the power of +affording him assistance. The manoeuvre had its effect, and Burgoyne was +conquered. + +There has been something unmilitary and passive in you from the time of +your passing the Schuylkill and getting possession of Philadelphia, +to the close of the campaign. You mistook a trap for a conquest, the +probability of which had been made known to Europe, and the edge of your +triumph taken off by our own information long before. + +Having got you into this situation, a scheme for a general attack upon +you at Germantown was carried into execution on the 4th of October, and +though the success was not equal to the excellence of the plan, yet the +attempting it proved the genius of America to be on the rise, and her +power approaching to superiority. The obscurity of the morning was your +best friend, for a fog is always favorable to a hunted enemy. Some weeks +after this you likewise planned an attack on General Washington while +at Whitemarsh. You marched out with infinite parade, but on finding him +preparing to attack you next morning, you prudently turned about, and +retreated to Philadelphia with all the precipitation of a man conquered +in imagination. + +Immediately after the battle of Germantown, the probability of +Burgoyne's defeat gave a new policy to affairs in Pennsylvania, and it +was judged most consistent with the general safety of America, to wait +the issue of the northern campaign. Slow and sure is sound work. The +news of that victory arrived in our camp on the 18th of October, and +no sooner did that shout of joy, and the report of the thirteen cannon +reach your ears, than you resolved upon a retreat, and the next day, +that is, on the 19th, you withdrew your drooping army into Philadelphia. +This movement was evidently dictated by fear; and carried with it a +positive confession that you dreaded a second attack. It was hiding +yourself among women and children, and sleeping away the choicest part +of the campaign in expensive inactivity. An army in a city can never +be a conquering army. The situation admits only of defence. It is mere +shelter: and every military power in Europe will conclude you to be +eventually defeated. + +The time when you made this retreat was the very time you ought to have +fought a battle, in order to put yourself in condition of recovering in +Pennsylvania what you had lost in Saratoga. And the reason why you did +not, must be either prudence or cowardice; the former supposes your +inability, and the latter needs no explanation. I draw no conclusions, +sir, but such as are naturally deduced from known and visible facts, +and such as will always have a being while the facts which produced them +remain unaltered. + +After this retreat a new difficulty arose which exhibited the power of +Britain in a very contemptible light; which was the attack and defence +of Mud Island. For several weeks did that little unfinished fortress +stand out against all the attempts of Admiral and General Howe. It was +the fable of Bender realized on the Delaware. Scheme after scheme, and +force upon force were tried and defeated. The garrison, with scarce +anything to cover them but their bravery, survived in the midst of mud, +shot and shells, and were at last obliged to give it up more to the +powers of time and gunpowder than to military superiority of the +besiegers. + +It is my sincere opinion that matters are in much worse condition with +you than what is generally known. Your master's speech at the opening of +Parliament, is like a soliloquy on ill luck. It shows him to be coming +a little to his reason, for sense of pain is the first symptom of +recovery, in profound stupefaction. His condition is deplorable. He is +obliged to submit to all the insults of France and Spain, without daring +to know or resent them; and thankful for the most trivial evasions to +the most humble remonstrances. The time was when he could not deign an +answer to a petition from America, and the time now is when he dare not +give an answer to an affront from France. The capture of Burgoyne's army +will sink his consequence as much in Europe as in America. In his speech +he expresses his suspicions at the warlike preparations of France and +Spain, and as he has only the one army which you command to support his +character in the world with, it remains very uncertain when, or in what +quarter it will be most wanted, or can be best employed; and this will +partly account for the great care you take to keep it from action and +attacks, for should Burgoyne's fate be yours, which it probably will, +England may take her endless farewell not only of all America but of all +the West Indies. + +Never did a nation invite destruction upon itself with the eagerness and +the ignorance with which Britain has done. Bent upon the ruin of a +young and unoffending country, she has drawn the sword that has wounded +herself to the heart, and in the agony of her resentment has applied a +poison for a cure. Her conduct towards America is a compound of rage and +lunacy; she aims at the government of it, yet preserves neither dignity +nor character in her methods to obtain it. Were government a mere +manufacture or article of commerce, immaterial by whom it should be made +or sold, we might as well employ her as another, but when we consider +it as the fountain from whence the general manners and morality of a +country take their rise, that the persons entrusted with the execution +thereof are by their serious example an authority to support these +principles, how abominably absurd is the idea of being hereafter +governed by a set of men who have been guilty of forgery, perjury, +treachery, theft and every species of villany which the lowest wretches +on earth could practise or invent. What greater public curse can befall +any country than to be under such authority, and what greater blessing +than to be delivered therefrom. The soul of any man of sentiment would +rise in brave rebellion against them, and spurn them from the earth. + +The malignant and venomous tempered General Vaughan has amused his +savage fancy in burning the whole town of Kingston, in York government, +and the late governor of that state, Mr. Tryon, in his letter to General +Parsons, has endeavored to justify it and declared his wish to burn the +houses of every committeeman in the country. Such a confession from +one who was once intrusted with the powers of civil government, is a +reproach to the character. But it is the wish and the declaration of a +man whom anguish and disappointment have driven to despair, and who is +daily decaying into the grave with constitutional rottenness. + +There is not in the compass of language a sufficiency of words to +express the baseness of your king, his ministry and his army. They +have refined upon villany till it wants a name. To the fiercer vices of +former ages they have added the dregs and scummings of the most finished +rascality, and are so completely sunk in serpentine deceit, that there +is not left among them one generous enemy. + +From such men and such masters, may the gracious hand of Heaven preserve +America! And though the sufferings she now endures are heavy, and +severe, they are like straws in the wind compared to the weight of evils +she would feel under the government of your king, and his pensioned +Parliament. + +There is something in meanness which excites a species of resentment +that never subsides, and something in cruelty which stirs up the heart +to the highest agony of human hatred; Britain has filled up both these +characters till no addition can be made, and has not reputation left +with us to obtain credit for the slightest promise. The will of God has +parted us, and the deed is registered for eternity. When she shall be +a spot scarcely visible among the nations, America shall flourish the +favorite of heaven, and the friend of mankind. + +For the domestic happiness of Britain and the peace of the world, I +wish she had not a foot of land but what is circumscribed within her own +island. Extent of dominion has been her ruin, and instead of civilizing +others has brutalized herself. Her late reduction of India, under Clive +and his successors, was not so properly a conquest as an extermination +of mankind. She is the only power who could practise the prodigal +barbarity of tying men to mouths of loaded cannon and blowing them away. +It happens that General Burgoyne, who made the report of that horrid +transaction, in the House of Commons, is now a prisoner with us, +and though an enemy, I can appeal to him for the truth of it, being +confident that he neither can nor will deny it. Yet Clive received the +approbation of the last Parliament. + +When we take a survey of mankind, we cannot help cursing the wretch, +who, to the unavoidable misfortunes of nature, shall wilfully add the +calamities of war. One would think there were evils enough in the world +without studying to increase them, and that life is sufficiently short +without shaking the sand that measures it. The histories of Alexander, +and Charles of Sweden, are the histories of human devils; a good man +cannot think of their actions without abhorrence, nor of their deaths +without rejoicing. To see the bounties of heaven destroyed, the +beautiful face of nature laid waste, and the choicest works of creation +and art tumbled into ruin, would fetch a curse from the soul of piety +itself. But in this country the aggravation is heightened by a new +combination of affecting circumstances. America was young, and, compared +with other countries, was virtuous. None but a Herod of uncommon malice +would have made war upon infancy and innocence: and none but a people +of the most finished fortitude, dared under those circumstances, have +resisted the tyranny. The natives, or their ancestors, had fled from the +former oppressions of England, and with the industry of bees had changed +a wilderness into a habitable world. To Britain they were indebted for +nothing. The country was the gift of heaven, and God alone is their Lord +and Sovereign. + +The time, sir, will come when you, in a melancholy hour, shall reckon up +your miseries by your murders in America. Life, with you, begins to wear +a clouded aspect. The vision of pleasurable delusion is wearing away, +and changing to the barren wild of age and sorrow. The poor reflection +of having served your king will yield you no consolation in your +parting moments. He will crumble to the same undistinguished ashes with +yourself, and have sins enough of his own to answer for. It is not the +farcical benedictions of a bishop, nor the cringing hypocrisy of a court +of chaplains, nor the formality of an act of Parliament, that can change +guilt into innocence, or make the punishment one pang the less. You may, +perhaps, be unwilling to be serious, but this destruction of the goods +of Providence, this havoc of the human race, and this sowing the world +with mischief, must be accounted for to him who made and governs it. +To us they are only present sufferings, but to him they are deep +rebellions. + +If there is a sin superior to every other, it is that of wilful and +offensive war. Most other sins are circumscribed within narrow limits, +that is, the power of one man cannot give them a very general extension, +and many kinds of sins have only a mental existence from which no +infection arises; but he who is the author of a war, lets loose the +whole contagion of hell, and opens a vein that bleeds a nation to death. +We leave it to England and Indians to boast of these honors; we feel no +thirst for such savage glory; a nobler flame, a purer spirit animates +America. She has taken up the sword of virtuous defence; she has bravely +put herself between Tyranny and Freedom, between a curse and a blessing, +determined to expel the one and protect the other. + +It is the object only of war that makes it honorable. And if there was +ever a just war since the world began, it is this in which America is +now engaged. She invaded no land of yours. She hired no mercenaries to +burn your towns, nor Indians to massacre their inhabitants. She +wanted nothing from you, and was indebted for nothing to you: and thus +circumstanced, her defence is honorable and her prosperity is certain. + +Yet it is not on the justice only, but likewise on the importance of +this cause that I ground my seeming enthusiastical confidence of our +success. The vast extension of America makes her of too much value in +the scale of Providence, to be cast like a pearl before swine, at the +feet of an European island; and of much less consequence would it be +that Britain were sunk in the sea than that America should miscarry. +There has been such a chain of extraordinary events in the discovery of +this country at first, in the peopling and planting it afterwards, in +the rearing and nursing it to its present state, and in the protection +of it through the present war, that no man can doubt, but Providence +has some nobler end to accomplish than the gratification of the petty +elector of Hanover, or the ignorant and insignificant king of Britain. + +As the blood of the martyrs has been the seed of the Christian church, +so the political persecutions of England will and have already enriched +America with industry, experience, union, and importance. Before the +present era she was a mere chaos of uncemented colonies, individually +exposed to the ravages of the Indians and the invasion of any power that +Britain should be at war with. She had nothing that she could call her +own. Her felicity depended upon accident. The convulsions of Europe +might have thrown her from one conqueror to another, till she had been +the slave of all, and ruined by every one; for until she had spirit +enough to become her own master, there was no knowing to which master +she should belong. That period, thank God, is past, and she is no longer +the dependent, disunited colonies of Britain, but the independent and +United States of America, knowing no master but heaven and herself. You, +or your king, may call this "delusion," "rebellion," or what name you +please. To us it is perfectly indifferent. The issue will determine the +character, and time will give it a name as lasting as his own. + +You have now, sir, tried the fate of three campaigns, and can fully +declare to England, that nothing is to be got on your part, but blows +and broken bones, and nothing on hers but waste of trade and credit, and +an increase of poverty and taxes. You are now only where you might have +been two years ago, without the loss of a single ship, and yet not a +step more forward towards the conquest of the continent; because, as I +have already hinted, "an army in a city can never be a conquering army." +The full amount of your losses, since the beginning of the war, exceeds +twenty thousand men, besides millions of treasure, for which you have +nothing in exchange. Our expenses, though great, are circulated within +ourselves. Yours is a direct sinking of money, and that from both ends +at once; first, in hiring troops out of the nation, and in paying them +afterwards, because the money in neither case can return to Britain. We +are already in possession of the prize, you only in pursuit of it. To +us it is a real treasure, to you it would be only an empty triumph. Our +expenses will repay themselves with tenfold interest, while yours entail +upon you everlasting poverty. + +Take a review, sir, of the ground which you have gone over, and let +it teach you policy, if it cannot honesty. You stand but on a very +tottering foundation. A change of the ministry in England may probably +bring your measures into question, and your head to the block. Clive, +with all his successes, had some difficulty in escaping, and yours being +all a war of losses, will afford you less pretensions, and your enemies +more grounds for impeachment. + +Go home, sir, and endeavor to save the remains of your ruined country, +by a just representation of the madness of her measures. A few moments, +well applied, may yet preserve her from political destruction. I am not +one of those who wish to see Europe in a flame, because I am persuaded +that such an event will not shorten the war. The rupture, at present, +is confined between the two powers of America and England. England finds +that she cannot conquer America, and America has no wish to conquer +England. You are fighting for what you can never obtain, and we +defending what we never mean to part with. A few words, therefore, +settle the bargain. Let England mind her own business and we will mind +ours. Govern yourselves, and we will govern ourselves. You may then +trade where you please unmolested by us, and we will trade where we +please unmolested by you; and such articles as we can purchase of each +other better than elsewhere may be mutually done. If it were possible +that you could carry on the war for twenty years you must still come to +this point at last, or worse, and the sooner you think of it the better +it will be for you. + +My official situation enables me to know the repeated insults which +Britain is obliged to put up with from foreign powers, and the wretched +shifts that she is driven to, to gloss them over. Her reduced strength +and exhausted coffers in a three years' war with America, has given a +powerful superiority to France and Spain. She is not now a match +for them. But if neither councils can prevail on her to think, nor +sufferings awaken her to reason, she must e'en go on, till the honor of +England becomes a proverb of contempt, and Europe dub her the Land of +Fools. + +I am, Sir, with every wish for an honorable peace, + + Your friend, enemy, and countryman, + + COMMON SENSE. + + + + TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA. + +WITH all the pleasure with which a man exchanges bad company for good, +I take my leave of Sir William and return to you. It is now nearly three +years since the tyranny of Britain received its first repulse by the +arms of America. A period which has given birth to a new world, and +erected a monument to the folly of the old. + +I cannot help being sometimes surprised at the complimentary references +which I have seen and heard made to ancient histories and transactions. +The wisdom, civil governments, and sense of honor of the states of +Greece and Rome, are frequently held up as objects of excellence and +imitation. Mankind have lived to very little purpose, if, at this period +of the world, they must go two or three thousand years back for lessons +and examples. We do great injustice to ourselves by placing them in such +a superior line. We have no just authority for it, neither can we tell +why it is that we should suppose ourselves inferior. + +Could the mist of antiquity be cleared away, and men and things be +viewed as they really were, it is more than probable that they would +admire us, rather than we them. America has surmounted a greater variety +and combination of difficulties, than, I believe, ever fell to the share +of any one people, in the same space of time, and has replenished the +world with more useful knowledge and sounder maxims of civil government +than were ever produced in any age before. Had it not been for America, +there had been no such thing as freedom left throughout the whole +universe. England has lost hers in a long chain of right reasoning from +wrong principles, and it is from this country, now, that she must learn +the resolution to redress herself, and the wisdom how to accomplish it. + +The Grecians and Romans were strongly possessed of the spirit of liberty +but not the principle, for at the time that they were determined not to +be slaves themselves, they employed their power to enslave the rest of +mankind. But this distinguished era is blotted by no one misanthropical +vice. In short, if the principle on which the cause is founded, the +universal blessings that are to arise from it, the difficulties that +accompanied it, the wisdom with which it has been debated, the fortitude +by which it has been supported, the strength of the power which we had +to oppose, and the condition in which we undertook it, be all taken +in one view, we may justly style it the most virtuous and illustrious +revolution that ever graced the history of mankind. + +A good opinion of ourselves is exceedingly necessary in private life, +but absolutely necessary in public life, and of the utmost importance in +supporting national character. I have no notion of yielding the palm of +the United States to any Grecians or Romans that were ever born. We +have equalled the bravest in times of danger, and excelled the wisest in +construction of civil governments. + +From this agreeable eminence let us take a review of present affairs. +The spirit of corruption is so inseparably interwoven with British +politics, that their ministry suppose all mankind are governed by the +same motives. They have no idea of a people submitting even to temporary +inconvenience from an attachment to rights and privileges. Their plans +of business are calculated by the hour and for the hour, and are uniform +in nothing but the corruption which gives them birth. They never had, +neither have they at this time, any regular plan for the conquest of +America by arms. They know not how to go about it, neither have they +power to effect it if they did know. The thing is not within the compass +of human practicability, for America is too extensive either to be fully +conquered or passively defended. But she may be actively defended by +defeating or making prisoners of the army that invades her. And this is +the only system of defence that can be effectual in a large country. + +There is something in a war carried on by invasion which makes it differ +in circumstances from any other mode of war, because he who conducts it +cannot tell whether the ground he gains be for him, or against him, when +he first obtains it. In the winter of 1776, General Howe marched with +an air of victory through the Jerseys, the consequence of which was his +defeat; and General Burgoyne at Saratoga experienced the same fate from +the same cause. The Spaniards, about two years ago, were defeated by +the Algerines in the same manner, that is, their first triumphs became +a trap in which they were totally routed. And whoever will attend to +the circumstances and events of a war carried on by invasion, will find, +that any invader, in order to be finally conquered must first begin to +conquer. + +I confess myself one of those who believe the loss of Philadelphia to +be attended with more advantages than injuries. The case stood thus: +The enemy imagined Philadelphia to be of more importance to us than it +really was; for we all know that it had long ceased to be a port: not a +cargo of goods had been brought into it for near a twelvemonth, nor any +fixed manufactories, nor even ship-building, carried on in it; yet as +the enemy believed the conquest of it to be practicable, and to that +belief added the absurd idea that the soul of all America was centred +there, and would be conquered there, it naturally follows that their +possession of it, by not answering the end proposed, must break up the +plans they had so foolishly gone upon, and either oblige them to form a +new one, for which their present strength is not sufficient, or to give +over the attempt. + +We never had so small an army to fight against, nor so fair an +opportunity of final success as now. The death wound is already given. +The day is ours if we follow it up. The enemy, by his situation, is +within our reach, and by his reduced strength is within our power. The +ministers of Britain may rage as they please, but our part is to conquer +their armies. Let them wrangle and welcome, but let, it not draw our +attention from the one thing needful. Here, in this spot is our own +business to be accomplished, our felicity secured. What we have now to +do is as clear as light, and the way to do it is as straight as a +line. It needs not to be commented upon, yet, in order to be perfectly +understood I will put a case that cannot admit of a mistake. + +Had the armies under Generals Howe and Burgoyne been united, and taken +post at Germantown, and had the northern army under General Gates been +joined to that under General Washington, at Whitemarsh, the consequence +would have been a general action; and if in that action we had killed +and taken the same number of officers and men, that is, between nine and +ten thousand, with the same quantity of artillery, arms, stores, etc., +as have been taken at the northward, and obliged General Howe with the +remains of his army, that is, with the same number he now commands, to +take shelter in Philadelphia, we should certainly have thought ourselves +the greatest heroes in the world; and should, as soon as the season +permitted, have collected together all the force of the continent and +laid siege to the city, for it requires a much greater force to besiege +an enemy in a town than to defeat him in the field. The case now is just +the same as if it had been produced by the means I have here supposed. +Between nine and ten thousand have been killed and taken, all their +stores are in our possession, and General Howe, in consequence of that +victory, has thrown himself for shelter into Philadelphia. He, or his +trifling friend Galloway, may form what pretences they please, yet no +just reason can be given for their going into winter quarters so early +as the 19th of October, but their apprehensions of a defeat if they +continued out, or their conscious inability of keeping the field with +safety. I see no advantage which can arise to America by hunting the +enemy from state to state. It is a triumph without a prize, and wholly +unworthy the attention of a people determined to conquer. Neither can +any state promise itself security while the enemy remains in a condition +to transport themselves from one part of the continent to another. Howe, +likewise, cannot conquer where we have no army to oppose, therefore any +such removals in him are mean and cowardly, and reduces Britain to a +common pilferer. If he retreats from Philadelphia, he will be despised; +if he stays, he may be shut up and starved out, and the country, if he +advances into it, may become his Saratoga. He has his choice of evils +and we of opportunities. If he moves early, it is not only a sign but a +proof that he expects no reinforcement, and his delay will prove that he +either waits for the arrival of a plan to go upon, or force to execute +it, or both; in which case our strength will increase more than his, +therefore in any case we cannot be wrong if we do but proceed. + +The particular condition of Pennsylvania deserves the attention of all +the other States. Her military strength must not be estimated by +the number of inhabitants. Here are men of all nations, characters, +professions and interests. Here are the firmest Whigs, surviving, +like sparks in the ocean, unquenched and uncooled in the midst of +discouragement and disaffection. Here are men losing their all with +cheerfulness, and collecting fire and fortitude from the flames of their +own estates. Here are others skulking in secret, many making a market +of the times, and numbers who are changing to Whig or Tory with the +circumstances of every day. + +It is by a mere dint of fortitude and perseverance that the Whigs of +this State have been able to maintain so good a countenance, and do even +what they have done. We want help, and the sooner it can arrive the more +effectual it will be. The invaded State, be it which it may, will always +feel an additional burden upon its back, and be hard set to support its +civil power with sufficient authority; and this difficulty will rise or +fall, in proportion as the other states throw in their assistance to the +common cause. + +The enemy will most probably make many manoeuvres at the opening of this +campaign, to amuse and draw off the attention of the several States from +the one thing needful. We may expect to hear of alarms and pretended +expeditions to this place and that place, to the southward, the +eastward, and the northward, all intended to prevent our forming +into one formidable body. The less the enemy's strength is, the more +subtleties of this kind will they make use of. Their existence depends +upon it, because the force of America, when collected, is sufficient +to swallow their present army up. It is therefore our business to make +short work of it, by bending our whole attention to this one principal +point, for the instant that the main body under General Howe is +defeated, all the inferior alarms throughout the continent, like so many +shadows, will follow his downfall. + +The only way to finish a war with the least possible bloodshed, or +perhaps without any, is to collect an army, against the power of which +the enemy shall have no chance. By not doing this, we prolong the war, +and double both the calamities and expenses of it. What a rich and happy +country would America be, were she, by a vigorous exertion, to reduce +Howe as she has reduced Burgoyne. Her currency would rise to millions +beyond its present value. Every man would be rich, and every man would +have it in his power to be happy. And why not do these things? What +is there to hinder? America is her own mistress and can do what she +pleases. + +If we had not at this time a man in the field, we could, nevertheless, +raise an army in a few weeks sufficient to overwhelm all the force +which General Howe at present commands. Vigor and determination will do +anything and everything. We began the war with this kind of spirit, why +not end it with the same? Here, gentlemen, is the enemy. Here is the +army. The interest, the happiness of all America, is centred in this +half ruined spot. Come and help us. Here are laurels, come and share +them. Here are Tories, come and help us to expel them. Here are Whigs +that will make you welcome, and enemies that dread your coming. + +The worst of all policies is that of doing things by halves. Penny-wise +and pound-foolish, has been the ruin of thousands. The present spring, +if rightly improved, will free us from our troubles, and save us +the expense of millions. We have now only one army to cope with. No +opportunity can be fairer; no prospect more promising. I shall conclude +this paper with a few outlines of a plan, either for filling up the +battalions with expedition, or for raising an additional force, for any +limited time, on any sudden emergency. + +That in which every man is interested, is every man's duty to support. +And any burden which falls equally on all men, and from which every +man is to receive an equal benefit, is consistent with the most perfect +ideas of liberty. I would wish to revive something of that virtuous +ambition which first called America into the field. Then every man was +eager to do his part, and perhaps the principal reason why we have in +any degree fallen therefrom, is because we did not set a right value by +it at first, but left it to blaze out of itself, instead of regulating +and preserving it by just proportions of rest and service. + +Suppose any State whose number of effective inhabitants was 80,000, +should be required to furnish 3,200 men towards the defence of the +continent on any sudden emergency. + +1st, Let the whole number of effective inhabitants be divided into +hundreds; then if each of those hundreds turn out four men, the whole +number of 3,200 will be had. + +2d, Let the name of each hundred men be entered in a book, and let four +dollars be collected from each man, with as much more as any of the +gentlemen, whose abilities can afford it, shall please to throw in, +which gifts likewise shall be entered against the names of the donors. + +3d, Let the sums so collected be offered as a present, over and above +the bounty of twenty dollars, to any four who may be inclined to propose +themselves as volunteers: if more than four offer, the majority of the +subscribers present shall determine which; if none offer, then four out +of the hundred shall be taken by lot, who shall be entitled to the said +sums, and shall either go, or provide others that will, in the space of +six days. + +4th, As it will always happen that in the space of ground on which a +hundred men shall live, there will be always a number of persons who, by +age and infirmity, are incapable of doing personal service, and as such +persons are generally possessed of the greatest part of property in any +country, their portion of service, therefore, will be to furnish each +man with a blanket, which will make a regimental coat, jacket, and +breeches, or clothes in lieu thereof, and another for a watch cloak, +and two pair of shoes; for however choice people may be of these things +matters not in cases of this kind; those who live always in houses can +find many ways to keep themselves warm, but it is a shame and a sin to +suffer a soldier in the field to want a blanket while there is one in +the country. + +Should the clothing not be wanted, the superannuated or infirm persons +possessing property, may, in lieu thereof, throw in their money +subscriptions towards increasing the bounty; for though age will +naturally exempt a person from personal service, it cannot exempt him +from his share of the charge, because the men are raised for the defence +of property and liberty jointly. + +There never was a scheme against which objections might not be raised. +But this alone is not a sufficient reason for rejection. The only line +to judge truly upon is to draw out and admit all the objections which +can fairly be made, and place against them all the contrary qualities, +conveniences and advantages, then by striking a balance you come at the +true character of any scheme, principle or position. + +The most material advantages of the plan here proposed are, ease, +expedition, and cheapness; yet the men so raised get a much larger +bounty than is any where at present given; because all the expenses, +extravagance, and consequent idleness of recruiting are saved or +prevented. The country incurs no new debt nor interest thereon; the +whole matter being all settled at once and entirely done with. It is +a subscription answering all the purposes of a tax, without either the +charge or trouble of collecting. The men are ready for the field with +the greatest possible expedition, because it becomes the duty of the +inhabitants themselves, in every part of the country, to find their +proportion of men instead of leaving it to a recruiting sergeant, who, +be he ever so industrious, cannot know always where to apply. + +I do not propose this as a regular digested plan, neither will the +limits of this paper admit of any further remarks upon it. I believe it +to be a hint capable of much improvement, and as such submit it to the +public. + + COMMON SENSE. + +LANCASTER, March 21, 1778. + + + + +THE CRISIS VI. (TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND GENERAL CLINTON) + + + TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE, GENERAL CLINTON, AND + WILLIAM EDEN, ESQ., BRITISH COMMISSIONERS + AT NEW YORK. + + +THERE is a dignity in the warm passions of a Whig, which is never to be +found in the cold malice of a Tory. In the one nature is only heated--in +the other she is poisoned. The instant the former has it in his power to +punish, he feels a disposition to forgive; but the canine venom of the +latter knows no relief but revenge. This general distinction will, I +believe, apply in all cases, and suits as well the meridian of England +as America. + +As I presume your last proclamation will undergo the strictures of other +pens, I shall confine my remarks to only a few parts thereof. All that +you have said might have been comprised in half the compass. It is +tedious and unmeaning, and only a repetition of your former follies, +with here and there an offensive aggravation. Your cargo of pardons will +have no market. It is unfashionable to look at them--even speculation +is at an end. They have become a perfect drug, and no way calculated for +the climate. + +In the course of your proclamation you say, "The policy as well as the +benevolence of Great Britain have thus far checked the extremes of war, +when they tended to distress a people still considered as their fellow +subjects, and to desolate a country shortly to become again a source of +mutual advantage." What you mean by "the benevolence of Great Britain" +is to me inconceivable. To put a plain question; do you consider +yourselves men or devils? For until this point is settled, no +determinate sense can be put upon the expression. You have already +equalled and in many cases excelled, the savages of either Indies; and +if you have yet a cruelty in store you must have imported it, unmixed +with every human material, from the original warehouse of hell. + +To the interposition of Providence, and her blessings on our endeavors, +and not to British benevolence are we indebted for the short chain that +limits your ravages. Remember you do not, at this time, command a foot +of land on the continent of America. Staten Island, York Island, a small +part of Long Island, and Rhode Island, circumscribe your power; and even +those you hold at the expense of the West Indies. To avoid a defeat, or +prevent a desertion of your troops, you have taken up your quarters in +holes and corners of inaccessible security; and in order to conceal what +every one can perceive, you now endeavor to impose your weakness upon +us for an act of mercy. If you think to succeed by such shadowy devices, +you are but infants in the political world; you have the A, B, C, of +stratagem yet to learn, and are wholly ignorant of the people you have +to contend with. Like men in a state of intoxication, you forget that +the rest of the world have eyes, and that the same stupidity which +conceals you from yourselves exposes you to their satire and contempt. + +The paragraph which I have quoted, stands as an introduction to the +following: "But when that country [America] professes the unnatural +design, not only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging +herself and her resources to our enemies, the whole contest is changed: +and the question is how far Great Britain may, by every means in her +power, destroy or render useless, a connection contrived for her ruin, +and the aggrandizement of France. Under such circumstances, the laws +of self-preservation must direct the conduct of Britain, and, if the +British colonies are to become an accession to France, will direct her +to render that accession of as little avail as possible to her enemy." + +I consider you in this declaration, like madmen biting in the hour of +death. It contains likewise a fraudulent meanness; for, in order to +justify a barbarous conclusion, you have advanced a false position. The +treaty we have formed with France is open, noble, and generous. It is +true policy, founded on sound philosophy, and neither a surrender +or mortgage, as you would scandalously insinuate. I have seen every +article, and speak from positive knowledge. In France, we have found an +affectionate friend and faithful ally; in Britain, we have found nothing +but tyranny, cruelty, and infidelity. + +But the happiness is, that the mischief you threaten, is not in your +power to execute; and if it were, the punishment would return upon you +in a ten-fold degree. The humanity of America has hitherto restrained +her from acts of retaliation, and the affection she retains for +many individuals in England, who have fed, clothed and comforted her +prisoners, has, to the present day, warded off her resentment, and +operated as a screen to the whole. But even these considerations +must cease, when national objects interfere and oppose them. Repeated +aggravations will provoke a retort, and policy justify the measure. We +mean now to take you seriously up upon your own ground and principle, +and as you do, so shall you be done by. + +You ought to know, gentlemen, that England and Scotland, are far more +exposed to incendiary desolation than America, in her present state, can +possibly be. We occupy a country, with but few towns, and whose riches +consist in land and annual produce. The two last can suffer but little, +and that only within a very limited compass. In Britain it is otherwise. +Her wealth lies chiefly in cities and large towns, the depositories +of manufactures and fleets of merchantmen. There is not a nobleman's +country seat but may be laid in ashes by a single person. Your own +may probably contribute to the proof: in short, there is no evil which +cannot be returned when you come to incendiary mischief. The ships in +the Thames, may certainly be as easily set on fire, as the temporary +bridge was a few years ago; yet of that affair no discovery was ever +made; and the loss you would sustain by such an event, executed at a +proper season, is infinitely greater than any you can inflict. The East +India House and the Bank, neither are nor can be secure from this sort +of destruction, and, as Dr. Price justly observes, a fire at the latter +would bankrupt the nation. It has never been the custom of France and +England when at war, to make those havocs on each other, because the +ease with which they could retaliate rendered it as impolitic as if each +had destroyed his own. + +But think not, gentlemen, that our distance secures you, or our +invention fails us. We can much easier accomplish such a point than any +nation in Europe. We talk the same language, dress in the same habit, +and appear with the same manners as yourselves. We can pass from +one part of England to another unsuspected; many of us are as well +acquainted with the country as you are, and should you impolitically +provoke us, you will most assuredly lament the effects of it. Mischiefs +of this kind require no army to execute them. The means are obvious, and +the opportunities unguardable. I hold up a warning to our senses, if you +have any left, and "to the unhappy people likewise, whose affairs are +committed to you."* I call not with the rancor of an enemy, but the +earnestness of a friend, on the deluded people of England, lest, between +your blunders and theirs, they sink beneath the evils contrived for us. + + + * General [Sir H.] Clinton's letter to Congress. + +"He who lives in a glass house," says a Spanish proverb, "should never +begin throwing stones." This, gentlemen, is exactly your case, and you +must be the most ignorant of mankind, or suppose us so, not to see on +which side the balance of accounts will fall. There are many other modes +of retaliation, which, for several reasons, I choose not to mention. But +be assured of this, that the instant you put your threat into execution, +a counter-blow will follow it. If you openly profess yourselves savages, +it is high time we should treat you as such, and if nothing but distress +can recover you to reason, to punish will become an office of charity. + +While your fleet lay last winter in the Delaware, I offered my service +to the Pennsylvania Navy Board then at Trenton, as one who would make +a party with them, or any four or five gentlemen, on an expedition down +the river to set fire to it, and though it was not then accepted, nor +the thing personally attempted, it is more than probable that your own +folly will provoke a much more ruinous act. Say not when mischief is +done, that you had not warning, and remember that we do not begin it, +but mean to repay it. Thus much for your savage and impolitic threat. + +In another part of your proclamation you say, "But if the honors of +a military life are become the object of the Americans, let them seek +those honors under the banners of their rightful sovereign, and in +fighting the battles of the united British Empire, against our late +mutual and natural enemies." Surely! the union of absurdity with madness +was never marked in more distinguishable lines than these. Your rightful +sovereign, as you call him, may do well enough for you, who dare not +inquire into the humble capacities of the man; but we, who estimate +persons and things by their real worth, cannot suffer our judgments to +be so imposed upon; and unless it is your wish to see him exposed, it +ought to be your endeavor to keep him out of sight. The less you have +to say about him the better. We have done with him, and that ought to +be answer enough. You have been often told so. Strange! that the answer +must be so often repeated. You go a-begging with your king as with a +brat, or with some unsaleable commodity you were tired of; and though +every body tells you no, no, still you keep hawking him about. But +there is one that will have him in a little time, and as we have no +inclination to disappoint you of a customer, we bid nothing for him. + +The impertinent folly of the paragraph that I have just quoted, deserves +no other notice than to be laughed at and thrown by, but the principle +on which it is founded is detestable. We are invited to submit to a man +who has attempted by every cruelty to destroy us, and to join him in +making war against France, who is already at war against him for our +support. + +Can Bedlam, in concert with Lucifer, form a more mad and devilish +request? Were it possible a people could sink into such apostacy they +would deserve to be swept from the earth like the inhabitants of Sodom +and Gomorrah. The proposition is an universal affront to the rank which +man holds in the creation, and an indignity to him who placed him +there. It supposes him made up without a spark of honor, and under no +obligation to God or man. + +What sort of men or Christians must you suppose the Americans to be, +who, after seeing their most humble petitions insultingly rejected; +the most grievous laws passed to distress them in every quarter; an +undeclared war let loose upon them, and Indians and negroes invited to +the slaughter; who, after seeing their kinsmen murdered, their fellow +citizens starved to death in prisons, and their houses and property +destroyed and burned; who, after the most serious appeals to heaven, the +most solemn abjuration by oath of all government connected with you, and +the most heart-felt pledges and protestations of faith to each other; +and who, after soliciting the friendship, and entering into alliances +with other nations, should at last break through all these obligations, +civil and divine, by complying with your horrid and infernal proposal. +Ought we ever after to be considered as a part of the human race? Or +ought we not rather to be blotted from the society of mankind, and +become a spectacle of misery to the world? But there is something in +corruption, which, like a jaundiced eye, transfers the color of itself +to the object it looks upon, and sees every thing stained and impure; +for unless you were capable of such conduct yourselves, you would never +have supposed such a character in us. The offer fixes your infamy. It +exhibits you as a nation without faith; with whom oaths and treaties +are considered as trifles, and the breaking them as the breaking of a +bubble. Regard to decency, or to rank, might have taught you better; or +pride inspired you, though virtue could not. There is not left a step in +the degradation of character to which you can now descend; you have put +your foot on the ground floor, and the key of the dungeon is turned upon +you. + +That the invitation may want nothing of being a complete monster, +you have thought proper to finish it with an assertion which has no +foundation, either in fact or philosophy; and as Mr. Ferguson, your +secretary, is a man of letters, and has made civil society his study, +and published a treatise on that subject, I address this part to him. + +In the close of the paragraph which I last quoted, France is styled the +"natural enemy" of England, and by way of lugging us into some strange +idea, she is styled "the late mutual and natural enemy" of both +countries. I deny that she ever was the natural enemy of either; and +that there does not exist in nature such a principle. The expression +is an unmeaning barbarism, and wholly unphilosophical, when applied to +beings of the same species, let their station in the creation be what +it may. We have a perfect idea of a natural enemy when we think of the +devil, because the enmity is perpetual, unalterable and unabateable. It +admits, neither of peace, truce, or treaty; consequently the warfare is +eternal, and therefore it is natural. But man with man cannot arrange +in the same opposition. Their quarrels are accidental and equivocally +created. They become friends or enemies as the change of temper, or the +cast of interest inclines them. The Creator of man did not constitute +them the natural enemy of each other. He has not made any one order of +beings so. Even wolves may quarrel, still they herd together. If any two +nations are so, then must all nations be so, otherwise it is not nature +but custom, and the offence frequently originates with the accuser. +England is as truly the natural enemy of France, as France is of +England, and perhaps more so. Separated from the rest of Europe, she +has contracted an unsocial habit of manners, and imagines in others the +jealousy she creates in herself. Never long satisfied with peace, +she supposes the discontent universal, and buoyed up with her own +importance, conceives herself the only object pointed at. The expression +has been often used, and always with a fraudulent design; for when the +idea of a natural enemy is conceived, it prevents all other inquiries, +and the real cause of the quarrel is hidden in the universality of the +conceit. Men start at the notion of a natural enemy, and ask no other +question. The cry obtains credit like the alarm of a mad dog, and is +one of those kind of tricks, which, by operating on the common passions, +secures their interest through their folly. + +But we, sir, are not to be thus imposed upon. We live in a large world, +and have extended our ideas beyond the limits and prejudices of an +island. We hold out the right hand of friendship to all the universe, +and we conceive that there is a sociality in the manners of France, +which is much better disposed to peace and negotiation than that of +England, and until the latter becomes more civilized, she cannot expect +to live long at peace with any power. Her common language is vulgar +and offensive, and children suck in with their milk the rudiments of +insult--"The arm of Britain! The mighty arm of Britain! Britain that +shakes the earth to its center and its poles! The scourge of France! The +terror of the world! That governs with a nod, and pours down vengeance +like a God." This language neither makes a nation great or little; but +it shows a savageness of manners, and has a tendency to keep national +animosity alive. The entertainments of the stage are calculated to the +same end, and almost every public exhibition is tinctured with insult. +Yet England is always in dread of France,--terrified at the apprehension +of an invasion, suspicious of being outwitted in a treaty, and privately +cringing though she is publicly offending. Let her, therefore, reform +her manners and do justice, and she will find the idea of a natural +enemy to be only a phantom of her own imagination. + +Little did I think, at this period of the war, to see a proclamation +which could promise you no one useful purpose whatever, and tend only +to expose you. One would think that you were just awakened from a four +years' dream, and knew nothing of what had passed in the interval. +Is this a time to be offering pardons, or renewing the long forgotten +subjects of charters and taxation? Is it worth your while, after every +force has failed you, to retreat under the shelter of argument and +persuasion? Or can you think that we, with nearly half your army +prisoners, and in alliance with France, are to be begged or threatened +into submission by a piece of paper? But as commissioners at a hundred +pounds sterling a week each, you conceive yourselves bound to do +something, and the genius of ill-fortune told you, that you must write. + +For my own part, I have not put pen to paper these several months. +Convinced of our superiority by the issue of every campaign, I was +inclined to hope, that that which all the rest of the world now see, +would become visible to you, and therefore felt unwilling to ruffle your +temper by fretting you with repetitions and discoveries. There have been +intervals of hesitation in your conduct, from which it seemed a pity to +disturb you, and a charity to leave you to yourselves. You have often +stopped, as if you intended to think, but your thoughts have ever been +too early or too late. + +There was a time when Britain disdained to answer, or even hear +a petition from America. That time is past and she in her turn is +petitioning our acceptance. We now stand on higher ground, and offer +her peace; and the time will come when she, perhaps in vain, will ask +it from us. The latter case is as probable as the former ever was. She +cannot refuse to acknowledge our independence with greater obstinacy +than she before refused to repeal her laws; and if America alone could +bring her to the one, united with France she will reduce her to the +other. There is something in obstinacy which differs from every other +passion; whenever it fails it never recovers, but either breaks like +iron, or crumbles sulkily away like a fractured arch. Most other +passions have their periods of fatigue and rest; their suffering and +their cure; but obstinacy has no resource, and the first wound is +mortal. You have already begun to give it up, and you will, from the +natural construction of the vice, find yourselves both obliged and +inclined to do so. + +If you look back you see nothing but loss and disgrace. If you look +forward the same scene continues, and the close is an impenetrable +gloom. You may plan and execute little mischiefs, but are they worth the +expense they cost you, or will such partial evils have any effect on the +general cause? Your expedition to Egg Harbor, will be felt at a distance +like an attack upon a hen-roost, and expose you in Europe, with a sort +of childish frenzy. Is it worth while to keep an army to protect you +in writing proclamations, or to get once a year into winter quarters? +Possessing yourselves of towns is not conquest, but convenience, and +in which you will one day or other be trepanned. Your retreat from +Philadelphia, was only a timely escape, and your next expedition may be +less fortunate. + +It would puzzle all the politicians in the universe to conceive what you +stay for, or why you should have stayed so long. You are prosecuting +a war in which you confess you have neither object nor hope, and that +conquest, could it be effected, would not repay the charges: in the mean +while the rest of your affairs are running to ruin, and a European war +kindling against you. In such a situation, there is neither doubt nor +difficulty; the first rudiments of reason will determine the choice, for +if peace can be procured with more advantages than even a conquest can +be obtained, he must be an idiot indeed that hesitates. + +But you are probably buoyed up by a set of wretched mortals, who, having +deceived themselves, are cringing, with the duplicity of a spaniel, for +a little temporary bread. Those men will tell you just what you +please. It is their interest to amuse, in order to lengthen out their +protection. They study to keep you amongst them for that very purpose; +and in proportion as you disregard their advice, and grow callous to +their complaints, they will stretch into improbability, and season their +flattery the higher. Characters like these are to be found in every +country, and every country will despise them. + + COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 20, 1778. + + + + +THE CRISIS VII. TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. + + +THERE are stages in the business of serious life in which to amuse is +cruel, but to deceive is to destroy; and it is of little consequence, in +the conclusion, whether men deceive themselves, or submit, by a kind of +mutual consent, to the impositions of each other. That England has long +been under the influence of delusion or mistake, needs no other proof +than the unexpected and wretched situation that she is now involved in: +and so powerful has been the influence, that no provision was ever made +or thought of against the misfortune, because the possibility of its +happening was never conceived. + +The general and successful resistance of America, the conquest of +Burgoyne, and a war in France, were treated in parliament as the dreams +of a discontented opposition, or a distempered imagination. They were +beheld as objects unworthy of a serious thought, and the bare intimation +of them afforded the ministry a triumph of laughter. Short triumph +indeed! For everything which has been predicted has happened, and all +that was promised has failed. A long series of politics so remarkably +distinguished by a succession of misfortunes, without one alleviating +turn, must certainly have something in it systematically wrong. It is +sufficient to awaken the most credulous into suspicion, and the most +obstinate into thought. Either the means in your power are insufficient, +or the measures ill planned; either the execution has been bad, or the +thing attempted impracticable; or, to speak more emphatically, either +you are not able or heaven is not willing. For, why is it that you have +not conquered us? Who, or what has prevented you? You have had every +opportunity that you could desire, and succeeded to your utmost wish in +every preparatory means. Your fleets and armies have arrived in America +without an accident. No uncommon fortune has intervened. No foreign +nation has interfered until the time which you had allotted for victory +was passed. The opposition, either in or out of parliament, neither +disconcerted your measures, retarded or diminished your force. They only +foretold your fate. Every ministerial scheme was carried with as high a +hand as if the whole nation had been unanimous. Every thing wanted was +asked for, and every thing asked for was granted. + +A greater force was not within the compass of your abilities to send, +and the time you sent it was of all others the most favorable. You were +then at rest with the whole world beside. You had the range of every +court in Europe uncontradicted by us. You amused us with a tale of +commissioners of peace, and under that disguise collected a numerous +army and came almost unexpectedly upon us. The force was much greater +than we looked for; and that which we had to oppose it with, was unequal +in numbers, badly armed, and poorly disciplined; beside which, it was +embodied only for a short time, and expired within a few months after +your arrival. We had governments to form; measures to concert; an +army to train, and every necessary article to import or to create. Our +non-importation scheme had exhausted our stores, and your command by sea +intercepted our supplies. We were a people unknown, and unconnected with +the political world, and strangers to the disposition of foreign +powers. Could you possibly wish for a more favorable conjunction of +circumstances? Yet all these have happened and passed away, and, as +it were, left you with a laugh. There are likewise, events of such an +original nativity as can never happen again, unless a new world should +arise from the ocean. + +If any thing can be a lesson to presumption, surely the circumstances +of this war will have their effect. Had Britain been defeated by +any European power, her pride would have drawn consolation from the +importance of her conquerors; but in the present case, she is excelled +by those that she affected to despise, and her own opinions retorting +upon herself, become an aggravation of her disgrace. Misfortune and +experience are lost upon mankind, when they produce neither reflection +nor reformation. Evils, like poisons, have their uses, and there are +diseases which no other remedy can reach. It has been the crime and +folly of England to suppose herself invincible, and that, without +acknowledging or perceiving that a full third of her strength was drawn +from the country she is now at war with. The arm of Britain has been +spoken of as the arm of the Almighty, and she has lived of late as if +she thought the whole world created for her diversion. Her politics, +instead of civilizing, has tended to brutalize mankind, and under the +vain, unmeaning title of "Defender of the Faith," she has made war like +an Indian against the religion of humanity. Her cruelties in the East +Indies will never be forgotten, and it is somewhat remarkable that the +produce of that ruined country, transported to America, should there +kindle up a war to punish the destroyer. The chain is continued, +though with a mysterious kind of uniformity both in the crime and the +punishment. The latter runs parallel with the former, and time and fate +will give it a perfect illustration. + +When information is withheld, ignorance becomes a reasonable excuse; and +one would charitably hope that the people of England do not encourage +cruelty from choice but from mistake. Their recluse situation, +surrounded by the sea, preserves them from the calamities of war, and +keeps them in the dark as to the conduct of their own armies. They see +not, therefore they feel not. They tell the tale that is told them and +believe it, and accustomed to no other news than their own, they receive +it, stripped of its horrors and prepared for the palate of the nation, +through the channel of the London Gazette. They are made to believe that +their generals and armies differ from those of other nations, and have +nothing of rudeness or barbarity in them. They suppose them what +they wish them to be. They feel a disgrace in thinking otherwise, and +naturally encourage the belief from a partiality to themselves. There +was a time when I felt the same prejudices, and reasoned from the +same errors; but experience, sad and painful experience, has taught me +better. What the conduct of former armies was, I know not, but what the +conduct of the present is, I well know. It is low, cruel, indolent and +profligate; and had the people of America no other cause for separation +than what the army has occasioned, that alone is cause sufficient. + +The field of politics in England is far more extensive than that of +news. Men have a right to reason for themselves, and though they cannot +contradict the intelligence in the London Gazette, they may frame upon +it what sentiments they please. But the misfortune is, that a general +ignorance has prevailed over the whole nation respecting America. The +ministry and the minority have both been wrong. The former was always +so, the latter only lately so. Politics, to be executively right, must +have a unity of means and time, and a defect in either overthrows the +whole. The ministry rejected the plans of the minority while they were +practicable, and joined in them when they became impracticable. From +wrong measures they got into wrong time, and have now completed the +circle of absurdity by closing it upon themselves. + +I happened to come to America a few months before the breaking out of +hostilities. I found the disposition of the people such, that they might +have been led by a thread and governed by a reed. Their suspicion was +quick and penetrating, but their attachment to Britain was obstinate, +and it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against it. They +disliked the ministry, but they esteemed the nation. Their idea of +grievance operated without resentment, and their single object was +reconciliation. Bad as I believed the ministry to be, I never conceived +them capable of a measure so rash and wicked as the commencing of +hostilities; much less did I imagine the nation would encourage it. +I viewed the dispute as a kind of law-suit, in which I supposed the +parties would find a way either to decide or settle it. I had no +thoughts of independence or of arms. The world could not then have +persuaded me that I should be either a soldier or an author. If I had +any talents for either, they were buried in me, and might ever have +continued so, had not the necessity of the times dragged and driven them +into action. I had formed my plan of life, and conceiving myself happy, +wished every body else so. But when the country, into which I had just +set my foot, was set on fire about my ears, it was time to stir. It +was time for every man to stir. Those who had been long settled had +something to defend; those who had just come had something to pursue; +and the call and the concern was equal and universal. For in a country +where all men were once adventurers, the difference of a few years in +their arrival could make none in their right. + +The breaking out of hostilities opened a new suspicion in the politics +of America, which, though at that time very rare, has since been proved +to be very right. What I allude to is, "a secret and fixed determination +in the British Cabinet to annex America to the crown of England as a +conquered country." If this be taken as the object, then the whole +line of conduct pursued by the ministry, though rash in its origin and +ruinous in its consequences, is nevertheless uniform and consistent in +its parts. It applies to every case and resolves every difficulty. +But if taxation, or any thing else, be taken in its room, there is no +proportion between the object and the charge. Nothing but the whole +soil and property of the country can be placed as a possible equivalent +against the millions which the ministry expended. No taxes raised in +America could possibly repay it. A revenue of two millions sterling a +year would not discharge the sum and interest accumulated thereon, in +twenty years. + +Reconciliation never appears to have been the wish or the object of the +administration; they looked on conquest as certain and infallible, and, +under that persuasion, sought to drive the Americans into what they +might style a general rebellion, and then, crushing them with arms +in their hands, reap the rich harvest of a general confiscation, and +silence them for ever. The dependents at court were too numerous to be +provided for in England. The market for plunder in the East Indies was +over; and the profligacy of government required that a new mine should +be opened, and that mine could be no other than America, conquered +and forfeited. They had no where else to go. Every other channel was +drained; and extravagance, with the thirst of a drunkard, was gaping for +supplies. + +If the ministry deny this to have been their plan, it becomes them to +explain what was their plan. For either they have abused us in coveting +property they never labored for, or they have abused you in expending an +amazing sum upon an incompetent object. Taxation, as I mentioned before, +could never be worth the charge of obtaining it by arms; and any kind of +formal obedience which America could have made, would have weighed with +the lightness of a laugh against such a load of expense. It is therefore +most probable that the ministry will at last justify their policy by +their dishonesty, and openly declare, that their original design was +conquest: and, in this case, it well becomes the people of England to +consider how far the nation would have been benefited by the success. + +In a general view, there are few conquests that repay the charge of +making them, and mankind are pretty well convinced that it can never be +worth their while to go to war for profit's sake. If they are made war +upon, their country invaded, or their existence at stake, it is their +duty to defend and preserve themselves, but in every other light, and +from every other cause, is war inglorious and detestable. But to return +to the case in question-- + +When conquests are made of foreign countries, it is supposed that the +commerce and dominion of the country which made them are extended. But +this could neither be the object nor the consequence of the present +war. You enjoyed the whole commerce before. It could receive no possible +addition by a conquest, but on the contrary, must diminish as the +inhabitants were reduced in numbers and wealth. You had the same +dominion over the country which you used to have, and had no complaint +to make against her for breach of any part of the contract between +you or her, or contending against any established custom, commercial, +political or territorial. The country and commerce were both your own +when you began to conquer, in the same manner and form as they had been +your own a hundred years before. Nations have sometimes been induced to +make conquests for the sake of reducing the power of their enemies, or +bringing it to a balance with their own. But this could be no part of +your plan. No foreign authority was claimed here, neither was any such +authority suspected by you, or acknowledged or imagined by us. What +then, in the name of heaven, could you go to war for? Or what chance +could you possibly have in the event, but either to hold the same +country which you held before, and that in a much worse condition, or +to lose, with an amazing expense, what you might have retained without a +farthing of charges? + +War never can be the interest of a trading nation, any more than +quarrelling can be profitable to a man in business. But to make war with +those who trade with us, is like setting a bull-dog upon a customer at +the shop-door. The least degree of common sense shows the madness of +the latter, and it will apply with the same force of conviction to the +former. Piratical nations, having neither commerce or commodities of +their own to lose, may make war upon all the world, and lucratively +find their account in it; but it is quite otherwise with Britain: for, +besides the stoppage of trade in time of war, she exposes more of her +own property to be lost, than she has the chance of taking from others. +Some ministerial gentlemen in parliament have mentioned the greatness of +her trade as an apology for the greatness of her loss. This is miserable +politics indeed! Because it ought to have been given as a reason for her +not engaging in a war at first. The coast of America commands the West +India trade almost as effectually as the coast of Africa does that of +the Straits; and England can no more carry on the former without the +consent of America, than she can the latter without a Mediterranean +pass. + +In whatever light the war with America is considered upon commercial +principles, it is evidently the interest of the people of England not to +support it; and why it has been supported so long, against the clearest +demonstrations of truth and national advantage, is, to me, and must be +to all the reasonable world, a matter of astonishment. Perhaps it may +be said that I live in America, and write this from interest. To this +I reply, that my principle is universal. My attachment is to all the +world, and not to any particular part, and if what I advance is right, +no matter where or who it comes from. We have given the proclamation of +your commissioners a currency in our newspapers, and I have no doubt you +will give this a place in yours. To oblige and be obliged is fair. + +Before I dismiss this part of my address, I shall mention one more +circumstance in which I think the people of England have been equally +mistaken: and then proceed to other matters. + +There is such an idea existing in the world, as that of national honor, +and this, falsely understood, is oftentimes the cause of war. In a +Christian and philosophical sense, mankind seem to have stood still +at individual civilization, and to retain as nations all the original +rudeness of nature. Peace by treaty is only a cessation of violence for +a reformation of sentiment. It is a substitute for a principle that +is wanting and ever will be wanting till the idea of national honor be +rightly understood. As individuals we profess ourselves Christians, but +as nations we are heathens, Romans, and what not. I remember the late +Admiral Saunders declaring in the House of Commons, and that in the time +of peace, "That the city of Madrid laid in ashes was not a sufficient +atonement for the Spaniards taking off the rudder of an English sloop +of war." I do not ask whether this is Christianity or morality, I ask +whether it is decency? whether it is proper language for a nation to +use? In private life we call it by the plain name of bullying, and +the elevation of rank cannot alter its character. It is, I think, +exceedingly easy to define what ought to be understood by national +honor; for that which is the best character for an individual is the +best character for a nation; and wherever the latter exceeds or +falls beneath the former, there is a departure from the line of true +greatness. + +I have thrown out this observation with a design of applying it to Great +Britain. Her ideas of national honor seem devoid of that benevolence of +heart, that universal expansion of philanthropy, and that triumph over +the rage of vulgar prejudice, without which man is inferior to himself, +and a companion of common animals. To know who she shall regard or +dislike, she asks what country they are of, what religion they profess, +and what property they enjoy. Her idea of national honor seems to +consist in national insult, and that to be a great people, is to be +neither a Christian, a philosopher, or a gentleman, but to threaten with +the rudeness of a bear, and to devour with the ferocity of a lion. This +perhaps may sound harsh and uncourtly, but it is too true, and the more +is the pity. + +I mention this only as her general character. But towards America she +has observed no character at all; and destroyed by her conduct what she +assumed in her title. She set out with the title of parent, or mother +country. The association of ideas which naturally accompany this +expression, are filled with everything that is fond, tender and +forbearing. They have an energy peculiar to themselves, and, overlooking +the accidental attachment of common affections, apply with infinite +softness to the first feelings of the heart. It is a political term +which every mother can feel the force of, and every child can judge of. +It needs no painting of mine to set it off, for nature only can do it +justice. + +But has any part of your conduct to America corresponded with the title +you set up? If in your general national character you are unpolished and +severe, in this you are inconsistent and unnatural, and you must have +exceeding false notions of national honor to suppose that the world can +admire a want of humanity or that national honor depends on the +violence of resentment, the inflexibility of temper, or the vengeance of +execution. + +I would willingly convince you, and that with as much temper as the +times will suffer me to do, that as you opposed your own interest by +quarrelling with us, so likewise your national honor, rightly conceived +and understood, was no ways called upon to enter into a war with +America; had you studied true greatness of heart, the first and fairest +ornament of mankind, you would have acted directly contrary to all that +you have done, and the world would have ascribed it to a generous cause. +Besides which, you had (though with the assistance of this country) +secured a powerful name by the last war. You were known and dreaded +abroad; and it would have been wise in you to have suffered the world to +have slept undisturbed under that idea. It was to you a force existing +without expense. It produced to you all the advantages of real power; +and you were stronger through the universality of that charm, than any +future fleets and armies may probably make you. Your greatness was so +secured and interwoven with your silence that you ought never to have +awakened mankind, and had nothing to do but to be quiet. Had you been +true politicians you would have seen all this, and continued to draw +from the magic of a name, the force and authority of a nation. + +Unwise as you were in breaking the charm, you were still more unwise +in the manner of doing it. Samson only told the secret, but you have +performed the operation; you have shaven your own head, and wantonly +thrown away the locks. America was the hair from which the charm was +drawn that infatuated the world. You ought to have quarrelled with no +power; but with her upon no account. You had nothing to fear from any +condescension you might make. You might have humored her, even if there +had been no justice in her claims, without any risk to your reputation; +for Europe, fascinated by your fame, would have ascribed it to your +benevolence, and America, intoxicated by the grant, would have slumbered +in her fetters. + +But this method of studying the progress of the passions, in order to +ascertain the probable conduct of mankind, is a philosophy in politics +which those who preside at St. James's have no conception of. They know +no other influence than corruption and reckon all their probabilities +from precedent. A new case is to them a new world, and while they are +seeking for a parallel they get lost. The talents of Lord Mansfield can +be estimated at best no higher than those of a sophist. He understands +the subtleties but not the elegance of nature; and by continually +viewing mankind through the cold medium of the law, never thinks of +penetrating into the warmer region of the mind. As for Lord North, it +is his happiness to have in him more philosophy than sentiment, for he +bears flogging like a top, and sleeps the better for it. His punishment +becomes his support, for while he suffers the lash for his sins, +he keeps himself up by twirling about. In politics, he is a good +arithmetician, and in every thing else nothing at all. + +There is one circumstance which comes so much within Lord North's +province as a financier, that I am surprised it should escape him, +which is, the different abilities of the two countries in supporting the +expense; for, strange as it may seem, England is not a match for America +in this particular. By a curious kind of revolution in accounts, the +people of England seem to mistake their poverty for their riches; that +is, they reckon their national debt as a part of their national wealth. +They make the same kind of error which a man would do, who after +mortgaging his estate, should add the money borrowed, to the full value +of the estate, in order to count up his worth, and in this case he would +conceive that he got rich by running into debt. Just thus it is with +England. The government owed at the beginning of this war one hundred +and thirty-five millions sterling, and though the individuals to whom it +was due had a right to reckon their shares as so much private property, +yet to the nation collectively it was so much poverty. There are as +effectual limits to public debts as to private ones, for when once the +money borrowed is so great as to require the whole yearly revenue to +discharge the interest thereon, there is an end to further borrowing; +in the same manner as when the interest of a man's debts amounts to +the yearly income of his estate, there is an end to his credit. This is +nearly the case with England, the interest of her present debt being +at least equal to one half of her yearly revenue, so that out of ten +millions annually collected by taxes, she has but five that she can call +her own. + +The very reverse of this was the case with America; she began the war +without any debt upon her, and in order to carry it on, she neither +raised money by taxes, nor borrowed it upon interest, but created it; +and her situation at this time continues so much the reverse of yours +that taxing would make her rich, whereas it would make you poor. When we +shall have sunk the sum which we have created, we shall then be out of +debt, be just as rich as when we began, and all the while we are doing +it shall feel no difference, because the value will rise as the quantity +decreases. + +There was not a country in the world so capable of bearing the expense +of a war as America; not only because she was not in debt when she +began, but because the country is young and capable of infinite +improvement, and has an almost boundless tract of new lands in store; +whereas England has got to her extent of age and growth, and has not +unoccupied land or property in reserve. The one is like a young heir +coming to a large improvable estate; the other like an old man whose +chances are over, and his estate mortgaged for half its worth. + +In the second number of the Crisis, which I find has been republished +in England, I endeavored to set forth the impracticability of conquering +America. I stated every case, that I conceived could possibly happen, +and ventured to predict its consequences. As my conclusions were drawn +not artfully, but naturally, they have all proved to be true. I was upon +the spot; knew the politics of America, her strength and resources, and +by a train of services, the best in my power to render, was honored with +the friendship of the congress, the army and the people. I considered +the cause a just one. I know and feel it a just one, and under that +confidence never made my own profit or loss an object. My endeavor was +to have the matter well understood on both sides, and I conceived +myself tendering a general service, by setting forth to the one the +impossibility of being conquered, and to the other the impossibility +of conquering. Most of the arguments made use of by the ministry for +supporting the war, are the very arguments that ought to have been used +against supporting it; and the plans, by which they thought to conquer, +are the very plans in which they were sure to be defeated. They have +taken every thing up at the wrong end. Their ignorance is astonishing, +and were you in my situation you would see it. They may, perhaps, +have your confidence, but I am persuaded that they would make very +indifferent members of Congress. I know what England is, and what +America is, and from the compound of knowledge, am better enabled to +judge of the issue than what the king or any of his ministers can be. + +In this number I have endeavored to show the ill policy and +disadvantages of the war. I believe many of my remarks are new. Those +which are not so, I have studied to improve and place in a manner that +may be clear and striking. Your failure is, I am persuaded, as certain +as fate. America is above your reach. She is at least your equal in the +world, and her independence neither rests upon your consent, nor can it +be prevented by your arms. In short, you spend your substance in vain, +and impoverish yourselves without a hope. + +But suppose you had conquered America, what advantages, collectively or +individually, as merchants, manufacturers, or conquerors, could you +have looked for? This is an object you seemed never to have attended to. +Listening for the sound of victory, and led away by the frenzy of arms, +you neglected to reckon either the cost or the consequences. You must +all pay towards the expense; the poorest among you must bear his share, +and it is both your right and your duty to weigh seriously the matter. +Had America been conquered, she might have been parcelled out in grants +to the favorites at court, but no share of it would have fallen to you. +Your taxes would not have been lessened, because she would have been +in no condition to have paid any towards your relief. We are rich by +contrivance of our own, which would have ceased as soon as you became +masters. Our paper money will be of no use in England, and silver and +gold we have none. In the last war you made many conquests, but were any +of your taxes lessened thereby? On the contrary, were you not taxed to +pay for the charge of making them, and has not the same been the case in +every war? + +To the Parliament I wish to address myself in a more particular manner. +They appear to have supposed themselves partners in the chase, and to +have hunted with the lion from an expectation of a right in the booty; +but in this it is most probable they would, as legislators, have +been disappointed. The case is quite a new one, and many unforeseen +difficulties would have arisen thereon. The Parliament claimed a +legislative right over America, and the war originated from that +pretence. But the army is supposed to belong to the crown, and if +America had been conquered through their means, the claim of the +legislature would have been suffocated in the conquest. Ceded, or +conquered, countries are supposed to be out of the authority of +Parliament. Taxation is exercised over them by prerogative and not by +law. It was attempted to be done in the Grenadas a few years ago, and +the only reason why it was not done was because the crown had made a +prior relinquishment of its claim. Therefore, Parliament have been all +this while supporting measures for the establishment of their authority, +in the issue of which, they would have been triumphed over by the +prerogative. This might have opened a new and interesting opposition +between the Parliament and the crown. The crown would have said that it +conquered for itself, and that to conquer for Parliament was an unknown +case. The Parliament might have replied, that America not being a +foreign country, but a country in rebellion, could not be said to be +conquered, but reduced; and thus continued their claim by disowning +the term. The crown might have rejoined, that however America might +be considered at first, she became foreign at last by a declaration of +independence, and a treaty with France; and that her case being, by that +treaty, put within the law of nations, was out of the law of Parliament, +who might have maintained, that as their claim over America had never +been surrendered, so neither could it be taken away. The crown might +have insisted, that though the claim of Parliament could not be taken +away, yet, being an inferior, it might be superseded; and that, whether +the claim was withdrawn from the object, or the object taken from the +claim, the same separation ensued; and that America being subdued after +a treaty with France, was to all intents and purposes a regal conquest, +and of course the sole property of the king. The Parliament, as the +legal delegates of the people, might have contended against the term +"inferior," and rested the case upon the antiquity of power, and this +would have brought on a set of very interesting and rational questions. + + 1st, What is the original fountain of power and honor in any country? + 2d, Whether the prerogative does not belong to the people? + 3d, Whether there is any such thing as the English constitution? + 4th, Of what use is the crown to the people? + 5th, Whether he who invented a crown was not an enemy to mankind? + 6th, Whether it is not a shame for a man to spend a million a year + and do no good for it, and whether the money might not be better + applied? 7th, Whether such a man is not better dead than alive? + 8th, Whether a Congress, constituted like that of America, is not the + most happy and consistent form of government in the world?--With a + number of others of the same import. + +In short, the contention about the dividend might have distracted the +nation; for nothing is more common than to agree in the conquest and +quarrel for the prize; therefore it is, perhaps, a happy circumstance, +that our successes have prevented the dispute. + +If the Parliament had been thrown out in their claim, which it is most +probable they would, the nation likewise would have been thrown out in +their expectation; for as the taxes would have been laid on by the crown +without the Parliament, the revenue arising therefrom, if any could +have arisen, would not have gone into the exchequer, but into the privy +purse, and so far from lessening the taxes, would not even have been +added to them, but served only as pocket money to the crown. The more I +reflect on this matter, the more I am satisfied at the blindness and +ill policy of my countrymen, whose wisdom seems to operate without +discernment, and their strength without an object. + +To the great bulwark of the nation, I mean the mercantile and +manufacturing part thereof, I likewise present my address. It is your +interest to see America an independent, and not a conquered country. If +conquered, she is ruined; and if ruined, poor; consequently the +trade will be a trifle, and her credit doubtful. If independent, she +flourishes, and from her flourishing must your profits arise. It +matters nothing to you who governs America, if your manufactures find +a consumption there. Some articles will consequently be obtained from +other places, and it is right that they should; but the demand for +others will increase, by the great influx of inhabitants which a state +of independence and peace will occasion, and in the final event you may +be enriched. The commerce of America is perfectly free, and ever will +be so. She will consign away no part of it to any nation. She has not +to her friends, and certainly will not to her enemies; though it is +probable that your narrow-minded politicians, thinking to please you +thereby, may some time or other unnecessarily make such a proposal. +Trade flourishes best when it is free, and it is weak policy to attempt +to fetter it. Her treaty with France is on the most liberal and generous +principles, and the French, in their conduct towards her, have proved +themselves to be philosophers, politicians, and gentlemen. + +To the ministry I likewise address myself. You, gentlemen, have studied +the ruin of your country, from which it is not within your abilities to +rescue her. Your attempts to recover her are as ridiculous as your plans +which involved her are detestable. The commissioners, being about to +depart, will probably bring you this, and with it my sixth number, +addressed to them; and in so doing they carry back more Common Sense +than they brought, and you likewise will have more than when you sent +them. + +Having thus addressed you severally, I conclude by addressing you +collectively. It is a long lane that has no turning. A period of sixteen +years of misconduct and misfortune, is certainly long enough for any one +nation to suffer under; and upon a supposition that war is not declared +between France and you, I beg to place a line of conduct before you +that will easily lead you out of all your troubles. It has been hinted +before, and cannot be too much attended to. + +Suppose America had remained unknown to Europe till the present year, +and that Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, in another voyage round the world, +had made the first discovery of her, in the same condition that she is +now in, of arts, arms, numbers, and civilization. What, I ask, in that +case, would have been your conduct towards her? For that will point out +what it ought to be now. The problems and their solutions are equal, +and the right line of the one is the parallel of the other. The question +takes in every circumstance that can possibly arise. It reduces politics +to a simple thought, and is moreover a mode of investigation, in which, +while you are studying your interest the simplicity of the case will +cheat you into good temper. You have nothing to do but to suppose that +you have found America, and she appears found to your hand, and while +in the joy of your heart you stand still to admire her, the path of +politics rises straight before you. + +Were I disposed to paint a contrast, I could easily set off what you +have done in the present case, against what you would have done in that +case, and by justly opposing them, conclude a picture that would make +you blush. But, as, when any of the prouder passions are hurt, it is +much better philosophy to let a man slip into a good temper than to +attack him in a bad one, for that reason, therefore, I only state the +case, and leave you to reflect upon it. + +To go a little back into politics, it will be found that the true +interest of Britain lay in proposing and promoting the independence of +America immediately after the last peace; for the expense which Britain +had then incurred by defending America as her own dominions, ought to +have shown her the policy and necessity of changing the style of the +country, as the best probable method of preventing future wars and +expense, and the only method by which she could hold the commerce +without the charge of sovereignty. Besides which, the title which she +assumed, of parent country, led to, and pointed out the propriety, +wisdom and advantage of a separation; for, as in private life, children +grow into men, and by setting up for themselves, extend and secure the +interest of the whole family, so in the settlement of colonies large +enough to admit of maturity, the same policy should be pursued, and the +same consequences would follow. Nothing hurts the affections both of +parents and children so much, as living too closely connected, and +keeping up the distinction too long. Domineering will not do over those, +who, by a progress in life, have become equal in rank to their parents, +that is, when they have families of their own; and though they may +conceive themselves the subjects of their advice, will not suppose them +the objects of their government. I do not, by drawing this parallel, +mean to admit the title of parent country, because, if it is due any +where, it is due to Europe collectively, and the first settlers from +England were driven here by persecution. I mean only to introduce the +term for the sake of policy and to show from your title the line of your +interest. + +When you saw the state of strength and opulence, and that by her own +industry, which America arrived at, you ought to have advised her to set +up for herself, and proposed an alliance of interest with her, and in +so doing you would have drawn, and that at her own expense, more real +advantage, and more military supplies and assistance, both of ships and +men, than from any weak and wrangling government that you could exercise +over her. In short, had you studied only the domestic politics of a +family, you would have learned how to govern the state; but, instead of +this easy and natural line, you flew out into every thing which was +wild and outrageous, till, by following the passion and stupidity of the +pilot, you wrecked the vessel within sight of the shore. + +Having shown what you ought to have done, I now proceed to show why it +was not done. The caterpillar circle of the court had an interest +to pursue, distinct from, and opposed to yours; for though by the +independence of America and an alliance therewith, the trade would have +continued, if not increased, as in many articles neither country can go +to a better market, and though by defending and protecting herself, +she would have been no expense to you, and consequently your +national charges would have decreased, and your taxes might have been +proportionably lessened thereby; yet the striking off so many places +from the court calendar was put in opposition to the interest of the +nation. The loss of thirteen government ships, with their appendages, +here and in England, is a shocking sound in the ear of a hungry +courtier. Your present king and ministry will be the ruin of you; and +you had better risk a revolution and call a Congress, than be thus led +on from madness to despair, and from despair to ruin. America has set +you the example, and you may follow it and be free. + +I now come to the last part, a war with France. This is what no man in +his senses will advise you to, and all good men would wish to prevent. +Whether France will declare war against you, is not for me in this place +to mention, or to hint, even if I knew it; but it must be madness in you +to do it first. The matter is come now to a full crisis, and peace is +easy if willingly set about. Whatever you may think, France has behaved +handsomely to you. She would have been unjust to herself to have acted +otherwise than she did; and having accepted our offer of alliance she +gave you genteel notice of it. There was nothing in her conduct reserved +or indelicate, and while she announced her determination to support her +treaty, she left you to give the first offence. America, on her part, +has exhibited a character of firmness to the world. Unprepared and +unarmed, without form or government, she, singly opposed a nation +that domineered over half the globe. The greatness of the deed demands +respect; and though you may feel resentment, you are compelled both to +wonder and admire. + +Here I rest my arguments and finish my address. Such as it is, it is a +gift, and you are welcome. It was always my design to dedicate a Crisis +to you, when the time should come that would properly make it a Crisis; +and when, likewise, I should catch myself in a temper to write it, and +suppose you in a condition to read it. That time has now arrived, and +with it the opportunity for conveyance. For the commissioners--poor +commissioners! having proclaimed, that "yet forty days and Nineveh shall +be overthrown," have waited out the date, and, discontented with their +God, are returning to their gourd. And all the harm I wish them is, that +it may not wither about their ears, and that they may not make their +exit in the belly of a whale. + +COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 21, 1778. + +P.S.--Though in the tranquillity of my mind I have concluded with a +laugh, yet I have something to mention to the commissioners, which, to +them, is serious and worthy their attention. Their authority is derived +from an Act of Parliament, which likewise describes and limits their +official powers. Their commission, therefore, is only a recital, and +personal investiture, of those powers, or a nomination and description +of the persons who are to execute them. Had it contained any thing +contrary to, or gone beyond the line of, the written law from which +it is derived, and by which it is bound, it would, by the English +constitution, have been treason in the crown, and the king been subject +to an impeachment. He dared not, therefore, put in his commission what +you have put in your proclamation, that is, he dared not have authorised +you in that commission to burn and destroy any thing in America. You are +both in the act and in the commission styled commissioners for restoring +peace, and the methods for doing it are there pointed out. Your last +proclamation is signed by you as commissioners under that act. You +make Parliament the patron of its contents. Yet, in the body of it, you +insert matters contrary both to the spirit and letter of the act, and +what likewise your king dared not have put in his commission to you. The +state of things in England, gentlemen, is too ticklish for you to run +hazards. You are accountable to Parliament for the execution of that act +according to the letter of it. Your heads may pay for breaking it, for +you certainly have broke it by exceeding it. And as a friend, who would +wish you to escape the paw of the lion, as well as the belly of the +whale, I civilly hint to you, to keep within compass. + +Sir Harry Clinton, strictly speaking, is as accountable as the rest; for +though a general, he is likewise a commissioner, acting under a superior +authority. His first obedience is due to the act; and his plea of being +a general, will not and cannot clear him as a commissioner, for that +would suppose the crown, in its single capacity, to have a power of +dispensing with an Act of Parliament. Your situation, gentlemen, is nice +and critical, and the more so because England is unsettled. Take heed! +Remember the times of Charles the First! For Laud and Stafford fell by +trusting to a hope like yours. + +Having thus shown you the danger of your proclamation, I now show you +the folly of it. The means contradict your design: you threaten to lay +waste, in order to render America a useless acquisition of alliance to +France. I reply, that the more destruction you commit (if you could do +it) the more valuable to France you make that alliance. You can destroy +only houses and goods; and by so doing you increase our demand upon her +for materials and merchandise; for the wants of one nation, provided it +has freedom and credit, naturally produce riches to the other; and, +as you can neither ruin the land nor prevent the vegetation, you would +increase the exportation of our produce in payment, which would be to +her a new fund of wealth. In short, had you cast about for a plan on +purpose to enrich your enemies, you could not have hit upon a better. + + C. S. + + + + +THE CRISIS VIII. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. + + +"TRUSTING (says the king of England in his speech of November last,) +in the divine providence, and in the justice of my cause, I am firmly +resolved to prosecute the war with vigor, and to make every exertion +in order to compel our enemies to equitable terms of peace and +accommodation." To this declaration the United States of America, and +the confederated powers of Europe will reply, if Britain will have war, +she shall have enough of it. + +Five years have nearly elapsed since the commencement of hostilities, +and every campaign, by a gradual decay, has lessened your ability to +conquer, without producing a serious thought on your condition or your +fate. Like a prodigal lingering in an habitual consumption, you feel +the relics of life, and mistake them for recovery. New schemes, like +new medicines, have administered fresh hopes, and prolonged the disease +instead of curing it. A change of generals, like a change of physicians, +served only to keep the flattery alive, and furnish new pretences for +new extravagance. + +"Can Britain fail?"* has been proudly asked at the undertaking of every +enterprise; and that "whatever she wills is fate,"*(2) has been given +with the solemnity of prophetic confidence; and though the question +has been constantly replied to by disappointment, and the prediction +falsified by misfortune, yet still the insult continued, and your +catalogue of national evils increased therewith. Eager to persuade +the world of her power, she considered destruction as the minister of +greatness, and conceived that the glory of a nation like that of an +[American] Indian, lay in the number of its scalps and the miseries +which it inflicts. + + + * Whitehead's New Year's ode for 1776. +*(2) Ode at the installation of Lord North, for Chancellor of the +University of Oxford. + +Fire, sword and want, as far as the arms of Britain could extend them, +have been spread with wanton cruelty along the coast of America; and +while you, remote from the scene of suffering, had nothing to lose +and as little to dread, the information reached you like a tale of +antiquity, in which the distance of time defaces the conception, and +changes the severest sorrows into conversable amusement. + +This makes the second paper, addressed perhaps in vain, to the people +of England. That advice should be taken wherever example has failed, +or precept be regarded where warning is ridiculed, is like a picture +of hope resting on despair: but when time shall stamp with universal +currency the facts you have long encountered with a laugh, and the +irresistible evidence of accumulated losses, like the handwriting on +the wall, shall add terror to distress, you will then, in a conflict of +suffering, learn to sympathize with others by feeling for yourselves. + +The triumphant appearance of the combined fleets in the channel and at +your harbor's mouth, and the expedition of Captain Paul Jones, on the +western and eastern coasts of England and Scotland, will, by placing +you in the condition of an endangered country, read to you a stronger +lecture on the calamities of invasion, and bring to your minds a truer +picture of promiscuous distress, than the most finished rhetoric can +describe or the keenest imagination conceive. + +Hitherto you have experienced the expenses, but nothing of the miseries +of war. Your disappointments have been accompanied with no immediate +suffering, and your losses came to you only by intelligence. Like fire +at a distance you heard not even the cry; you felt not the danger, you +saw not the confusion. To you every thing has been foreign but the taxes +to support it. You knew not what it was to be alarmed at midnight with +an armed enemy in the streets. You were strangers to the distressing +scene of a family in flight, and to the thousand restless cares and +tender sorrows that incessantly arose. To see women and children +wandering in the severity of winter, with the broken remains of a well +furnished house, and seeking shelter in every crib and hut, were matters +that you had no conception of. You knew not what it was to stand by and +see your goods chopped for fuel, and your beds ripped to pieces to make +packages for plunder. The misery of others, like a tempestuous night, +added to the pleasures of your own security. You even enjoyed the storm, +by contemplating the difference of conditions, and that which carried +sorrow into the breasts of thousands served but to heighten in you a +species of tranquil pride. Yet these are but the fainter sufferings +of war, when compared with carnage and slaughter, the miseries of a +military hospital, or a town in flames. + +The people of America, by anticipating distress, had fortified their +minds against every species you could inflict. They had resolved to +abandon their homes, to resign them to destruction, and to seek new +settlements rather than submit. Thus familiarized to misfortune, before +it arrived, they bore their portion with the less regret: the justness +of their cause was a continual source of consolation, and the hope of +final victory, which never left them, served to lighten the load and +sweeten the cup allotted them to drink. + +But when their troubles shall become yours, and invasion be transferred +upon the invaders, you will have neither their extended wilderness +to fly to, their cause to comfort you, nor their hope to rest upon. +Distress with them was sharpened by no self-reflection. They had not +brought it on themselves. On the contrary, they had by every proceeding +endeavored to avoid it, and had descended even below the mark of +congressional character, to prevent a war. The national honor or the +advantages of independence were matters which, at the commencement of +the dispute, they had never studied, and it was only at the last moment +that the measure was resolved on. Thus circumstanced, they naturally +and conscientiously felt a dependence upon providence. They had a clear +pretension to it, and had they failed therein, infidelity had gained a +triumph. + +But your condition is the reverse of theirs. Every thing you suffer you +have sought: nay, had you created mischiefs on purpose to inherit +them, you could not have secured your title by a firmer deed. The world +awakens with no pity it your complaints. You felt none for others; you +deserve none for yourselves. Nature does not interest herself in cases +like yours, but, on the contrary, turns from them with dislike, and +abandons them to punishment. You may now present memorials to what court +you please, but so far as America is the object, none will listen. +The policy of Europe, and the propensity there in every mind to curb +insulting ambition, and bring cruelty to judgment, are unitedly against +you; and where nature and interest reinforce with each other, the +compact is too intimate to be dissolved. + +Make but the case of others your own, and your own theirs, and you +will then have a clear idea of the whole. Had France acted towards her +colonies as you have done, you would have branded her with every epithet +of abhorrence; and had you, like her, stepped in to succor a struggling +people, all Europe must have echoed with your own applauses. But +entangled in the passion of dispute you see it not as you ought, and +form opinions thereon which suit with no interest but your own. You +wonder that America does not rise in union with you to impose on herself +a portion of your taxes and reduce herself to unconditional submission. +You are amazed that the southern powers of Europe do not assist you +in conquering a country which is afterwards to be turned against +themselves; and that the northern ones do not contribute to reinstate +you in America who already enjoy the market for naval stores by the +separation. You seem surprised that Holland does not pour in her succors +to maintain you mistress of the seas, when her own commerce is suffering +by your act of navigation; or that any country should study her own +interest while yours is on the carpet. + +Such excesses of passionate folly, and unjust as well as unwise +resentment, have driven you on, like Pharaoh, to unpitied miseries, and +while the importance of the quarrel shall perpetuate your disgrace, the +flag of America will carry it round the world. The natural feelings of +every rational being will be against you, and wherever the story shall +be told, you will have neither excuse nor consolation left. With an +unsparing hand, and an insatiable mind, you have desolated the world, +to gain dominion and to lose it; and while, in a frenzy of avarice and +ambition, the east and the west are doomed to tributary bondage, you +rapidly earned destruction as the wages of a nation. + +At the thoughts of a war at home, every man amongst you ought to +tremble. The prospect is far more dreadful there than in America. Here +the party that was against the measures of the continent were in general +composed of a kind of neutrals, who added strength to neither army. +There does not exist a being so devoid of sense and sentiment as to +covet "unconditional submission," and therefore no man in America could +be with you in principle. Several might from a cowardice of mind, prefer +it to the hardships and dangers of opposing it; but the same disposition +that gave them such a choice, unfitted them to act either for or against +us. But England is rent into parties, with equal shares of resolution. +The principle which produced the war divides the nation. Their +animosities are in the highest state of fermentation, and both sides, by +a call of the militia, are in arms. No human foresight can discern, no +conclusion can be formed, what turn a war might take, if once set on +foot by an invasion. She is not now in a fit disposition to make a +common cause of her own affairs, and having no conquests to hope for +abroad, and nothing but expenses arising at home, her everything is +staked upon a defensive combat, and the further she goes the worse she +is off. + +There are situations that a nation may be in, in which peace or war, +abstracted from every other consideration, may be politically right or +wrong. When nothing can be lost by a war, but what must be lost without +it, war is then the policy of that country; and such was the situation +of America at the commencement of hostilities: but when no security can +be gained by a war, but what may be accomplished by a peace, the case +becomes reversed, and such now is the situation of England. + +That America is beyond the reach of conquest, is a fact which experience +has shown and time confirmed, and this admitted, what, I ask, is now the +object of contention? If there be any honor in pursuing self-destruction +with inflexible passion--if national suicide be the perfection of +national glory, you may, with all the pride of criminal happiness, +expire unenvied and unrivalled. But when the tumult of war shall cease, +and the tempest of present passions be succeeded by calm reflection, or +when those, who, surviving its fury, shall inherit from you a legacy +of debts and misfortunes, when the yearly revenue scarcely be able to +discharge the interest of the one, and no possible remedy be left for +the other, ideas far different from the present will arise, and embitter +the remembrance of former follies. A mind disarmed of its rage feels no +pleasure in contemplating a frantic quarrel. Sickness of thought, the +sure consequence of conduct like yours, leaves no ability for enjoyment, +no relish for resentment; and though, like a man in a fit, you feel +not the injury of the struggle, nor distinguish between strength and +disease, the weakness will nevertheless be proportioned to the violence, +and the sense of pain increase with the recovery. + +To what persons or to whose system of politics you owe your present +state of wretchedness, is a matter of total indifference to America. +They have contributed, however unwillingly, to set her above themselves, +and she, in the tranquillity of conquest, resigns the inquiry. The case +now is not so properly who began the war, as who continues it. That +there are men in all countries to whom a state of war is a mine of +wealth, is a fact never to be doubted. Characters like these naturally +breed in the putrefaction of distempered times, and after fattening +on the disease, they perish with it, or, impregnated with the stench, +retreat into obscurity. + +But there are several erroneous notions to which you likewise owe a +share of your misfortunes, and which, if continued, will only increase +your trouble and your losses. An opinion hangs about the gentlemen +of the minority, that America would relish measures under their +administration, which she would not from the present cabinet. On this +rock Lord Chatham would have split had he gained the helm, and several +of his survivors are steering the same course. Such distinctions in +the infancy of the argument had some degree of foundation, but they now +serve no other purpose than to lengthen out a war, in which the limits +of a dispute, being fixed by the fate of arms, and guaranteed by +treaties, are not to be changed or altered by trivial circumstances. + +The ministry, and many of the minority, sacrifice their time in +disputing on a question with which they have nothing to do, namely, +whether America shall be independent or not. Whereas the only question +that can come under their determination is, whether they will accede to +it or not. They confound a military question with a political one, and +undertake to supply by a vote what they lost by a battle. Say she shall +not be independent, and it will signify as much as if they voted +against a decree of fate, or say that she shall, and she will be no more +independent than before. Questions which, when determined, cannot be +executed, serve only to show the folly of dispute and the weakness of +disputants. + +From a long habit of calling America your own, you suppose her governed +by the same prejudices and conceits which govern yourselves. Because you +have set up a particular denomination of religion to the exclusion of +all others, you imagine she must do the same, and because you, with an +unsociable narrowness of mind, have cherished enmity against France and +Spain, you suppose her alliance must be defective in friendship. +Copying her notions of the world from you, she formerly thought as you +instructed, but now feeling herself free, and the prejudice removed, she +thinks and acts upon a different system. It frequently happens that +in proportion as we are taught to dislike persons and countries, not +knowing why, we feel an ardor of esteem upon the removal of the mistake: +it seems as if something was to be made amends for, and we eagerly give +in to every office of friendship, to atone for the injury of the error. +But, perhaps, there is something in the extent of countries, which, +among the generality of people, insensibly communicates extension of the +mind. The soul of an islander, in its native state, seems bounded by +the foggy confines of the water's edge, and all beyond affords to him +matters only for profit or curiosity, not for friendship. His island +is to him his world, and fixed to that, his every thing centers in it; +while those who are inhabitants of a continent, by casting their eye +over a larger field, take in likewise a larger intellectual circuit, +and thus approaching nearer to an acquaintance with the universe, their +atmosphere of thought is extended, and their liberality fills a wider +space. In short, our minds seem to be measured by countries when we are +men, as they are by places when we are children, and until something +happens to disentangle us from the prejudice, we serve under it without +perceiving it. + +In addition to this, it may be remarked, that men who study any +universal science, the principles of which are universally known, or +admitted, and applied without distinction to the common benefit of all +countries, obtain thereby a larger share of philanthropy than those +who only study national arts and improvements. Natural philosophy, +mathematics and astronomy, carry the mind from the country to the +creation, and give it a fitness suited to the extent. It was not +Newton's honor, neither could it be his pride, that he was an +Englishman, but that he was a philosopher, the heavens had liberated him +from the prejudices of an island, and science had expanded his soul as +boundless as his studies. + + COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, March, 1780. + + + + +THE CRISIS IX. (HAD AMERICA PURSUED HER ADVANTAGES) + + +HAD America pursued her advantages with half the spirit that she +resisted her misfortunes, she would, before now, have been a conquering +and a peaceful people; but lulled in the lap of soft tranquillity, she +rested on her hopes, and adversity only has convulsed her into action. +Whether subtlety or sincerity at the close of the last year induced the +enemy to an appearance for peace, is a point not material to know; it is +sufficient that we see the effects it has had on our politics, and that +we sternly rise to resent the delusion. + +The war, on the part of America, has been a war of natural feelings. +Brave in distress; serene in conquest; drowsy while at rest; and in +every situation generously disposed to peace; a dangerous calm, and +a most heightened zeal have, as circumstances varied, succeeded each +other. Every passion but that of despair has been called to a tour +of duty; and so mistaken has been the enemy, of our abilities +and disposition, that when she supposed us conquered, we rose the +conquerors. The extensiveness of the United States, and the variety of +their resources; the universality of their cause, the quick operation of +their feelings, and the similarity of their sentiments, have, in every +trying situation, produced a something, which, favored by providence, +and pursued with ardor, has accomplished in an instant the business of +a campaign. We have never deliberately sought victory, but snatched it; +and bravely undone in an hour the blotted operations of a season. + +The reported fate of Charleston, like the misfortunes of 1776, has at +last called forth a spirit, and kindled up a flame, which perhaps +no other event could have produced. If the enemy has circulated a +falsehood, they have unwisely aggravated us into life, and if they have +told us the truth, they have unintentionally done us a service. We were +returning with folded arms from the fatigues of war, and thinking and +sitting leisurely down to enjoy repose. The dependence that has been +put upon Charleston threw a drowsiness over America. We looked on the +business done--the conflict over--the matter settled--or that all which +remained unfinished would follow of itself. In this state of dangerous +relaxation, exposed to the poisonous infusions of the enemy, and having +no common danger to attract our attention, we were extinguishing, by +stages, the ardor we began with, and surrendering by piece-meal the +virtue that defended us. + +Afflicting as the loss of Charleston may be, yet if it universally rouse +us from the slumber of twelve months past, and renew in us the spirit of +former days, it will produce an advantage more important than its loss. +America ever is what she thinks herself to be. Governed by sentiment, +and acting her own mind, she becomes, as she pleases, the victor or the +victim. + +It is not the conquest of towns, nor the accidental capture of +garrisons, that can reduce a country so extensive as this. The +sufferings of one part can never be relieved by the exertions of +another, and there is no situation the enemy can be placed in that does +not afford to us the same advantages which he seeks himself. By dividing +his force, he leaves every post attackable. It is a mode of war that +carries with it a confession of weakness, and goes on the principle of +distress rather than conquest. + +The decline of the enemy is visible, not only in their operations, but +in their plans; Charleston originally made but a secondary object in the +system of attack, and it is now become their principal one, because +they have not been able to succeed elsewhere. It would have carried a +cowardly appearance in Europe had they formed their grand expedition, in +1776, against a part of the continent where there was no army, or not +a sufficient one to oppose them; but failing year after year in their +impressions here, and to the eastward and northward, they deserted their +capital design, and prudently contenting themselves with what they can +get, give a flourish of honor to conceal disgrace. + +But this piece-meal work is not conquering the continent. It is a +discredit in them to attempt it, and in us to suffer it. It is now full +time to put an end to a war of aggravations, which, on one side, has +no possible object, and on the other has every inducement which honor, +interest, safety and happiness can inspire. If we suffer them much +longer to remain among us, we shall become as bad as themselves. +An association of vice will reduce us more than the sword. A nation +hardened in the practice of iniquity knows better how to profit by it, +than a young country newly corrupted. We are not a match for them in the +line of advantageous guilt, nor they for us on the principles which we +bravely set out with. Our first days were our days of honor. They have +marked the character of America wherever the story of her wars are told; +and convinced of this, we have nothing to do but wisely and unitedly to +tread the well known track. The progress of a war is often as ruinous +to individuals, as the issue of it is to a nation; and it is not only +necessary that our forces be such that we be conquerors in the end, +but that by timely exertions we be secure in the interim. The present +campaign will afford an opportunity which has never presented itself +before, and the preparations for it are equally necessary, whether +Charleston stand or fall. Suppose the first, it is in that case only +a failure of the enemy, not a defeat. All the conquest that a besieged +town can hope for, is, not to be conquered; and compelling an enemy +to raise the siege, is to the besieged a victory. But there must be +a probability amounting almost to a certainty, that would justify a +garrison marching out to attack a retreat. Therefore should Charleston +not be taken, and the enemy abandon the siege, every other part of the +continent should prepare to meet them; and, on the contrary, should it +be taken, the same preparations are necessary to balance the loss, and +put ourselves in a position to co-operate with our allies, immediately +on their arrival. + +We are not now fighting our battles alone, as we were in 1776; England, +from a malicious disposition to America, has not only not declared war +against France and Spain, but, the better to prosecute her passions +here, has afforded those powers no military object, and avoids them, +to distress us. She will suffer her West India islands to be overrun by +France, and her southern settlements to be taken by Spain, rather than +quit the object that gratifies her revenge. This conduct, on the part +of Britain, has pointed out the propriety of France sending a naval and +land force to co-operate with America on the spot. Their arrival cannot +be very distant, nor the ravages of the enemy long. The recruiting the +army, and procuring the supplies, are the two things most necessary to +be accomplished, and a capture of either of the enemy's divisions will +restore to America peace and plenty. + +At a crisis, big, like the present, with expectation and events, the +whole country is called to unanimity and exertion. Not an ability ought +now to sleep, that can produce but a mite to the general good, nor even +a whisper to pass that militates against it. The necessity of the case, +and the importance of the consequences, admit no delay from a friend, +no apology from an enemy. To spare now, would be the height of +extravagance, and to consult present ease, would be to sacrifice it +perhaps forever. + +America, rich in patriotism and produce, can want neither men nor +supplies, when a serious necessity calls them forth. The slow +operation of taxes, owing to the extensiveness of collection, and their +depreciated value before they arrived in the treasury, have, in many +instances, thrown a burden upon government, which has been artfully +interpreted by the enemy into a general decline throughout the +country. Yet this, inconvenient as it may at first appear, is not only +remediable, but may be turned to an immediate advantage; for it makes no +real difference, whether a certain number of men, or company of militia +(and in this country every man is a militia-man), are directed by law +to send a recruit at their own expense, or whether a tax is laid on them +for that purpose, and the man hired by government afterwards. The first, +if there is any difference, is both cheapest and best, because it saves +the expense which would attend collecting it as a tax, and brings the +man sooner into the field than the modes of recruiting formerly used; +and, on this principle, a law has been passed in this state, for +recruiting two men from each company of militia, which will add upwards +of a thousand to the force of the country. + +But the flame which has broken forth in this city since the report from +New York, of the loss of Charleston, not only does honor to the place, +but, like the blaze of 1776, will kindle into action the scattered +sparks throughout America. The valor of a country may be learned by the +bravery of its soldiery, and the general cast of its inhabitants, but +confidence of success is best discovered by the active measures pursued +by men of property; and when the spirit of enterprise becomes so +universal as to act at once on all ranks of men, a war may then, and not +till then, be styled truly popular. + +In 1776, the ardor of the enterprising part was considerably checked by +the real revolt of some, and the coolness of others. But in the present +case, there is a firmness in the substance and property of the country +to the public cause. An association has been entered into by +the merchants, tradesmen, and principal inhabitants of the city +[Philadelphia], to receive and support the new state money at the value +of gold and silver; a measure which, while it does them honor, will +likewise contribute to their interest, by rendering the operations of +the campaign convenient and effectual. + +Nor has the spirit of exertion stopped here. A voluntary subscription is +likewise begun, to raise a fund of hard money, to be given as bounties, +to fill up the full quota of the Pennsylvania line. It has been the +remark of the enemy, that every thing in America has been done by the +force of government; but when she sees individuals throwing in their +voluntary aid, and facilitating the public measures in concert with the +established powers of the country, it will convince her that the cause +of America stands not on the will of a few but on the broad foundation +of property and popularity. + +Thus aided and thus supported, disaffection will decline, and the +withered head of tyranny expire in America. The ravages of the enemy +will be short and limited, and like all their former ones, will produce +a victory over themselves. + + COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, June 9, 1780. + +P. S. At the time of writing this number of the Crisis, the loss of +Charleston, though believed by some, was more confidently disbelieved +by others. But there ought to be no longer a doubt upon the matter. +Charleston is gone, and I believe for the want of a sufficient supply of +provisions. The man that does not now feel for the honor of the best +and noblest cause that ever a country engaged in, and exert himself +accordingly, is no longer worthy of a peaceable residence among a people +determined to be free. + + C. S. + + THE CRISIS EXTRAORDINARY + + ON THE SUBJECT OF TAXATION. + +IT IS impossible to sit down and think seriously on the affairs of +America, but the original principles upon which she resisted, and +the glow and ardor which they inspired, will occur like the undefaced +remembrance of a lovely scene. To trace over in imagination the purity +of the cause, the voluntary sacrifices that were made to support it, +and all the various turnings of the war in its defence, is at once both +paying and receiving respect. The principles deserve to be remembered, +and to remember them rightly is repossessing them. In this indulgence +of generous recollection, we become gainers by what we seem to give, and +the more we bestow the richer we become. + +So extensively right was the ground on which America proceeded, that it +not only took in every just and liberal sentiment which could impress +the heart, but made it the direct interest of every class and order +of men to defend the country. The war, on the part of Britain, was +originally a war of covetousness. The sordid and not the splendid +passions gave it being. The fertile fields and prosperous infancy of +America appeared to her as mines for tributary wealth. She viewed the +hive, and disregarding the industry that had enriched it, thirsted for +the honey. But in the present stage of her affairs, the violence of +temper is added to the rage of avarice; and therefore, that which at +the first setting out proceeded from purity of principle and public +interest, is now heightened by all the obligations of necessity; for it +requires but little knowledge of human nature to discern what would +be the consequence, were America again reduced to the subjection of +Britain. Uncontrolled power, in the hands of an incensed, imperious, and +rapacious conqueror, is an engine of dreadful execution, and woe be to +that country over which it can be exercised. The names of Whig and Tory +would then be sunk in the general term of rebel, and the oppression, +whatever it might be, would, with very few instances of exception, light +equally on all. + +Britain did not go to war with America for the sake of dominion, because +she was then in possession; neither was it for the extension of trade +and commerce, because she had monopolized the whole, and the country +had yielded to it; neither was it to extinguish what she might call +rebellion, because before she began no resistance existed. It could then +be from no other motive than avarice, or a design of establishing, in +the first instance, the same taxes in America as are paid in England +(which, as I shall presently show, are above eleven times heavier than +the taxes we now pay for the present year, 1780) or, in the second +instance, to confiscate the whole property of America, in case of +resistance and conquest of the latter, of which she had then no doubt. + +I shall now proceed to show what the taxes in England are, and what +the yearly expense of the present war is to her--what the taxes of +this country amount to, and what the annual expense of defending it +effectually will be to us; and shall endeavor concisely to point out +the cause of our difficulties, and the advantages on one side, and the +consequences on the other, in case we do, or do not, put ourselves in +an effectual state of defence. I mean to be open, candid, and sincere. +I see a universal wish to expel the enemy from the country, a murmuring +because the war is not carried on with more vigor, and my intention is +to show, as shortly as possible, both the reason and the remedy. + +The number of souls in England (exclusive of Scotland and Ireland) is +seven millions,* and the number of souls in America is three millions. + + + * This is taking the highest number that the people of England have +been, or can be rated at. + +The amount of taxes in England (exclusive of Scotland and Ireland) +was, before the present war commenced, eleven millions six hundred and +forty-two thousand six hundred and fifty-three pounds sterling; which, +on an average, is no less a sum than one pound thirteen shillings and +three-pence sterling per head per annum, men, women, and children; +besides county taxes, taxes for the support of the poor, and a tenth of +all the produce of the earth for the support of the bishops and clergy.* +Nearly five millions of this sum went annually to pay the interest of +the national debt, contracted by former wars, and the remaining sum of +six millions six hundred and forty-two thousand six hundred pounds +was applied to defray the yearly expense of government, the peace +establishment of the army and navy, placemen, pensioners, etc.; +consequently the whole of the enormous taxes being thus appropriated, +she had nothing to spare out of them towards defraying the expenses +of the present war or any other. Yet had she not been in debt at the +beginning of the war, as we were not, and, like us, had only a land and +not a naval war to carry on, her then revenue of eleven millions and a +half pounds sterling would have defrayed all her annual expenses of +war and government within each year. * The following is taken from Dr. +Price's state of the taxes of England. + +An account of the money drawn from the public by taxes, annually, being +the medium of three years before the year 1776. + + Amount of customs in England 2,528,275 L. + Amount of the excise in England 4,649,892 + Land tax at 3s. 1,300,000 + Land tax at 1s. in the pound 450,000 + Salt duties 218,739 + Duties on stamps, cards, dice, advertisements, + bonds, leases, indentures, newspapers, + almanacks, etc. 280,788 + Duties on houses and windows 385,369 + Post office, seizures, wine licences, hackney + coaches, etc. 250,000 + Annual profits from lotteries 150,000 + Expense of collecting the excise in England 297,887 + Expense of collecting the customs in England 468,703 + Interest of loans on the land tax at 4s. expenses + of collection, militia, etc. 250,000 + Perquisites, etc. to custom-house officers, &c. + supposed 250,000 + Expense of collecting the salt duties in England + 10 1/2 per cent. 27,000 + Bounties on fish exported 18,000 + Expense of collecting the duties on stamps, cards, + advertisements, etc. at 5 and 1/4 per cent. 18,000 + + Total 11,642,653 L. + +But this not being the case with her, she is obliged to borrow about ten +millions pounds sterling, yearly, to prosecute the war that she is now +engaged in, (this year she borrowed twelve) and lay on new taxes to +discharge the interest; allowing that the present war has cost her only +fifty millions sterling, the interest thereon, at five per cent., will +be two millions and an half; therefore the amount of her taxes now +must be fourteen millions, which on an average is no less than forty +shillings sterling, per head, men, women and children, throughout the +nation. Now as this expense of fifty millions was borrowed on the hopes +of conquering America, and as it was avarice which first induced her to +commence the war, how truly wretched and deplorable would the condition +of this country be, were she, by her own remissness, to suffer an +enemy of such a disposition, and so circumstanced, to reduce her to +subjection. + +I now proceed to the revenues of America. + +I have already stated the number of souls in America to be three +millions, and by a calculation that I have made, which I have every +reason to believe is sufficiently correct, the whole expense of the +war, and the support of the several governments, may be defrayed for +two million pounds sterling annually; which, on an average, is thirteen +shillings and four pence per head, men, women, and children, and the +peace establishment at the end of the war will be but three quarters of +a million, or five shillings sterling per head. Now, throwing out of +the question everything of honor, principle, happiness, freedom, and +reputation in the world, and taking it up on the simple ground of +interest, I put the following case: + +Suppose Britain was to conquer America, and, as a conqueror, was to lay +her under no other conditions than to pay the same proportion towards +her annual revenue which the people of England pay: our share, in that +case, would be six million pounds sterling yearly. Can it then be +a question, whether it is best to raise two millions to defend the +country, and govern it ourselves, and only three quarters of a million +afterwards, or pay six millions to have it conquered, and let the enemy +govern it? + +Can it be supposed that conquerors would choose to put themselves in a +worse condition than what they granted to the conquered? In England, the +tax on rum is five shillings and one penny sterling per gallon, which is +one silver dollar and fourteen coppers. Now would it not be laughable to +imagine, that after the expense they have been at, they would let either +Whig or Tory drink it cheaper than themselves? Coffee, which is so +inconsiderable an article of consumption and support here, is there +loaded with a duty which makes the price between five and six shillings +per pound, and a penalty of fifty pounds sterling on any person detected +in roasting it in his own house. There is scarcely a necessary of life +that you can eat, drink, wear, or enjoy, that is not there loaded with +a tax; even the light from heaven is only permitted to shine into their +dwellings by paying eighteen pence sterling per window annually; and the +humblest drink of life, small beer, cannot there be purchased without a +tax of nearly two coppers per gallon, besides a heavy tax upon the malt, +and another on the hops before it is brewed, exclusive of a land-tax on +the earth which produces them. In short, the condition of that country, +in point of taxation, is so oppressive, the number of her poor so great, +and the extravagance and rapaciousness of the court so enormous, that, +were they to effect a conquest of America, it is then only that the +distresses of America would begin. Neither would it signify anything +to a man whether he be Whig or Tory. The people of England, and the +ministry of that country, know us by no such distinctions. What they +want is clear, solid revenue, and the modes which they would take to +procure it, would operate alike on all. Their manner of reasoning would +be short, because they would naturally infer, that if we were able to +carry on a war of five or six years against them, we were able to pay +the same taxes which they do. + +I have already stated that the expense of conducting the present war, +and the government of the several states, may be done for two millions +sterling, and the establishment in the time of peace, for three quarters +of a million.* + + + * I have made the calculations in sterling, because it is a rate +generally known in all the states, and because, likewise, it admits of +an easy comparison between our expenses to support the war, and those +of the enemy. Four silver dollars and a half is one pound sterling, and +three pence over. + +As to navy matters, they flourish so well, and are so well attended to +by individuals, that I think it consistent on every principle of real +use and economy, to turn the navy into hard money (keeping only three or +four packets) and apply it to the service of the army. We shall not have +a ship the less; the use of them, and the benefit from them, will be +greatly increased, and their expense saved. We are now allied with a +formidable naval power, from whom we derive the assistance of a navy. +And the line in which we can prosecute the war, so as to reduce the +common enemy and benefit the alliance most effectually, will be by +attending closely to the land service. + +I estimate the charge of keeping up and maintaining an army, officering +them, and all expenses included, sufficient for the defence of the +country, to be equal to the expense of forty thousand men at thirty +pounds sterling per head, which is one million two hundred thousand +pounds. + +I likewise allow four hundred thousand pounds for continental expenses +at home and abroad. + +And four hundred thousand pounds for the support of the several state +governments--the amount will then be: + + For the army 1,200,000 L. + Continental expenses at home and abroad 400,000 + Government of the several states 400,000 + + Total 2,000,000 L. + +I take the proportion of this state, Pennsylvania, to be an eighth part +of the thirteen United States; the quota then for us to raise will be +two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling; two hundred thousand +of which will be our share for the support and pay of the army, and +continental expenses at home and abroad, and fifty thousand pounds for +the support of the state government. + +In order to gain an idea of the proportion in which the raising such a +sum will fall, I make the following calculation: + +Pennsylvania contains three hundred and seventy-five thousand +inhabitants, men, women and children; which is likewise an eighth of the +number of inhabitants of the whole United States: therefore, two hundred +and fifty thousand pounds sterling to be raised among three hundred and +seventy-five thousand persons, is, on an average, thirteen shillings +and four pence per head, per annum, or something more than one shilling +sterling per month. And our proportion of three quarters of a +million for the government of the country, in time of peace, will be +ninety-three thousand seven hundred and fifty pounds sterling; fifty +thousand of which will be for the government expenses of the state, +and forty-three thousand seven hundred and fifty pounds for continental +expenses at home and abroad. + +The peace establishment then will, on an average, be five shillings +sterling per head. Whereas, was England now to stop, and the war cease, +her peace establishment would continue the same as it is now, viz. forty +shillings per head; therefore was our taxes necessary for carrying on +the war, as much per head as hers now is, and the difference to be +only whether we should, at the end of the war, pay at the rate of five +shillings per head, or forty shillings per head, the case needs no +thinking of. But as we can securely defend and keep the country for +one third less than what our burden would be if it was conquered, and +support the governments afterwards for one eighth of what Britain would +levy on us, and could I find a miser whose heart never felt the emotion +of a spark of principle, even that man, uninfluenced by every love but +the love of money, and capable of no attachment but to his interest, +would and must, from the frugality which governs him, contribute to the +defence of the country, or he ceases to be a miser and becomes an idiot. +But when we take in with it every thing that can ornament mankind; when +the line of our interest becomes the line of our happiness; when all +that can cheer and animate the heart, when a sense of honor, fame, +character, at home and abroad, are interwoven not only with the security +but the increase of property, there exists not a man in America, unless +he be an hired emissary, who does not see that his good is connected +with keeping up a sufficient defence. + +I do not imagine that an instance can be produced in the world, of a +country putting herself to such an amazing charge to conquer and enslave +another, as Britain has done. The sum is too great for her to think of +with any tolerable degree of temper; and when we consider the burden +she sustains, as well as the disposition she has shown, it would be the +height of folly in us to suppose that she would not reimburse herself by +the most rapid means, had she America once more within her power. With +such an oppression of expense, what would an empty conquest be to her! +What relief under such circumstances could she derive from a victory +without a prize? It was money, it was revenue she first went to war for, +and nothing but that would satisfy her. It is not the nature of avarice +to be satisfied with any thing else. Every passion that acts upon +mankind has a peculiar mode of operation. Many of them are temporary +and fluctuating; they admit of cessation and variety. But avarice is a +fixed, uniform passion. It neither abates of its vigor nor changes its +object; and the reason why it does not, is founded in the nature of +things, for wealth has not a rival where avarice is a ruling passion. +One beauty may excel another, and extinguish from the mind of man the +pictured remembrance of a former one: but wealth is the phoenix of +avarice, and therefore it cannot seek a new object, because there is not +another in the world. + +I now pass on to show the value of the present taxes, and compare them +with the annual expense; but this I shall preface with a few explanatory +remarks. + +There are two distinct things which make the payment of taxes difficult; +the one is the large and real value of the sum to be paid, and the other +is the scarcity of the thing in which the payment is to be made; and +although these appear to be one and the same, they are in several +instances riot only different, but the difficulty springs from different +causes. + +Suppose a tax to be laid equal to one half of what a man's yearly income +is, such a tax could not be paid, because the property could not be +spared; and on the other hand, suppose a very trifling tax was laid, to +be collected in pearls, such a tax likewise could not be paid, because +they could not be had. Now any person may see that these are distinct +cases, and the latter of them is a representation of our own. + +That the difficulty cannot proceed from the former, that is, from the +real value or weight of the tax, is evident at the first view to any +person who will consider it. + +The amount of the quota of taxes for this State for the year, 1780, (and +so in proportion for every other State,) is twenty millions of dollars, +which at seventy for one, is but sixty-four thousand two hundred and +eighty pounds three shillings sterling, and on an average, is no more +than three shillings and five pence sterling per head, per annum, per +man, woman and child, or threepence two-fifths per head per month. Now +here is a clear, positive fact, that cannot be contradicted, and which +proves that the difficulty cannot be in the weight of the tax, for in +itself it is a trifle, and far from being adequate to our quota of the +expense of the war. The quit-rents of one penny sterling per acre on +only one half of the state, come to upwards of fifty thousand pounds, +which is almost as much as all the taxes of the present year, and +as those quit-rents made no part of the taxes then paid, and are now +discontinued, the quantity of money drawn for public-service this year, +exclusive of the militia fines, which I shall take notice of in the +process of this work, is less than what was paid and payable in any year +preceding the revolution, and since the last war; what I mean is, that +the quit-rents and taxes taken together came to a larger sum then, than +the present taxes without the quit-rents do now. + +My intention by these arguments and calculations is to place the +difficulty to the right cause, and show that it does not proceed from +the weight or worth of the tax, but from the scarcity of the medium in +which it is paid; and to illustrate this point still further, I shall +now show, that if the tax of twenty millions of dollars was of four +times the real value it now is, or nearly so, which would be about two +hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, and would be our full quota, +this sum would have been raised with more ease, and have been less felt, +than the present sum of only sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty +pounds. + +The convenience or inconvenience of paying a tax in money arises from +the quantity of money that can be spared out of trade. + +When the emissions stopped, the continent was left in possession of +two hundred millions of dollars, perhaps as equally dispersed as it was +possible for trade to do it. And as no more was to be issued, the rise +or fall of prices could neither increase nor diminish the quantity. It +therefore remained the same through all the fluctuations of trade and +exchange. + +Now had the exchange stood at twenty for one, which was the rate +Congress calculated upon when they arranged the quota of the several +states, the latter end of last year, trade would have been carried on +for nearly four times less money than it is now, and consequently the +twenty millions would have been spared with much greater ease, and when +collected would have been of almost four times the value that they now +are. And on the other hand, was the depreciation to be ninety or one +hundred for one, the quantity required for trade would be more than at +sixty or seventy for one, and though the value of them would be less, +the difficulty of sparing the money out of trade would be greater. And +on these facts and arguments I rest the matter, to prove that it is +not the want of property, but the scarcity of the medium by which the +proportion of property for taxation is to be measured out, that makes +the embarrassment which we lie under. There is not money enough, and, +what is equally as true, the people will not let there be money enough. + +While I am on the subject of the currency, I shall offer one remark +which will appear true to everybody, and can be accounted for by nobody, +which is, that the better the times were, the worse the money grew; +and the worse the times were, the better the money stood. It never +depreciated by any advantage obtained by the enemy. The troubles of +1776, and the loss of Philadelphia in 1777, made no sensible impression +on it, and every one knows that the surrender of Charleston did not +produce the least alteration in the rate of exchange, which, for long +before, and for more than three months after, stood at sixty for one. It +seems as if the certainty of its being our own, made us careless of its +value, and that the most distant thoughts of losing it made us hug +it the closer, like something we were loth to part with; or that we +depreciate it for our pastime, which, when called to seriousness by the +enemy, we leave off to renew again at our leisure. In short, our good +luck seems to break us, and our bad makes us whole. + +Passing on from this digression, I shall now endeavor to bring into one +view the several parts which I have already stated, and form thereon +some propositions, and conclude. + +I have placed before the reader, the average tax per head, paid by the +people of England; which is forty shillings sterling. + +And I have shown the rate on an average per head, which will defray +all the expenses of the war to us, and support the several governments +without running the country into debt, which is thirteen shillings and +four pence. + +I have shown what the peace establishment may be conducted for, viz., an +eighth part of what it would be, if under the government of Britain. + +And I have likewise shown what the average per head of the present +taxes is, namely, three shillings and fivepence sterling, or threepence +two-fifths per month; and that their whole yearly value, in sterling, +is only sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty pounds. Whereas our +quota, to keep the payments equal with the expenses, is two hundred +and fifty thousand pounds. Consequently, there is a deficiency of one +hundred and eighty-five thousand seven hundred and twenty pounds, and +the same proportion of defect, according to the several quotas, happens +in every other state. And this defect is the cause why the army has been +so indifferently fed, clothed and paid. It is the cause, likewise, of +the nerveless state of the campaign, and the insecurity of the country. +Now, if a tax equal to thirteen and fourpence per head, will remove all +these difficulties, and make people secure in their homes, leave them to +follow the business of their stores and farms unmolested, and not only +drive out but keep out the enemy from the country; and if the neglect of +raising this sum will let them in, and produce the evils which might be +prevented--on which side, I ask, does the wisdom, interest and policy +lie? Or, rather, would it not be an insult to reason, to put the +question? The sum, when proportioned out according to the several +abilities of the people, can hurt no one, but an inroad from the enemy +ruins hundreds of families. + +Look at the destruction done in this city [Philadelphia]. The many +houses totally destroyed, and others damaged; the waste of fences in +the country round it, besides the plunder of furniture, forage, +and provisions. I do not suppose that half a million sterling would +reinstate the sufferers; and, does this, I ask, bear any proportion to +the expense that would make us secure? The damage, on an average, is +at least ten pounds sterling per head, which is as much as thirteen +shillings and fourpence per head comes to for fifteen years. The same +has happened on the frontiers, and in the Jerseys, New York, and other +places where the enemy has been--Carolina and Georgia are likewise +suffering the same fate. + +That the people generally do not understand the insufficiency of the +taxes to carry on the war, is evident, not only from common observation, +but from the construction of several petitions which were presented to +the Assembly of this state, against the recommendation of Congress of +the 18th of March last, for taking up and funding the present currency +at forty to one, and issuing new money in its stead. The prayer of the +petition was, that the currency might be appreciated by taxes (meaning +the present taxes) and that part of the taxes be applied to the support +of the army, if the army could not be otherwise supported. Now it could +not have been possible for such a petition to have been presented, +had the petitioners known, that so far from part of the taxes being +sufficient for the support of the whole of them falls three-fourths +short of the year's expenses. + +Before I proceed to propose methods by which a sufficiency of money +may be raised, I shall take a short view of the general state of the +country. + +Notwithstanding the weight of the war, the ravages of the enemy, and the +obstructions she has thrown in the way of trade and commerce, so soon +does a young country outgrow misfortune, that America has already +surmounted many that heavily oppressed her. For the first year or two +of the war, we were shut up within our ports, scarce venturing to look +towards the ocean. Now our rivers are beautified with large and valuable +vessels, our stores filled with merchandise, and the produce of the +country has a ready market, and an advantageous price. Gold and silver, +that for a while seemed to have retreated again within the bowels of +the earth, have once more risen into circulation, and every day adds new +strength to trade, commerce and agriculture. In a pamphlet, written +by Sir John Dalrymple, and dispersed in America in the year 1775, he +asserted that two twenty-gun ships, nay, says he, tenders of those +ships, stationed between Albermarle sound and Chesapeake bay, would shut +up the trade of America for 600 miles. How little did Sir John Dalrymple +know of the abilities of America! + +While under the government of Britain, the trade of this country was +loaded with restrictions. It was only a few foreign ports which we were +allowed to sail to. Now it is otherwise; and allowing that the quantity +of trade is but half what it was before the war, the case must show the +vast advantage of an open trade, because the present quantity under her +restrictions could not support itself; from which I infer, that if half +the quantity without the restrictions can bear itself up nearly, if not +quite, as well as the whole when subject to them, how prosperous must +the condition of America be when the whole shall return open with all +the world. By the trade I do not mean the employment of a merchant only, +but the whole interest and business of the country taken collectively. + +It is not so much my intention, by this publication, to propose +particular plans for raising money, as it is to show the necessity and +the advantages to be derived from it. My principal design is to form the +disposition of the people to the measures which I am fully persuaded it +is their interest and duty to adopt, and which need no other force to +accomplish them than the force of being felt. But as every hint may +be useful, I shall throw out a sketch, and leave others to make such +improvements upon it as to them may appear reasonable. + +The annual sum wanted is two millions, and the average rate in which it +falls, is thirteen shillings and fourpence per head. + +Suppose, then, that we raise half the sum and sixty thousand pounds +over. The average rate thereof will be seven shillings per head. + +In this case we shall have half the supply that we want, and an annual +fund of sixty thousand pounds whereon to borrow the other million; +because sixty thousand pounds is the interest of a million at six per +cent.; and if at the end of another year we should be obliged, by the +continuance of the war, to borrow another million, the taxes will be +increased to seven shillings and sixpence; and thus for every million +borrowed, an additional tax, equal to sixpence per head, must be levied. + +The sum to be raised next year will be one million and sixty thousand +pounds: one half of which I would propose should be raised by duties on +imported goods, and prize goods, and the other half by a tax on landed +property and houses, or such other means as each state may devise. + +But as the duties on imports and prize goods must be the same in all the +states, therefore the rate per cent., or what other form the duty shall +be laid, must be ascertained and regulated by Congress, and ingrafted in +that form into the law of each state; and the monies arising therefrom +carried into the treasury of each state. The duties to be paid in gold +or silver. + +There are many reasons why a duty on imports is the most convenient +duty or tax that can be collected; one of which is, because the whole is +payable in a few places in a country, and it likewise operates with the +greatest ease and equality, because as every one pays in proportion to +what he consumes, so people in general consume in proportion to what +they can afford; and therefore the tax is regulated by the abilities +which every man supposes himself to have, or in other words, every man +becomes his own assessor, and pays by a little at a time, when it suits +him to buy. Besides, it is a tax which people may pay or let alone +by not consuming the articles; and though the alternative may have no +influence on their conduct, the power of choosing is an agreeable thing +to the mind. For my own part, it would be a satisfaction to me was there +a duty on all sorts of liquors during the war, as in my idea of things +it would be an addition to the pleasures of society to know, that when +the health of the army goes round, a few drops, from every glass becomes +theirs. How often have I heard an emphatical wish, almost accompanied by +a tear, "Oh, that our poor fellows in the field had some of this!" Why +then need we suffer under a fruitless sympathy, when there is a way to +enjoy both the wish and the entertainment at once. + +But the great national policy of putting a duty upon imports is, that it +either keeps the foreign trade in our own hands, or draws something for +the defence of the country from every foreigner who participates in it +with us. + +Thus much for the first half of the taxes, and as each state will best +devise means to raise the other half, I shall confine my remarks to the +resources of this state. + +The quota, then, of this state, of one million and sixty thousand +pounds, will be one hundred and thirty-three thousand two hundred and +fifty pounds, the half of which is sixty-six thousand six hundred +and twenty-five pounds; and supposing one fourth part of Pennsylvania +inhabited, then a tax of one bushel of wheat on every twenty acres of +land, one with another, would produce the sum, and all the present taxes +to cease. Whereas, the tithes of the bishops and clergy in England, +exclusive of the taxes, are upwards of half a bushel of wheat on every +single acre of land, good and bad, throughout the nation. + +In the former part of this paper, I mentioned the militia fines, but +reserved speaking of the matter, which I shall now do. The ground I +shall put it upon is, that two millions sterling a year will support +a sufficient army, and all the expenses of war and government, without +having recourse to the inconvenient method of continually calling men +from their employments, which, of all others, is the most expensive and +the least substantial. I consider the revenues created by taxes as the +first and principal thing, and fines only as secondary and accidental +things. It was not the intention of the militia law to apply the fines +to anything else but the support of the militia, neither do they produce +any revenue to the state, yet these fines amount to more than all the +taxes: for taking the muster-roll to be sixty thousand men, the fine +on forty thousand who may not attend, will be sixty thousand pounds +sterling, and those who muster, will give up a portion of time equal +to half that sum, and if the eight classes should be called within the +year, and one third turn out, the fine on the remaining forty thousand +would amount to seventy-two millions of dollars, besides the fifteen +shillings on every hundred pounds of property, and the charge of seven +and a half per cent. for collecting, in certain instances which, on +the whole, would be upwards of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds +sterling. + +Now if those very fines disable the country from raising a sufficient +revenue without producing an equivalent advantage, would it not be for +the ease and interest of all parties to increase the revenue, in the +manner I have proposed, or any better, if a better can be devised, and +cease the operation of the fines? I would still keep the militia as an +organized body of men, and should there be a real necessity to call them +forth, pay them out of the proper revenues of the state, and increase +the taxes a third or fourth per cent. on those who do not attend. My +limits will not allow me to go further into this matter, which I shall +therefore close with this remark; that fines are, of all modes of +revenue, the most unsuited to the minds of a free country. When a +man pays a tax, he knows that the public necessity requires it, and +therefore feels a pride in discharging his duty; but a fine seems +an atonement for neglect of duty, and of consequence is paid with +discredit, and frequently levied with severity. + +I have now only one subject more to speak of, with which I shall +conclude, which is, the resolve of Congress of the 18th of March last, +for taking up and funding the present currency at forty for one, and +issuing new money in its stead. + +Every one knows that I am not the flatterer of Congress, but in this +instance they are right; and if that measure is supported, the currency +will acquire a value, which, without it, it will not. But this is not +all: it will give relief to the finances until such time as they can be +properly arranged, and save the country from being immediately doubled +taxed under the present mode. In short, support that measure, and it +will support you. + +I have now waded through a tedious course of difficult business, and +over an untrodden path. The subject, on every point in which it could be +viewed, was entangled with perplexities, and enveloped in obscurity, yet +such are the resources of America, that she wants nothing but system to +secure success. + + COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 4, 1780. + + + + +THE CRISIS X. ON THE KING OF ENGLAND'S SPEECH. + + +OF all the innocent passions which actuate the human mind there is none +more universally prevalent than curiosity. It reaches all mankind, and +in matters which concern us, or concern us not, it alike provokes in us +a desire to know them. + +Although the situation of America, superior to every effort to enslave +her, and daily rising to importance and opulence, has placed her above +the region of anxiety, it has still left her within the circle of +curiosity; and her fancy to see the speech of a man who had proudly +threatened to bring her to his feet, was visibly marked with that +tranquil confidence which cared nothing about its contents. It was +inquired after with a smile, read with a laugh, and dismissed with +disdain. + +But, as justice is due, even to an enemy, it is right to say, that the +speech is as well managed as the embarrassed condition of their affairs +could well admit of; and though hardly a line of it is true, except the +mournful story of Cornwallis, it may serve to amuse the deluded commons +and people of England, for whom it was calculated. + +"The war," says the speech, "is still unhappily prolonged by that +restless ambition which first excited our enemies to commence it, and +which still continues to disappoint my earnest wishes and diligent +exertions to restore the public tranquillity." + +How easy it is to abuse truth and language, when men, by habitual +wickedness, have learned to set justice at defiance. That the very man +who began the war, who with the most sullen insolence refused to answer, +and even to hear the humblest of all petitions, who has encouraged +his officers and his army in the most savage cruelties, and the most +scandalous plunderings, who has stirred up the Indians on one side, and +the negroes on the other, and invoked every aid of hell in his behalf, +should now, with an affected air of pity, turn the tables from himself, +and charge to another the wickedness that is his own, can only be +equalled by the baseness of the heart that spoke it. + +To be nobly wrong is more manly than to be meanly right, is an +expression I once used on a former occasion, and it is equally +applicable now. We feel something like respect for consistency even in +error. We lament the virtue that is debauched into a vice, but the +vice that affects a virtue becomes the more detestable: and amongst the +various assumptions of character, which hypocrisy has taught, and men +have practised, there is none that raises a higher relish of disgust, +than to see disappointed inveteracy twisting itself, by the most visible +falsehoods, into an appearance of piety which it has no pretensions to. + +"But I should not," continues the speech, "answer the trust committed +to the sovereign of a free people, nor make a suitable return to my +subjects for their constant, zealous, and affectionate attachment to my +person, family and government, if I consented to sacrifice, either to +my own desire of peace, or to their temporary ease and relief, those +essential rights and permanent interests, upon the maintenance and +preservation of which, the future strength and security of this country +must principally depend." + +That the man whose ignorance and obstinacy first involved and still +continues the nation in the most hopeless and expensive of all wars, +should now meanly flatter them with the name of a free people, and make +a merit of his crime, under the disguise of their essential rights and +permanent interests, is something which disgraces even the character of +perverseness. Is he afraid they will send him to Hanover, or what does +he fear? Why is the sycophant thus added to the hypocrite, and the man +who pretends to govern, sunk into the humble and submissive memorialist? + +What those essential rights and permanent interests are, on which the +future strength and security of England must principally depend, are not +so much as alluded to. They are words which impress nothing but the ear, +and are calculated only for the sound. + +But if they have any reference to America, then do they amount to +the disgraceful confession, that England, who once assumed to be her +protectress, has now become her dependant. The British king and ministry +are constantly holding up the vast importance which America is of +to England, in order to allure the nation to carry on the war: now, +whatever ground there is for this idea, it ought to have operated as a +reason for not beginning it; and, therefore, they support their present +measures to their own disgrace, because the arguments which they now +use, are a direct reflection on their former policy. + +"The favorable appearance of affairs," continues the speech, "in the +East Indies, and the safe arrival of the numerous commercial fleets of +my kingdom, must have given you satisfaction." + +That things are not quite so bad every where as in America may be some +cause of consolation, but can be none for triumph. One broken leg +is better than two, but still it is not a source of joy: and let the +appearance of affairs in the East Indies be ever so favorable, they are +nevertheless worse than at first, without a prospect of their ever being +better. But the mournful story of Cornwallis was yet to be told, and it +was necessary to give it the softest introduction possible. + +"But in the course of this year," continues the speech, "my assiduous +endeavors to guard the extensive dominions of my crown have not been +attended with success equal to the justice and uprightness of my +views."--What justice and uprightness there was in beginning a war with +America, the world will judge of, and the unequalled barbarity with +which it has been conducted, is not to be worn from the memory by the +cant of snivelling hypocrisy. + +"And it is with great concern that I inform you that the events of war +have been very unfortunate to my arms in Virginia, having ended in the +loss of my forces in that province."--And our great concern is that they +are not all served in the same manner. + +"No endeavors have been wanted on my part," says the speech, "to +extinguish that spirit of rebellion which our enemies have found means +to foment and maintain in the colonies; and to restore to my deluded +subjects in America that happy and prosperous condition which they +formerly derived from a due obedience to the laws." + +The expression of deluded subjects is become so hacknied and +contemptible, and the more so when we see them making prisoners of whole +armies at a time, that the pride of not being laughed at would induce a +man of common sense to leave it off. But the most offensive falsehood +in the paragraph is the attributing the prosperity of America to a +wrong cause. It was the unremitted industry of the settlers and their +descendants, the hard labor and toil of persevering fortitude, that +were the true causes of the prosperity of America. The former tyranny +of England served to people it, and the virtue of the adventurers to +improve it. Ask the man, who, with his axe, has cleared a way in the +wilderness, and now possesses an estate, what made him rich, and he will +tell you the labor of his hands, the sweat of his brow, and the blessing +of heaven. Let Britain but leave America to herself and she asks no +more. She has risen into greatness without the knowledge and against the +will of England, and has a right to the unmolested enjoyment of her own +created wealth. + +"I will order," says the speech, "the estimates of the ensuing year to +be laid before you. I rely on your wisdom and public spirit for such +supplies as the circumstances of our affairs shall be found to require. +Among the many ill consequences which attend the continuation of the +present war, I most sincerely regret the additional burdens which it +must unavoidably bring upon my faithful subjects." + +It is strange that a nation must run through such a labyrinth of +trouble, and expend such a mass of wealth to gain the wisdom which an +hour's reflection might have taught. The final superiority of America +over every attempt that an island might make to conquer her, was as +naturally marked in the constitution of things, as the future ability of +a giant over a dwarf is delineated in his features while an infant. +How far providence, to accomplish purposes which no human wisdom could +foresee, permitted such extraordinary errors, is still a secret in the +womb of time, and must remain so till futurity shall give it birth. + +"In the prosecution of this great and important contest," says the +speech, "in which we are engaged, I retain a firm confidence in the +protection of divine providence, and a perfect conviction in the justice +of my cause, and I have no doubt, but, that by the concurrence and +support of my Parliament, by the valour of my fleets and armies, and by +a vigorous, animated, and united exertion of the faculties and resources +of my people, I shall be enabled to restore the blessings of a safe and +honorable peace to all my dominions." + +The King of England is one of the readiest believers in the world. In +the beginning of the contest he passed an act to put America out of the +protection of the crown of England, and though providence, for seven +years together, has put him out of her protection, still the man has no +doubt. Like Pharaoh on the edge of the Red Sea, he sees not the plunge +he is making, and precipitately drives across the flood that is closing +over his head. + +I think it is a reasonable supposition, that this part of the speech was +composed before the arrival of the news of the capture of Cornwallis: +for it certainly has no relation to their condition at the time it was +spoken. But, be this as it may, it is nothing to us. Our line is +fixed. Our lot is cast; and America, the child of fate, is arriving at +maturity. We have nothing to do but by a spirited and quick exertion, +to stand prepared for war or peace. Too great to yield, and too noble +to insult; superior to misfortune, and generous in success, let us +untaintedly preserve the character which we have gained, and show to +future ages an example of unequalled magnanimity. There is something in +the cause and consequence of America that has drawn on her the attention +of all mankind. The world has seen her brave. Her love of liberty; her +ardour in supporting it; the justice of her claims, and the constancy +of her fortitude have won her the esteem of Europe, and attached to her +interest the first power in that country. + +Her situation now is such, that to whatever point, past, present or to +come, she casts her eyes, new matter rises to convince her that she is +right. In her conduct towards her enemy, no reproachful sentiment lurks +in secret. No sense of injustice is left upon the mind. Untainted with +ambition, and a stranger to revenge, her progress has been marked by +providence, and she, in every stage of the conflict, has blest her with +success. + +But let not America wrap herself up in delusive hope and suppose the +business done. The least remissness in preparation, the least relaxation +in execution, will only serve to prolong the war, and increase +expenses. If our enemies can draw consolation from misfortune, and +exert themselves upon despair, how much more ought we, who are to win a +continent by the conquest, and have already an earnest of success? + +Having, in the preceding part, made my remarks on the several matters +which the speech contains, I shall now make my remarks on what it does +not contain. + +There is not a syllable in its respecting alliances. Either the +injustice of Britain is too glaring, or her condition too desperate, or +both, for any neighboring power to come to her support. In the beginning +of the contest, when she had only America to contend with, she hired +assistance from Hesse, and other smaller states of Germany, and +for nearly three years did America, young, raw, undisciplined and +unprovided, stand against the power of Britain, aided by twenty thousand +foreign troops, and made a complete conquest of one entire army. The +remembrance of those things ought to inspire us with confidence and +greatness of mind, and carry us through every remaining difficulty with +content and cheerfulness. What are the little sufferings of the present +day, compared with the hardships that are past? There was a time, when +we had neither house nor home in safety; when every hour was the hour of +alarm and danger; when the mind, tortured with anxiety, knew no repose, +and every thing, but hope and fortitude, was bidding us farewell. + +It is of use to look back upon these things; to call to mind the times +of trouble and the scenes of complicated anguish that are past and gone. +Then every expense was cheap, compared with the dread of conquest and +the misery of submission. We did not stand debating upon trifles, or +contending about the necessary and unavoidable charges of defence. Every +one bore his lot of suffering, and looked forward to happier days, and +scenes of rest. + +Perhaps one of the greatest dangers which any country can be exposed +to, arises from a kind of trifling which sometimes steals upon the mind, +when it supposes the danger past; and this unsafe situation marks at +this time the peculiar crisis of America. What would she once have given +to have known that her condition at this day should be what it now is? +And yet we do not seem to place a proper value upon it, nor vigorously +pursue the necessary measures to secure it. We know that we cannot be +defended, nor yet defend ourselves, without trouble and expense. We have +no right to expect it; neither ought we to look for it. We are a people, +who, in our situation, differ from all the world. We form one common +floor of public good, and, whatever is our charge, it is paid for our +own interest and upon our own account. + +Misfortune and experience have now taught us system and method; and the +arrangements for carrying on the war are reduced to rule and order. The +quotas of the several states are ascertained, and I intend in a future +publication to show what they are, and the necessity as well as the +advantages of vigorously providing for them. + +In the mean time, I shall conclude this paper with an instance of +British clemency, from Smollett's History of England, vol. xi., printed +in London. It will serve to show how dismal the situation of a conquered +people is, and that the only security is an effectual defence. + +We all know that the Stuart family and the house of Hanover opposed each +other for the crown of England. The Stuart family stood first in the +line of succession, but the other was the most successful. + +In July, 1745, Charles, the son of the exiled king, landed in Scotland, +collected a small force, at no time exceeding five or six thousand +men, and made some attempts to re-establish his claim. The late Duke of +Cumberland, uncle to the present King of England, was sent against him, +and on the 16th of April following, Charles was totally defeated at +Culloden, in Scotland. Success and power are the only situations in +which clemency can be shown, and those who are cruel, because they +are victorious, can with the same facility act any other degenerate +character. + +"Immediately after the decisive action at Culloden, the Duke of +Cumberland took possession of Inverness; where six and thirty deserters, +convicted by a court martial, were ordered to be executed: then he +detached several parties to ravage the country. One of these apprehended +The Lady Mackintosh, who was sent prisoner to Inverness, plundered her +house, and drove away her cattle, though her husband was actually in the +service of the government. The castle of Lord Lovat was destroyed. +The French prisoners were sent to Carlisle and Penrith: Kilmarnock, +Balmerino, Cromartie, and his son, The Lord Macleod, were conveyed by +sea to London; and those of an inferior rank were confined in different +prisons. The Marquis of Tullibardine, together with a brother of the +Earl of Dunmore, and Murray, the pretender's secretary, were seized and +transported to the Tower of London, to which the Earl of Traquaire +had been committed on suspicion; and the eldest son of Lord Lovat was +imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh. In a word, all the jails in +Great Britain, from the capital, northwards, were filled with those +unfortunate captives; and great numbers of them were crowded together in +the holds of ships, where they perished in the most deplorable manner, +for want of air and exercise. Some rebel chiefs escaped in two French +frigates that arrived on the coast of Lochaber about the end of April, +and engaged three vessels belonging to his Britannic majesty, which +they obliged to retire. Others embarked on board a ship on the coast +of Buchan, and were conveyed to Norway, from whence they travelled to +Sweden. In the month of May, the Duke of Cumberland advanced with the +army into the Highlands, as far as Fort Augustus, where he encamped; and +sent off detachments on all hands, to hunt down the fugitives, and +lay waste the country with fire and sword. The castles of Glengary and +Lochiel were plundered and burned; every house, hut, or habitation, +met with the same fate, without distinction; and all the cattle and +provision were carried off; the men were either shot upon the mountains, +like wild beasts, or put to death in cold blood, without form of trial; +the women, after having seen their husbands and fathers murdered, were +subjected to brutal violation, and then turned out naked, with their +children, to starve on the barren heaths. One whole family was enclosed +in a barn, and consumed to ashes. Those ministers of vengeance were so +alert in the execution of their office, that in a few days there was +neither house, cottage, man, nor beast, to be seen within the compass of +fifty miles; all was ruin, silence, and desolation." + +I have here presented the reader with one of the most shocking instances +of cruelty ever practised, and I leave it, to rest on his mind, that he +may be fully impressed with a sense of the destruction he has escaped, +in case Britain had conquered America; and likewise, that he may see +and feel the necessity, as well for his own personal safety, as for the +honor, the interest, and happiness of the whole community, to omit or +delay no one preparation necessary to secure the ground which we so +happily stand upon. + + + TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA + + On the expenses, arrangements and disbursements for + carrying on the war, and finishing it with honor + and advantage + +WHEN any necessity or occasion has pointed out the convenience of +addressing the public, I have never made it a consideration whether the +subject was popular or unpopular, but whether it was right or wrong; for +that which is right will become popular, and that which is wrong, though +by mistake it may obtain the cry or fashion of the day, will soon lose +the power of delusion, and sink into disesteem. + +A remarkable instance of this happened in the case of Silas Deane; and +I mention this circumstance with the greater ease, because the poison +of his hypocrisy spread over the whole country, and every man, almost +without exception, thought me wrong in opposing him. The best friends +I then had, except Mr. [Henry] Laurens, stood at a distance, and this +tribute, which is due to his constancy, I pay to him with respect, and +that the readier, because he is not here to hear it. If it reaches him +in his imprisonment, it will afford him an agreeable reflection. + +"As he rose like a rocket, he would fall like a stick," is a metaphor +which I applied to Mr. Deane, in the first piece which I published +respecting him, and he has exactly fulfilled the description. The credit +he so unjustly obtained from the public, he lost in almost as short a +time. The delusion perished as it fell, and he soon saw himself stripped +of popular support. His more intimate acquaintances began to doubt, and +to desert him long before he left America, and at his departure, he saw +himself the object of general suspicion. When he arrived in France, +he endeavored to effect by treason what he had failed to accomplish by +fraud. His plans, schemes and projects, together with his expectation of +being sent to Holland to negotiate a loan of money, had all miscarried. +He then began traducing and accusing America of every crime, which could +injure her reputation. "That she was a ruined country; that she only +meant to make a tool of France, to get what money she could out of her, +and then to leave her and accommodate with Britain." Of all which and +much more, Colonel Laurens and myself, when in France, informed Dr. +Franklin, who had not before heard of it. And to complete the character +of traitor, he has, by letters to his country since, some of which, in +his own handwriting, are now in the possession of Congress, used every +expression and argument in his power, to injure the reputation of +France, and to advise America to renounce her alliance, and surrender up +her independence.* Thus in France he abuses America, and in his letters +to America he abuses France; and is endeavoring to create disunion +between two countries, by the same arts of double-dealing by which he +caused dissensions among the commissioners in Paris, and distractions in +America. But his life has been fraud, and his character has been that of +a plodding, plotting, cringing mercenary, capable of any disguise that +suited his purpose. His final detection has very happily cleared up +those mistakes, and removed that uneasiness, which his unprincipled +conduct occasioned. Every one now sees him in the same light; for +towards friends or enemies he acted with the same deception and +injustice, and his name, like that of Arnold, ought now to be forgotten +among us. As this is the first time that I have mentioned him since my +return from France, it is my intention that it shall be the last. From +this digression, which for several reasons I thought necessary to give, +I now proceed to the purport of my address. + + + * Mr. William Marshall, of this city [Philadelphia], formerly a +pilot, who had been taken at sea and carried to England, and got from +thence to France, brought over letters from Mr. Deane to America, one of +which was directed to "Robert Morris, Esq." Mr. Morris sent it unopened +to Congress, and advised Mr. Marshall to deliver the others there, which +he did. The letters were of the same purport with those which have been +already published under the signature of S. Deane, to which they had +frequent reference. + +I consider the war of America against Britain as the country's war, +the public's war, or the war of the people in their own behalf, for +the security of their natural rights, and the protection of their own +property. It is not the war of Congress, the war of the assemblies, or +the war of government in any line whatever. The country first, by +mutual compact, resolved to defend their rights and maintain their +independence, at the hazard of their lives and fortunes; they elected +their representatives, by whom they appointed their members of Congress, +and said, act you for us, and we will support you. This is the +true ground and principle of the war on the part of America, and, +consequently, there remains nothing to do, but for every one to fulfil +his obligation. + +It was next to impossible that a new country, engaged in a new +undertaking, could set off systematically right at first. She saw not +the extent of the struggle that she was involved in, neither could she +avoid the beginning. She supposed every step that she took, and every +resolution which she formed, would bring her enemy to reason and close +the contest. Those failing, she was forced into new measures; and these, +like the former, being fitted to her expectations, and failing in their +turn, left her continually unprovided, and without system. The +enemy, likewise, was induced to prosecute the war, from the temporary +expedients we adopted for carrying it on. We were continually expecting +to see their credit exhausted, and they were looking to see our currency +fail; and thus, between their watching us, and we them, the hopes of +both have been deceived, and the childishness of the expectation has +served to increase the expense. + +Yet who, through this wilderness of error, has been to blame? Where is +the man who can say the fault, in part, has not been his? They were the +natural, unavoidable errors of the day. They were the errors of a whole +country, which nothing but experience could detect and time remove. +Neither could the circumstances of America admit of system, till either +the paper currency was fixed or laid aside. No calculation of a finance +could be made on a medium failing without reason, and fluctuating +without rule. + +But there is one error which might have been prevented and was not; and +as it is not my custom to flatter, but to serve mankind, I will speak it +freely. It certainly was the duty of every assembly on the continent to +have known, at all times, what was the condition of its treasury, and +to have ascertained at every period of depreciation, how much the real +worth of the taxes fell short of their nominal value. This knowledge, +which might have been easily gained, in the time of it, would have +enabled them to have kept their constituents well informed, and this is +one of the greatest duties of representation. They ought to have studied +and calculated the expenses of the war, the quota of each state, and +the consequent proportion that would fall on each man's property for +his defence; and this must have easily shown to them, that a tax of one +hundred pounds could not be paid by a bushel of apples or an hundred of +flour, which was often the case two or three years ago. But instead of +this, which would have been plain and upright dealing, the little line +of temporary popularity, the feather of an hour's duration, was too much +pursued; and in this involved condition of things, every state, for the +want of a little thinking, or a little information, supposed that it +supported the whole expenses of the war, when in fact it fell, by the +time the tax was levied and collected, above three-fourths short of its +own quota. + +Impressed with a sense of the danger to which the country was exposed by +this lax method of doing business, and the prevailing errors of the day, +I published, last October was a twelvemonth, the Crisis Extraordinary, +on the revenues of America, and the yearly expense of carrying on +the war. My estimation of the latter, together with the civil list of +Congress, and the civil list of the several states, was two million +pounds sterling, which is very nearly nine millions of dollars. + +Since that time, Congress have gone into a calculation, and have +estimated the expenses of the War Department and the civil list of +Congress (exclusive of the civil list of the several governments) at +eight millions of dollars; and as the remaining million will be +fully sufficient for the civil list of the several states, the two +calculations are exceedingly near each other. + +The sum of eight millions of dollars have called upon the states to +furnish, and their quotas are as follows, which I shall preface with the +resolution itself. + + + + "By the United States in Congress assembled. + + "October 30, 1781. + +"Resolved, That the respective states be called upon to furnish the +treasury of the United States with their quotas of eight millions of +dollars, for the War Department and civil list for the ensuing year, to +be paid quarterly, in equal proportions, the first payment to be made on +the first day of April next. + +"Resolved, That a committee, consisting of a member from each state, be +appointed to apportion to the several states the quota of the above sum. + +"November 2d. The committee appointed to ascertain the proportions of +the several states of the monies to be raised for the expenses of the +ensuing year, report the following resolutions: + +"That the sum of eight millions of dollars, as required to be raised by +the resolutions of the 30th of October last, be paid by the states in +the following proportion: + + New Hampshire....... $ 373,598 + Massachusetts....... 1,307,596 + Rhode Island........ 216,684 + Connecticut......... 747,196 + New York............ 373,598 + New Jersey.......... 485,679 + Pennsylvania........ 1,120,794 + Delaware............ 112,085 + Maryland............ 933,996 + Virginia............ 1,307,594 + North Carolina...... 622,677 + South Carolina...... 373,598 + Georgia............. 24,905 + + $8,000,000 + +"Resolved, That it be recommended to the several states, to lay taxes +for raising their quotas of money for the United States, separate from +those laid for their own particular use." + + + +On these resolutions I shall offer several remarks. + + 1st, On the sum itself, and the ability of the country. + 2d, On the several quotas, and the nature of a union. And, + 3d, On the manner of collection and expenditure. + +1st, On the sum itself, and the ability of the country. As I know my +own calculation is as low as possible, and as the sum called for by +congress, according to their calculation, agrees very nearly therewith, +I am sensible it cannot possibly be lower. Neither can it be done for +that, unless there is ready money to go to market with; and even in that +case, it is only by the utmost management and economy that it can be +made to do. + +By the accounts which were laid before the British Parliament last +spring, it appeared that the charge of only subsisting, that is, feeding +their army in America, cost annually four million pounds sterling, which +is very nearly eighteen millions of dollars. Now if, for eight millions, +we can feed, clothe, arm, provide for, and pay an army sufficient for +our defence, the very comparison shows that the money must be well laid +out. + +It may be of some use, either in debate or conversation, to attend to +the progress of the expenses of an army, because it will enable us to +see on what part any deficiency will fall. + +The first thing is, to feed them and prepare for the sick. + + _Second_, to clothe them. + _Third_, to arm and furnish them. + _Fourth_, to provide means for removing them from place to place. And, + _Fifth_, to pay them. + +The first and second are absolutely necessary to them as men. The third +and fourth are equally as necessary to them as an army. And the fifth is +their just due. Now if the sum which shall be raised should fall short, +either by the several acts of the states for raising it, or by the +manner of collecting it, the deficiency will fall on the fifth head, the +soldiers' pay, which would be defrauding them, and eternally disgracing +ourselves. It would be a blot on the councils, the country, and the +revolution of America, and a man would hereafter be ashamed to own that +he had any hand in it. + +But if the deficiency should be still shorter, it would next fall on the +fourth head, the means of removing the army from place to place; and, in +this case, the army must either stand still where it can be of no use, +or seize on horses, carts, wagons, or any means of transportation which +it can lay hold of; and in this instance the country suffers. In short, +every attempt to do a thing for less than it can he done for, is sure to +become at last both a loss and a dishonor. + +But the country cannot bear it, say some. This has been the most +expensive doctrine that ever was held out, and cost America millions +of money for nothing. Can the country bear to be overrun, ravaged, +and ruined by an enemy? This will immediately follow where defence is +wanting, and defence will ever be wanting, where sufficient revenues +are not provided. But this is only one part of the folly. The second is, +that when the danger comes, invited in part by our not preparing against +it, we have been obliged, in a number of instances, to expend double the +sums to do that which at first might have been done for half the money. +But this is not all. A third mischief has been, that grain of all sorts, +flour, beef fodder, horses, carts, wagons, or whatever was absolutely or +immediately wanted, have been taken without pay. Now, I ask, why was all +this done, but from that extremely weak and expensive doctrine, that +the country could not bear it? That is, that she could not bear, in the +first instance, that which would have saved her twice as much at last; +or, in proverbial language, that she could not bear to pay a penny to +save a pound; the consequence of which has been, that she has paid a +pound for a penny. Why are there so many unpaid certificates in almost +every man's hands, but from the parsimony of not providing sufficient +revenues? Besides, the doctrine contradicts itself; because, if the +whole country cannot bear it, how is it possible that a part should? +And yet this has been the case: for those things have been had; and they +must be had; but the misfortune is, that they have been obtained in +a very unequal manner, and upon expensive credit, whereas, with ready +money, they might have been purchased for half the price, and nobody +distressed. + +But there is another thought which ought to strike us, which is, how is +the army to bear the want of food, clothing and other necessaries? The +man who is at home, can turn himself a thousand ways, and find as many +means of ease, convenience or relief: but a soldier's life admits of +none of those: their wants cannot be supplied from themselves: for an +army, though it is the defence of a state, is at the same time the child +of a country, or must be provided for in every thing. + +And lastly, the doctrine is false. There are not three millions of +people in any part of the universe, who live so well, or have such a +fund of ability, as in America. The income of a common laborer, who is +industrious, is equal to that of the generality of tradesmen in England. +In the mercantile line, I have not heard of one who could be said to be +a bankrupt since the war began, and in England they have been without +number. In America almost every farmer lives on his own lands, and in +England not one in a hundred does. In short, it seems as if the poverty +of that country had made them furious, and they were determined to risk +all to recover all. + +Yet, notwithstanding those advantages on the part of America, true it +is, that had it not been for the operation of taxes for our necessary +defence, we had sunk into a state of sloth and poverty: for there was +more wealth lost by neglecting to till the earth in the years 1776, +'77, and '78, than the quota of taxes amounts to. That which is lost by +neglect of this kind, is lost for ever: whereas that which is paid, and +continues in the country, returns to us again; and at the same time that +it provides us with defence, it operates not only as a spur, but as a +premium to our industry. + +I shall now proceed to the second head, viz., on the several quotas, and +the nature of a union. + +There was a time when America had no other bond of union, than that of +common interest and affection. The whole country flew to the relief of +Boston, and, making her cause, their own, participated in her cares and +administered to her wants. The fate of war, since that day, has carried +the calamity in a ten-fold proportion to the southward; but in the mean +time the union has been strengthened by a legal compact of the states, +jointly and severally ratified, and that which before was choice, or the +duty of affection, is now likewise the duty of legal obligation. + +The union of America is the foundation-stone of her independence; +the rock on which it is built; and is something so sacred in her +constitution, that we ought to watch every word we speak, and every +thought we think, that we injure it not, even by mistake. When a +multitude, extended, or rather scattered, over a continent in the manner +we were, mutually agree to form one common centre whereon the whole +shall move to accomplish a particular purpose, all parts must act +together and alike, or act not at all, and a stoppage in any one is a +stoppage of the whole, at least for a time. + +Thus the several states have sent representatives to assemble together +in Congress, and they have empowered that body, which thus becomes their +centre, and are no other than themselves in representation, to conduct +and manage the war, while their constituents at home attend to the +domestic cares of the country, their internal legislation, their farms, +professions or employments, for it is only by reducing complicated +things to method and orderly connection that they can be understood +with advantage, or pursued with success. Congress, by virtue of this +delegation, estimates the expense, and apportions it out to the several +parts of the empire according to their several abilities; and here the +debate must end, because each state has already had its voice, and the +matter has undergone its whole portion of argument, and can no more be +altered by any particular state, than a law of any state, after it has +passed, can be altered by any individual. For with respect to those +things which immediately concern the union, and for which the union was +purposely established, and is intended to secure, each state is to the +United States what each individual is to the state he lives in. And +it is on this grand point, this movement upon one centre, that our +existence as a nation, our happiness as a people, and our safety as +individuals, depend. + +It may happen that some state or other may be somewhat over or under +rated, but this cannot be much. The experience which has been had upon +the matter, has nearly ascertained their several abilities. But even +in this case, it can only admit of an appeal to the United States, but +cannot authorise any state to make the alteration itself, any more than +our internal government can admit an individual to do so in the case of +an act of assembly; for if one state can do it, then may another do the +same, and the instant this is done the whole is undone. + +Neither is it supposable that any single state can be a judge of all the +comparative reasons which may influence the collective body in arranging +the quotas of the continent. The circumstances of the several states are +frequently varying, occasioned by the accidents of war and commerce, and +it will often fall upon some to help others, rather beyond what their +exact proportion at another time might be; but even this assistance is +as naturally and politically included in the idea of a union as that of +any particular assigned proportion; because we know not whose turn +it may be next to want assistance, for which reason that state is the +wisest which sets the best example. + +Though in matters of bounden duty and reciprocal affection, it is rather +a degeneracy from the honesty and ardor of the heart to admit any thing +selfish to partake in the government of our conduct, yet in cases where +our duty, our affections, and our interest all coincide, it may be of +some use to observe their union. The United States will become heir to +an extensive quantity of vacant land, and their several titles to +shares and quotas thereof, will naturally be adjusted according to their +relative quotas, during the war, exclusive of that inability which may +unfortunately arise to any state by the enemy's holding possession of +a part; but as this is a cold matter of interest, I pass it by, +and proceed to my third head, viz., on the manner of collection and +expenditure. + +It has been our error, as well as our misfortune, to blend the affairs +of each state, especially in money matters, with those of the United +States; whereas it is our case, convenience and interest, to keep them +separate. The expenses of the United States for carrying on the war, and +the expenses of each state for its own domestic government, are distinct +things, and to involve them is a source of perplexity and a cloak for +fraud. I love method, because I see and am convinced of its beauty and +advantage. It is that which makes all business easy and understood, and +without which, everything becomes embarrassed and difficult. + +There are certain powers which the people of each state have delegated +to their legislative and executive bodies, and there are other powers +which the people of every state have delegated to Congress, among +which is that of conducting the war, and, consequently, of managing the +expenses attending it; for how else can that be managed, which concerns +every state, but by a delegation from each? When a state has furnished +its quota, it has an undoubted right to know how it has been applied, +and it is as much the duty of Congress to inform the state of the one, +as it is the duty of the state to provide the other. + +In the resolution of Congress already recited, it is recommended to the +several states to lay taxes for raising their quotas of money for the +United States, separate from those laid for their own particular use. + +This is a most necessary point to be observed, and the distinction +should follow all the way through. They should be levied, paid and +collected, separately, and kept separate in every instance. Neither have +the civil officers of any state, nor the government of that state, the +least right to touch that money which the people pay for the support of +their army and the war, any more than Congress has to touch that which +each state raises for its own use. + +This distinction will naturally be followed by another. It will occasion +every state to examine nicely into the expenses of its civil list, and +to regulate, reduce, and bring it into better order than it has hitherto +been; because the money for that purpose must be raised apart, and +accounted for to the public separately. But while the, monies of both +were blended, the necessary nicety was not observed, and the poor +soldier, who ought to have been the first, was the last who was thought +of. + +Another convenience will be, that the people, by paying the taxes +separately, will know what they are for; and will likewise know that +those which are for the defence of the country will cease with the war, +or soon after. For although, as I have before observed, the war is their +own, and for the support of their own rights and the protection of their +own property, yet they have the same right to know, that they have +to pay, and it is the want of not knowing that is often the cause of +dissatisfaction. + +This regulation of keeping the taxes separate has given rise to a +regulation in the office of finance, by which it is directed: + +"That the receivers shall, at the end of every month, make out an exact +account of the monies received by them respectively, during such month, +specifying therein the names of the persons from whom the same shall +have been received, the dates and the sums; which account they shall +respectively cause to be published in one of the newspapers of the +state; to the end that every citizen may know how much of the monies +collected from him, in taxes, is transmitted to the treasury of the +United States for the support of the war; and also, that it may be known +what monies have been at the order of the superintendent of finance. It +being proper and necessary, that, in a free country, the people should +be as fully informed of the administration of their affairs as the +nature of things will admit." + +It is an agreeable thing to see a spirit of order and economy taking +place, after such a series of errors and difficulties. A government or +an administration, who means and acts honestly, has nothing to fear, and +consequently has nothing to conceal; and it would be of use if a monthly +or quarterly account was to be published, as well of the expenditures +as of the receipts. Eight millions of dollars must be husbanded with an +exceeding deal of care to make it do, and, therefore, as the management +must be reputable, the publication would be serviceable. + +I have heard of petitions which have been presented to the assembly of +this state (and probably the same may have happened in other states) +praying to have the taxes lowered. Now the only way to keep taxes low +is, for the United States to have ready money to go to market with: and +though the taxes to be raised for the present year will fall heavy, +and there will naturally be some difficulty in paying them, yet the +difficulty, in proportion as money spreads about the country, will every +day grow less, and in the end we shall save some millions of dollars by +it. We see what a bitter, revengeful enemy we have to deal with, and +any expense is cheap compared to their merciless paw. We have seen the +unfortunate Carolineans hunted like partridges on the mountains, and it +is only by providing means for our defence, that we shall be kept from +the same condition. When we think or talk about taxes, we ought to +recollect that we lie down in peace and sleep in safety; that we +can follow our farms or stores or other occupations, in prosperous +tranquillity; and that these inestimable blessings are procured to us +by the taxes that we pay. In this view, our taxes are properly our +insurance money; they are what we pay to be made safe, and, in strict +policy, are the best money we can lay out. + +It was my intention to offer some remarks on the impost law of five per +cent. recommended by Congress, and to be established as a fund for the +payment of the loan-office certificates, and other debts of the United +States; but I have already extended my piece beyond my intention. And +as this fund will make our system of finance complete, and is strictly +just, and consequently requires nothing but honesty to do it, there +needs but little to be said upon it. + + COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, March 5, 1782. + + + + +THE CRISIS. XI. ON THE PRESENT STATE OF NEWS. + + +SINCE the arrival of two, if not three packets in quick succession, at +New York, from England, a variety of unconnected news has circulated +through the country, and afforded as great a variety of speculation. + +That something is the matter in the cabinet and councils of our enemies, +on the other side of the water, is certain--that they have run their +length of madness, and are under the necessity of changing their +measures may easily be seen into; but to what this change of measures +may amount, or how far it may correspond with our interest, happiness +and duty, is yet uncertain; and from what we have hitherto experienced, +we have too much reason to suspect them in every thing. I do not address +this publication so much to the people of America as to the British +ministry, whoever they may be, for if it is their intention to promote +any kind of negotiation, it is proper they should know beforehand, that +the United States have as much honor as bravery; and that they are no +more to be seduced from their alliance than their allegiance; that their +line of politics is formed and not dependent, like that of their enemy, +on chance and accident. On our part, in order to know, at any time, what +the British government will do, we have only to find out what they ought +not to do, and this last will be their conduct. Forever changing and +forever wrong; too distant from America to improve in circumstances, and +too unwise to foresee them; scheming without principle, and executing +without probability, their whole line of management has hitherto been +blunder and baseness. Every campaign has added to their loss, and every +year to their disgrace; till unable to go on, and ashamed to go back, +their politics have come to a halt, and all their fine prospects to a +halter. + +Could our affections forgive, or humanity forget the wounds of an +injured country--we might, under the influence of a momentary oblivion, +stand still and laugh. But they are engraven where no amusement can +conceal them, and of a kind for which there is no recompense. Can ye +restore to us the beloved dead? Can ye say to the grave, give up the +murdered? Can ye obliterate from our memories those who are no more? +Think not then to tamper with our feelings by an insidious contrivance, +nor suffocate our humanity by seducing us to dishonor. + +In March 1780, I published part of the Crisis, No. VIII., in the +newspapers, but did not conclude it in the following papers, and the +remainder has lain by me till the present day. There appeared about +that time some disposition in the British cabinet to cease the further +prosecution of the war, and as I had formed my opinion that whenever +such a design should take place, it would be accompanied by a +dishonorable proposition to America, respecting France, I had suppressed +the remainder of that number, not to expose the baseness of any such +proposition. But the arrival of the next news from England, declared her +determination to go on with the war, and consequently as the political +object I had then in view was not become a subject, it was unnecessary +in me to bring it forward, which is the reason it was never published. +The matter which I allude to in the unpublished part, I shall now make a +quotation of, and apply it as the more enlarged state of things, at this +day, shall make convenient or necessary. It was as follows: + +"By the speeches which have appeared from the British Parliament, it is +easy to perceive to what impolitic and imprudent excesses their passions +and prejudices have, in every instance, carried them during the present +war. Provoked at the upright and honorable treaty between America and +France, they imagined that nothing more was necessary to be done to +prevent its final ratification, than to promise, through the agency of +their commissioners (Carlisle, Eden, and Johnstone) a repeal of their +once offensive acts of Parliament. The vanity of the conceit, was as +unpardonable as the experiment was impolitic. And so convinced am I of +their wrong ideas of America, that I shall not wonder, if, in their last +stage of political frenzy, they propose to her to break her alliance +with France, and enter into one with them. Such a proposition, should +it ever be made, and it has been already more than once hinted at in +Parliament, would discover such a disposition to perfidiousness, and +such disregard of honor and morals, as would add the finishing vice to +national corruption.--I do not mention this to put America on the watch, +but to put England on her guard, that she do not, in the looseness of +her heart, envelop in disgrace every fragment of reputation."--Thus far +the quotation. + +By the complection of some part of the news which has transpired through +the New York papers, it seems probable that this insidious era in the +British politics is beginning to make its appearance. I wish it may +not; for that which is a disgrace to human nature, throws something of a +shade over all the human character, and each individual feels his share +of the wound that is given to the whole. The policy of Britain has ever +been to divide America in some way or other. In the beginning of the +dispute, she practised every art to prevent or destroy the union of the +states, well knowing that could she once get them to stand singly, she +could conquer them unconditionally. Failing in this project in America, +she renewed it in Europe; and, after the alliance had taken place, she +made secret offers to France to induce her to give up America; and what +is still more extraordinary, she at the same time made propositions to +Dr. Franklin, then in Paris, the very court to which she was secretly +applying, to draw off America from France. But this is not all. On the +14th of September, 1778, the British court, through their secretary, +Lord Weymouth, made application to the Marquis d'Almadovar, the Spanish +ambassador at London, to "ask the mediation," for these were the words, +of the court of Spain, for the purpose of negotiating a peace with +France, leaving America (as I shall hereafter show) out of the question. +Spain readily offered her mediation, and likewise the city of Madrid as +the place of conference, but withal, proposed, that the United States of +America should be invited to the treaty, and considered as independent +during the time the business was negotiating. But this was not the +view of England. She wanted to draw France from the war, that she might +uninterruptedly pour out all her force and fury upon America; and being +disappointed in this plan, as well through the open and generous conduct +of Spain, as the determination of France, she refused the mediation +which she had solicited. I shall now give some extracts from the +justifying memorial of the Spanish court, in which she has set the +conduct and character of Britain, with respect to America, in a clear +and striking point of light. + +The memorial, speaking of the refusal of the British court to meet in +conference with commissioners from the United States, who were to be +considered as independent during the time of the conference, says, + +"It is a thing very extraordinary and even ridiculous, that the court of +London, who treats the colonies as independent, not only in acting, but +of right, during the war, should have a repugnance to treat them as +such only in acting during a truce, or suspension of hostilities. +The convention of Saratoga; the reputing General Burgoyne as a lawful +prisoner, in order to suspend his trial; the exchange and liberation of +other prisoners made from the colonies; the having named commissioners +to go and supplicate the Americans, at their own doors, request peace of +them, and treat with them and the Congress: and, finally, by a thousand +other acts of this sort, authorized by the court of London, which have +been, and are true signs of the acknowledgment of their independence. + +"In aggravation of all the foregoing, at the same time the British +cabinet answered the King of Spain in the terms already mentioned, they +were insinuating themselves at the court of France by means of secret +emissaries, and making very great offers to her, to abandon the colonies +and make peace with England. But there is yet more; for at this same +time the English ministry were treating, by means of another certain +emissary, with Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary from the colonies, +residing at Paris, to whom they made various proposals to disunite them +from France, and accommodate matters with England. + +"From what has been observed, it evidently follows, that the whole +of the British politics was, to disunite the two courts of Paris and +Madrid, by means of the suggestions and offers which she separately +made to them; and also to separate the colonies from their treaties and +engagements entered into with France, and induce them to arm against the +house of Bourbon, or more probably to oppress them when they found, +from breaking their engagements, that they stood alone and without +protection. + +"This, therefore, is the net they laid for the American states; that is +to say, to tempt them with flattering and very magnificent promises to +come to an accommodation with them, exclusive of any intervention of +Spain or France, that the British ministry might always remain the +arbiters of the fate of the colonies. But the Catholic king (the King +of Spain) faithful on the one part of the engagements which bind him +to the Most Christian king (the King of France) his nephew; just and +upright on the other, to his own subjects, whom he ought to protect +and guard against so many insults; and finally, full of humanity and +compassion for the Americans and other individuals who suffer in the +present war; he is determined to pursue and prosecute it, and to make +all the efforts in his power, until he can obtain a solid and permanent +peace, with full and satisfactory securities that it shall be observed." + +Thus far the memorial; a translation of which into English, may be seen +in full, under the head of State Papers, in the Annual Register, for +1779. + +The extracts I have here given, serve to show the various endeavors +and contrivances of the enemy, to draw France from her connection with +America, and to prevail on her to make a separate peace with England, +leaving America totally out of the question, and at the mercy of a +merciless, unprincipled enemy. The opinion, likewise, which Spain +has formed of the British cabinet's character for meanness and +perfidiousness, is so exactly the opinion of America respecting it, +that the memorial, in this instance, contains our own statements and +language; for people, however remote, who think alike, will unavoidably +speak alike. + +Thus we see the insidious use which Britain endeavored to make of the +propositions of peace under the mediation of Spain. I shall now proceed +to the second proposition under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany +and the Empress of Russia; the general outline of which was, that a +congress of the several powers at war should meet at Vienna, in 1781, +to settle preliminaries of peace. I could wish myself at liberty to make +use of all the information which I am possessed of on this subject, but +as there is a delicacy in the matter, I do not conceive it prudent, at +least at present, to make references and quotations in the same manner +as I have done with respect to the mediation of Spain, who published the +whole proceedings herself; and therefore, what comes from me, on this +part of the business, must rest on my own credit with the public, +assuring them, that when the whole proceedings, relative to the proposed +Congress of Vienna shall appear, they will find my account not only +true, but studiously moderate. + +We know at the time this mediation was on the carpet, the expectation of +the British king and ministry ran high with respect to the conquest of +America. The English packet which was taken with the mail on board, +and carried into l'Orient, in France, contained letters from Lord G. +Germaine to Sir Henry Clinton, which expressed in the fullest terms the +ministerial idea of a total conquest. Copies of those letters were sent +to congress and published in the newspapers of last year. Colonel +[John] Laurens brought over the originals, some of which, signed in the +handwriting of the then secretary, Germaine, are now in my possession. + +Filled with these high ideas, nothing could be more insolent towards +America than the language of the British court on the proposed +mediation. A peace with France and Spain she anxiously solicited; but +America, as before, was to be left to her mercy, neither would she hear +any proposition for admitting an agent from the United States into the +congress of Vienna. + +On the other hand, France, with an open, noble and manly determination, +and a fidelity of a good ally, would hear no proposition for a separate +peace, nor even meet in congress at Vienna, without an agent from +America: and likewise that the independent character of the United +States, represented by the agent, should be fully and unequivocally +defined and settled before any conference should be entered on. The +reasoning of the court of France on the several propositions of the +two imperial courts, which relate to us, is rather in the style of an +American than an ally, and she advocated the cause of America as if she +had been America herself.--Thus the second mediation, like the first, +proved ineffectual. But since that time, a reverse of fortune has +overtaken the British arms, and all their high expectations are dashed +to the ground. The noble exertions to the southward under General +[Nathaniel] Greene; the successful operations of the allied arms in the +Chesapeake; the loss of most of their islands in the West Indies, and +Minorca in the Mediterranean; the persevering spirit of Spain against +Gibraltar; the expected capture of Jamaica; the failure of making a +separate peace with Holland, and the expense of an hundred millions +sterling, by which all these fine losses were obtained, have read them +a loud lesson of disgraceful misfortune and necessity has called on them +to change their ground. + +In this situation of confusion and despair, their present councils have +no fixed character. It is now the hurricane months of British politics. +Every day seems to have a storm of its own, and they are scudding under +the bare poles of hope. Beaten, but not humble; condemned, but not +penitent; they act like men trembling at fate and catching at a straw. +From this convulsion, in the entrails of their politics, it is more than +probable, that the mountain groaning in labor, will bring forth a mouse, +as to its size, and a monster in its make. They will try on America the +same insidious arts they tried on France and Spain. + +We sometimes experience sensations to which language is not equal. +The conception is too bulky to be born alive, and in the torture of +thinking, we stand dumb. Our feelings, imprisoned by their magnitude, +find no way out--and, in the struggle of expression, every finger tries +to be a tongue. The machinery of the body seems too little for the mind, +and we look about for helps to show our thoughts by. Such must be the +sensation of America, whenever Britain, teeming with corruption, shall +propose to her to sacrifice her faith. + +But, exclusive of the wickedness, there is a personal offence contained +in every such attempt. It is calling us villains: for no man asks the +other to act the villain unless he believes him inclined to be one. +No man attempts to seduce the truly honest woman. It is the supposed +looseness of her mind that starts the thoughts of seduction, and he who +offers it calls her a prostitute. Our pride is always hurt by the same +propositions which offend our principles; for when we are shocked at the +crime, we are wounded by the suspicion of our compliance. + +Could I convey a thought that might serve to regulate the public mind, +I would not make the interest of the alliance the basis of defending +it. All the world are moved by interest, and it affords them nothing to +boast of. But I would go a step higher, and defend it on the ground of +honor and principle. That our public affairs have flourished under the +alliance--that it was wisely made, and has been nobly executed--that by +its assistance we are enabled to preserve our country from conquest, and +expel those who sought our destruction--that it is our true interest to +maintain it unimpaired, and that while we do so no enemy can conquer +us, are matters which experience has taught us, and the common good of +ourselves, abstracted from principles of faith and honor, would lead us +to maintain the connection. + +But over and above the mere letter of the alliance, we have been nobly +and generously treated, and have had the same respect and attention paid +to us, as if we had been an old established country. To oblige and +be obliged is fair work among mankind, and we want an opportunity of +showing to the world that we are a people sensible of kindness and +worthy of confidence. Character is to us, in our present circumstances, +of more importance than interest. We are a young nation, just stepping +upon the stage of public life, and the eye of the world is upon us +to see how we act. We have an enemy who is watching to destroy our +reputation, and who will go any length to gain some evidence against +us, that may serve to render our conduct suspected, and our character +odious; because, could she accomplish this, wicked as it is, the world +would withdraw from us, as from a people not to be trusted, and our task +would then become difficult. There is nothing which sets the character +of a nation in a higher or lower light with others, than the faithfully +fulfilling, or perfidiously breaking, of treaties. They are things not +to be tampered with: and should Britain, which seems very probable, +propose to seduce America into such an act of baseness, it would +merit from her some mark of unusual detestation. It is one of those +extraordinary instances in which we ought not to be contented with the +bare negative of Congress, because it is an affront on the multitude as +well as on the government. It goes on the supposition that the public +are not honest men, and that they may be managed by contrivance, though +they cannot be conquered by arms. But, let the world and Britain know, +that we are neither to be bought nor sold; that our mind is great and +fixed; our prospect clear; and that we will support our character as +firmly as our independence. + +But I will go still further; General Conway, who made the motion, in +the British Parliament, for discontinuing offensive war in America, is a +gentleman of an amiable character. We have no personal quarrel with him. +But he feels not as we feel; he is not in our situation, and that alone, +without any other explanation, is enough. The British Parliament suppose +they have many friends in America, and that, when all chance of conquest +is over, they will be able to draw her from her alliance with France. +Now, if I have any conception of the human heart, they will fail in this +more than in any thing that they have yet tried. + +This part of the business is not a question of policy only, but of honor +and honesty; and the proposition will have in it something so visibly +low and base, that their partisans, if they have any, will be ashamed of +it. Men are often hurt by a mean action who are not startled at a wicked +one, and this will be such a confession of inability, such a declaration +of servile thinking, that the scandal of it will ruin all their hopes. + +In short, we have nothing to do but to go on with vigor and +determination. The enemy is yet in our country. They hold New York, +Charleston, and Savannah, and the very being in those places is an +offence, and a part of offensive war, and until they can be driven from +them, or captured in them, it would be folly in us to listen to an idle +tale. I take it for granted that the British ministry are sinking under +the impossibility of carrying on the war. Let them then come to a fair +and open peace with France, Spain, Holland and America, in the manner +they ought to do; but until then, we can have nothing to say to them. + + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1782. + + + + A SUPERNUMERARY CRISIS + + TO SIR GUY CARLETON. + +IT is the nature of compassion to associate with misfortune; and I +address this to you in behalf even of an enemy, a captain in the British +service, now on his way to the headquarters of the American army, and +unfortunately doomed to death for a crime not his own. A sentence so +extraordinary, an execution so repugnant to every human sensation, ought +never to be told without the circumstances which produced it: and as the +destined victim is yet in existence, and in your hands rests his life or +death, I shall briefly state the case, and the melancholy consequence. + +Captain Huddy, of the Jersey militia, was attacked in a small fort on +Tom's River, by a party of refugees in the British pay and service, was +made prisoner, together with his company, carried to New York and lodged +in the provost of that city: about three weeks after which, he was taken +out of the provost down to the water-side, put into a boat, and brought +again upon the Jersey shore, and there, contrary to the practice of all +nations but savages, was hung up on a tree, and left hanging till found +by our people who took him down and buried him. The inhabitants of that +part of the country where the murder was committed, sent a deputation +to General Washington with a full and certified statement of the fact. +Struck, as every human breast must be, with such brutish outrage, and +determined both to punish and prevent it for the future, the General +represented the case to General Clinton, who then commanded, and +demanded that the refugee officer who ordered and attended the +execution, and whose name is Lippencott, should be delivered up as +a murderer; and in case of refusal, that the person of some British +officer should suffer in his stead. The demand, though not refused, has +not been complied with; and the melancholy lot (not by selection, but by +casting lots) has fallen upon Captain Asgill, of the Guards, who, as I +have already mentioned, is on his way from Lancaster to camp, a +martyr to the general wickedness of the cause he engaged in, and the +ingratitude of those whom he served. + +The first reflection which arises on this black business is, what sort +of men must Englishmen be, and what sort of order and discipline do +they preserve in their army, when in the immediate place of their +headquarters, and under the eye and nose of their commander-in-chief, +a prisoner can be taken at pleasure from his confinement, and his death +made a matter of sport. + +The history of the most savage Indians does not produce instances +exactly of this kind. They, at least, have a formality in their +punishments. With them it is the horridness of revenge, but with your +army it is a still greater crime, the horridness of diversion. The +British generals who have succeeded each other, from the time of General +Gage to yourself, have all affected to speak in language that they have +no right to. In their proclamations, their addresses, their letters +to General Washington, and their supplications to Congress (for they +deserve no other name) they talk of British honor, British generosity, +and British clemency, as if those things were matters of fact; whereas, +we whose eyes are open, who speak the same language with yourselves, +many of whom were born on the same spot with you, and who can no more +be mistaken in your words than in your actions, can declare to all the +world, that so far as our knowledge goes, there is not a more detestable +character, nor a meaner or more barbarous enemy, than the present +British one. With us, you have forfeited all pretensions to reputation, +and it is only by holding you like a wild beast, afraid of your keepers, +that you can be made manageable. But to return to the point in question. + +Though I can think no man innocent who has lent his hand to destroy +the country which he did not plant, and to ruin those that he could not +enslave, yet, abstracted from all ideas of right and wrong on the +original question, Captain Asgill, in the present case, is not the +guilty man. The villain and the victim are here separated characters. +You hold the one and we the other. You disown, or affect to disown and +reprobate the conduct of Lippincut, yet you give him a sanctuary; and by +so doing you as effectually become the executioner of Asgill, as if you +had put the rope on his neck, and dismissed him from the world. Whatever +your feelings on this interesting occasion may be are best known to +yourself. Within the grave of your own mind lies buried the fate of +Asgill. He becomes the corpse of your will, or the survivor of your +justice. Deliver up the one, and you save the other; withhold the one, +and the other dies by your choice. + +On our part the case is exceeding plain; an officer has been taken from +his confinement and murdered, and the murderer is within your lines. +Your army has been guilty of a thousand instances of equal cruelty, +but they have been rendered equivocal, and sheltered from personal +detection. Here the crime is fixed; and is one of those extraordinary +cases which can neither be denied nor palliated, and to which the custom +of war does not apply; for it never could be supposed that such a brutal +outrage would ever be committed. It is an original in the history +of civilized barbarians, and is truly British. On your part you are +accountable to us for the personal safety of the prisoners within your +walls. Here can be no mistake; they can neither be spies nor suspected +as such; your security is not endangered, nor your operations subjected +to miscarriage, by men immured within a dungeon. They differ in every +circumstance from men in the field, and leave no pretence for severity +of punishment. But if to the dismal condition of captivity with you must +be added the constant apprehensions of death; if to be imprisoned is +so nearly to be entombed; and if, after all, the murderers are to be +protected, and thereby the crime encouraged, wherein do you differ from +[American] Indians either in conduct or character? + +We can have no idea of your honor, or your justice, in any future +transaction, of what nature it may be, while you shelter within your +lines an outrageous murderer, and sacrifice in his stead an officer of +your own. If you have no regard to us, at least spare the blood which +it is your duty to save. Whether the punishment will be greater on him, +who, in this case, innocently dies, or on him whom sad necessity forces +to retaliate, is, in the nicety of sensation, an undecided question? It +rests with you to prevent the sufferings of both. You have nothing to do +but to give up the murderer, and the matter ends. + +But to protect him, be he who he may, is to patronize his crime, and to +trifle it off by frivolous and unmeaning inquiries, is to promote it. +There is no declaration you can make, nor promise you can give that will +obtain credit. It is the man and not the apology that is demanded. + +You see yourself pressed on all sides to spare the life of your own +officer, for die he will if you withhold justice. The murder of Captain +Huddy is an offence not to be borne with, and there is no security which +we can have, that such actions or similar ones shall not be repeated, +but by making the punishment fall upon yourselves. To destroy the last +security of captivity, and to take the unarmed, the unresisting prisoner +to private and sportive execution, is carrying barbarity too high for +silence. The evil must be put an end to; and the choice of persons rests +with you. But if your attachment to the guilty is stronger than to the +innocent, you invent a crime that must destroy your character, and if +the cause of your king needs to be so supported, for ever cease, sir, +to torture our remembrance with the wretched phrases of British honor, +British generosity and British clemency. + +From this melancholy circumstance, learn, sir, a lesson of morality. The +refugees are men whom your predecessors have instructed in wickedness, +the better to fit them to their master's purpose. To make them useful, +they have made them vile, and the consequence of their tutored villany +is now descending on the heads of their encouragers. They have been +trained like hounds to the scent of blood, and cherished in every +species of dissolute barbarity. Their ideas of right and wrong are +worn away in the constant habitude of repeated infamy, till, like men +practised in execution, they feel not the value of another's life. + +The task before you, though painful, is not difficult; give up the +murderer, and save your officer, as the first outset of a necessary +reformation. COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA May 31, 1782. + + + + +THE CRISIS. XII. TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE. + + +MY LORD,--A speech, which has been printed in several of the British and +New York newspapers, as coming from your lordship, in answer to one from +the Duke of Richmond, of the 10th of July last, contains expressions and +opinions so new and singular, and so enveloped in mysterious reasoning, +that I address this publication to you, for the purpose of giving them a +free and candid examination. The speech I allude to is in these words: + +"His lordship said, it had been mentioned in another place, that he had +been guilty of inconsistency. To clear himself of this, he asserted that +he still held the same principles in respect to American independence +which he at first imbibed. He had been, and yet was of opinion, whenever +the Parliament of Great Britain acknowledges that point, the sun of +England's glory is set forever. Such were the sentiments he possessed on +a former day, and such the sentiments he continued to hold at this +hour. It was the opinion of Lord Chatham, as well as many other able +statesmen. Other noble lords, however, think differently, and as the +majority of the cabinet support them, he acquiesced in the measure, +dissenting from the idea; and the point is settled for bringing +the matter into the full discussion of Parliament, where it will be +candidly, fairly, and impartially debated. The independence of America +would end in the ruin of England; and that a peace patched up with +France, would give that proud enemy the means of yet trampling on this +country. The sun of England's glory he wished not to see set forever; he +looked for a spark at least to be left, which might in time light us +up to a new day. But if independence was to be granted, if Parliament +deemed that measure prudent, he foresaw, in his own mind, that England +was undone. He wished to God that he had been deputed to Congress, that +be might plead the cause of that country as well as of this, and that he +might exercise whatever powers he possessed as an orator, to save both +from ruin, in a conviction to Congress, that, if their independence was +signed, their liberties were gone forever. + +"Peace, his lordship added, was a desirable object, but it must be an +honorable peace, and not an humiliating one, dictated by France, or +insisted on by America. It was very true, that this kingdom was not in a +flourishing state, it was impoverished by war. But if we were not +rich, it was evident that France was poor. If we were straitened in our +finances, the enemy were exhausted in their resources. This was a great +empire; it abounded with brave men, who were able and willing to fight +in a common cause; the language of humiliation should not, therefore, be +the language of Great Britain. His lordship said, that he was not afraid +nor ashamed of those expressions going to America. There were numbers, +great numbers there, who were of the same way of thinking, in respect +to that country being dependent on this, and who, with his lordship, +perceived ruin and independence linked together." + +Thus far the speech; on which I remark--That his lordship is a total +stranger to the mind and sentiments of America; that he has wrapped +himself up in fond delusion, that something less than independence, may, +under his administration, be accepted; and he wishes himself sent to +Congress, to prove the most extraordinary of all doctrines, which is, +that independence, the sublimest of all human conditions, is loss of +liberty. + +In answer to which we may say, that in order to know what the contrary +word dependence means, we have only to look back to those years of +severe humiliation, when the mildest of all petitions could obtain no +other notice than the haughtiest of all insults; and when the base +terms of unconditional submission were demanded, or undistinguishable +destruction threatened. It is nothing to us that the ministry have been +changed, for they may be changed again. The guilt of a government is +the crime of a whole country; and the nation that can, though but for +a moment, think and act as England has done, can never afterwards be +believed or trusted. There are cases in which it is as impossible to +restore character to life, as it is to recover the dead. It is a phoenix +that can expire but once, and from whose ashes there is no resurrection. +Some offences are of such a slight composition, that they reach no +further than the temper, and are created or cured by a thought. But the +sin of England has struck the heart of America, and nature has not left +in our power to say we can forgive. + +Your lordship wishes for an opportunity to plead before Congress the +cause of England and America, and to save, as you say, both from ruin. + +That the country, which, for more than seven years has sought our +destruction, should now cringe to solicit our protection, is adding the +wretchedness of disgrace to the misery of disappointment; and if England +has the least spark of supposed honor left, that spark must be darkened +by asking, and extinguished by receiving, the smallest favor from +America; for the criminal who owes his life to the grace and mercy of +the injured, is more executed by living, than he who dies. + +But a thousand pleadings, even from your lordship, can have no effect. +Honor, interest, and every sensation of the heart, would plead against +you. We are a people who think not as you think; and what is equally +true, you cannot feel as we feel. The situations of the two countries +are exceedingly different. Ours has been the seat of war; yours has seen +nothing of it. The most wanton destruction has been committed in our +sight; the most insolent barbarity has been acted on our feelings. We +can look round and see the remains of burnt and destroyed houses, once +the fair fruit of hard industry, and now the striking monuments of +British brutality. We walk over the dead whom we loved, in every part of +America, and remember by whom they fell. There is scarcely a village but +brings to life some melancholy thought, and reminds us of what we have +suffered, and of those we have lost by the inhumanity of Britain. A +thousand images arise to us, which, from situation, you cannot see, and +are accompanied by as many ideas which you cannot know; and therefore +your supposed system of reasoning would apply to nothing, and all your +expectations die of themselves. + +The question whether England shall accede to the independence of +America, and which your lordship says is to undergo a parliamentary +discussion, is so very simple, and composed of so few cases, that it +scarcely needs a debate. + +It is the only way out of an expensive and ruinous war, which has no +object, and without which acknowledgment there can be no peace. + +But your lordship says, the sun of Great Britain will set whenever she +acknowledges the independence of America.--Whereas the metaphor would +have been strictly just, to have left the sun wholly out of the figure, +and have ascribed her not acknowledging it to the influence of the moon. + +But the expression, if true, is the greatest confession of disgrace +that could be made, and furnishes America with the highest notions of +sovereign independent importance. Mr. Wedderburne, about the year 1776, +made use of an idea of much the same kind,--Relinquish America! says +he--What is it but to desire a giant to shrink spontaneously into a +dwarf. + +Alas! are those people who call themselves Englishmen, of so little +internal consequence, that when America is gone, or shuts her eyes +upon them, their sun is set, they can shine no more, but grope about in +obscurity, and contract into insignificant animals? Was America, then, +the giant of the empire, and England only her dwarf in waiting! Is the +case so strangely altered, that those who once thought we could not live +without them, are now brought to declare that they cannot exist without +us? Will they tell to the world, and that from their first minister of +state, that America is their all in all; that it is by her importance +only that they can live, and breathe, and have a being? Will they, who +long since threatened to bring us to their feet, bow themselves to +ours, and own that without us they are not a nation? Are they become so +unqualified to debate on independence, that they have lost all idea of +it themselves, and are calling to the rocks and mountains of America to +cover their insignificance? Or, if America is lost, is it manly to sob +over it like a child for its rattle, and invite the laughter of the +world by declarations of disgrace? Surely, a more consistent line of +conduct would be to bear it without complaint; and to show that England, +without America, can preserve her independence, and a suitable rank with +other European powers. You were not contented while you had her, and to +weep for her now is childish. + +But Lord Shelburne thinks something may yet be done. What that something +is, or how it is to be accomplished, is a matter in obscurity. By arms +there is no hope. The experience of nearly eight years, with the expense +of an hundred million pounds sterling, and the loss of two armies, +must positively decide that point. Besides, the British have lost their +interest in America with the disaffected. Every part of it has been +tried. There is no new scene left for delusion: and the thousands +who have been ruined by adhering to them, and have now to quit the +settlements which they had acquired, and be conveyed like transports to +cultivate the deserts of Augustine and Nova Scotia, has put an end to +all further expectations of aid. + +If you cast your eyes on the people of England, what have they +to console themselves with for the millions expended? Or, what +encouragement is there left to continue throwing good money after bad? +America can carry on the war for ten years longer, and all the charges +of government included, for less than you can defray the charges of war +and government for one year. And I, who know both countries, know well, +that the people of America can afford to pay their share of the expense +much better than the people of England can. Besides, it is their own +estates and property, their own rights, liberties and government, that +they are defending; and were they not to do it, they would deserve to +lose all, and none would pity them. The fault would be their own, and +their punishment just. + +The British army in America care not how long the war lasts. They enjoy +an easy and indolent life. They fatten on the folly of one country and +the spoils of another; and, between their plunder and their prey, may go +home rich. But the case is very different with the laboring farmer, the +working tradesman, and the necessitous poor in England, the sweat of +whose brow goes day after day to feed, in prodigality and sloth, the +army that is robbing both them and us. Removed from the eye of that +country that supports them, and distant from the government that employs +them, they cut and carve for themselves, and there is none to call them +to account. + +But England will be ruined, says Lord Shelburne, if America is +independent. + +Then I say, is England already ruined, for America is already +independent: and if Lord Shelburne will not allow this, he immediately +denies the fact which he infers. Besides, to make England the mere +creature of America, is paying too great a compliment to us, and too +little to himself. + +But the declaration is a rhapsody of inconsistency. For to say, as Lord +Shelburne has numberless times said, that the war against America is +ruinous, and yet to continue the prosecution of that ruinous war for +the purpose of avoiding ruin, is a language which cannot be understood. +Neither is it possible to see how the independence of America is to +accomplish the ruin of England after the war is over, and yet not affect +it before. America cannot be more independent of her, nor a greater +enemy to her, hereafter than she now is; nor can England derive less +advantages from her than at present: why then is ruin to follow in the +best state of the case, and not in the worst? And if not in the worst, +why is it to follow at all? + +That a nation is to be ruined by peace and commerce, and fourteen or +fifteen millions a-year less expenses than before, is a new doctrine in +politics. We have heard much clamor of national savings and economy; but +surely the true economy would be, to save the whole charge of a silly, +foolish, and headstrong war; because, compared with this, all other +retrenchments are baubles and trifles. + +But is it possible that Lord Shelburne can be serious in supposing that +the least advantage can be obtained by arms, or that any advantage can +be equal to the expense or the danger of attempting it? Will not +the capture of one army after another satisfy him, must all become +prisoners? Must England ever be the sport of hope, and the victim of +delusion? Sometimes our currency was to fail; another time our army was +to disband; then whole provinces were to revolt. Such a general said +this and that; another wrote so and so; Lord Chatham was of this +opinion; and lord somebody else of another. To-day 20,000 Russians and +20 Russian ships of the line were to come; to-morrow the empress was +abused without mercy or decency. Then the Emperor of Germany was to +be bribed with a million of money, and the King of Prussia was to do +wonderful things. At one time it was, Lo here! and then it was, Lo +there! Sometimes this power, and sometimes that power, was to engage in +the war, just as if the whole world was mad and foolish like Britain. +And thus, from year to year, has every straw been catched at, and every +Will-with-a-wisp led them a new dance. + +This year a still newer folly is to take place. Lord Shelburne wishes to +be sent to Congress, and he thinks that something may be done. + +Are not the repeated declarations of Congress, and which all America +supports, that they will not even hear any proposals whatever, until the +unconditional and unequivocal independence of America is recognised; are +not, I say, these declarations answer enough? + +But for England to receive any thing from America now, after so many +insults, injuries and outrages, acted towards us, would show such +a spirit of meanness in her, that we could not but despise her for +accepting it. And so far from Lord Shelburne's coming here to solicit +it, it would be the greatest disgrace we could do them to offer it. +England would appear a wretch indeed, at this time of day, to ask or owe +any thing to the bounty of America. Has not the name of Englishman blots +enough upon it, without inventing more? Even Lucifer would scorn to +reign in heaven by permission, and yet an Englishman can creep for only +an entrance into America. Or, has a land of liberty so many charms, that +to be a doorkeeper in it is better than to be an English minister of +state? + +But what can this expected something be? Or, if obtained, what can it +amount to, but new disgraces, contentions and quarrels? The people +of America have for years accustomed themselves to think and speak so +freely and contemptuously of English authority, and the inveteracy is +so deeply rooted, that a person invested with any authority from that +country, and attempting to exercise it here, would have the life of a +toad under a harrow. They would look on him as an interloper, to whom +their compassion permitted a residence. He would be no more than the +Mungo of a farce; and if he disliked that, he must set off. It would +be a station of degradation, debased by our pity, and despised by our +pride, and would place England in a more contemptible situation than +any she has yet been in during the war. We have too high an opinion +of ourselves, even to think of yielding again the least obedience to +outlandish authority; and for a thousand reasons, England would be the +last country in the world to yield it to. She has been treacherous, and +we know it. Her character is gone, and we have seen the funeral. + +Surely she loves to fish in troubled waters, and drink the cup of +contention, or she would not now think of mingling her affairs with +those of America. It would be like a foolish dotard taking to his arms +the bride that despises him, or who has placed on his head the ensigns +of her disgust. It is kissing the hand that boxes his ears, and +proposing to renew the exchange. The thought is as servile as the war is +wicked, and shows the last scene of the drama to be as inconsistent as +the first. + +As America is gone, the only act of manhood is to let her go. Your +lordship had no hand in the separation, and you will gain no honor +by temporising politics. Besides, there is something so exceedingly +whimsical, unsteady, and even insincere in the present conduct of +England, that she exhibits herself in the most dishonorable colors. On +the second of August last, General Carleton and Admiral Digby wrote to +General Washington in these words: + +"The resolution of the House of Commons, of the 27th of February last, +has been placed in Your Excellency's hands, and intimations given at +the same time that further pacific measures were likely to follow. Since +which, until the present time, we have had no direct communications +with England; but a mail is now arrived, which brings us very important +information. We are acquainted, sir, by authority, that negotiations for +a general peace have already commenced at Paris, and that Mr. Grenville +is invested with full powers to treat with all the parties at war, and +is now at Paris in execution of his commission. And we are further, sir, +made acquainted, that His Majesty, in order to remove any obstacles to +this peace which he so ardently wishes to restore, has commanded his +ministers to direct Mr. Grenville, that the independence of the Thirteen +United Provinces, should be proposed by him in the first instance, +instead of making it a condition of a general treaty." + +Now, taking your present measures into view, and comparing them with the +declaration in this letter, pray what is the word of your king, or his +ministers, or the Parliament, good for? Must we not look upon you as a +confederated body of faithless, treacherous men, whose assurances are +fraud, and their language deceit? What opinion can we possibly form of +you, but that you are a lost, abandoned, profligate nation, who sport +even with your own character, and are to be held by nothing but the +bayonet or the halter? + +To say, after this, that the sun of Great Britain will be set whenever +she acknowledges the independence of America, when the not doing it is +the unqualified lie of government, can be no other than the language of +ridicule, the jargon of inconsistency. There were thousands in America +who predicted the delusion, and looked upon it as a trick of treachery, +to take us from our guard, and draw off our attention from the only +system of finance, by which we can be called, or deserve to be called, +a sovereign, independent people. The fraud, on your part, might be worth +attempting, but the sacrifice to obtain it is too high. + +There are others who credited the assurance, because they thought it +impossible that men who had their characters to establish, would begin +with a lie. The prosecution of the war by the former ministry was savage +and horrid; since which it has been mean, trickish, and delusive. +The one went greedily into the passion of revenge, the other into the +subtleties of low contrivance; till, between the crimes of both, there +is scarcely left a man in America, be he Whig or Tory, who does not +despise or detest the conduct of Britain. + +The management of Lord Shelburne, whatever may be his views, is a +caution to us, and must be to the world, never to regard British +assurances. A perfidy so notorious cannot be hid. It stands even in the +public papers of New York, with the names of Carleton and Digby affixed +to it. It is a proclamation that the king of England is not to be +believed; that the spirit of lying is the governing principle of the +ministry. It is holding up the character of the House of Commons to +public infamy, and warning all men not to credit them. Such are the +consequences which Lord Shelburne's management has brought upon his +country. + +After the authorized declarations contained in Carleton and Digby's +letter, you ought, from every motive of honor, policy and prudence, +to have fulfilled them, whatever might have been the event. It was +the least atonement that you could possibly make to America, and the +greatest kindness you could do to yourselves; for you will save millions +by a general peace, and you will lose as many by continuing the war. + +COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 29, 1782. + +P. S. The manuscript copy of this letter is sent your lordship, by the +way of our head-quarters, to New York, inclosing a late pamphlet of +mine, addressed to the Abbe Raynal, which will serve to give your +lordship some idea of the principles and sentiments of America. + + C. S. + + + + +THE CRISIS. XIII. THOUGHTS ON THE PEACE, AND PROBABLE ADVANTAGES +THEREOF. + +"THE times that tried men's souls,"* are over--and the greatest and +completest revolution the world ever knew, gloriously and happily +accomplished. + + + * "These are the times that try men's souls," The Crisis No. I. +published December, 1776. + +But to pass from the extremes of danger to safety--from the tumult +of war to the tranquillity of peace, though sweet in contemplation, +requires a gradual composure of the senses to receive it. Even calmness +has the power of stunning, when it opens too instantly upon us. The long +and raging hurricane that should cease in a moment, would leave us in a +state rather of wonder than enjoyment; and some moments of recollection +must pass, before we could be capable of tasting the felicity of repose. +There are but few instances, in which the mind is fitted for sudden +transitions: it takes in its pleasures by reflection and comparison +and those must have time to act, before the relish for new scenes is +complete. + +In the present case--the mighty magnitude of the object--the various +uncertainties of fate it has undergone--the numerous and complicated +dangers we have suffered or escaped--the eminence we now stand on, +and the vast prospect before us, must all conspire to impress us with +contemplation. + +To see it in our power to make a world happy--to teach mankind the art +of being so--to exhibit, on the theatre of the universe a character +hitherto unknown--and to have, as it were, a new creation intrusted to +our hands, are honors that command reflection, and can neither be too +highly estimated, nor too gratefully received. + +In this pause then of recollection--while the storm is ceasing, and the +long agitated mind vibrating to a rest, let us look back on the scenes +we have passed, and learn from experience what is yet to be done. + +Never, I say, had a country so many openings to happiness as this. Her +setting out in life, like the rising of a fair morning, was unclouded +and promising. Her cause was good. Her principles just and liberal. Her +temper serene and firm. Her conduct regulated by the nicest steps, and +everything about her wore the mark of honor. It is not every country +(perhaps there is not another in the world) that can boast so fair +an origin. Even the first settlement of America corresponds with the +character of the revolution. Rome, once the proud mistress of the +universe, was originally a band of ruffians. Plunder and rapine made her +rich, and her oppression of millions made her great. But America need +never be ashamed to tell her birth, nor relate the stages by which she +rose to empire. + +The remembrance, then, of what is past, if it operates rightly, must +inspire her with the most laudable of all ambition, that of adding to +the fair fame she began with. The world has seen her great in adversity; +struggling, without a thought of yielding, beneath accumulated +difficulties, bravely, nay proudly, encountering distress, and rising +in resolution as the storm increased. All this is justly due to her, for +her fortitude has merited the character. Let, then, the world see that +she can bear prosperity: and that her honest virtue in time of peace, is +equal to the bravest virtue in time of war. + +She is now descending to the scenes of quiet and domestic life. Not +beneath the cypress shade of disappointment, but to enjoy in her own +land, and under her own vine, the sweet of her labors, and the reward of +her toil.--In this situation, may she never forget that a fair national +reputation is of as much importance as independence. That it possesses +a charm that wins upon the world, and makes even enemies civil. That it +gives a dignity which is often superior to power, and commands reverence +where pomp and splendor fail. + +It would be a circumstance ever to be lamented and never to be +forgotten, were a single blot, from any cause whatever, suffered to fall +on a revolution, which to the end of time must be an honor to the age +that accomplished it: and which has contributed more to enlighten the +world, and diffuse a spirit of freedom and liberality among mankind, +than any human event (if this may be called one) that ever preceded it. + +It is not among the least of the calamities of a long continued war, +that it unhinges the mind from those nice sensations which at other +times appear so amiable. The continual spectacle of woe blunts the +finer feelings, and the necessity of bearing with the sight, renders it +familiar. In like manner, are many of the moral obligations of society +weakened, till the custom of acting by necessity becomes an apology, +where it is truly a crime. Yet let but a nation conceive rightly of +its character, and it will be chastely just in protecting it. None +ever began with a fairer than America and none can be under a greater +obligation to preserve it. + +The debt which America has contracted, compared with the cause she +has gained, and the advantages to flow from it, ought scarcely to be +mentioned. She has it in her choice to do, and to live as happily as +she pleases. The world is in her hands. She has no foreign power +to monopolize her commerce, perplex her legislation, or control her +prosperity. The struggle is over, which must one day have happened, and, +perhaps, never could have happened at a better time.* And instead of a +domineering master, she has gained an ally whose exemplary greatness, +and universal liberality, have extorted a confession even from her +enemies. + + + * That the revolution began at the exact period of time best fitted +to the purpose, is sufficiently proved by the event.--But the great +hinge on which the whole machine turned, is the Union of the States: and +this union was naturally produced by the inability of any one state to +support itself against any foreign enemy without the assistance of the +rest. Had the states severally been less able than they were when +the war began, their united strength would not have been equal to the +undertaking, and they must in all human probability have failed.--And, +on the other hand, had they severally been more able, they might not +have seen, or, what is more, might not have felt, the necessity +of uniting: and, either by attempting to stand alone or in small +confederacies, would have been separately conquered. Now, as we cannot +see a time (and many years must pass away before it can arrive) when the +strength of any one state, or several united, can be equal to the whole +of the present United States, and as we have seen the extreme difficulty +of collectively prosecuting the war to a successful issue, and +preserving our national importance in the world, therefore, from the +experience we have had, and the knowledge we have gained, we must, +unless we make a waste of wisdom, be strongly impressed with the +advantage, as well as the necessity of strengthening that happy union +which had been our salvation, and without which we should have been +a ruined people. While I was writing this note, I cast my eye on the +pamphlet, Common Sense, from which I shall make an extract, as it +exactly applies to the case. It is as follows: "I have never met with +a man, either in England or America, who has not confessed it as his +opinion that a separation between the countries would take place one +time or other; and there is no instance in which we have shown less +judgment, than in endeavoring to describe what we call the ripeness +or fitness of the continent for independence. As all men allow the +measure, and differ only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order +to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavor, if +possible, to find out the very time. But we need not to go far, +the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time has found us. The general +concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact. It is not +in numbers, but in a union, that our great strength lies. The continent +is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is +able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish +the matter; and either more or less than this, might be fatal in its +effects." + +With the blessings of peace, independence, and an universal commerce, +the states, individually and collectively, will have leisure and +opportunity to regulate and establish their domestic concerns, and to +put it beyond the power of calumny to throw the least reflection on +their honor. Character is much easier kept than recovered, and that man, +if any such there be, who, from sinister views, or littleness of soul, +lends unseen his hand to injure it, contrives a wound it will never be +in his power to heal. + +As we have established an inheritance for posterity, let that +inheritance descend, with every mark of an honorable conveyance. +The little it will cost, compared with the worth of the states, the +greatness of the object, and the value of the national character, will +be a profitable exchange. + +But that which must more forcibly strike a thoughtful, penetrating mind, +and which includes and renders easy all inferior concerns, is the UNION +OF THE STATES. On this our great national character depends. It is this +which must give us importance abroad and security at home. It is through +this only that we are, or can be, nationally known in the world; it is +the flag of the United States which renders our ships and commerce safe +on the seas, or in a foreign port. Our Mediterranean passes must be +obtained under the same style. All our treaties, whether of alliance, +peace, or commerce, are formed under the sovereignty of the United +States, and Europe knows us by no other name or title. + +The division of the empire into states is for our own convenience, but +abroad this distinction ceases. The affairs of each state are local. +They can go no further than to itself. And were the whole worth of even +the richest of them expended in revenue, it would not be sufficient to +support sovereignty against a foreign attack. In short, we have no other +national sovereignty than as United States. It would even be fatal +for us if we had--too expensive to be maintained, and impossible to be +supported. Individuals, or individual states, may call themselves what +they please; but the world, and especially the world of enemies, is +not to be held in awe by the whistling of a name. Sovereignty must have +power to protect all the parts that compose and constitute it: and as +UNITED STATES we are equal to the importance of the title, but otherwise +we are not. Our union, well and wisely regulated and cemented, is the +cheapest way of being great--the easiest way of being powerful, and the +happiest invention in government which the circumstances of America can +admit of.--Because it collects from each state, that which, by being +inadequate, can be of no use to it, and forms an aggregate that serves +for all. + +The states of Holland are an unfortunate instance of the effects of +individual sovereignty. Their disjointed condition exposes them to +numerous intrigues, losses, calamities, and enemies; and the almost +impossibility of bringing their measures to a decision, and that +decision into execution, is to them, and would be to us, a source of +endless misfortune. + +It is with confederated states as with individuals in society; something +must be yielded up to make the whole secure. In this view of things +we gain by what we give, and draw an annual interest greater than the +capital.--I ever feel myself hurt when I hear the union, that great +palladium of our liberty and safety, the least irreverently spoken of. +It is the most sacred thing in the constitution of America, and that +which every man should be most proud and tender of. Our citizenship +in the United States is our national character. Our citizenship in any +particular state is only our local distinction. By the latter we +are known at home, by the former to the world. Our great title is +AMERICANS--our inferior one varies with the place. + +So far as my endeavors could go, they have all been directed to +conciliate the affections, unite the interests, and draw and keep +the mind of the country together; and the better to assist in this +foundation work of the revolution, I have avoided all places of profit +or office, either in the state I live in, or in the United States; kept +myself at a distance from all parties and party connections, and even +disregarded all private and inferior concerns: and when we take into +view the great work which we have gone through, and feel, as we ought +to feel, the just importance of it, we shall then see, that the +little wranglings and indecent contentions of personal parley, are as +dishonorable to our characters, as they are injurious to our repose. + +It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which +it struck my mind and the dangerous condition the country appeared to me +in, by courting an impossible and an unnatural reconciliation with those +who were determined to reduce her, instead of striking out into the only +line that could cement and save her, A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, made +it impossible for me, feeling as I did, to be silent: and if, in the +course of more than seven years, I have rendered her any service, I have +likewise added something to the reputation of literature, by freely and +disinterestedly employing it in the great cause of mankind, and showing +that there may be genius without prostitution. + +Independence always appeared to me practicable and probable, provided +the sentiment of the country could be formed and held to the object: +and there is no instance in the world, where a people so extended, +and wedded to former habits of thinking, and under such a variety of +circumstances, were so instantly and effectually pervaded, by a turn +in politics, as in the case of independence; and who supported their +opinion, undiminished, through such a succession of good and ill +fortune, till they crowned it with success. + +But as the scenes of war are closed, and every man preparing for home +and happier times, I therefore take my leave of the subject. I have most +sincerely followed it from beginning to end, and through all its turns +and windings: and whatever country I may hereafter be in, I shall always +feel an honest pride at the part I have taken and acted, and a gratitude +to nature and providence for putting it in my power to be of some use to +mankind. + + COMMON SENSE. + +PHILADELPHIA, April 19, 1783. + + + + +A SUPERNUMERARY CRISIS: TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. + +IN "_Rivington's New York Gazette_," of December 6th, is a publication, +under the appearance of a letter from London, dated September 30th; and +is on a subject which demands the attention of the United States. + +The public will remember that a treaty of commerce between the United +States and England was set on foot last spring, and that until the +said treaty could be completed, a bill was brought into the British +Parliament by the then chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Pitt, to admit +and legalize (as the case then required) the commerce of the United +States into the British ports and dominions. But neither the one nor the +other has been completed. The commercial treaty is either broken off, or +remains as it began; and the bill in Parliament has been thrown aside. +And in lieu thereof, a selfish system of English politics has started +up, calculated to fetter the commerce of America, by engrossing to +England the carrying trade of the American produce to the West India +islands. + +Among the advocates for this last measure is Lord Sheffield, a member +of the British Parliament, who has published a pamphlet entitled +"Observations on the Commerce of the American States." The pamphlet +has two objects; the one is to allure the Americans to purchase British +manufactures; and the other to spirit up the British Parliament to +prohibit the citizens of the United States from trading to the West +India islands. + +Viewed in this light, the pamphlet, though in some parts dexterously +written, is an absurdity. It offends, in the very act of endeavoring +to ingratiate; and his lordship, as a politician, ought not to have +suffered the two objects to have appeared together. The latter alluded +to, contains extracts from the pamphlet, with high encomiums on Lord +Sheffield, for laboriously endeavoring (as the letter styles it) "to +show the mighty advantages of retaining the carrying trade." + +Since the publication of this pamphlet in England, the commerce of +the United States to the West Indies, in American vessels, has been +prohibited; and all intercourse, except in British bottoms, the property +of and navigated by British subjects, cut off. + +That a country has a right to be as foolish as it pleases, has been +proved by the practice of England for many years past: in her island +situation, sequestered from the world, she forgets that her whispers are +heard by other nations; and in her plans of politics and commerce she +seems not to know, that other votes are necessary besides her own. +America would be equally as foolish as Britain, were she to suffer so +great a degradation on her flag, and such a stroke on the freedom of her +commerce, to pass without a balance. + +We admit the right of any nation to prohibit the commerce of another +into its own dominions, where there are no treaties to the contrary; but +as this right belongs to one side as well as the other, there is always +a way left to bring avarice and insolence to reason. + +But the ground of security which Lord Sheffield has chosen to erect his +policy upon, is of a nature which ought, and I think must, awaken +in every American a just and strong sense of national dignity. Lord +Sheffield appears to be sensible, that in advising the British nation +and Parliament to engross to themselves so great a part of the carrying +trade of America, he is attempting a measure which cannot succeed, if +the politics of the United States be properly directed to counteract the +assumption. + +But, says he, in his pamphlet, "It will be a long time before the +American states can be brought to act as a nation, neither are they to +be feared as such by us." + +What is this more or less than to tell us, that while we have no +national system of commerce, the British will govern our trade by their +own laws and proclamations as they please. The quotation discloses +a truth too serious to be overlooked, and too mischievous not to be +remedied. + +Among other circumstances which led them to this discovery none could +operate so effectually as the injudicious, uncandid and indecent +opposition made by sundry persons in a certain state, to the +recommendations of Congress last winter, for an import duty of five per +cent. It could not but explain to the British a weakness in the national +power of America, and encourage them to attempt restrictions on her +trade, which otherwise they would not have dared to hazard. Neither is +there any state in the union, whose policy was more misdirected to its +interest than the state I allude to, because her principal support is +the carrying trade, which Britain, induced by the want of a well-centred +power in the United States to protect and secure, is now attempting to +take away. It fortunately happened (and to no state in the union more +than the state in question) that the terms of peace were agreed on +before the opposition appeared, otherwise, there cannot be a doubt, that +if the same idea of the diminished authority of America had occurred +to them at that time as has occurred to them since, but they would have +made the same grasp at the fisheries, as they have done at the carrying +trade. + +It is surprising that an authority which can be supported with so much +ease, and so little expense, and capable of such extensive advantages +to the country, should be cavilled at by those whose duty it is to watch +over it, and whose existence as a people depends upon it. But this, +perhaps, will ever be the case, till some misfortune awakens us into +reason, and the instance now before us is but a gentle beginning of what +America must expect, unless she guards her union with nicer care and +stricter honor. United, she is formidable, and that with the least +possible charge a nation can be so; separated, she is a medley of +individual nothings, subject to the sport of foreign nations. + +It is very probable that the ingenuity of commerce may have found out +a method to evade and supersede the intentions of the British, in +interdicting the trade with the West India islands. The language of both +being the same, and their customs well understood, the vessels of one +country may, by deception, pass for those of another. But this would +be a practice too debasing for a sovereign people to stoop to, and too +profligate not to be discountenanced. An illicit trade, under any shape +it can be placed, cannot be carried on without a violation of truth. +America is now sovereign and independent, and ought to conduct her +affairs in a regular style of character. She has the same right to +say that no British vessel shall enter ports, or that no British +manufactures shall be imported, but in American bottoms, the property +of, and navigated by American subjects, as Britain has to say the same +thing respecting the West Indies. Or she may lay a duty of ten, fifteen, +or twenty shillings per ton (exclusive of other duties) on every +British vessel coming from any port of the West Indies, where she is not +admitted to trade, the said tonnage to continue as long on her side as +the prohibition continues on the other. + +But it is only by acting in union, that the usurpations of foreign +nations on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security +extended to the commerce of America. And when we view a flag, which to +the eye is beautiful, and to contemplate its rise and origin inspires +a sensation of sublime delight, our national honor must unite with our +interest to prevent injury to the one, or insult to the other. + + COMMON SENSE. + +NEW YORK, December 9, 1783. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Paine, Vol. I, by +Thomas Paine + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOMAS PAINE *** + +***** This file should be named 3741.txt or 3741.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/4/3741/ + +Produced by Norman M. 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