initial commit of ebook 36451HEADmain

1 files changed, 12998 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/36451.txt b/36451.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a5cf2cd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/36451.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,12998 @@
+Project Gutenberg's Richard III: His Life & Character, by Clements R. Markham
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Richard III: His Life & Character
+       Reviewed in the light of recent research
+
+Author: Clements R. Markham
+
+Release Date: June 17, 2011 [EBook #36451]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RICHARD III: HIS LIFE & CHARACTER ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Frontispiece: _King Richard III.  From a picture in the National
+Portrait Gallery_]
+
+
+
+
+
+RICHARD III: HIS LIFE & CHARACTER
+
+
+
+REVIEWED IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT RESEARCH
+
+
+
+BY SIR CLEMENTS E. MARKHAM, K.C.B.
+
+
+AUTHOR OF 'THE LIFE OF THE
+  GREAT LORD FAIRFAX' AND
+  'THE FIGHTING VERES'
+
+
+
+
+WITH A PORTRAIT
+
+
+
+LONDON: SMITH, ELDER, AND CO.
+
+15 WATERLOO PLACE.  1906
+
+(_All rights reserved_)
+
+
+
+
+{v}
+
+PREFACE
+
+There are periods of history when the greatest caution is called for in
+accepting statements put forward by a dominant faction.  Very early in
+my life I came to the conclusion that the period which witnessed the
+change of dynasties from Plantagenet to Tudor was one of these.  The
+caricature of the last Plantagenet King was too grotesque, and too
+grossly opposed to his character derived from official records.  The
+stories were an outrage on common-sense.  I studied the subject at
+intervals for many years, and in the course of my researches I found
+that I more or less shared my doubts with every author of repute who
+had studied the subject for the last three centuries, except Hume and
+Lingard.  My own conclusions are that Richard III. must be acquitted on
+all the counts of the indictment.  The present work is divided into two
+parts, the first narrating the events of his life and times, and the
+second examining the various accusations against him.  I did not
+contemplate publication because I thought that in these days prejudices
+were too strong to make it possible that a fair and candid hearing
+should be given to the arguments.  But I determined to consult {vi}
+some historical friends, and I was pleased to find that to a great
+extent I was mistaken.
+
+In the first place, I wrote a full abstract of my arguments, for
+publication in the 'Historical Review,' acting under the advice of my
+old schoolfellow, Professor Freeman, to whom I sent it in the first
+instance.  It so happened that Mr. Freeman had given attention to part
+of the subject.  He upset some odious fabrications of the chroniclers
+affecting the character of Margaret of Anjou, by proving that she was
+in Scotland at the time when the battle of Wakefield was fought.
+Freeman seldom wrote on so late a period of our history, and we owe
+this modern excursion to a visit to Mr. Milnes Gaskell at Thornes.
+
+After reading what I sent him, Professor Freeman wrote on August 13,
+1890: 'Your abstract has set me a-thinking.  It is only a Robert of
+Belleme who does that kind of thing.  On your main point I will talk to
+Gardiner and Stubbs.  Meanwhile, I have shown your manuscript to Sidney
+Owen, who read it and held it to be what lawyers would call
+_considerable_.  Owen had been at those times, and holds Henry VII. to
+be at least capable of it.
+
+'It would be a self-denying ordinance in Gairdner if he accepted your
+view, for he has gone more straight at that time than anybody else.
+Gardiner has written to him, and he is a little fierce, as was to be
+expected, but if you are like me, no man's fierceness will hinder you
+from dining and sleeping as well as usual.  The matter is at all events
+worth discussing.'
+
+{vii}
+
+Professor York Powell read my manuscript, and wrote: 'I have read the
+manuscript and think there is something worth looking into.  Henry's
+conduct to Tyrrell is exceedingly suspicious.  Either Richard or Henry
+might have put the boys to death, but it would be interesting for many
+reasons to know which it was.  I am not convinced by Markham, but I do
+not think Gairdner has the right to be cocksure.  The Morton suggestive
+idea is very ingenious and pretty, and quite probable.  It has
+interested me much to read Markham's letter, for I remember my
+difficulties in the matter and the point I got to, that the great men
+did not, for a time, hold the now vulgate view of the murder of the
+princes.  I should rejoice should Markham light upon additional
+evidence in favour of his thesis, which _a priori_ is by no means
+unlikely.  There is something about Richard's character, ability, and
+reign which, I think, attracts every real student of history, and gives
+one a feeling that he has been unfairly dealt with.'
+
+In 1891, the abstract of my work was published in the 'Historical
+Review,' and Bishop Creighton, who was then the editor, wrote: 'Thank
+you for your paper, which I have read with great interest.  It
+certainly makes out a strong case.'
+
+There were two rejoinders from Mr. Gairdner, which enabled me to recast
+and improve parts of my work by the light of his criticism.
+
+I lost my adviser, Mr. Freeman, in 1892.  One of the last things he did
+was to warn me of an objection {viii} taken by Miss Edith Thompson,
+which enabled me to meet it.[1]
+
+After careful revision I showed my manuscript to the late Sir Archibald
+Milman, who had given close attention to those times.  On December 27,
+1897, he wrote: 'It is your bounden duty to tell your story of Richard
+III., giving the date for every fact.  It is only by sticking to dates
+that you get at truth in criminal causes, and the same method must be
+followed at the bar of history.  It would be a pleasure to think that
+the last Plantagenet was not a cruel scoundrel.  By giving dates and
+authorities for them, you render a great service.  Richard's loyalty
+and able administration in the north seem inconsistent with such
+ferocity.  I was much interested in one of your facts, that, according
+to the story put forward by Henry VII., the bodies of the little
+princes were taken up from the place of hasty interment and placed in
+consecrated ground.  But lo! they remained under the staircase, where
+they were found in Charles II.'s reign.'
+
+In consequence of Sir A. Milman's letter I made another close scrutiny
+of dates given by various authorities for the same events with
+important results.  I also went very carefully over the ground of the
+battlefields of Wakefield, Towton, Barnet, Tewkesbury, and Bosworth;
+and I added some chapters to the work.
+
+{ix}
+
+The correspondence to which I have referred has led me to the
+conclusion that students of history are not, as I once believed,
+unwilling to reconsider the questions which form the subject of the
+present work, when they are presented from new points of view; and that
+the well-known arguments which were supposed to suffice for the defence
+of the Tudor stories in the past are in these days insufficient.  The
+numerous points now raised and submitted for the judgment of students
+are at all events worth discussing.  The present work is about as
+complete as very frequent revision can make it.
+
+
+
+[1] She pointed out that the titles of Norfolk and Nottingham, granted
+by Edward IV. to his second son Richard, were given by Richard III. to
+Lords Howard and Berkeley, and that, therefore, young Richard must have
+been dead.  The answer is that the grants to Lords Howard and Berkeley
+were made on June 28, 1483, before it was even pretended that young
+Richard had been murdered.
+
+
+
+
+{xi}
+
+CONTENTS
+
+                                                                 PAGE
+
+PREFACE  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        v
+
+
+_PART I_
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD
+
+  Description of Fotheringhay  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        1
+  Possessions of the Duke of York.  Marriage . . . . . . . .     2, 3
+  Birth of Richard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        3
+  Letter of Edward and Edmund to their father  . . . . . . .        4
+  Children of the Duke of York . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        6
+  Richard a prisoner of war aged 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . .        7
+  Refuge in John Paston's chambers . . . . . . . . . . . . .        8
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+DEATH OF RICHARD'S FATHER AND BROTHER AT THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD
+
+  The Duke of York declared Heir-Apparent  . . . . . . . . .        9
+  The Duke and his family united at Baynard's Castle . . . .       10
+  March to Sandal  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       11
+  Description of Sandal Castle and its neighbourhood . . . .   12, 13
+  Battle of Wakefield.  Death of the Duke  . . . . . . . . .   14, 15
+  Death of Edmund, Earl of Rutland . . . . . . . . . . . . .   15, 16
+  Cruelty and inhuman folly of the Lancastrians  . . . . . .       17
+  Edward's victory at Mortimer's Cross . . . . . . . . . . .       18
+  George and Richard sent to Holland for safety  . . . . . .   18, 19
+
+
+{xii}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE CROWNING VICTORY OF TOWTON
+
+  Description of Edward IV.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       20
+  Edward proclaimed King . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   21, 22
+  March to the north.  Yorkist leaders . . . . . . . . . . .       23
+  Lancastrian leaders  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       24
+  Sir Andrew Trollope  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       25
+  Description of the country round Towton  . . . . . . . . .       26
+  Surprise at Ferrybridge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       27
+  Chase and death of Clifford  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       28
+  Yorkists march to Saxton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   29, 30
+  Marshalling of the Lancastrians  . . . . . . . . . . . . .       31
+  Battle of Towton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   32, 33
+  Flight of Henry and his partisans.  Edward at York . . . .       34
+  Coronation of Edward IV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       35
+  Edward's generous treatment of his foes  . . . . . . . . .       36
+  Chapel built by Richard at Towton  . . . . . . . . . . . .       37
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE CROWN LOST AND WON--BATTLE OF BARNET
+
+  Return of George and Richard from Holland  . . . . . . . .       38
+  Their Dukedoms, Earldoms and Richard's K.G.  . . . . . . .       38
+  Richard chief mourner at his father's obsequies  . . . . .       39
+  Military training under Warwick  . . . . . . . . . . . . .       40
+  Description of Richard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       40
+  Treason of Warwick . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       41
+  Flight of Edward and Richard to Holland. . . . . . . . . .   42, 43
+  Expedition fitted out at Veere . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       44
+  Landing at Ravenspur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       45
+  Edward's brilliant campaign  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   46, 47
+  Richard's negotiation with Clarence  . . . . . . . . . . .       48
+  Battle of Barnet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   49, 52
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+MARGARET OF ANJOU AND HER SON EDWARD
+
+  Birth and marriage of Margaret . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   53, 54
+  Birth of Edward  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       55
+  Adventures in the wars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   56, 59
+  {xiii}
+  Home at Koeur-la-Petite  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       60
+  Edward's conversations with the Chief Justice  . . . . . .   61, 66
+  Agreement with Warwick   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       67
+  Description of young Edward  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       68
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE BATTLE OF TEWKESBURY
+
+  Margaret and Edward land at Weymouth . . . . . . . . . . .       69
+  Advance to Bristol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       70
+  King Edward's plan of campaign . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       71
+  Description of the battle field  . . . . . . . . . . . . .       72
+  March of King Edward's army  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       73
+  Battle of Tewkesbury . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   74, 75
+  Death of Edward of Lancaster on the battle field . . . . .       75
+  Execution of some leaders  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       76
+  Pardon of the rest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       77
+  Death of Henry VI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       78
+  Ransom of Margaret.  Her death . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       79
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+MARRIED LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF RICHARD DUKE OF GLOUCESTER
+
+  Richard's march to Sandwich  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       80
+  Marriage of Richard and Anne Nevill  . . . . . . . . . . .   81, 82
+  Richard with his brother in France . . . . . . . . . . . .       82
+  Description of Middleham Castle  . . . . . . . . . . . . .       83
+  Home life at Middleham . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   82, 83, 84
+  Public duties.  Frequent visits to York  . . . . . . . . .       84
+  Warden of the Marches.  Scottish campaign  . . . . . . . .   84, 86
+  Death of Edward IV.  Lady Grey.  Children  . . . . . . . .   86, 87
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+ACCESSION OF RICHARD III
+
+  Conspiracy of the Woodvilles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       88
+  Richard made Protector by his brother's will . . . . . . .       89
+  Arrest of Rivers and his colleagues  . . . . . . . . . . .       90
+  Queen Dowager in sanctuary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       91
+  Richard and his mother . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       92
+  Disclosure of Bishop Stillington . . . . . . . . . . . . .       93
+  {xiv}
+  Account of Bishop Stillington  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    94-95
+  Foundation of the College at Acaster . . . . . . . . . . .       96
+  Children of Edward IV. illegitimate  . . . . . . . . . . .       97
+  Hastings-Woodville conspiracy  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   98, 99
+  Execution of Rivers and his colleagues . . . . . . . . . .  99, 100
+  Richard's title to the crown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      101
+  Accession  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      102
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE
+
+  Results of the Lancastrian usurpation  . . . . . . . . . .      103
+  Effects of the Wars of the Roses . . . . . . . . . . . . .      104
+  No destruction of the nobility . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      105
+  Scenery.  Country life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      106
+  Castles  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      107
+  Hunting and hawking  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      108
+  The Peerage  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      109
+  Town residences  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      110
+  Magnificence of the Court  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      111
+  Wealth of merchants.  City Companies . . . . . . . . . . .      112
+  Introduction of printing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      113
+  Caxton's works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114, 115
+  Literary noblemen  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115, 116
+  Education  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      117
+  Bishops.  Clergy.  Monasteries.  Pilgrimages . . . . . . .  118-119
+  Lawlessness  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      120
+  Manor houses.  Cultivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      121
+  Condition of the people  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  122-123
+  Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      123
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+REIGN OF RICHARD III
+
+  Description of the King  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      124
+  Treatment of his nephews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      125
+  Coronation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  126-127
+  Claim of Buckingham  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      128
+  Royal Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  129-130
+  Rebellion of Buckingham  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  131-132
+  {xv}
+  List of traitors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  132-133
+  Parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      134
+  Reforms.  Revenue.  Navy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      135
+  Convocation.  Agreement with the Queen Dowager . . . . . .      136
+  Death of the Prince of Wales.  His tomb  . . . . . . . . .      137
+  Edward Earl of Warwick made Heir-Apparent  . . . . . . . .      138
+  King Richard's popularity  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      139
+  Conspiracy of Henry Tudor  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      140
+  The King assembled troops at Nottingham  . . . . . . . . .      141
+  Proclamation against Henry Tudor . . . . . . . . . . . . .      143
+  Peerage of Richard III.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      143
+  Ministers of Richard III.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      144
+  Commissioners for Peace with Scotland  . . . . . . . . . .      145
+  Judges and Law Officers  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      145
+  Bishops  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      146
+  Knights of the Garter  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      146
+  Knights of the Bath  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      147
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE BATTLE OF BOSWORTH
+
+  Treachery of the Stanleys explained  . . . . . . . . . . . 148, 149
+  King Richard's military talent . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      150
+  English pluck displayed by Richard . . . . . . . . . . . .      150
+  Loyal men flocking to the King's standard  . . . . . . . .      151
+  Description of the country round Bosworth  . . . . . . . .      152
+  Positions of the two armies  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      153
+  King Richard leads his men to the encounter  . . . . . . .      154
+  Treachery of Lord Stanley  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      155
+  The King's gallant charge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      155
+  Death of the King  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  155-156-157
+  Richard buried at Leicester.  Memorials  . . . . . . . . .      158
+  Character of King Richard  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      159
+  His generosity.  Arbitrations  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      160
+  Able administration.  Building operations  . . . . . . . .      161
+  Literary tastes.  Founded the Heralds' College . . . . . .      162
+  Comparison of Richard and the Tudors . . . . . . . . . . . 162, 163
+  His married life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      164
+  Contemporary Sovereigns  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      165
+
+
+
+{xvi}
+
+_PART II_
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE AUTHORITIES
+
+  The Plantagenet Dynasty  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      166
+  Character and position of the accusers . . . . . . . . . .      167
+  Extravagance of their caricature . . . . . . . . . . . . .      167
+  Writers in the pay of the Tudors . . . . . . . . . . . . .      168
+  The notorious pamphlet by Morton . . . . . . . . . . . . .  168-171
+  Bernard Andre  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      171
+  Polydore Virgil  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  171-172
+  Rous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      173
+  Fabyan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      174
+  Warkworth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      175
+  Continuators of the Croyland Chronicle . . . . . . . . . .  175-178
+  Official documents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      179
+  Hall, Grafton, Holinshed, Stow, Buck . . . . . . . . . . .      179
+  Reaction.  Modern authors  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      181
+  Miss Halsted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      182
+  Upholders of the Tudor stories . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  182-183
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+EXAMINATION OF THE CHARGES AGAINST RICHARD
+
+  Reckless profusion of abuse  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      184
+  Deformity.  Statement of Rous and Morton . . . . . . . . .      185
+      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      186
+      Object of the calumny  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      187
+  Tewkesbury.  The truth told by all contemporaries  . . . .  188-189
+      Fable by Fabyan  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      190
+      Polydore Virgil  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      190
+      Subsequent embellishments  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      190
+      Silence of Morton and Rous . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  191-192
+  Henry VI.  Insinuations  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      193
+      Warkworth and Fabyan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  194-195
+      The Croyland Monk  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      195
+      Polydore Virgil contradicts  . . . . . . . . . . . . .      196
+      All unworthy of credit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      196
+      Evidence of the accounts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      197
+      {xvii}
+      Evidence of a contemporary writer  . . . . . . . . . .      198
+      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      199
+  Marriage.  Richard and Anne really attached  . . . . . . .      200
+      Attack of Miss Strickland, a specimen of the sort
+        of arguments used  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      201
+  Countess of Warwick.  False statement of Rous  . . . . . .      201
+      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      202
+  Death of Clarence.  Charge absolutely groundless . . . . .      202
+      Another specimen of argument . . . . . . . . . . . . .      203
+      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      204
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+FURTHER CHARGES AGAINST RICHARD III
+
+  Some account of Morton, the chief accuser  . . . . . . . .  205-207
+  Misrepresentation of events  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  208-210
+  Cunning misrepresentations respecting Hastings . . . . . .  210-212
+  Falsification of dates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  215-217
+  The accession.  The true claim . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      218
+      Attempt of Henry VII. to destroy the evidence  . . . .      219
+      Polydore Virgil's version  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      220
+      Morton's version . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      221
+      Fabyan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      222
+      Further falsification of dates . . . . . . . . . . . .      223
+  Buckingham's treason.  False reason given for
+        his discontent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      223
+      The truth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      224
+      Morton's account of conversations  . . . . . . . . . . 225, 226
+  Second coronation.  Statement disproved  . . . . . . . . .      227
+  Death of the Queen.  Slanders of Polydore and Rous . . . .      228
+  Elizabeth of York.  Absurd rumour spread . . . . . . . . .      229
+      Elizabeth's letter to the Duke of Norfolk  . . . . . .  229-230
+      Intrigues of Henry's mother  . . . . . . . . . . . . .      231
+  Lord Strange.  The truth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      232
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE MAIN CHARGE AGAINST RICHARD III
+
+  Rests on the truth or falsehood of previous crimes . . . .      233
+  Richard's antecedents  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      234
+  Nothing to fear from his nephews . . . . . . . . . . . . .      235
+  {xviii}
+  Treatment of others in the same position . . . . . . . . .      236
+  His nephews were probably members of his household . . . .      236
+  Bill, in March 1485, for the elder nephew  . . . . . . . .      237
+  Conduct of the mother and sister . . . . . . . . . . . . .  238-239
+  Alleged rumours  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  240-242
+  Assertion of the French Chancellor . . . . . . . . . . . .      242
+  Statements of Fabyan, Rous, Polydore, Andre  . . . . . . .      244
+  Sir William Stanley's conduct  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      244
+  Baseless rumours promulgated by Henry  . . . . . . . . . .      245
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+HENRY TUDOR IN THE DOCK
+
+  Description of Henry VII.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      246
+  His lawless executions after Bosworth  . . . . . . . . . .      247
+  Responsible for the lives of royal children  . . . . . . .      248
+  Henry's character  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      249
+  Necessity to strengthen his position . . . . . . . . . . .      250
+  His Parliament of outlaws.  Unjust attainders  . . . . . .      251
+  Loyal men attainted  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      252
+  Silent about the late King's nephews.  Were they missing?       253
+  If alive, Henry's marriage necessitated their deaths . . .      254
+  Henry's treatment of other victims in his way  . . . . . .      255
+  The fate of the princes, if alive, was sealed by
+    the marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      256
+  Imprisonment of the Queen Dowager  . . . . . . . . . . . .      257
+  Henry put forward a story, in Polydore Virgil  . . . . . .      258
+  A more detailed story, published by Rastell and Grafton     260-263
+  Rewards alleged to have been given by Richard
+    to murderers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264, 265
+  Confession of Tyrrel and Dighton fabricated  . . . . . . .      267
+  Genesis of these stories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      267
+  Some account of Sir James Tyrrel . . . . . . . . . . . . .      268
+  Henry's grant to John Green. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      269
+  Tyrrel taken into favour.  His two pardons . . . . . . . .      269
+  Murder of the two Princes  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      269
+  Relations silenced . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  270-271
+  Hush money to 'Black Will' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      271
+  Reward to Dighton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      272
+  Rewards and employments for Tyrrel . . . . . . . . . . . .      272
+  Treacherous arrest and hurried execution of Tyrrel . . . .      273
+  Dighton to reside at Calais  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      274
+  The story put forward and generally accepted . . . . . . .      274
+  {xix}
+  Judicial murder of the Earl of Warwick . . . . . . . . . .      275
+  Henry's remorse  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      276
+  Elizabeth saw the cruel treatment of her mother and cousin
+      Her death  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      277
+  Henry's design to kill the Earl of Suffolk . . . . . . . .      277
+  His death.  Successful as this world counts success  . . .      278
+  Things unexplained . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279, 280
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+MR. GAIRDNER'S RICHARD III
+
+  Mr. Gairdner's view of the alleged crimes  . . . . . . . .      281
+  Views stated in Mr. Gairdner's preface . . . . . . . . . .      282
+  Richard's character  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      283
+  Richard acquitted of several charges . . . . . . . . . . .      285
+  Tudor fables irreconcileable with Richard's character  . .      285
+  Mr. Gairdner's latest view of the Tewkesbury charge  . . .  286-287
+  On Edward IV.'s proceedings after Tewkesbury . . . . . . .  289-290
+  His view of the Henry VI. charge . . . . . . . . . . . . .      290
+  His rejection of the evidence of the writer in Fleetwood .      292
+  Acquits Richard of responsibility for the death of
+    Clarence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  294-295
+  Position with regard to the title to the crown . . . . . .      296
+  Believes in the Duchess of York slander  . . . . . . . . .      297
+  His reason for the belief  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      297
+  Murder of the Princes.  Story admitted to be full
+    of inaccuracies and improbabilities  . . . . . . . . . .      298
+  Richard could not have been a cool, calculating villain  .      298
+  Must have been headstrong and reckless . . . . . . . . . .      298
+  Such a man might have committed the crime on a
+    sudden impulse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      299
+  The rising in Kent supposed to be the motive . . . . . . .      299
+  But the murders are stated to have been in August,
+    the rising in October. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      299
+  Thus Mr. Gairdner's theory fails . . . . . . . . . . . . .      299
+  Mr. Gairdner supplies proofs of the King's popularity  . .      300
+  Richard was the victim of the perfidy of a few traitors  .      300
+  Mr. Gairdner's testimony to Richard's good qualities . . .      300
+  Great value of Mr. Gairdner's work . . . . . . . . . . . .  300-301
+
+INDEX  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      303
+
+
+
+
+{xx}
+
+GENEALOGICAL TABLES
+
+SEIZE QUARTIERS OF EDWARD IV. AND RICHARD III. . . . _to face page_ 6
+
+SEIZE QUARTIERS OF ANNE NEVILL . . . . . . . . . . .       "    "  82
+
+
+MAP
+
+BATTLE OF BOSWORTH FIELD . . . . . . . . . . . .   _to face page_ 328
+
+
+{1}
+
+LIFE OF RICHARD III
+
+
+
+PART I
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD
+
+The castle of Fotheringhay[1] was the birthplace of our last
+Plantagenet king.  This venerable pile stood on the banks of the river
+Nen, in Northamptonshire, amidst 'marvellous fair corn ground and
+pasture.'  From its battlements there was an extensive view, bounded to
+the westward by the forest of Rockingham, while on the other side the
+abbey church of Peterborough and the woods of Milton intercepted the
+distant expanse of fen country.  Originally built by bold Simon de St.
+Liz in the twelfth century, the castle had fallen into ruin when it
+reverted to the crown, and was granted by Edward III. to his son Edmund
+of Langley.
+
+Edmund, who was created Duke of York by his nephew Richard II., rebuilt
+the castle and founded a college hard by.  Fotheringhay was surrounded
+by a double moat with drawbridges, the river Nen serving as the outer
+moat on the south side, and the Mill Brook, {2} flowing between the
+castle yard and the little park, to the east.  The walls were of stone,
+and the great gate in the north front was adorned with the arms of
+England, as differenced for Edmund of Langley, impaling the arms of
+Castille and Leon.[2]  The keep, built in the shape of a fetterlock,
+was on a mount in the north-west angle of the castle; and below there
+was a great courtyard surrounded by stately buildings, a chapel, and
+'very fair lodgings,' as Leland tells us.  The great hall was seventy
+feet long, with a deep oriel window at one end.[3]
+
+Here dwelt Edmund the first Duke of York, his son Edward the second
+Duke, who fell at Agincourt, and his grandson Richard, the third Duke.
+Edmund projected the foundation of a college near the parish church, to
+consist of a master, eight clerks, and thirteen choristers.  He
+commenced the choir, while his son and grandson completed and richly
+endowed this religious house.  The church was a fine specimen of the
+Perpendicular architecture of the time, and the cloisters had numerous
+windows filled with stained glass.
+
+The third Duke of York resided at Fotheringhay during part of every
+year when he was in England, {3} with his beautiful wife the Lady
+Cicely Nevill, the 'Rose of Raby,' and their troop of fair children.
+But he also held vast estates elsewhere.  In Yorkshire the castles of
+Sandal and Conisborough were part of his paternal inheritance.  On the
+Welsh borders he had succeeded to all the possessions of the Mortimers,
+including Ludlow and Wigmore.  For his mother was the heiress of Edmund
+Mortimer, Earl of March, and also of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the
+second surviving son of King Edward III.  Baynard's Castle, in the City
+of London, was the Duke's town house.
+
+The 'Rose of Raby' bore her husband twelve children, and they came of a
+right noble English stock.  In their veins flowed the blood of
+Plantagenet and Holland, Mortimer and FitzAlan, Nevill and Percy,
+Clifford and Audley.  Five of these fair branches died in infancy.
+Ann, the eldest of those who survived early childhood, was born at
+Fotheringhay in 1439.  The three next, Edward, Edmund and Elizabeth,
+first saw the light at Rouen, when their father was making a last
+gallant stand for English dominion in France, from 1442 to 1444.
+Margaret was born at Fotheringhay.  The Duke and Duchess were ruling in
+Ireland when George was born at Dublin Castle.  The three last births
+were at Fotheringhay, but of these only Richard, the eleventh child,
+survived infancy.
+
+Richard Plantagenet was born at Fotheringhay Castle on October 2, 1452.
+He probably passed the first five years of his life there with George
+and Margaret.  The elder sisters, Anne and Elizabeth, were married to
+'Lancastrian' noblemen, the Dukes of Exeter and Suffolk, when Richard
+was still in infancy.  His elder brothers, Edward Earl of March and
+Edmund Earl of Rutland, were separated from him by an interval {4} of
+ten years, and lived with their tutor Richard Croft at Ludlow or
+Wigmore.  So that Richard's childhood must have been passed with his
+brother George and his sister Margaret, the future Duchess of Burgundy.
+But both were a few years older than little Richard.
+
+We obtain a glimpse of the home life of the two elder boys, Edward and
+Edmund, from a letter to their father which has been preserved.[4]
+
+
+'Right high and right mighty prince, our full redoubted and right noble
+lord and father.
+
+'As lowly with all our hearts as we, your true and natural sons can or
+may, we recommend us unto your noble grace, humbly beseeching your
+noble and worthy fatherhood daily to give us your hearty blessing;
+through which we trust much the rather to increase and grow to virtue,
+and to speed the better in all matters and things that we shall use,
+occupy, and exercise.
+
+'Right high and right mighty prince, our full redoubted lord and
+father--
+
+'We thank our blessed Lord, not only of your honourable conduct and
+good speed in all your matters and business, of your gracious prevail
+against the intent and malice of your evil willers, but also of the
+knowledge that it pleased your nobleness to let us now late have of the
+same by relation of Sir Walter Devereux Kt.[5] {5} and John Milwater
+Esq.,[6] and John at Nokes, yeoman of your honourable chamber.  Also we
+thank your noble and good fatherhood for our green gowns now late sent
+unto us to our great comfort, beseeching your good lordship to remember
+our porteux,[7] and that we might have some fine bonnets sent unto us
+by the next sure messenger, for necessity so requireth.  Over this,
+right noble lord and father, please it your highness to wit that we
+have charged your servant, William Smyth, bearer of these, for to
+declare unto your nobility certain things on our behalf, namely
+concerning and touching the odious rule and demeaning of Richard Croft
+and of his brother.  Wherefore we beseech your gracious lordship and
+full noble fatherhood to hear him in exposition of the same, and to his
+relation to give full faith and credence.  Right high and right mighty
+prince, our full redoubted and right noble lord and father, we beseech
+Almighty Jesus give you as good life and long, with as much continual
+perfect prosperity as your princely heart can best desire.  Written at
+your castle of Ludlow on Saturday in Easter week.
+
+'your humble sons
+    'Edward (Earl of March)
+    'Edmund (Earl of Rutland).'
+
+
+The boys evidently did not like their tutor, declaring him to be
+tyrannical and disagreeable.[8]
+
+
+{6}
+
+CHILDREN OF RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK
+
+1. Anne.  Born at Fotheringhay, August 11, 1439.  (Duchess of Exeter.)
+
+2. Henry.  Born at Hatfield, February 10,1441.  (Died in infancy.)
+
+3. Edward.  Born at Rouen,[9] April 28, 1442.  (Earl of March.  King.)
+
+4. Edmund.  Born at Rouen, May 17, 1443.  (Earl of Rutland.)
+
+5. Elizabeth.  Born at Rouen, April 22,1444.  (Duchess of Suffolk.)
+
+6. Margaret.  Born at Fotheringhay, May 3, 1446.  (Duchess of Burgundy.
+Died 1503.)
+
+7. William.  Born at Fotheringhay, July 7, 1447.  (Died young.)
+
+8. John.  Born at Neath, November 7, 1448.  (Died in infancy.)
+
+9. George.  Born at Dublin, October 21, 1449.  (Duke of Clarence.)
+
+10. Thomas.  Born at Fotheringhay, 1450.  (Died in infancy.)
+
+11. Richard.  Born at Fotheringhay, October 2, 1452.[10]  (Duke of
+Gloucester.  King.)
+
+12. Ursula.  Born at Fotheringhay, July 20,1455.  (Died in infancy.)
+
+W. WYRCESTER, _Annales_, 460-477.
+
+
+[Illustration: SEIZE QUARTIERS OF EDWARD IV. AND RICHARD III.]
+
+Their father, the Duke of York, first Prince of the blood royal, was
+the most powerful and wealthy, as well as one of the ablest noblemen in
+the kingdom.  He was moderate and prudent, and was unwillingly driven
+into resistance to the misgovernment of the corrupt faction which
+misused the powers they had seized, owing to the imbecility of Henry
+VI.  His original object was not to assert his own undoubted title to
+the throne, but to obtain just and reasonable government by the removal
+of corrupt and incapable ministers.  'After repeated experience of bad
+faith, and after {7} fruitlessly endeavouring to bind Henry by pledges,
+the Duke was at length forced into advancing his own claim.'[11]
+
+Disaster followed the first attempt of the Duke of York at open
+resistance.  He was overpowered by the Lancastrian forces at Ludlow, in
+October 1459, and his followers were scattered.  The Duke himself, with
+his son Edmund, fled to Ireland.  His eldest son, Edward Earl of March,
+escaped to Calais with the Earl of Warwick.  The Duchess of York, and
+her three young children, Margaret, George and Richard, were taken
+prisoners at Wigmore.  They were sent to Tunbridge Castle in the
+custody of their mother's sister, the Duchess of Buckingham, who had
+married a Lancastrian husband.
+
+Little Richard was only seven years of age when he became a prisoner of
+war.  The detention was of short duration.  His eldest brother landed
+in Kent and marched to London.  Troops flocked to the standard of the
+gallant youth, and he advanced northwards against his enemies.  The
+Duchess of York then escaped from Tunbridge, and found an asylum for
+her little children at the chambers of John Paston, in the Temple.[12]
+
+Meanwhile Edward, Earl of March, won a great victory at Northampton,
+and Henry VI. became his prisoner.  He returned to London, but the
+children had not been two days in John Paston's chambers before their
+mother was summoned to meet her {8} husband at Hereford, who was
+returning from Ireland.  The children were left with servants.  Young
+Edward, however, while busily engaged in preparing for the defence of
+the city, found time to visit his little brothers and sister every
+day.[13]
+
+
+
+[1] 'Fodringeia' in Domesday.  'Fodering' is part of a forest separated
+from the rest, for producing hay.
+
+[2] He married Isabella of Castille and Leon.
+
+[3] Mary Queen of Scots was tried and beheaded in the great hall of
+Fotheringhay.  But it is untrue that the castle was destroyed by James
+I. on that account.  James granted it to Lord Mountjoy, and it was
+intact, though out of repair, when it was surveyed in 1625.  It began
+to be dismantled soon after this survey; but the work of demolition was
+very gradual.  The college buildings had been desecrated and destroyed
+by John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, to whom they were granted by
+the government of Edward VI.  The last remains of the castle were
+demolished in the middle of the last century.  See _Historic Notices in
+reference to Fotheringhay_, by the Rev. H. K. Bonney (Oundle, 1821).
+
+[4] _MS. Cotton, Vesp._, F. iii., fol. 9.  Printed in the first series
+of Ellis's original letters, i. 9, letter v.
+
+[5] This Sir Walter Devereux, son of Walter Chancellor of Ireland 1449,
+when the Duke of York was Lord Deputy, was born in 1432.  He married
+Anne, heiress of Lord Ferrers of Chartley, and was summoned to
+Parliament by that title _jure uxoris_.  Sir Walter Devereux, Lord
+Ferrers of Chartley, fell gloriously at Bosworth, fighting for his
+King, Richard III., the younger brother of his two young friends Edward
+and Edmund.  He was ancestor of the Devereux, Earls of Essex.
+
+[6] Afterwards esquire to Richard Duke of Gloucester.  He fell at the
+battle of Barnet, fighting by his young master's side.
+
+[7] Breviary.
+
+[8] Richard Croft of Croft Castle, in Herefordshire, is the odious
+ruler mentioned by the young princes.  He was faithful to King Edward
+during the Tewkesbury campaign; but the boys had some insight into
+character.  For Croft appears to have been a time-server.  He got made
+Treasurer of the Household to Henry Tudor, and fought for him at Stoke.
+To please his new patron he appears to have told some story,
+disparaging to Edward IV., which, in a garbled form, appeared in Hall's
+_Chronicle_.
+
+[9] Edwardus quartus Rothomagi natus.  _Rous_, p. 210.
+
+[10] Rous says that Richard was born on the feast of the eleven
+thousand virgins, October 21.  But this was really George's birthday,
+in 1449.
+
+[11] Gairdner.  The Duke's mother, Anne Mortimer, was grand-daughter of
+Philippa Countess of March, the only child of Lionel Duke of Clarence,
+_second_ son of King Edward III.  Henry VI. was great-grandson of John
+Duke of Lancaster, _third_ son of Edward III.
+
+[12] _Paston Letters_, i. 525.  Christopher Hansson to John Paston.
+
+[13] 'And sythe y left here bothe the sunys and the dowztyr, and the
+Lord of Marche comyth every day to se them.'--_Paston Letters_.
+
+
+
+
+{9}
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+DEATH OF RICHARD'S FATHER AND BROTHER AT THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD
+
+In October 1460, the Duke and Duchess of York, with young Edmund Earl
+of Rutland, reached London.  The Duke's superior right to the crown, as
+representative of the second son of Edward III. while Henry VI. only
+derived from the third son, was recognised and declared by Act of
+Parliament.  But, in consideration of the reverence felt for his father
+and of his own long tenure, it was enacted that Henry should retain the
+throne for life, provided that he acknowledged the Duke as
+heir-apparent.  This Act of Settlement received the royal assent and
+became law, all opposing statutes being repealed.  On November 9, the
+Duke of York was solemnly declared Heir-Apparent and Lord Protector
+during Henry's life.
+
+But Queen Margaret and her partisans refused to be bound by the acts of
+the King, her husband, in Parliament.  She fled to Scotland, and the
+Lancastrians raised a formidable army in Yorkshire.  It is probable
+that the Duke of York was not fully aware of the numbers opposed to
+him, though he may have foreseen that the Lancastrian army would become
+larger if time was allowed to slip away.  There was {10} also some
+danger from the machinations of the Tudors[1] in Wales.  Arrangements
+to counteract these evils were promptly made.  The Duke assembled a
+small force to advance northwards and confront the Lancastrian army.
+The Duke of Norfolk, who was warmly attached to the House of York, and
+the Earl of Warwick were to remain in London until Christmas, and then
+to follow with reinforcements.  The young Earl of March advanced to the
+Welsh borders to collect forces, disperse the Tudor rising, and then
+join his father in Yorkshire.
+
+On December 1, 1460, the Duke of York was with his wife and children at
+Baynard's Castle for the last time.  He bade farewell to his loving
+Duchess and the children; little Richard was a child of eight, Margaret
+and George a few years older.  The gallant young Edmund Earl of Rutland
+was nearly eighteen, well able to fight by his father's side, and he
+accompanied the Duke.  On December 2, the Duke of York set out with his
+brother-in-law the Earl of Salisbury and the Earl of Rutland.
+Salisbury had with him his son, Sir Thomas Nevill, and the force,
+barely numbering 5,000 men, was led by other experienced captains.
+Chief among them was old Sir David Hall, the Duke's faithful friend and
+adviser in all military affairs.  Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer,
+illegitimate brothers of the ill-fated Earl of March, rallied to their
+nephew's standard with many Yorkist knights, such as Sir Thomas Parr,
+Sir Edward Bourchier, and Sir James Pickering.  The force included a
+company of Londoners under the {11} command of the Warden of the
+Mercers' Company, stout John Harrow.
+
+The Duke of York advanced by easy marches, for he did not reach his
+castle of Sandal, about a mile south of Wakefield, until Christmas Eve.
+Here he halted while a summons was sent out to assemble his Yorkshire
+tenants and adherents.  It is said that Lord Nevill, a kinsman of the
+Duchess of York, came to Sandal as a friend of the Duke, and induced
+him to grant a commission to raise men; and that when he had raised
+about 8,000, he treacherously brought them to swell the ranks of the
+Lancastrian army.[2]
+
+At this time the Duke's eldest son Edward was at Shrewsbury.  The poor
+Duchess and her young children anxiously waited for news at Baynard's
+Castle.  Henry VI., with the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Warwick,
+observed the festival of Christmas in the palace of the Bishop of
+London, in St. Paul's Churchyard.  Afterwards the King went to enjoy a
+few days' hunting at Greenwich and Eltham.  Queen Margaret and her son
+were in Scotland.  The Lancastrian leaders were assembled with a great
+army at Pomfret.
+
+Edward III. had granted Sandal and Conisborough Castles to his son
+Edmund, the Duke's grandfather.  The Duke himself had frequently
+resided at Sandal, sometimes with his wife and family.  The castle
+stood on a grassy knoll, steep on one side, with a gentle slope to the
+south.  It is a little less than a mile from the bridge which spans the
+river Calder at the town of Wakefield, the intervening space sloping
+gently from Sandal.  It was then partly wooded.  Leland tells us the
+bridge was of stone, with nine arches, and that it had on it 'a right
+goodly chapel of our Lady.'  It led to the {12} market place whence two
+streets, called Norgate and Wrengate,[3] formed communications with
+gates on the northern side of the town.  The houses were then nearly
+all of timber, but there was a handsome parish church consecrated in
+1322, with a tower and spire 228 feet high.  From the bridge one road
+went south by Sandal to Barnsley and Sheffield; another branched off to
+the eastward, and divided again into two, one leading to Doncaster, the
+other to Pomfret.  To the westward the river Calder flanked the fields
+between Sandal and Wakefield Bridge.  Near the castle is the fine
+cruciform church of Sandal Magna, where there was a chantry belonging
+to the castle.
+
+There are scarcely any remains of Sandal Castle, which was razed by
+order of the Long Parliament in 1648.  But fortunately a drawing was
+made in 1560 and preserved in the office of the Duchy of Lancaster.  It
+is engraved in the 'Vetusta Monumenta.'  A lofty donjon, with flanking
+round towers, stood on the verge of the steep descent to the
+north-east, and two smaller square towers, connected by a wall, formed
+the western face.  The principal gate, protected by a barbican, was in
+the centre of the southern face; and on this side the _enceinte_
+consisted merely of a wall without towers.  An arcade or cloister led
+from the gate to the main entrance of the donjon, and the roofs of
+various buildings appear above the parapet of the southern wall.  On
+the north-western side of the inner courtyard a flight of steps led to
+a covered archway opening on a semicircular stone pulpit supported by a
+single pillar.  The castle was surrounded by a moat, and the ground it
+covered was about forty yards square.  We {13} gather these details
+from the drawing.  The existing ruins consist of part of the gatehouse,
+three arches of the arcade leading to the keep, bits of wall on the
+west side, and the great mound covering the ruins of the keep.
+
+Sandal Castle was built on a natural hill of sandstone, and in those
+days it must have presented an imposing appearance from Wakefield
+Bridge, with its lofty towers rising over the trees.  There were
+extensive views in every direction from the castle walls.  Northward is
+Wakefield and the rich valley of the Calder.  To the west were the
+woods stretching away until the view is bounded by Woolley Edge.  The
+woods and lake of Chevet are to the south, and a wide extent of country
+was visible to the east, with Nostell Priory and Walton Manor hidden
+among the trees.  But, although Sandal commanded extensive views, yet,
+owing to the wooded character of the country, an enemy might approach
+without his force being fully known to the garrison.
+
+The Duke of York kept his Christmas in Sandal Castle, with his son
+Edmund Earl of Rutland, his brother-in-law the Earl of Salisbury, old
+Sir David Hall his trusty military adviser, many other captains, and
+5,000 men.  Sir David knew that the enemy was near in overwhelming
+numbers.  He anticipated a siege until relief could come from the
+south, and he, therefore, sent out foraging parties to bring in
+supplies.
+
+The Lancastrian chiefs at Pomfret received news of the arrival of the
+Duke at Sandal on Christmas Day.  They were engaged for three days in
+collecting their forces.  On the 30th they began their march from
+Pomfret, a distance of eight miles.  Lord Clifford, with his Yorkshire
+friends, led the van, so as to become {14} the right wing in forming
+the battle, resting on the river Calder.  The Dukes of Somerset and
+Exeter and Earls of Devon and Northumberland were in the centre.  The
+rear, which would form the left wing in wheeling into line, was under
+the command of the Earl of Wiltshire.  Sir Andrew Trollope was the
+principal military adviser and chief of the staff.
+
+On the last day of the year the division under Lord Clifford came in
+sight of the towers of Sandal, and attacked a foraging party which
+appears to have been returning from Wakefield.  This was seen from the
+castle.  The Duke determined to come to the rescue with his whole
+force.  He probably believed that Clifford was considerably in advance
+of the main body of the enemy.  Sir David Hall thought otherwise, and
+strongly represented the danger of running such a risk.  But the
+chivalrous Duke spurned the idea of leaving his foraging party to be
+destroyed without making an effort at their rescue.
+
+The Lancastrians under Clifford were between the castle and Wakefield
+Bridge, and the great gate faced to the south.  It was, therefore,
+necessary for the Yorkist force, barely 5,000 strong, to march out with
+their backs to the enemy, and to deploy round the castle hill, before
+forming line to attack.  This was done, and a brilliant charge was made
+on the field between Sandal and Wakefield--a Balaclava charge.  The
+Duke himself, rightful heir to the throne, and his trusty
+brother-in-law, the Earl of Salisbury, led this forlorn hope.  Near
+them was the gallant young Prince Edmund in the flower of his age,
+about to flesh his maiden sword.  There, too, was old David Hall,
+knowing that all was lost, but resolved to fight for his beloved master
+to the end.  Success must have {15} attended on the reckless bravery
+which Hall deplored, if Clifford's force, about equal in numbers, had
+been unsupported.  But the main body of the Lancastrians arrived during
+the thick of the fight with overwhelming numbers, while their left
+wing, under the Earl of Wiltshire, cut off the retreat to the castle.
+There was nothing left but to die bravely.  The Duke of York fell,
+fighting to the last.  Camden says that there was a small space hedged
+round enclosing a stone cross, on the spot where the Duke fell.  His
+faithful knights fell around him.  Among them were his uncles John and
+Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall the tried and trusty councillor, his
+wife's nephew Sir Thomas Nevill, Sir Edward Bourchier, Sir Eustace
+Wentworth, Sir James Pickering, Sir John Gedding, Sir Thomas Harington,
+Sir Hugh Hastings, Captains Fitzjames, Baume, Digby and Ratford.  Two
+gallant brothers, William and Thomas Parr, fought steadily beside their
+master.  William was slain, but Thomas escaped, surviving to be the
+grandsire of Queen Catherine Parr.  Sir Walter Lymbricke, Sir Ralph
+Stanley, Captain Hanson and John Harrow, the loyal mercer of London,
+were wounded and taken prisoners.
+
+When all hope was gone young Prince Edmund, with a few followers,
+perhaps with the Harry Lovedeyne whose service was 'right agreeable' to
+him and his brother in the happy days of their childhood, fought his
+way through the encircling foe and reached Wakefield Bridge.  But they
+were closely pursued by some of Clifford's men, perhaps by Clifford
+himself.  Leland tells us that the prince 'was overtaken a little above
+the bars beyond the bridge, going up a clyming ground'; that is in the
+street leading up to the market place from the bridge.  He and his few
+followers turned at bay, and {16} we may be sure that young Edmund
+Plantagenet did not die before his enemies had been made to pay dearly
+for his life.[4]
+
+No quarter was given to the defeated soldiers by the Lancastrians,
+2,000 were slaughtered in the field or during the flight, and the
+prisoners were all killed.  The Earl of Salisbury escaped from the
+battle, but was taken prisoner the same night by a servant of Sir
+Andrew Trollope and conveyed to Pomfret, where he was put to death.
+
+The Lancastrian leaders took counsel after the {17} battle, and decided
+on the perpetration of an inhuman piece of folly.  The bodies of the
+Duke of York and of the Earls of Rutland and Salisbury were buried at
+Pomfret.  But their heads were ordered to be stuck on the gates of
+York.  The Duke's head was placed upon Micklegate Bar, with a paper
+crown on it by way of insult.  The heads of the Earls of Salisbury and
+Rutland, of Sir Thomas Nevill, Sir Edward Bourchier, Sir Thomas
+Harington, Sir William Parr, Sir James Pickering and John Harrow were
+also ordered to be stuck on the different gates of York.
+
+As soon as Queen Margaret received the news in Scotland, she came to
+York and joined the victorious army.  It was resolved to march direct
+to London, and the northern soldiers were bribed by permission to
+pillage the whole country.  This they did for fifteen miles on either
+side of their track; attacking churches, taking away vessels, books and
+vestments, and even the sacramental pyx after shaking out the
+eucharist, and killing the priests who resisted.  Reaching St. Albans
+they continued the work of pillage, and defeated the troops sent out
+from London to oppose them.  They even recovered the person of Henry
+VI.  But here their successes ended.  The gates of London were closed,
+provisions ran short, and the Lancastrian marauders retreated into
+Yorkshire.[5]
+
+{18}
+
+When the dreadful news of the battle of Wakefield reached London, the
+Duchess of York was plunged into grief at the loss of her noble husband
+and gallant young son, and she was terrified for the safety of her
+children.  The two little boys, George and Richard, were put on board a
+vessel in the Thames and sent to Holland.  There, under the protection
+of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, they were established at Utrecht
+with suitable tutors.  The Duchess of York, with her little daughter
+Margaret, remained in London awaiting events.
+
+The age of Edward Earl of March was then only eighteen years and eight
+months.  He was at Shrewsbury when the terrible blow fell upon him.  It
+spurred him into resolute action.  He had collected a good force, with
+which he turned upon the Tudors and crushed them at Mortimer's Cross.
+There was a parhelion when the victory was decided.  Edward adopted the
+sun in splendour as his special cognizance.  He then advanced to London
+by rapid marches, and was proclaimed king as Edward IV.
+
+Richard was thus hurried away to Holland.  He {19} was but eight years
+old when he saw his father and brother Edmund mount their horses at the
+gate of Baynard's Castle; and when the sad news came that they were
+slain, and that he would see them no more.  In after years Richard took
+part in the pious act of the children of the Duke of York.  They
+re-endowed the beautiful chapel on Wakefield Bridge, which was built in
+the reign of Edward III.,[6] and dedicated it to the memory of their
+brother Edmund.
+
+
+
+[1] Owen Tudor, a Welsh squire, had three sons by Catharine, the widow
+of Henry V.; Edmund and Jasper created by Henry VI. Earls of Richmond
+and Pembroke, and Owen a monk at Westminster.  They were half-brothers
+of Henry VI.
+
+[2] Stow's _Chronicle_, p. 412.
+
+[3] An abbreviation of Warenne-gate.  The Earls of Warenne and Surrey
+were Lords of Wakefield for more than two centuries.
+
+[4] Of all the baseless fabrications of the Tudor chroniclers, Hall's
+story of the death of Edmund Earl of Rutland is the most absurd.  Hall
+says that the prince was scarcely twelve years of age, that his tutor
+and schoolmaster, named Robert Apsall, secretly conveyed the little boy
+out of the field, that they were espied and taken by Lord Clifford,
+that the child knelt on his knees demanding mercy; that the
+schoolmaster made a speech; that Clifford gave a truculent reply; and
+that Clifford then struck the child to the heart with a dagger.
+
+This fable rests on there being a child.  If there was no child nothing
+of the sort happened.
+
+The contemporary evidence is simply that after the battle Lord Clifford
+killed the Earl of Rutland on or near Wakefield Bridge.  William of
+Worcester says:--'_et in fugiendo post campum super pontem apud
+Wakefelde Dominus de Clyfforde occidit Dominum Edmondum comitem de
+Rutlande, filium Ducis Eborum_.'  William of Worcester also gives the
+birthdays of all the children of the Duke of York.  Edmund was born at
+Rouen on May 17, 1443.  He was in his eighteenth year, and not a child.
+It was George, born on October 21, 1449, in Ireland, who was in his
+twelfth year when the battle of Wakefield was fought; but he was left
+in London with his mother, as any child of that age was sure to have
+been.  Even if the Duke had brought a child to Sandal, he would have
+been left in the castle, not taken into the thick of a desperate
+battle.  Edmund was old enough to accompany his father, and doubtless
+acquitted himself manfully.  These facts also relieve the gallant
+Clifford's name from a vile calumny.  Holinshed and Shakespeare follow
+Hall, and all later historians have continued to repeat the absurd
+story without taking the trouble to ascertain Rutland's age at the time
+of the battle of Wakefield.
+
+[5] The weight of authority is decisively against the Duke of York
+having been taken prisoner, and in favour of his having been killed in
+the battle.  William of Worcester says: '_Ubi occubuerunt in campo Dux
+Eborum, Thomas Nevill_,' &c.  The Croyland chronicler, Fabyan, Polydore
+Virgil, Hall, and Stow concur.  Hall says, '_He, manfully fighting,
+within half an hour was slain and dead_.'  But Whethamstede states that
+the Duke was taken prisoner and grossly insulted: that he was set upon
+an ant-hill, a crown of woven grass was put on his head, and that the
+soldiers bowed their heads before him, saying in derision: 'Hail, King
+without a kingdom!'  Whethamstede adds, '_non aliter quam Judaei coram
+Domino_.'  But this John Bostock of Whethamstede was Abbot of St.
+Albans, and violently prejudiced against the Lancastrians for their
+marauding and pillaging in his neighbourhood.  It is generally stated
+that Queen Margaret took part in the barbarities of her adherents.
+Stow, for instance, says that Lord Clifford cut off the Duke's head,
+put a paper crown on it, stuck it on a pole, and presented it to the
+Queen, who 'was not lying far from the field.'  But there is clear
+proof that the Queen was actually in Scotland when the battle of
+Wakefield was fought.  William of Worcester says: '_Dicto bello finito
+Regina Margareta venit ab Scotia Eboraco_.'  This is confirmed by the
+Croyland chronicler, who says, '_Inpartibus borealibus morabatur_.'
+Margaret had nothing to do with the Lancastrian barbarities, except
+that she allowed the heads to remain on the gates of York.  She was
+forced to tolerate the deeds of her savage adherents.
+
+[6] See _The Chapel of Edward III. on Wakefield Bridge_, by N.
+Scatcherd (1843).
+
+
+
+
+{20}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE CROWNING VICTORY OF TOWTON
+
+When the Lancastrians, after their success at St. Albans, had failed
+before London, they retreated northwards with the person of Henry VI.,
+and proceeded to collect forces in Yorkshire for one more great effort,
+making their headquarters in the city of York.  Meanwhile the young
+Earl of March, after his victory at Mortimer's Cross on February 2,
+1461, advanced to London with his Welsh and border tenantry.  He was
+joined on the road by the Earl of Warwick, whose incapacity as a
+military commander had been the cause of the disaster at St. Albans on
+the 17th of the same month.
+
+Edward was only in his nineteenth year when he entered London and
+succeeded to his father's rights, and to the duty of avenging the
+cowardly insults heaped upon that father's body.  He found his mother,
+the widowed Duchess, with his little sister Margaret, at Baynard's
+Castle.
+
+Edward was tall and eminently handsome, with a fair complexion and
+flaxen hair, 'the goodliest personage,' says Comines, 'that ever mine
+eyes beheld.'  His capacity for command, his fortitude, and prudence
+were far beyond his years, and he had already acquired experience in
+two pitched battles.
+
+{21}
+
+On his arrival in London Edward called together a great Council of
+Lords, spiritual and temporal, and declared to them his title to the
+Crown.  The assembled Lords determined that, as King Henry had,
+contrary to the solemn agreement made with the Duke of York and the
+Parliament which met in October 1460, violated his word, and as he was
+useless to the Commonwealth, he should be deprived of all sovereignty.
+Edward was elected and acknowledged as King.
+
+That night the young King was once more at home with his mother and
+sister; but it was a melancholy home-coming.  Two months before, the
+whole family was united at Baynard's Castle, now the father was slain
+and his head fixed on Micklegate Bar at York.  The beloved brother,
+Edward's companion from earliest infancy, also dead; the two younger
+brothers sent abroad for safety; his uncle, Salisbury, killed, with Sir
+David Hall, the trusted friend of the family, and many more.  Yet a
+feeling of pride must have mingled with the bereaved mother's grief as
+she gazed on the superb young warrior who was the last hope and prop of
+her house.
+
+Next day the citizens of London assembled at their muster in St. John's
+Fields, just outside the city, where they were reviewed by Lord
+Fauconberg, the King's uncle, an experienced warrior who had seen much
+service in France.  As Sir William Nevill, he was at the siege of
+Orleans, and since 1429 he had been summoned to Parliament _jure
+uxoris_, for he had married Joan, the heiress of the last Baron
+Fauconberg.  As soon as he had completed the muster, his nephew, George
+Nevill, Bishop of Exeter, made a speech to the people.  He explained to
+them how King Henry had broken the agreement solemnly made {22} with
+the Duke of York only four short months before; he demanded of them
+whether they would have a forsworn king any longer to rule over them;
+and he called upon them to serve and obey the Earl of March as their
+earthly sovereign lord.  The multitude cried 'Yea!  Yea!' with great
+shouts and clapping of hands.  'I was there,' says William of
+Worcester, 'I heard them, and I returned with them into the city.'
+
+On the same evening the Lords and Commons went to Baynard's Castle to
+report what had taken place to young Edward, and he was persuaded to
+assume the kingly office by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
+of Exeter.  Next day, being March 4, he rode to St. Paul's as King
+Edward IV. and made an offering.  After _Te Deum_ he was conveyed to
+Westminster, where he sat in the Hall while his title was declared to
+the people as son and heir of Richard, Duke of York, and by authority
+of Parliament.  Henry VI. was deposed _quod non stetisset pacto, neque
+paruisset senatus consulti decreto_.  Edward then entered the Abbey
+under a canopy in solemn procession, and received homage from the
+lords, returning by water to London, where he was lodged in the
+Bishop's palace.  On the 5th he was proclaimed King through the city as
+Edward IV; but there was to be no coronation until he was victorious
+over his enemies.
+
+No time was lost.  On Saturday, March 7, the Earl of Warwick left
+London for the north, with what Fabyan calls 'a great puissance of
+people.'  Four days afterwards the King's infantry followed, consisting
+of borderers from the Welsh marches, Kentish men, and Londoners.  On
+Friday, March 13, Edward himself rode through Bishopsgate with a great
+body of men, {23} and attended by many lords and knights.  Since the
+death of Sir David Hall, Edward's uncle Fauconberg was the most able
+and experienced general on the Yorkist side, and he was now the King's
+chief adviser.  A powerful adherent was John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk,
+who is so frequently mentioned in the 'Paston Letters.'  Representative
+of Thomas de Brotherton, the youngest son of Edward I., the Duke had
+vast wealth and great influence in the eastern counties, but he was in
+failing health.  Sir John Ratcliffe, K.G., called Lord Fitzwalter _jure
+uxoris_, Sir Henry Ratcliffe, Lord Scrope of Bolton, Sir Walter Blount,
+Sir John Wenlock, Sir John Dynham, Sir Roger Wolferstone, William
+Hastings, Robert Home of Kent, the King's cousins Humphry and John
+Stafford, were the principal captains.
+
+The marches were made in a leisurely way to give time for followers to
+join from various directions, and it was a fortnight before Edward
+formed a junction with the Earl of Warwick, and mustered his army
+between Pomfret Castle and Ferrybridge, about forty thousand strong.
+Reinforcements had flocked to him during the march, especially in
+Nottinghamshire.  Sir John Ratcliffe, with a young illegitimate son of
+the Earl of Salisbury, was stationed with a small force at Ferrybridge,
+to guard the passage of the river Aire.
+
+Meanwhile, the nobles who had rallied round the proud Margaret of Anjou
+were collecting their strength at York.  The Duke of Somerset, although
+he was only in his twenty-fourth year, was the chief commander in the
+Queen's army.  The son of her favourite, who had been slain in the
+first battle of St. Albans, and the head of a powerful connection,
+Margaret {24} placed great reliance on the prowess and influence of the
+young Duke.  His first cousin was Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire,
+a lad of twenty, who came to York with the Fulfords, Fortescues, and
+other west-country squires.  His sister Eleanor was married to James
+Butler, Earl of Ormonde and Wiltshire, K.G., a more mature nobleman who
+had reached his fortieth year, but who was more noted for running away
+than for fighting.  His brother, Sir John Butler, accompanied him.
+Next to Somerset the most influential leader was Henry Percy, Earl of
+Northumberland, who was also in his fortieth year.  His family had
+fought and bled in the Lancastrian cause.  His father was slain at St.
+Albans, his brother, Lord Egremont, at Northampton.  Another brother,
+Sir Richard Percy, now rode by the Earl's side at the head of a
+numerous body of retainers.  Lord Clifford, Lord Dacre of Gillesland,
+Lord FitzHugh, and Sir John Nevill came with a great muster of West
+Riding and Westmoreland yeomen; while Lord Welles and Sir William
+Talboys rallied the Lincolnshire yeomen round their standards.  Lord
+Roos, Sir Ralph Eure, and Sir John Bigot of Musgrave Castle, joined the
+army with their Yorkshire tenantry; and the Duke of Exeter, Lord
+Hungerford, and Lord Beaumont swelled the throng with their levies.
+
+Nor were lawyers and churchmen wanting to prop the falling cause.  Sir
+John Fortescue, the Lord Chief Justice, was at York, for he believed
+the parliamentary title of King Henry to be good, and would not desert
+him in his need.  There too, in attendance on poor Henry, was Dr.
+Morton, the parson of Bloxworth and Master in Chancery--a treble-dyed
+traitor and falsifier of history, who afterwards flourished like {25} a
+green bay tree, and died Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury at the age
+of ninety.
+
+So far as experience and military training were concerned, the reliance
+of the Lancastrians was on Lord Welles, Lord Hungerford, and Sir Andrew
+Trollope.  Lionel Lord Welles, now in his fifty-fifth year, had seen
+much service in France, and had filled the important posts of
+Lieutenant in Ireland and Captain of Calais.  Lord Hungerford had
+served under the great Talbot, and was present at the fatal battle of
+Chastillon, where he was taken prisoner.  At that time, during his
+father's life, he was known as Lord Molines, in right of his wife.
+Trollope was a veteran of the French wars, and seems to have been
+looked to as the officer who would marshal the army and select
+positions.  He had been a trusted Yorkist captain, and was long in
+command of the Calais garrison.  But when the two rival armies were
+confronted near Ludlow, in October 1459, he had secretly deserted with
+a large part of the best soldiers from Calais and gone over to Queen
+Margaret.  This had given her a temporary triumph; and Trollope had
+since been her most trusted military adviser.
+
+The force collected at York numbered 60,000; and the largest bodies of
+men that have ever tried conclusions on English ground were thus
+gathered together between York and Pomfret.
+
+A distance of twenty-five miles separated the towers of Pomfret Castle,
+under whose shadows young Edward was marshalling his avenging army,
+from Micklegate Bar, over which the head of his beloved father was
+withering in the chilling gales of that bitter month of March 1461.
+Nine of those miles covered the distance from York to Tadcaster on the
+river Wharfe, and the {26} rest of the distance, from the Wharfe to the
+Aire, was the scene of the momentous campaign.
+
+The tract of country between the Wharfe and the Aire is a portion of
+that magnesian limestone formation which extends in a narrow zone
+across Yorkshire.  It is crossed by the principal streams flowing to
+the Humber, the Ure, the Nidd, the Wharfe, the Aire, the Went, and the
+Don; and they all form picturesque gorges, with overhanging limestone
+cliffs and crags, before they enter the great alluvial plain of York.
+This hilly limestone region, between the Wharfe and the Aire, was once
+a great forest of elm trees.  It was the Elmet of remote times.  When
+the forest was cleared the name remained, and the people called the
+limestone country 'Elmet lands.'  The little river Cock rises on
+Bramham Moor, flows through this limestone country in a winding course
+among the undulating hills, and falls into the Wharfe below Tadcaster.
+Passing the village of Barwick-in-Elmet, it winds along the skirts of
+'Becca Banks,' so famous for rare wild flowers, flows under the bridge
+at Aberford, and westward to Lead Hall, a farmhouse in a great meadow
+about half a mile short of the village of Saxton.  Thence it takes a
+northerly course to its junction with the Wharfe.  Here the winding
+little brook has hills on either side, covered with woods, with Towton
+on the right bank, and Hazlewood, the ancient seat of the Vavasours, to
+the left.  It passes through extensive willow garths, and by the
+village of Stutton, entering the Wharfe, near Tadcaster, after a course
+of about ten miles.
+
+At present the road from York to Pomfret turns south at the end of
+Tadcaster Street, and goes direct to Towton and Sherburn, passing the
+lodge gate at {27} Grimston.  But in those days it continued along the
+left bank of the Cock to beyond Stutton, crossed the little brook by
+Renshaw Wood, and led up a gentle slope to the hamlet of Towton.  By
+this route the Lancastrian army advanced from Tadcaster, and encamped
+on the fields between Towton and Saxton.  The main road leads direct
+from Towton to Sherburn, leaving Saxton on the right, and
+Scarthingwell, with its mere and heronry, on the left.  From Sherburn
+to Ferrybridge the distance is six miles due south.  The distance from
+Ferrybridge, by Sherburn and Saxton, to the battlefield of Towton is
+nine miles.
+
+On March 26, 1461, the great army of the Lancastrians was encamped
+round the hamlet of Towton.  King Edward's headquarters were at
+Pomfret, and he had an advanced post to defend the passage of the river
+Aire in his front, at Ferrybridge, under the command of the titular
+Lord Fitzwalter, an experienced veteran of the French wars.  The object
+of the Lancastrian leader in advancing across the Wharfe was to oppose
+the passage of Edward's army over the river Aire at Ferrybridge.  The
+deposed King and Queen, with Lord Roos and Dr. Morton, awaited the
+event at York.  But the Lancastrians were too late.  Lord Clifford and
+Sir John Nevill, however, did press forward in advance, in hopes of
+surprising the outlying post of Yorkists at Ferrybridge.  In this they
+were successful.  The guard at the bridge was taken completely by
+surprise before the dawn of March 28, and slaughtered by Lord
+Clifford's men.  Lord Fitzwalter, hearing the noise, thought it was
+merely a disturbance among his own soldiers.  He jumped out of bed, ran
+down with a battle-axe in his hand, and was slain as he came into {28}
+the street.  The brave young bastard of Salisbury fell with him.
+
+This unexpected onslaught caused a panic in the Yorkist camp, which was
+increased by the conduct of the excitable Earl of Warwick.  He lost his
+head, galloped up to the King's tent, dismounted and killed his horse,
+crying out, 'Let him fly that will, for surely by this cross I will
+tarry with him who will tarry with me, fall back fall edge!'[1]  The
+conduct of young Edward was very different.  Perfectly cool and
+collected, his firmness restored order among the soldiers.  He soon saw
+that the attack had been made by a small force which would as rapidly
+retreat.  He, therefore, gave prompt orders to his uncle, Lord
+Fauconberg, to cross the river Aire at Castleford, about three miles to
+the left, with troops led by Sir Walter Blount and Robert Home of Kent.
+His object was to intercept the retreat of Lord Clifford.  This
+judicious order was ably carried out by the veteran general.
+Fauconberg overtook the enemy, and a complete rout of the Lancastrians
+followed.  The chase was continued through Sherburn to a little dell or
+valley called Dittingdale,[2] between Scarthingwell and Towton.  Here
+there was a rally, close to the outposts of the main army of the
+Lancastrians.  Lord Clifford, while taking off his gorget, owing to its
+having chafed his neck, was struck {29} by an arrow and killed.  Sir
+John Nevill was also slain, and there was a great slaughter among the
+flying troops.  The Yorkist pursuers fell back on their supports
+without serious loss.
+
+Lord Clifford was only in his twenty-sixth year.  His father was slain
+at the first battle of St. Albans, and he had naturally joined the same
+cause with enthusiasm.  But, as has already been pointed out, the story
+of his having assassinated a defenceless little boy on Wakefield Bridge
+is a fiction.  There is no reason to believe that Clifford was such a
+base caitiff.  He was evidently an active and enterprising leader.  It
+is the tradition of the family that he was buried, with a heap of
+undistinguished dead, on the battlefield.  Sir John Nevill, a younger
+brother of the second Earl of Westmoreland, and father of the third
+Earl, was probably buried within Saxton Church.[3]  The loss of these
+two gallant and influential young leaders, whose scattered fugitives
+brought in the news on that Friday night, must have cast a gloom over
+the Lancastrian army.
+
+King Edward now resolved to advance with his whole force and attack the
+enemy where he was encamped.  He believed that the main body could not
+have been very far distant when Lord Clifford was detached to make the
+attack at Ferrybridge.  The van division of the Yorkist army, led by
+Lord Fauconberg and Sir Walter Blount, was already across the river
+Aire, and orders were given to them to march northwards by Sherburn and
+Saxton.  The King himself, {30} with the Earl of Warwick, was to follow
+at the head of the main body.  The Duke of Norfolk should have led the
+van, but he was taken ill, and it was arranged that he should remain
+behind at Pomfret, with Sir John Wenlock and Sir John Dynham, and
+follow next day with the rear division and any reinforcements that
+might have arrived.[4]
+
+During March 28, the Eve of Palm Sunday, the Yorkist army was marching
+northwards in two divisions.  It must have been late in the afternoon
+when the division of Lord Fauconberg passed through Sherburn-in-Elmet,
+a long street with the old Norman church on an isolated hill to the
+westward.  Two miles more brought him to Saxton late in the evening.
+Saxton was a small village, with the manor house of the Hungates, and a
+very old church of Norman times.  Thence a steep ascent leads northward
+to the battlefield.  To the east is the high road from York to Pomfret,
+passing over elevated ground.  To the west is a ravine with sides
+sloping down to the valley of the Cock.  The latter brook is seen
+winding through the {31} green valley, with roads on either side.
+Northwards there was high undulating ground, and the hamlet of Towton
+is two miles north of Saxton.
+
+On the ground between Towton and Saxton the Lancastrian army was
+encamped.  The centre, led by the Earl of Northumberland and Sir
+Richard Percy, with Lord Welles and Sir Andrew Trollope, was formed
+across the road leading up from Saxton.  To the east, forming the
+Lancastrian left, Lord Dacre and his brother-in-law Lord FitzHugh were
+encamped on some land called 'North Acres.'  To the west, forming the
+right wing, were the Earls of Devonshire and Wiltshire, and Lords
+Hungerford and Beaumont.  The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter commanded a
+reserve at Towton village.
+
+When Lord Fauconberg arrived at Saxton he ascertained the position of
+the enemy and sent intelligence to the King.  Edward had probably
+reached Sherburn by that time, and he at once pushed forward to the
+neighbourhood of Saxton.  The whole Yorkist force numbered 48,640 men,
+including the reserves, which were still at Pomfret under the Duke of
+Norfolk.
+
+Palm Sunday dawned and found the host of young Edward facing the long
+array of Lancastrians.  It was bitterly cold.  The advance up the
+hillside from Saxton village was made between eight and nine o'clock in
+the forenoon, and when the hostile forces came in sight there was a
+great shouting.  At the same time snow began to fall.  The wind was
+northerly in the early morning, but it veered round, became fresher,
+and by nine o'clock it was driving the snow full into the faces of the
+Lancastrian troops.  The two armies, just before they closed, were {32}
+separated by an undulating depression which marks the exact position.
+
+Lord Fauconberg caused every archer under his standard to shoot one
+flight of arrows and then halt.  The enemy felt the volley, but could
+not judge of distances on account of the blinding snow.  Their arrows
+fell short.  As soon as the quivers of the enemy were nearly empty,
+Lord Fauconberg gave the order for his archers to advance, shooting as
+they came on, and they not only shot off their own arrows, but gathered
+those of the enemy and sent many of them back whence they came.  Then
+the Earl of Northumberland ordered his men to close, and the battle
+became a fierce hand-to-hand combat all along the line.  For several
+hours the desperate conflict continued, ebbing and flowing with
+doubtful result, the snow still falling.  King Edward was everywhere,
+exhorting and encouraging the men, leading them on when they wavered,
+and helping the wounded out of the fray.  The struggle was obstinate
+and long doubtful.  Men were falling fast on both sides.  Lord Scrope
+of Bolton was severely wounded.  Robert Home, the valiant captain of
+Kent, who came from Appledore on the Rother, fell dead.
+
+Messengers had been sent in hot haste to hurry up the Duke of Norfolk
+with the reserves.  He arrived at about noon.  With his trusty
+lieutenants Wenlock and Dynham, he led his men up the road from
+Sherburn, keeping well to the east of Saxton, and ailing upon the
+Lancastrian left flank at 'North Acres.'
+
+This was the turning point of the battle.  The Lancastrians were
+disheartened at the arrival of fresh foes.  The fighting continued
+until late in the {33} afternoon, and the slaughter was prodigious, but
+gradually the Lancastrian left wing was doubled up on the centre; the
+confusion increased, and there was a complete rout.  Lord Dacre had
+fallen early in the day.  He was killed by a boy who shot him from a
+'bur' tree,[5] when he had unclasped his helmet to drink a cup of wine.
+The lad thus avenged his father's death, who had been slain by the
+northern baron.  Lord Caere's friends, Sir John and Sir Thomas
+Crakenthorpe, from the banks of the Eden, fell with him.  The Earl of
+Northumberland, Sir Richard Percy, Lord Welles, and Sir Andrew Trollope
+were slain in the thick of the fight, with many more.  The retreat to
+the eastward being cut off by the Duke of Norfolk, the defeated army
+fled down the steep slopes into the valley of the Cock closely pursued.
+
+The well-mounted noblemen, Somerset and Exeter, Devonshire and
+Wiltshire, Beaumont, Hungerford, and FitzHugh, with many knights,
+effected their escape.  But the footmen were cut down by hundreds in
+the pursuit.  The little Cock beck is not very wide, but it is deep,
+and many fugitives were drowned in it.  The country people declared
+that the pursuers crossed the brook on dead bodies, and that the river
+Wharfe was coloured with blood.  The Croyland monk relates that the
+blood of the slain lay caked with snow, which then covered the ground,
+and that afterwards, when the snow melted, the blood flowed along the
+furrows and ditches for a distance of two or three miles.  The chase
+continued all night and part of next day.
+
+Fully 10,000 were stated to have been wounded or {34} made prisoners,
+and Polydore Virgil says that some were cured and some died.  This
+disposes of the statement of Hall, which is adopted by modern writers,
+that no quarter was given.  Edward always gave quarter to the men and
+junior officers of a defeated army.
+
+The fugitive nobles only had time to ride through York, calling upon
+Henry and Margaret, with their child, to mount and ride as hard as
+their horses would carry them.  Away they went out of Bootham, and
+through the dark forest of Galtres, to take refuge in Scotland.
+
+King Edward advanced to York on Monday, March 30, 1461, where he was
+received with great solemnity by the mayor and commons of the city, in
+procession.  They obtained grace through the intercession of Lords
+Montagu and Berners.  The heads of the Duke of York, the Earl of
+Rutland, and the Earl of Salisbury were removed from the gates of York,
+and placed with the bodies at Pomfret, preparatory to the subsequent
+magnificent obsequies at Fotheringhay and Bisham.
+
+Only four executions took place at York, of the Earl of Devonshire, Sir
+Baldwin Fulford, Sir William Talboys, and Sir William Hill.  The Earl
+of Wiltshire was captured by William Salkeld at Cockermouth.  For this
+prominent actor in the barbarous deeds after Wakefield fight there
+could be no forgiveness.  He was beheaded at Newcastle on May 1.
+
+The Earl of Northumberland, a first cousin of King Edward, was buried
+in the north choir of St. Denis church at York, probably with his
+brother Sir Richard Percy.  The body of Lord Welles was taken to
+Methley, and buried in the Waterton Chapel.  Lord Dacre was buried,
+with his horse, in Saxton churchyard, on the {35} north side of the
+church, where there is a monument to his memory.  The undistinguished
+dead were at first buried in five great pits on the battlefield, and in
+separate graves in the valley.  It was a tradition that red and white
+roses grew and flourished on the battlefield, and it is true that there
+are many rose bushes in the meadows.  Leland tells us that Master
+Hungate of Saxton caused the dead bodies to be brought from the pits on
+the battlefield, and buried in consecrated ground, in a trench running
+the whole length of Saxton churchyard.
+
+King Edward kept his Easter at York, which fell that year on April 5.
+He then advanced as far as Durham, whence he returned southwards,
+leaving the pacification of the north to the Earl of Warwick and his
+brother Lord Montagu.  Early in June Edward was at the manor of Sheen,
+and on the 26th of that month he came from Sheen to the Tower of
+London.  On the 27th he created thirty Knights of the Bath, and on
+Sunday the 28th he was solemnly crowned in Westminster Abbey by
+Cardinal Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury.
+
+The King liberally rewarded his supporters.  The Duke of Norfolk died
+in November 1461, and was buried before the high altar at Thetford.
+But Lord Fauconberg was created Earl of Kent and Lord High Admiral.  He
+died in 1463.  Sir Walter Blount was created Lord Mountjoy and a Knight
+of the Garter.  Sir John Dynham, a valued adherent, was created Lord
+Dynham; and Sir John Wenlock, already a Knight of the Garter, was
+created Lord Wenlock.  Many Yorkists were knighted, either on the field
+or afterwards at the coronation.  Young William Hastings, the King's
+most faithful follower, was {36} knighted on the field, and created
+Lord Hastings, in July 1461.  Among the Knights of the Bath were the
+gentlemen of Nottinghamshire who had joined the King on the march
+northward, Sir Robert Clifton, Sir Nicholas Byron, and Sir Robert and
+Sir John Markham.
+
+Edward IV. was 'a King who, with many faults, was most honourably
+anxious from the first to do justice even to the meanest of his
+subjects.'[6]  After the first heat of battle had passed he was
+placable and forgiving.  He had strong and justifiable cause for
+resentment against his opponents at Towton.  In the white heat of his
+indignation, with the sight of his father's head over Micklegate Bar
+fresh in his recollection, he stayed his avenging hand after four
+executions.  The bill of attainder passed by his first Parliament
+included 150 names, but many were afterwards granted full pardons, and
+all who submitted received back portions of their estates.  The Duke of
+Somerset made his peace, and was taken into favour.  The son of the
+Earl of Northumberland was restored to all his father's honours.  The
+brother of the Earl of Wiltshire, though he was also at Towton, was
+restored to all his estates, was taken into favour, and succeeded as
+sixth Earl of Ormond.  Similar forgiveness was extended to the
+Courtenays, and to the brother of Lord Dacre.  Although Lord Hungerford
+continued in rebellion, Edward IV. treated his wife and young children
+with kindness and generosity, making an ample provision for them out of
+their father's forfeited lands.  The son of Lord Welles was taken into
+favour, and had a grant of all his father's forfeited property.  Lord
+FitzHugh was forgiven and employed in positions of importance.  {37}
+Mr. Thorold Rogers says:--'I entirely discredit the stories told of the
+tyranny and suspiciousness of Edward IV.  He never refused a petition
+for pardon.'[7]
+
+All historians unite in the statement that the old nobility of England
+was nearly annihilated by the battles and executions during the Wars of
+the Roses.  But facts are opposed to this theory.  Scarcely a single
+peerage became extinct owing to the Wars of the Roses.[8]
+
+The battles of Wakefield and Towton made a deep impression on the mind
+of Prince Richard, although he was but eight years old.  The fate of
+his father and brother in a battle which drove him into exile, and then
+the crowning victory following so rapidly, could not fail to do so.  In
+later years he erected a memorial chapel at Towton, where prayers were
+to be offered up for the souls of the fallen.  It was standing in
+Leland's time, but there is now no vestige of this pious work of King
+Richard III.[9]
+
+
+
+[1] Mr. Green, in his _History of the English People_, places the time
+of Warwick's killing his horse 'at one critical moment' during the
+battle of Towton.  But the evidence that this act of folly was
+perpetrated owing to the panic after the surprise at Ferrybridge is
+quite conclusive.
+
+[2] Hall has _Dintingdale_, Habington spells it _Dindingdale_, Baker
+has _Dandingdale_.  There is no such place on the maps.  But Whitaker,
+in his _History of Craven_, says that the Rev. F. Wilkinson, Vicar of
+Bordsey, discovered the almost forgotten name of Dittingdale, as that
+of a dell or small valley in Scarthingwell Park.
+
+[3] Leland says that the Earl of Westmoreland was killed, and buried
+within Saxton Church.  Hall also includes the Earl of Westmoreland
+among the slain.  They mistook him for Sir John Nevill.  The Earl
+himself did not die until 1485.  Sharon Turner and later writers repeat
+the blunder.  The Earl of Westmoreland was not in the battle.
+
+[4] Mr. Green says that 'the Duke of Norfolk came with a fresh force
+from the eastern counties.'  The Duke came from Pomfret, having left
+London with the King.  Sharon Turner says: 'We owe the remarkable fact
+of the battle beginning at four o'clock in the afternoon and continuing
+through the night, and of Norfolk's coming up the next clay at noon to
+Hearne's fragment.'  This fragment was transcribed by Hearne from an
+old manuscript, but not older than Hall's _Chronicle_.  The statement
+that the battle began at four on Saturday afternoon and went on through
+the night, not only contradicts Hall and Stow, but is also impossible.
+Edward's army could not have got over the ground in time to begin the
+battle at four in the afternoon.  Possibly the mistake of the anonymous
+writer of Hearne's fragment arose from having been told that Lord
+Fauconberg came in sight of the Lancastrian army at twilight.  It was
+not the twilight of Saturday afternoon, but of Palm Sunday morning, as
+Hall explains.
+
+[5] _Loidis and Elmete_, p. 156.  Dr. Whitaker says that the word
+'_bur_' is very distinct in Glover's manuscript.  It means an alder
+tree, from the old Norse '_bur_' or '_baurr_.'
+
+[6] Gairdner.  Introduction to the _Paston Letters_, ii. p. xii.
+
+[7] _Work and Wages_, ii. 316.
+
+[8] The Duke of Exeter was separated from his wife, and had no
+children.  The Duke of Somerset, who was beheaded, had six daughters,
+and another was unmarried.  But the House of Somerset was perpetuated
+in that of Beaufort.  A few new peerages became extinct because their
+recipients did not marry, such as Egremont and Wenlock.  But Lord
+Egremont was a Percy, and the family of Percy continued to flourish.
+No more peerages became extinct owing to the Wars of the Roses than
+would have done so in a time of profound peace.
+
+[9] There is a warrant for 40_l._ to be given for building the chapel
+at Towton, dated November 28, 1483 (Harl. MSS., No. 413).  In July
+1488, an indulgence of forty days was granted _ad speciosam capellam in
+villa de Toughton (per Saxton) de novo a fundamentis sumptuose et
+nobiliter erectam, super quodam loco seu fondo ubi corpora procerum et
+magnatum ac aliorum hominum multitudine copiosa in quodam bello in
+campis circumjacentibus inito interfectorum sepeliuntur_.  In December
+1502 another indulgence of forty days was granted.  The exact site of
+the chapel is the garden behind Mr. Kendall's house.
+
+
+
+
+{38}
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE CROWN LOST AND WON--BATTLE OF BARNET
+
+The young princes, George and Richard, were in Holland for about six
+months, under the protection of the Duke of Burgundy.  They resided at
+Utrecht.  Then the news came of Edward's accession, and the crowning
+victory of Towton.  The two boys were brought home again, and were soon
+under their mother's immediate care, with their sister Margaret.
+
+Immediately after the coronation, George was created Duke of Clarence;
+and Richard Duke of Gloucester, Earl of Carlisle, and Earl of
+Richmond,[1] a title which had merged in the crown after the attainder
+of Edmund Tudor.  Richard was created a Knight of the Garter in 1465.
+In February 1466 his sword and helmet were placed in St. George's
+Chapel, and he took possession of his stall in the following April.
+His stall plate is now in the ninth stall on the south side of the
+choir, in St. George's Chapel at Windsor.  The arms are France and
+England quarterly, with a silver label of three points, each ermine
+with a canton gules.  The crest is a crowned leopard gold, on a cap of
+estate, with a label as in the arms, round his neck.  The helm is
+barred as used in the _melee_, the only one on the early plates, the
+rest all being tilting helms.
+
+{39}
+
+The first public appearance of young Richard was on the occasion of his
+father's solemn obsequies.  The Duke of York's body, and that of his
+son Edmund Earl of Rutland, had to be conveyed from Pomfret to
+Fotheringhay, and the Duke of Gloucester, then in his fourteenth year,
+was appointed by the King to be chief mourner.  On July 22, 1466, the
+bodies of Richard Duke of York, and of his son, Edmund Earl of Rutland,
+were taken from their temporary resting place at Pomfret, and placed in
+a chariot covered with black velvet, richly embroidered with cloth of
+gold.  At the feet of the Duke stood the figure of an angel clothed in
+white, bearing a crown of gold, to signify that of right he was a king.
+The chariot was drawn by four horses trapped to the ground.  Every
+horse carried a man, and upon the foremost rode Sir John Skipwith, who
+bore the Duke's banner displayed.  Bishops and abbots, in their robes,
+went two or three miles in front, to prepare the churches for the
+reception of the bodies.'[2]  The boy Duke of Gloucester followed next
+after the chariot, accompanied by noblemen and heralds.  In this order
+they left Pomfret and rested that night at Doncaster.  Thence they
+proceeded by easy stages to Blythe, Tuxford, Newark, Grantham, and
+Stamford.  On Monday, July 27, the procession arrived at Fotheringhay.
+The bodies were carried into the church by servants of the deceased,
+and received by the King and his Court in deep mourning.
+
+Edward IV. built a magnificent shrine in the choir, over the tombs of
+his father and brother, and completed the works of the college,
+including the cloister.[3]
+
+{40}
+
+There is reason to believe that the young Duke of Gloucester received
+his knightly training in the use of arms from the age of fourteen, in
+the household of his cousin the Earl of Warwick.  There are payments to
+the Earl for costs and expenses incurred by him on account of Richard,
+the King's brother.  Here he was the companion of Francis Lovel and
+Robert Percy, for both of whom he formed a friendship which ended only
+with death.  Here too he was the playfellow of his cousin Anne Nevill,
+and an attachment was probably then formed between them, which was
+destined to bear fruit in after years.  We find Richard and Anne
+sitting together at the installation feast of her uncle the Archbishop
+of York in 1467.
+
+Richard was short in stature, with a delicate fragile frame, the right
+shoulder being slightly higher than the left.  But he had been inured
+to warlike exercises, and was fond of hunting and all manly sports.  He
+had light brown hair and a very handsome face, full of energy and
+decision, yet with a gentle and even melancholy expression when the
+features were at rest.[4]
+
+{41}
+
+While Richard was receiving a knightly education in the north, his
+brother Edward was conducting his own and the country's affairs
+recklessly and without wisdom.  The secret marriage ceremony he went
+through with the widow of Lord Grey of Groby, and her subsequent
+coronation, had estranged the nobles, and their disgust was increased
+by the promotion and enrichment of her Woodville relations.  The Earl
+of Warwick, the cousin and formerly the supporter of Edward, became the
+chief among the malcontents.  He married his daughter Isabella to the
+Duke of Clarence, without the King's consent or knowledge, and
+afterwards fostered and encouraged disturbances and insurrections.  At
+last he went to France with Clarence, and made an agreement with
+Margaret of Anjou to restore Henry VI. to the throne.  Finally he
+returned to England, with the Duke of Clarence, as an open enemy of
+King Edward.  Troops rapidly flocked to his standard, and the country
+was lost and won as if by magic.
+
+Warwick had used all his arts of persuasion to induce the younger
+brothers of the King to be false to their allegiance.  With Clarence he
+succeeded; but Richard never wavered for a moment.  His loyalty to his
+brother was not to be shaken.  There is something very touching in the
+unalterable affection between Edward and Richard.  In Edward, from the
+time when he used to visit his little brother every day in Paston's
+chambers, to the hour of his death, there was a loving protection and a
+solicitude for the lad's welfare which was shown in many ways.  On the
+part of Richard there was loyalty and zeal for his elder {42} brother's
+service as well as warm affection.  His motto was
+
+  'LOYAULTE ME LIE.'[5]
+  (Loyalty bindeth me.)
+
+From the moment that Warwick became a traitor, Richard was constantly
+by his brother's side, sharing his long marches,[6] his dangers and
+hardships.  When Warwick landed and proclaimed the restoration of Henry
+VI., King Edward summoned his forces to assemble at Doncaster,
+particularly relying on the Marquis Montagu, Warwick's brother, in
+whose loyalty he implicitly believed.  Edward related to the historian
+Comines the events immediately preceding his flight from the kingdom.
+He was in a fortified house with his friends, to which the only access
+was a bridge, and the troops were quartered in the villages near.
+Suddenly news arrived that Montagu and others were riding among his
+soldiers shouting for Henry.  Edward hastily put on his armour and sent
+a body of faithful adherents to defend the bridge.  There was nothing
+left but flight.  Accompanied by his brother Richard and a few loyal
+friends the King galloped off, leaving Lord Hastings to gain time by
+defending the bridge.  Hastings made some terms for his followers with
+Montagu, and then followed his master.  Reaching Lynn, in Norfolk, the
+fugitives found two Dutch vessels on the point of sailing.  They
+immediately went on board without other clothes than _leurs habillemens
+de guerre_.[7] The brothers were accompanied in their flight by Lords
+Hastings, Rivers, and Saye, and a few faithful knights.  Narrowly
+escaping capture by an Easterling ship, they landed near Alkmaar {43}
+in North Holland.  A gown lined with martens was the only thing of
+value wherewith King Edward could pay his passage; and he was saved
+from capture by the Easterlings through the intervention of the Sieur
+Louis de Bruges, Lord of Gruthuus, who received the fugitives with
+generous hospitality and conducted them to The Hague.  King Edward and
+his host were brother Knights of the Golden Fleece, an obligation which
+the lord of Gruthuus most fully recognised.  He gave up his great house
+at Bruges for the use of the exiled princes, who resided there during
+the ensuing winter, and he also lent them his chateau of Oostcamp.
+From Bruges, King Edward and his brother proceeded to the court of the
+Duke of Burgundy at St. Pol, to seek for aid in recovering the crown of
+England.  Charles the Bold publicly declined to interfere, and the
+Lancastrian Duke of Somerset hurried to London with the good news.  But
+Charles had been married, in 1468, to the Princess Margaret of York,
+who was devotedly attached to her brothers.  She opened a
+correspondence with the Duke of Clarence in England, to induce him to
+return to his allegiance.  Through her influence, the aid which had
+been withheld publicly was given in secret.  She smoothed all
+difficulties, and enabled her brothers to undertake their romantic
+enterprise.  For Edward was resolved to recover his crown, and Richard,
+from this time, was his efficient lieutenant.
+
+Richard's services in Flanders, and especially in fitting out the
+expedition, secured for him the full confidence of his brother.  The
+ships had to be equipped very secretly and with great care.  The
+Duchess Margaret had procured a grant of 15,000 florins, and permission
+to get ready four ships of Flanders and thirteen {44} hired
+Easterlings[8] which were to be at Edward's service until he should
+land in England, and for fifteen days afterwards.  The next step was
+the selection of a seaport where the expedition could be quietly fitted
+out.  The Lord of Gruthuus again proved a friend in need.  He had
+married Margaret, the sister of Henry van Borselle, Lord of the island
+of Walcheren.  The traditions of the family of Borselle were adverse to
+the House of Lancaster, for Francis van Borselle was the lover, and
+eventually the husband, of that unfortunate Jacoba of Holland who was
+treated so shamefully by Humphrey Duke of Gloucester.  The excellent
+ports of Veere and Flushing were, therefore, placed at Edward's
+disposal.
+
+The expedition was fitted out in the port of Veere, under the
+protection of Henry van Borselle.  Besides the King and young Richard,
+Lords Hastings, Rivers, and Saye were the principal leaders.  The
+expeditionary force consisted of 900 men, in addition to the crews of
+the ships.  A select body of 300 Flemish gunners, armed with hand-guns,
+formed part of the little army; and this is nearly the first time that
+these new weapons are mentioned in English warfare.  The men carried
+slow matches, and are called 'smoky gunners' by Fabyan.  Richard
+actively helped in the preparation of this daring little expedition at
+Veere; for by this time the King had learned to appreciate his
+brother's remarkable ability and fitness for command.
+
+By the end of February 1471, the ships were ready.  They were brought
+down the Channel from Veere to Flushing and the troops were embarked.
+{45} But they had to wait nine days in Flushing Roads for a fair wind,
+and it was not until Monday, March 11, that the gallant adventurers
+sailed for the Norfolk coast.  Edward was in one ship with Lord
+Hastings, while his brother had a separate command in another vessel,
+each being followed by a squadron of transports.  It is probable that
+the exiled King shaped a course for the coast of Norfolk in the hope
+that the influence of the Duke, who was faithful to his cause, would
+ensure him a cordial reception.  But he was disappointed.  Two knights,
+named Sir Robert Chamberlain and Sir Gilbert Debenham, went on shore at
+Cromer and found the country occupied by Warwick's adherents.  Edward,
+therefore, steered for Yorkshire, and encountered a gale of wind which
+lasted from March 12 to 14, scattering his little squadron.  When
+Edward and Hastings anchored off Ravenspur,[9] on the Holderness coast,
+no other vessel was in sight.  The King landed and burnt his ship,
+resolved to regain his crown or perish in the attempt.
+
+Edward stood on that dreary waste of sand with 500 followers.  The
+look-out was black indeed.  He had seen nothing of the other ships
+since they were separated by the gale off Cromer.  He sent scouts to
+the adjacent villages, but not a man ventured to join his standard.
+While hesitating what should be the next step, horsemen appeared over
+the brow of a rising ground.  The adventurers stood to their arms, but
+a few minutes turned anxiety into joy.  The young Duke of Gloucester
+was seen to be at the head of a little force of 300 men.  He had
+effected a landing {46} at a point about four miles from Ravenspur, and
+hurried to join his brother.  Soon afterwards Lord Rivers, who had
+reached the shore at a place called Pole, fourteen miles away, made his
+appearance.  Thus was the little force once more united.  They marched
+to Beverley and thence to York, but although armed men were seen, no
+one either molested them or came to their assistance.  There appears to
+have been no ill-will among the people, but fear of the power of the
+Earl of Warwick and a belief that Edward's cause was hopeless.
+
+The authorities of York did not dare to receive Edward as King.  It was
+thought advisable that, at this stage, he should only claim his
+hereditary dukedom.[10]  This deceived no one, but it would enable the
+mayor and aldermen of York to defend their conduct in the event of
+Edward's overthrow.  They received him into their town, gave him
+supplies, and next day he marched southwards to Tadcaster.
+
+The campaign by which Edward regained the crown was one of the most
+brilliant that has ever been conducted by an English general.  It
+elicited proofs of consummate military skill from the Yorkist princes,
+and displays of valour and presence of mind in action which were never
+surpassed by any of their race.  Edward IV. is entitled to an equal
+place as a military commander with Edward III. or Henry V.  His
+strategy and resource were superior to those of either.  He never lost
+a battle, though he never {47} declined a combat.  In three short
+months from the time that he landed with a handful of men on the coast
+of Holderness, he had outwitted and out-manoeuvred his opponents, had
+won two pitched battles, and had recovered his crown.  Richard deserves
+scarcely less credit.  He was only eighteen, yet he contributed largely
+to the success of the campaign, while in battle his brother entrusted
+the young prince with important separate commands.
+
+Edward's little band of adventurers was opposed by the whole resources
+of England in the hands of the Earl of Warwick.  The Earl himself was
+posted with a strong force at Coventry.  His brother Montagu occupied
+an advanced position at Pomfret to intercept the invaders on their
+southward march.  The Earl of Oxford was advancing from the Eastern
+counties, and Clarence from London.  By a masterly flank march the King
+passed to the westward of Pomfret and reached Nottingham, leaving
+Montagu in his rear baffled and outwitted.  At Nottingham loyal men
+began to flock to the King's standard.  The Earl of Oxford and Duke of
+Exeter had advanced against him from the Eastern counties, but the
+rumoured increase of his forces made them halt at Newark.  The King
+pressed onwards to Leicester, and marching thence to Coventry, offered
+battle to the Earl of Warwick, who was behind the walls with 7,000 men.
+Warwick declined.  He was taken completely by surprise.  This was on
+March 29, only a fortnight after Edward had landed.  Without losing a
+moment the royal army marched on to Warwick, and on the approach of
+Clarence from London, his brothers encamped in a field three miles on
+the road to Banbury.
+
+{48}
+
+The negotiations between King Edward and Clarence were conducted
+throughout by their younger brother Richard, and to him is due the
+credit of the reconciliation which took place.  He thus restored one
+brother to his throne, and reclaimed the other from dishonour.  The
+defection of Clarence left no enemy between the King and his capital.
+Edward reached Daventry on the night of April 6, attending divine
+service there on Palm Sunday.  On the 9th he was at Northampton, and on
+the 11th he entered London, where he was joyfully received by the
+citizens.
+
+Warwick was outwitted like his brother.  There was nothing left for him
+but to follow the King, who could give him battle or not as he chose.
+So the baffled Earl concentrated his army, calling up Montagu from
+Pomfret, Vere and Exeter from Newark, and Somerset from the west.
+Having united his forces he marched towards London, reaching St. Albans
+on the 12th, and encamping on Gladmore Heath to the north of Barnet,
+and about ten miles from London, on the afternoon of April 13.
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of Barnet]
+
+The King only had one full day in London, in which to organise his
+little army, now increased to 9,000 men, and to rest the faithful few
+who had marched with him from Ravenspur.  He entered London on the
+11th, and in the forenoon of the 13th he marched out to encounter his
+enemies.  Advancing to Barnet his scouts drove out the scouts of
+Warwick and chased them for half a mile.  The King then marched through
+the town, and reached Gladmore Heath when it was dusk.  He encamped
+much nearer the enemy than he intended, and by reason of the darkness
+his line was not formed directly in front of the opposing force.  {49}
+The King's right extended beyond Warwick's left, while his left was
+similarly overlapped by Warwick's right.  In one respect this was
+fortunate, for Warwick's artillery was in his right wing, and he kept
+up a fire all through the night[11] without doing any damage to his
+adversaries, because their left wing was not posted in front of the
+rebel right wing; but somewhat to the eastward of it.
+
+Warwick had drawn up his army with his brother Montagu and John Vere,
+son of the attainted Earl of Oxford, in charge of the right wing
+consisting mainly of cavalry; the Duke of Somerset in the centre with
+archers and bill-men; and Warwick himself, with the Duke of Exeter, in
+command of the left wing.  The opposing force of the King was inferior
+in numbers to that of the rebels.  Edward, accompanied by Clarence and
+Henry VI., commanded the centre in person.  On the left was Lord
+Hastings, while young Richard Duke of Gloucester, who was only eighteen
+years of age, had charge of the right wing.  A strong body of infantry
+was kept in reserve.  The King ordered strict silence to be observed
+throughout the night.
+
+When the morning of Easter Sunday, April 14, at length dawned there was
+a dense fog, so that the two armies could barely distinguish each
+other.  At half-past four the King advanced his standards, and sounded
+his trumpets for battle.  There were flights of arrows, and then the
+opposing forces closed and encountered each other with hand strokes, in
+the thick mist.  For a long time it was impossible for the leaders to
+know what was taking place in different parts of the field.  Oxford
+found little to oppose him.  He charged the {50} followers of Lord
+Hastings and easily routed them, continuing the chase beyond Barnet.
+Then he returned to reinforce the main body; but here a fatal mistake
+occurred.  The cognizance of King Edward was the sun in splendour,
+adopted after seeing the parhelion at Mortimer's Cross.  The cognizance
+of the Veres was a star with rays.[12]  When the soldiers of Warwick's
+centre, under Somerset, saw a fresh body of men approaching under the
+banner of the star, they mistook it for the King's cognizance and
+thought they were attacked in flank.  A cry of treason ran through
+their ranks.  Up to this time they had stubbornly resisted the
+onslaughts of King Edward and his men, but now they broke and fled.
+Somerset and Vere rode away with their men, and made good their escape.
+
+Meanwhile the Duke of Gloucester had led his troops to a furious attack
+on the enemy's left wing which was commanded by Warwick in person.  The
+Duke himself plunged into the thickest of the fight.  His two esquires,
+John Milwater[13] and Thomas Parr, were slain by his side.  At the
+moment when the fate of the battle was still uncertain, and when the
+King heard that his young brother was hard pressed, the reserves were
+brought into action, just as Somerset's division began to waver.
+Victory then ceased to be {51} doubtful, and soon there was complete
+rout all along the rebel line.  The Earl of Warwick and his brother
+Montagu fell either in the battle or in attempting to escape.  The
+accounts vary.  Though enemies and traitors to the royal brothers, they
+were cousins, and had once been devoted friends.  The King sincerely
+mourned the death of Montagu, and the depth of Richard's sorrow is
+proved by his subsequent intercession for Montagu's heirs.  The bodies,
+after being laid for two days in St. Paul's Cathedral, were honourably
+interred in the burial place of their mother's family at Bisham.  The
+losses on the King's side included Lord Saye, who had shared Edward's
+exile, Humphrey Bourchier Lord Cromwell,[14] another Sir Humphrey
+Bourchier,[15] son of Lord Berners, and the son and heir of Lord
+Mountjoy.  The losses, on both sides, {52} amounted to about 1,500
+men.[16]  King Edward and the Duke of Gloucester returned to London the
+same day, while their army rested for the night on the battlefield.
+
+
+
+[1] _Rot. Parl._ vol. vi. p. 227.  Halsted, i. 432.
+
+[2] Sandford, p. 391.
+
+[3] The tombs were desecrated in the time of Edward VI., when the
+college was granted to John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland.  Queen
+Elizabeth gave orders that they should be restored.  The bones of
+Richard Duke of York, of the Duchess Cicely, and of Edmund Earl of
+Rutland, lapped in lead, were removed into the parish church.  For the
+choir, where they rested under the beautiful shrine, had been
+destroyed.  Mean monuments of plaster were then erected over them, and
+over the remains of Edward Duke of York, on either side of the altar.
+They are specimens of the taste of the Elizabethan age, fluted columns
+supporting a frieze and cornice, ornamented with the falcon and
+fetter-lock.  In the inscriptions they have forgotten the name of young
+Edmund Earl of Rutland.
+
+[4] Portrait at Windsor Castle.  Dr. Parr, in a letter to Roscoe,
+speaking of the head of Lorenzo (the Magnificent) prefixed to Roscoe's
+biography, says: 'I am very much mistaken if, by invigorating a few
+traits, it would not make an excellent head of Richard III.'--_Life of
+Roscoe_, i. 178.
+
+[5] Buck, p. 83.
+
+[6] _Paston Letters_, ii. 357, 389.
+
+[7] Comines.
+
+[8] The ships of the towns belonging to the Hanseatic League, in the
+Baltic, and on the Elbe, were known in England by the name of
+Easterlings.
+
+[9] Ravenspur appears, from the description of the writer in Fleetwood,
+to have been inside Spurn Head.  He says: 'He landed within Humber on
+Holderness side, at a place called Ravenspoure.'
+
+[10] The Tudor chroniclers, as is their wont, grossly exaggerate and
+misrepresent this incident: introducing imaginary details, including an
+oath before an altar, vows of allegiance to Henry VI., and other
+romances.  These are the offspring of their zeal to please their Tudor
+paymasters, by traducing the House of York.
+
+[11] Warkworth says that: 'each of them loosed guns at other all
+night.'  Balls have been dug up weighing 1-1/2 lbs.
+
+[12] The second Alberic de Vere, father of the first Earl of Oxford,
+was a crusader.  In 1098 he was in a battle near Antioch when the
+infidels were defeated.  During the chase, a silver star of five points
+was seen to descend from heaven and light on Alberic's shield, there
+shining excessively.  It had ever since been borne in the first quarter
+of the Vere arms.  This is the old tradition.  Modern heralds suspect
+that the mullet was merely a mark of cadency adopted by the second
+brother of the second Earl, who retained it when he became third Earl.
+
+[13] Mentioned in the letter of Edward and Edmund to their father.
+
+[14] Ralph Cromwell, fourth Baron Cromwell, who was Lord Treasurer for
+Henry VI., and was the builder of Tattershall Castle, died childless in
+1455.  His sister Maud married Sir Richard Stanhope and had a daughter
+Maud, whose husband Sir Humphrey Bourchier, third son of Henry
+Bourchier Earl of Essex, by the Princess Isabel Plantagenet (aunt of
+Edward IV.), took the title of Lord Cromwell _jure uxoris_.  This Lord
+Cromwell seems to have been a student of law as well as a soldier.
+There is a manuscript copy of the statutes of Edward III. in the
+Hunterian Library of Glasgow University which once belonged to him.  At
+the beginning there is the following entry: '_Eximii et preclari
+militis liber, Johannis Markham capitalis just, de B. Regis, Liber
+Humfredi Bourchier dmus Cromwell ex dono supradicti_'; and at the end:
+'_This boke is mine Humphrey Bourchier Lord Cromwell by the gift of the
+right noble and famous judge Sir John Markham Chief Justice of the
+King's Bench_.'
+
+[15] Sir John Bourchier, fourth son of William Bourchier Earl of Eu, by
+Anne, daughter of Thomas Duke of Gloucester, married the heiress of Sir
+Richard Berners, and was summoned to Parliament as Lord Berners in 1455
+to 1472.  The second Humphrey Bourchier who was slain at Barnet was his
+son.  Fabyan and Habington call him 'Lord Barnes.'
+
+[16] Fabyan gives the number at 1,500.  Habington says 4,600.  Hall is
+unreliable as usual.  He says 10,000 on both sides.  Although some
+writers say that the King's army was superior in numbers, it is
+probable that, while Edward only had 9,000 men, the forces of Warwick
+were very much more numerous.
+
+
+
+
+{53}
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+MARGARET OF ANJOU AND HER SON EDWARD
+
+It is necessary to look back a few years in order to consider the lives
+of the mother and son who now, for a time, come prominently into
+connection with the life story of Richard Duke of Gloucester.
+
+Margaret, second daughter of Rene of Anjou and Isabelle of Lorraine,
+was born at Pont-a-Mousson on March 23, 1429, and baptized at Toul.  As
+a child she went with her mother to Capua and Naples.  Provence was
+also one of her homes, but she returned to Lorraine in her fifteenth
+year.  She was only sixteen when the Duke and Duchess of Suffolk came
+to Nancy to demand her hand for Henry VI. of England, and in November
+1444 she was married by proxy amidst great rejoicings; for the event
+secured a lasting peace with France.  There was a great tournament in
+the Place de Carriere at Nancy to celebrate the event, at which Charles
+VII. and many of the chief nobles of France were present.  Charles
+tilted with King Rene, bearing on his shield the serpent of the fairy
+Melusina.  The daisy was young Margaret's cognizance, and Pierre de
+Breze, Lord of Varenne, and Seneschal of Normandy, maintained the
+pre-eminence of the 'daisye flower' against all comers in the Place de
+Carriere.[1]  This was {54} no passing sentiment.  Two at least in that
+brilliant throng remained true to the fair princess to the bitter end,
+Pierre de Breze and the Duchess of Suffolk.
+
+Margaret was not only very beautiful, she was endowed with rare gifts
+of intellect, which had been cultivated by travel in Italy and
+Provence, and through communion with her accomplished father.  She set
+out for England attended by the Duke and Duchess of Suffolk and a train
+of nobles.  On her way she supped with the Duke of York at Mantes, and
+reached Honfleur on April 3, 1445.  Thence she sailed across to
+Portsmouth, where she slept at the Maison Dieu.  She was then taken in
+a row-boat to Southampton, but her marriage was delayed for some time
+by an illness.  Henry VI., who was in his twenty-fourth year,[2] had
+been waiting for his bride at Southwick.  The marriage took place at
+Titchfield Abbey on May 30.
+
+Never was a young girl placed in a more wretched position.  Married to
+a poor feeble creature who could be neither companion nor protector,
+surrounded by self-seeking intriguers, living in a foreign country with
+few to sympathise with or care for her; the years that followed her
+marriage could not fail to embitter the brave heart that no misfortune
+had power to crush.  For years she lived on, the memories of the bright
+and happy court of her father gradually fading, while the cruel facts
+of her miserable position hardened round her.
+
+It was in the eighth year after her marriage that Margaret became a
+mother.  Her whole soul opened to the loving influence.  All her
+pent-up womanly feelings found a vent.  She at last had something to
+live for.  Her brilliant intellect, her fortitude and {55} devotion,
+her great powers of endurance, all she had, her whole being, became
+centred in this child--the one thing she had to love.  For him she
+would face dangers, dare more than most men in perils and hardships,
+and, if need be, would become as a tigress at bay in defence of her
+young.
+
+The prince was born at Westminster on October 13, 1453, being just one
+year younger than Richard.  It was at a time when Henry VI. was in one
+of his fits of complete mental derangement which came upon him
+periodically, as they did upon his grandfather Charles VI. of France,
+from whom no doubt he inherited them.  The Duke of York was
+administering the realm.  The child was proclaimed Prince of Wales and
+Earl of Chester.  His mother was just twenty-four, and Henry was in his
+thirty-third year.  The Queen had lost her mother, to whom she was
+fondly attached, on the previous February 28.  In hopes that the name
+would endear her boy to the people, Margaret gave him that of Edward.
+He was baptized by Cardinal Kemp, Archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by
+Waynflete of Winchester, the Duke of Somerset and Duchess of
+Buckingham[3] being sponsors.  He was also created a Knight of the
+Garter.
+
+From his very cradle the child was in the midst of war and turmoil.
+The misgovernment of the Beauforts had strengthened the legitimate
+claim of the Duke of York, which would never have had a chance against
+the parliamentary title of an able and popular king.  But the Yorkists
+now had to reckon with the gifted and intrepid Queen, whose whole soul,
+and whose every gift of mind and body, were concentrated with fierce
+devotion {56} on the defence of her child's birthright.  Nothing but
+death could make her desist from efforts on his behalf.
+
+Young Edward was only in his second year when the first battle of St.
+Albans was fought, on May 22, 1455.  His mother had taken him to
+Greenwich, where she received the news of the death of Somerset and her
+other supporters, and of the wound received by Henry.  During the
+following four years there were hollow reconciliations, but a death
+struggle was inevitable; and in June 1459 the court left London for
+Warwick, virtually to take the field.  The child Edward was only five
+years old.  He was destined never to see London again.
+
+Margaret strove to make the child popular with the people, and to
+excite a feeling of loyalty for him.  He was named Edward to remind
+them of the king who added to the glory of England at Cressy and
+Poitiers.  She adopted the badge of Edward III. as that of the Prince,
+and the pretty little boy, with long golden hair, distributed silver
+swans among the people wherever he went.  The Queen could not bear him
+out of her sight, yet her dauntless eagerness would not allow her to be
+absent from scenes of strife, when her child's future depended on the
+result.  Mother and child looked down on the battle of Blore Heath from
+the tower of Muccleston Church, and when Lord Audley was routed they
+fled to Eccleshall Castle.  Then there were a few months of dawning
+hope, which was crushed at Northampton.  Again Margaret watched the
+fortunes of the day with her child.  She heard of the treachery of
+Grey, she saw the gallant young Edward of York leading his men over the
+trenches, and that the day was lost.  The King fell into the hands of
+her enemies.
+
+On the evening of that July 9, 1460, she rode away {57} with her
+beloved child, a homeless fugitive.  Between Eccleshall and Chester she
+was made prisoner by a party led by one John Cleger, a servant of Lord
+Stanley.  Every instinct was on the alert when danger approached her
+child.  She watched an opportunity while her captors were rifling the
+baggage, and escaped with little Edward in her arms.  The adventures
+through which they passed are not recorded, but she was eventually
+joined by the Duke of Somerset, who conducted her to a safe refuge at
+Harlech Castle in Wales.
+
+The Duke of York, with Henry in his power, induced the Parliament to
+alter the succession, and the claims of Henry's son were ignored.
+Henry VI. wrote a letter to his wife, ordering her to accept the new
+settlement, and to join him in London with her child.  This must have
+been one of the bitterest moments of her unhappy life.  But no reverse
+could daunt this romantic heroine.  She went by sea from Harlech to
+Scotland, and thence called upon all her supporters in the north to
+rally round the standard of King Henry.  Margaret's appeal met with a
+prompt answer, and on the last day of the year 1460 the Duke of York
+lost his life at Wakefield, overwhelmed by superior numbers.  The road
+was thus open to London, and Margaret made a vigorous effort to recover
+the birthright of her child.  On February 17, 1461, she won the second
+battle of St. Albans and recovered the person of her husband; but she
+failed to induce the citizens of London to open their gates to her, and
+was obliged to retreat northwards.  The Queen and her child appear to
+have been in the thick of the fight; and this was the third battle at
+which Edward had been present before he had reached his eighth year.
+The royal party retreated to York, while preparations {58} were made
+for the final and decisive struggle between the two factions.  On March
+4, 1461, the young Earl of March was proclaimed King, and on the 29th
+he won the crowning victory of Towton.
+
+Queen Margaret, with her husband and child, had remained at York, and
+there she received the news of the destruction of her hopes.  There was
+nothing left for her but instant and rapid flight.  The fugitives from
+Towton told her to mount at once, and the unhappy family, with a few
+faithful friends, galloped out of Bootham Bar, and plunged into the
+forest of Galtres.  The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter and Lord Roos
+attended them.  They escaped to Berwick and thence to Edinburgh, where
+Henry found a suitable abode with the Grey Friars.  Margaret passed the
+following winter in Scotland, but in the spring, seeing no present hope
+from her English adherents, who appeared to be crushed, she resolved to
+seek help from abroad.  Taking the little prince with her, she sailed
+from Kirkcudbright in April 1462, and landed in Brittany, whence she
+proceeded to the court of her cousin Louis XI., who was then at Chinon.
+It was resolved that some assistance should be given to the undaunted
+heroine in men and money.  Her old champion Pierre de Breze now flew to
+the succour of the forlorn Margaret in her distress.  He organized an
+expedition, and in October 1462 he sailed to the coast of
+Northumberland with the Queen and her son.  They landed at Tynemouth,
+but the foreign levies were repulsed and fled to their ships,
+abandoning de Breze and the Queen.  The fugitives were afterwards cut
+to pieces by troops under Sir Robert Ogle when they landed at Holy
+Island.  De Breze, with Margaret and her child, escaped from Tynemouth
+in a fishing boat and, after a {59} perilous voyage, they landed safely
+at Berwick, which was then a Scottish port.
+
+In Scotland there was but a cold welcome for Queen Margaret.  It was
+necessary to make her way to Bamborough, which still held out for her,
+and there, abandoning present hope, the Queen and her child embarked to
+commence a life of exile in April 1463.  They were accompanied by a
+band of faithful friends who would not desert them in their extremity.
+Chief among them was the Lord Chief Justice, Sir John Fortescue.
+
+The Duke of Somerset, now a double-dyed traitor, with Sir Hugh Percy
+and others then rose in rebellion, and captured the castles of Alnwick
+and Bamborough.  The Marquis Montagu, followed by Edward IV. in person,
+advanced rapidly from the south to put down the new insurrection.  On
+April 25, 1464, the insurgents were defeated at Hedgley Moor, and soon
+afterwards the rest of Somerset's forces entrenched themselves near
+Hexham.  Poor Henry was brought from Edinburgh, where he was quite
+contented with his Grey Friars, to the camp.  The entrenchments were
+thrown up on Lyvel's plain, near Dowelwater, and Somerset awaited the
+attack.  On May 8, 1464, Montagu came in sight, assaulted the position,
+and, after a desperate resistance, carried it with great slaughter.
+The Duke of Somerset, Lords Roos and Hungerford were taken and
+beheaded, Henry galloped off on a swift horse in the direction of the
+Scottish Border.  He concealed himself in the west of Yorkshire for a
+year, but was captured at Bolton Hall in June 1465 and taken to the
+Tower.[4]
+
+{60}
+
+Meanwhile, Queen Margaret encountered a furious gale of wind which
+lasted for twelve hours, but her vessel at length reached the Flemish
+port of Sluys.  Thence she proceeded by Lille and Hesdin to the Court
+of the Duke of Burgundy at St. Pol.  Here the exiles were hospitably
+received and supplied with money, and, after some stay, they went on to
+the castle of Koeur-la-Petite near St. Mihiel, on the Meuse.  King Rene
+had assigned this castle as the residence of his daughter and grandson,
+with their followers.
+
+No boy who had only reached his eleventh year ever went through such
+vicissitudes as Edward of Lancaster.  He had been at four pitched
+battles, had ridden over hundreds of miles, had been seized by robbers,
+had wandered in trackless forests, had passed many nights on the bare
+ground, and in open boats.  He had made hairbreadth escapes, and had
+suffered privations and hardships.  Few children could have survived
+such a life.  He must have had a robust frame combined with the high
+courage of his race.  Through all, and protecting him at every step, he
+had his heroic mother as his companion; surrounding and pervading his
+life with her devoted love.  Such experiences must have left a deep
+impression on the boy's character.  It was a wild and turbulent opening
+for the young life, but now at last there was to be a brief interval of
+rest.  For a few years he was to live more peaceably, receiving
+instruction and enjoying some pleasures, before destiny hurried him to
+a violent death.
+
+St. Mihiel is a small town on the right bank of the Meuse, in the
+diocese of Verdun and Duchy of Bar.  Near it there are enormous rocks
+overhanging the river, called Les Falaises de St. Mihiel.  In the
+fifteenth {61} century there was cultivation along the river banks,
+while extensive forests covered the Argonne mountains further back.
+Nearly opposite St. Mihiel, on the left bank of the river, was the old
+castle of Koeur-la-Petite, which Rene gave to his daughter Margaret[5];
+and he contributed to her support as far as his narrow means would
+allow.  Here she dwelt for the five succeeding years, watching the
+growth and education of her boy, and enjoying more happiness than she
+had known since her ill-fated marriage.  She was within a few miles of
+Pont-a-Mousson, the place of her birth, and often saw her beloved
+father, and her sister Iolanthe.
+
+Young Edward was devoted to field sports and martial exercises.  His
+companions were the sons of knights and esquires who had remained
+faithful to his mother; and he loved to gallop with them over the
+valley, and to exercise with sword and lance.  So much of his time was
+passed in these outdoor exercises that, as his years increased, the
+graver advisers of his mother began to think that he should give rather
+more of his attention to the acquisition of learning.
+
+Among the exiles was the most learned and accomplished lawyer who sat
+on the English bench during the fifteenth century, and the young prince
+enjoyed the advantage of his companionship and instruction.  John
+Fortescue of Ebrington was born in 1394, was educated at Exeter
+College, and became Lord Chief Justice in 1442.  Considering the
+parliamentary title of the Lancastrian King not only good in itself,
+but even better than a merely hereditary title, he became a steady
+adherent of Margaret of Anjou.  He wrote a treatise supporting the
+claim of the Lancastrians on principles of constitutional law; while
+his presence in {62} their camp gave judicial countenance to the appeal
+to arms.  During his exile he mainly resided at St. Mihiel, in
+attendance on the little court of Koeur-la-Petite, and superintended
+the education of the prince.  He was anxious to impart a knowledge of
+England and of English constitutional law to a prince who might some
+day have to rule over freedom-loving Englishmen, but who left his
+country when he was too young to recollect much about it.  Fortescue
+has related the occasion of these studies being commenced, and the
+progress that was made.
+
+'The Prince,' says the aged Chief Justice, 'as he grew up, applied
+himself wholly to martial exercises.  He was often mounted on fiery and
+wild horses which he did not fear to urge on with the spur.  Sometimes
+with his lance, sometimes with his sword, he made it his diversion to
+assault the young gentlemen, his attendants, according to the rules of
+military discipline.'  In this Sir John Fortescue encouraged him, but
+he also urged him to study law, quoting Deuteronomy xvii. 18, 19.  The
+boy replied that, although he ought to read the Divine law, it did not
+follow that he should study human laws.  He said this thoughtfully, and
+looking very intently at the old judge.  Fortescue answered that human
+laws were also sacred, that they were no other than rules whereby the
+perfect notion of justice could be determined, and that this justice
+must be the subject of the royal care.  Quoting Wisdom i. 1, he said,
+'Be instructed, ye judges of the earth.  Love righteousness, ye judges
+of the earth.  To love justice,' he concluded, 'you must acquire a
+competent knowledge of the laws.'  Prince Edward was convinced by the
+discourse of his venerable tutor.  He said, 'You have overcome me, good
+Chancellor, with your {63} agreeable discourse, and have kindled within
+my breast a thirst for a knowledge of the law.'  The boy candidly
+confessed that he did not wish to pass all his younger years in such
+studies.  Then Sir John Fortescue explained to him the amount of legal
+knowledge that was necessary for a prince.  In one year he could
+acquire sufficient acquaintance with the laws of England, and at the
+same time he could continue to inure himself to those martial exercises
+to which his natural inclination prompted him so much.  'Still make
+your diversion as it best please you, at your leisure,' said the tutor.
+
+After this conversation, the aged judge of seventy-five and the young
+prince of fifteen devoted some hours of each day to a study of the
+English Constitution.  These lectures, in the form of dialogues, were
+afterwards embodied by Fortescue in a treatise entitled 'De Laudibus
+legum Angliae,' which was first printed in 1537.  Edward began by asking
+his instructor to satisfy him that the laws of England were better
+adapted for the government of that kingdom than the civil law of the
+Holy Roman Empire.  Fortescue proceeded to establish this point,
+specially dwelling on the fact that the English statutes were not made
+by the will of the Kings, but were enacted by the concurrent consent of
+the whole people, by their representatives in Parliament.  He then
+explained the territorial division of England into counties, the duties
+of sheriffs, the method of empannelling juries, the procedure in civil
+and criminal causes.  The boy approved highly of the system of trial by
+jury, the jurors being men chosen from among neighbours who knew the
+country and people.  'I know of myself,' he remarked, 'more certainly
+what is doing at this time in the Barrois where I reside, than what is
+doing in England.'
+
+{64}
+
+On another day the Chief Justice illustrated the good results of the
+English Constitution by comparing the condition of England with that of
+France ruled by a despotism.  'In the land of England,' he said, 'there
+are no wolves nor bears.  The grazing lands are enclosed with hedgerows
+and ditches and planted with trees which fence the herds and flocks
+from bleak winds and sultry heat.  There are many franklins and yeomen,
+of estates sufficient to make substantial juries, not a few spending
+100_l._ a year and more.  Other countries are not in such a happy
+situation, and not so well stored with inhabitants.'  The prince then
+remarked that he could understand how the wealth and populousness of
+England had been caused by the superior excellence of her laws.  But a
+doubt about the number of jurors had occurred to his youthful mind.  He
+said, 'Although this method of sifting out the truth highly pleases me,
+yet there rests this doubt with me.  Our blessed Saviour says: "It is
+written in your law that the testimony of two men is true" (John viii.
+17), and again in Matthew xviii. 16.'  Fortescue answered that our jury
+law did not contradict this, for if the testimony of two be true, _a
+fortiori_ that of twelve ought to be presumed to be so.  'The more
+always contains in it that which is less.'  Besides in England some
+cases may be proved before two only, such as facts occurring on the
+high seas, and proceedings before the Lord Constable and Earl Marshal.
+
+On another occasion, having previously shown that the prosperity of
+England was due to laws agreed to by the people, Fortescue illustrated
+the evils of despotic power by the condition of France.  'You will
+remember,' he said, 'that you saw in France how the villages are {65}
+so much oppressed by the King's soldiers that you could scarcely be
+accommodated in your travels.  The troops pay for nothing, and treat
+the people barbarously if they are not satisfied.  Thus the poor people
+are exposed to great calamities.  The King of France will allow no one
+to use salt, but what is bought of himself at his own arbitrary price.
+All growers of vines must give a fourth to the King.  All the towns pay
+the King great yearly sums for his men-at-arms; so that the peasants
+live in great hardships and misery.  They wear no woollen.  Their
+clothing consists of little short jerkins of sackcloth, no trowse but
+from the knees upwards, and legs exposed and naked.  The women all go
+barefoot.  The people eat not meat, except the fat of bacon in their
+soup.  Nor are the gentry much better off.  If an accusation is brought
+against them, they are examined in private, and perhaps never more
+heard of.
+
+'In England it is very different.  No one can abide in another man's
+house without his leave, or take his goods, except the King by his
+purveyors at a reasonable price.  The King cannot put on taxes, nor
+alter the laws, nor make new ones.  The English never drink water
+except for penance.  They eat all sorts of flesh and fish.  They are
+clothed throughout in good woollens; and are provided with all sorts of
+household goods.  An Englishman cannot be sued except before the
+ordinary judge.'  Having drawn this contrast between the French and
+English, the old judge continued: 'These advantages are due to the
+political mixed government which prevails in England.  Those Kings who
+have wished to change it preferred ambition, luxury, and impotent
+passion to the good of the State.  Remember that the king is given for
+the sake of the kingdom, not the kingdom for the sake of the king.'
+
+{66}
+
+Edward, although he frequently intervened with pertinent questions,
+showing that he was giving close attention to the subject, fully
+concurred in the arguments of his tutor, and must have derived great
+benefit from this course of studies.  He was impressed with the duties
+of an English king, with the limited character of his power, and with
+the importance of a parliamentary title.  Fortescue also began to
+occupy the young Prince in the active transaction of affairs of State.
+Edward himself wrote a despatch to Sir Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormonde,
+who was in Portugal representing the cause of the House of Lancaster to
+King Alfonso V.,[6] and he was acquainted with the proceedings of Sir
+John Fortescue when he made journeys to the court of Louis XI.
+
+The residence at Koeur-la-Petite lasted for five years, 1465-69.  The
+peaceful home was broken up through the treachery of the turbulent and
+self-seeking Earl of Warwick.  Exasperated with Edward IV., owing to
+his marriage and connexion with the Woodville faction, Warwick had
+resolved to abandon the cause with which he was connected by ties of
+relationship and by life-long service.  He had married his daughter
+Isabel to the Duke of Clarence without the King's consent, and had
+alienated that vacillating prince from his brother.  He came to France
+with the Countess, his two daughters Isabel and Anne, and Clarence: and
+proposed to King Louis to espouse the cause of his cousin Margaret, and
+to restore Henry to the throne.  The fear of an alliance between Edward
+IV. and the Duke of Burgundy caused Louis to entertain Warwick's
+scheme.  But it was most distasteful to Margaret.  Much as she {67}
+longed for the restoration to her child of his birthright, she found it
+difficult to accept such aid.  Warwick had not only been the most
+inveterate enemy of her family, he had also made himself personally
+odious to Margaret.  He was now a double-dyed traitor.  His motives
+were transparently selfish, and she believed neither in his new-born
+loyalty nor in his ability to help her.  But the persuasions of Louis
+XI. and of her own relations at length induced her to come to the
+French court.  The Queen and her son, attended by Sir John Fortescue
+and their other faithful adherents, left the happy home in the lovely
+valley of the Meuse in December 1469.
+
+Margaret arrived at Tours, where the French court then was, accompanied
+by Prince Edward, King Rene, her brother John of Calabria, her sister
+Iolanthe, and her brother-in-law Ferry de Vaudemont.  Warwick arrived
+soon afterwards, and with much reluctance Margaret consented to an
+interview.  Negotiations were continued for several months; and on July
+15 the court moved to Angers, where the Countess of Warwick and her
+daughter Anne were in attendance.
+
+Warwick asked that Prince Edward should marry his daughter Anne, as the
+reward of his assistance.  At first the Queen positively refused, but
+she at last gave a conditional and very unwilling assent, moved by the
+importunities of Louis XI. and her relations.  The marriage was not to
+take place until after Henry VI. was restored to the throne and, if
+Warwick failed, the agreement was at an end.  'The said marriage shall
+not be perfyted until the Earl of Warwick has recovered the realm of
+England for King Henry.'[7]  They were never married.  They {68} were,
+indeed, too young, Edward being seventeen, and Anne barely fourteen.[8]
+Knowing the dislike of his mother to such a union, and strongly
+prejudiced against it himself, it is not likely that Edward ever took
+more notice of Warwick's child than ordinary courtesy required, if
+indeed he ever saw her.
+
+Queen Margaret made preparations for a voyage to England, where her
+supporters were expected to rise in the western counties and Wales.
+Warwick had preceded her by several months.  Margaret was in her
+forty-second year, and she had lost some of her buoyancy and vigorous
+hopefulness with her youth.  Still as determined as ever to assert the
+rights of her son, she trembled for his safety.  She got ready to
+embark with feelings of deep anxiety and foreboding.  Edward reached
+his seventeenth birthday in October 1470, and in November Queen
+Margaret and the Prince entered Paris, and were honoured with a grand
+official reception.  Edward was now a handsome lad of seventeen, with a
+robust frame well seasoned by active outdoor life.  He was tall for his
+age, with the features of his mother, and long golden hair.  He was a
+good horseman and a practised man-at-arms.  Well instructed in all the
+literary culture of the time, and doubtless inheriting some of his
+grandfather's love of poetry and romance, young Edward had also
+carefully studied the constitution and laws of England.  He was fully
+convinced of the justice of his cause by the reasoning of one of the
+ablest lawyers of the time, and the hereditary bravery of his race now
+filled him with martial ardour.  But he was still very young, and all
+these qualities of head and heart were as yet only budding towards
+maturity.
+
+
+
+[1] Barante.
+
+[2] Born in 1421.
+
+[3] A Nevill.  Sister of the Duchess of York.
+
+[4] See _Archaeologia_, 47 (ii), p. 265.  Margaret was not at the battle
+of Hexham, and the robber story is a fabrication.
+
+[5] Villeneuve, _Vie de Roi Rene_.
+
+[6] Alfonso V. was a grandson of Queen Philippa, sister of Henry IV. of
+England, therefore a second cousin of Henry VI.
+
+[7] Ellis, _Original Letters_, Second Series, i. 132.
+
+[8] Born June 11, 1456.
+
+
+
+
+{69}
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE BATTLE OF TEWKESBURY
+
+There was long delay in the arrival of Queen Margaret in England with
+reinforcements.  She was prevented from sailing by contrary winds at
+Harfleur.  Three times the ships put to sea, and were forced to return.
+The Countess of Warwick, with her daughter Anne, arrived first at
+Portsmouth and, hearing of the death of her husband at Barnet soon
+afterwards, she took sanctuary in Beaulieu Abbey.  Queen Margaret with
+her son Edward, Sir John Langstrother, Prior of St. John, Sir John
+Fortescue, and many exiled knights landed at Weymouth on April 14, the
+very day of the battle of Barnet.
+
+Weymouth was then a small seaport with no suitable accommodation for so
+large a concourse.  The Queen, therefore, passing through Dorchester,
+at once advanced fifteen miles northward from the sea coast, to the
+Abbey of Cerne.  Dr. Morton, who accompanied her, had once been a monk
+at Cerne; and the Abbot was his old friend.  This circumstance no doubt
+led to the decision of Queen Margaret to seek the hospitality of Abbot
+Roger Bemynster, and here she received tidings of the battle of Barnet,
+a disaster which seemed fatal to her cause.  At first she was
+overwhelmed, and wished her boy to return to France.  But in a few days
+she was joined by Edmund Beaufort, {70} the last Duke of Somerset, and
+his brother John.  Somerset had commanded the archers at Barnet, but
+had escaped and found his way to the Queen.  Jasper Tudor,[1] the Earl
+of Devonshire, and Lord Wenlock followed closely on the heels of
+Somerset.  They entreated her to persevere, assuring her that the west
+of England was ready to rise in her support, and that levies had
+actually been called out, with Exeter as the rendezvous.  With some
+reluctance she consented, and her gallant son entered upon the last
+three weeks of his young life.  Tudor was despatched to raise forces in
+Wales.  Margaret, with the rest of her adherents, left Cerne Abbey
+after a stay of about ten days, marched to Exeter and thence, by
+Taunton, Glastonbury and Wells, to Bristol.  Fresh levies joined and
+increased her forces as she advanced.
+
+On April 16 King Edward heard that Queen Margaret had landed.  He had
+returned to London two days before, after his victory at Barnet.  On
+the 19th he went to Windsor and waited to collect men, celebrating the
+feast of St. George there on the 23rd.  He saw at once that the enemy
+had only two courses: either to march on London and give him battle, or
+to go northwards and unite with Tudor's levies in Wales.  His policy
+was to engage his adversaries as soon as possible, before they could be
+reinforced.  He was not likely to receive more support until he had
+gained a decisive victory, and his position was established.  Queen
+Margaret's generals tried to deceive him by {71} sending detachments in
+several directions; but his final conclusion was that they intended to
+take a northerly direction, by crossing the Severn and marching into
+Wales.  This it was his intention to prevent.
+
+The King left Windsor on April 24, accompanied by his brothers Clarence
+and Gloucester, by Lords Hastings and Dorset, and by his old tutor
+Richard Croft.  He had some artillery, which caused him to proceed by
+easy marches.  A few reinforcements had arrived.  Among them were forty
+soldiers paid and clothed by the city of Norwich.  On the 27th Edward
+was at Abingdon, and on the 29th at Cirencester.  He kept a somewhat
+northerly line, so as to fall on the enemy's flank if a rush was made
+at London.  At Abingdon he heard that the Queen was at Wells.  News
+came to Cirencester that she would be at Bath next day, and then
+advance to attack him.  So he moved to meet her as far as Malmesbury.
+Then the news arrived that she had gone to Bristol, and had resolved to
+give him battle at Chipping Sodbury.  Lancastrian parties had even been
+sent to take ground on Sodbury Hill.  On Thursday, May 2, the King
+marched to Chipping Sodbury, but found no enemy.  It was a feint.  The
+Lancastrians had gained a day on him, and were in full march to
+Gloucester.  It was now a race to the Severn.  It was life and death to
+the Lancastrian army to cross the river and join Tudor on the Welsh
+border.  It was equally life and death for King Edward to prevent it.
+He encamped in a valley between the hill and Sodbury village on the
+night of the 2nd, anxiously waiting for correct intelligence.  At three
+in the next morning he heard that the enemy was making a forced march
+on Gloucester.  Luckily the castle was held by Richard, son of Lord
+{72} Beauchamp of Powyke, for the King.  Edward sent a trusty
+messenger, urging them to hold out, with the assurance that he was
+following rapidly.  The messenger arrived in time.
+
+The Lancastrian army had marched all through the night from Bristol,
+over the plain between the Cotswold Hills and the Severn.  At ten in
+the forenoon of May 3, the Queen's forces came before the gates of
+Gloucester and summoned the place.  Sir Richard Beauchamp manned the
+walls and refused to surrender.  There was no time to spare.  It was
+thought wiser to proceed to Tewkesbury without resting.  They arrived
+at Tewkesbury at about four in the afternoon of the same day.  But the
+troops had marched, during that day and the night before, a distance of
+thirty-six miles without rest.  The men were exhausted, and could go no
+further.  Margaret wanted them to pass over the Severn, but it was
+represented to her that if they could cross the river the King could
+follow, and attack them when they were worn out with fatigue.  The
+Queen was right.  It was resolved, however, that the troops should
+obtain some rest, and that a strong position should be taken up and
+entrenched, outside the town of Tewkesbury.  There was a bridge over
+the Avon in those days, but none over the Severn at Tewkesbury.
+
+Close to the first mile-post on the turnpike road, on the west side of
+Tewkesbury, there is a range of elevated ground called Holme Hill,
+where a castle once stood.  The present workhouse is built on part of
+the site.  Close behind it there is a field called 'the Gastons,'[2]
+and some ground laid out as a cemetery.  {73} On the east side of the
+road is Gupshill farm and gardens, and a field called 'Margaret's
+camp.'  The Lancastrian position included the Gastons and Gupshill,
+with the abbey and the houses of the town immediately in the rear.  It
+is described as 'a place right evil to approach.'[3]  Strong
+entrenchments were thrown up in the front and both flanks, strengthened
+by muddy lanes and ditches.
+
+On the same morning of May 3, at early dawn, King Edward marshalled his
+forces at Chipping Sodbury in three battalions, and prepared for a long
+march, with scouts in front and on the flanks.  His infantry numbered
+3,000 men.  It was a very hot day and he took a direct line over the
+Cotswold Hills; rightly judging that the enemy, having failed before
+Gloucester, would make for Tewkesbury.  Thither, therefore, he marched
+direct without a halt.  The men found neither food nor even water,
+except at one small brook.  But the King allowed no rest.  He reached
+Cheltenham as the enemy got to Tewkesbury.  At Cheltenham he served out
+the rations that had been brought, the men having marched 28 miles.
+Then he resumed the march, and at night he encamped within two miles of
+the enemy's position, having marched over thirty-four miles.
+
+At dawn on Saturday, May 4, 1471, the army of Queen Margaret prepared
+to resist the assault of the King's forces.  The van was commanded by
+Edmund Duke of Somerset, and his brother Sir John {74} Beaufort.  Young
+Prince Edward was to lead the main battle, assisted by Lord Wenlock and
+the Prior of St. John.  The rear division was under the Earl of
+Devonshire.  Queen Margaret parted with her son that morning in deep
+anxiety, for the first and alas! the last time.  She retired to a small
+religious house at Gupshill, with the Countess of Devonshire, the Lady
+Vaux and other ladies.
+
+King Edward[4] arranged his army in three divisions.  Young Richard of
+Gloucester[5] commanded the van guard with the artillery.  The King
+himself led the centre.  Hastings and Dorset conducted the rear.  The
+King had observed a park with much wood to the right of the enemy's
+position, and he posted 300 spearmen there, to act as occasion might
+require.  He then displayed his banners, blew his trumpets, and marched
+straight on the entrenchments.
+
+Gloucester found so many hedges and deep dikes in front of him that he
+could not break into the enemy's line so as to come hand to hand.  He
+ordered up the artillery and, also using arrows, opened on Somerset's
+division.  Galled by the fire, Somerset then led his men down some
+lanes on the King's flank, which he had previously reconnoitred, and
+fell upon the troops of the Yorkist centre with great fury, driving
+them backwards.  He charged Gloucester with the same impetuosity, and
+was in the full tide of success when, just as the King was rallying his
+men, the select 300 spearmen from the wood attacked Somerset's rear and
+caused a panic.  This gave the King time to reform and resume the
+fight.  Somerset's {75} men now fell back, while the Duke of Gloucester
+made a desperate assault on the Lancastrian centre, behind the
+entrenchments.  There was a short and gallant struggle, in which young
+Prince Edward fleshed his maiden sword, and then the Lancastrians broke
+in all directions.  The rout was complete.  The abbey water mills were
+in a meadow close to the town, and here many fugitives were drowned.
+There was a great slaughter in the 'Bloody Meadow' to the rear of the
+Lancastrian position, for it leads to a ford or ferry over the Severn
+called Lower Lode.  But soon the King gave orders to spare the
+fugitives.
+
+The brave young Prince, who led the main battle of the Lancastrians,
+bore himself valiantly, and played the man before his people in that
+supreme moment of his life.  Of that we need have no doubt.  Borne away
+in the rout, and followed closely by the victorious enemy, he was slain
+between Gastons and Tewkesbury.  The closing scene is dimly shown to
+us.  The horse is wounded and on its knees.  Then the rider receives
+his death blow from behind.  The helmet had been struck off.  The
+bright golden locks sink down on the horse's mane,[6] and in another
+moment horse and rider fall and are ridden over.  Thus ended the life
+of Sir Edward Plantagenet, K.G., Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester.
+His age was seventeen years and six months.  He was a boy of great
+promise; courageous, intelligent, and affectionate.  His short life
+must have embraced a large share of happiness.  Even during all the
+dangers and hardships of his childhood, the loving arm of the devoted
+mother must have diverted those terrors {76} which cause misery to
+unprotected children.  The life at Koeur-la-Petite was a period of
+unclouded pleasure.  Then came the excitement of the last campaign, and
+a glorious death on the battlefield.  The body of Prince Edward was
+buried in Tewkesbury Abbey church.
+
+The Earl of Devonshire, Lord Wenlock, Sir John Beaufort, Sir William
+Vaux, Sir Edmund Hampton, Sir E. Whittingham, Sir William Melding, Sir
+John Seymour, Mr. Henry, a captain of Bristol, and Sir William Roos
+were among the slain.  Beaufort, Hampton, Vaux, Whittingham and Roos
+had shared the Queen's exile at Koeur-la-Petite.
+
+The lords and knights who escaped from the battlefield took refuge in
+the abbey church, which, however, had no special privilege of
+sanctuary.  They were tried for treason before the Earl Marshal and the
+Lord High Constable, a court which is recognised as legal by Chief
+Justice Fortescue.  Thirteen[7] were condemned, and were beheaded in
+the market place of Tewkesbury on May 6, 1471.  It must be remembered
+that the treason of which most of them were guilty was double-dyed,
+that is, they had been forgiven and had again become traitors.
+
+                 Duke of Somerset
+
+  Prior of St. John          Sir W. Newborough
+  Sir Gervase Clifton        Sir Walter Courtenay
+  Sir Humphrey Audley        James Gower
+  Sir Hugh Carey             Lewis Miles
+  Sir Thomas Tresham         Robert Jackson
+  Henry Tresham              John Flory, of France
+
+
+{77}
+
+Gower was the young Prince's sword-bearer.  Audley and Courtenay shared
+the Queen's exile.  These might have been spared.  Edward IV. was
+generous and forgiving after the first fury of the moment had passed.
+All inferior officers and soldiers were pardoned.  Sir John Fortescue
+received pardon and died at a good old age at his seat at Ebrington in
+Gloucestershire.  The intriguing Earl of Ormonde was also pardoned, as
+were many leading captains of the defeated army, Sir Henry Roos, Sir
+John Giles, Sir William Grimsby, Fulford, Parker, Basset, Throgmorton,
+Walleys and many more.  Dr. Morton and Dr. Makerel, who were with the
+Queen, were also pardoned.
+
+The King conferred knighthood on forty-three officers; including his
+old tutor Richard Croft, Sir John Pilkington, and Sir Thomas Strickland
+from Yorkshire; Sir Terry Robsart, Sir Edward Wodehouse, and Sir
+William Brandon from Norfolk; Sir John St. Lo, Sir E. Corbet and Lord
+Cobham.  The names of Nevill, Courtenay, Berkeley, Hastings, Harington,
+Grey, Tyrrel, Pierpoint, Parr, Welby, Ratcliffe, Devereux also appear.
+
+One turns with shuddering pity from the anguish beyond all power of
+utterance, from the black despair in the religious house at Gupshill
+where the Queen awaited the issue of the battle with her ladies.[8]
+They escaped across the Avon, and took refuge at Payne's Place in the
+parish of Bushley.  Next day, continuing their journey towards
+Worcester, they found shelter in {78} some religious house near that
+city.  There they were captured by Sir William Stanley.  It was
+reported that he announced the prince's death with callous brutality.
+It mattered little.  The blow must have stunned the unhappy mother and
+nothing could add to its crushing effect.  Her real life ended with
+that of her beloved child.  Queen Margaret was brought to Edward IV. at
+Coventry, by Sir William Stanley, on May 11, and to the Tower of London
+on the 22nd.
+
+Henry VI. died in the Tower on the 24th, at the comparatively early age
+of forty-nine.  As Margaret arrived on the 22nd, she probably attended
+her husband during the last two days of his life.  The Lancastrian
+leaning of the family of Lord Rivers, who was then Constable of the
+Tower, would ensure facilities being extended to her.  Thence Margaret
+of Anjou was removed to Windsor, a ransom having been demanded for her.
+With thoughtful kindness King Edward finally entrusted the charge of
+the poor Queen to her old friend the Dowager Duchess of Suffolk at
+Ewelme.[9]  The Duchess had come to Nancy for Henry's bride, and had
+seen the beautiful young princess at the brilliant tournament.  She now
+received her, after twenty-seven years, a childless and despairing
+widow, crushed to the earth by grief unspeakable.  Margaret resided
+with the Duchess at Ewelme, and afterwards {79} at Wallingford Castle
+until the ransom was paid by old King Rene.
+
+On August 29,1475, the ransom, amounting to fifty thousand crowns,
+having been paid, Queen Margaret proceeded to embark at Sandwich,
+attended by three ladies and seven gentlemen, and escorted by Sir John
+Haute.  She landed at Dieppe, and signed a renunciation of all rights
+derived from her marriage, at Rouen on January 29, 1476.  Thence she
+went to Reculee, a league from Angers, where she lived with her old
+father until his death in 1480, aged seventy-two.  The last sad years
+were passed at the chateau of Dampierre on the Loire, near Saumur,
+under the care of Francois de Vignolle, an old and faithful servant of
+her family.  The brave and loving soul was at length released.
+Margaret of Anjou died at the age of fifty-two, on August 25, 1482,
+eleven years after the light went out of her life.  She was buried in
+the cathedral of Angers.
+
+
+
+[1] Jasper and Edmund Tudor were created Earls of Pembroke and Richmond
+by Henry VI.  They were attainted and deprived of their earldoms by
+Edward's first Parliament.  Subsequently Richard, Duke of Gloucester,
+was created Earl of Richmond; and the son of King Edward IV. became
+Earl of Pembroke.
+
+[2] Leland says: '_intravit campum nomine Gastum_,' and '_nomina
+occisorum in bello Gastriensis prope Theokesbury_.'  A place called
+'the Vineyard' is mentioned.  But 'vineyards' were merely apple
+orchards.  Where manors were held of the King, the tenants were obliged
+to pay yearly a vessel of wine made of apples, or cider.
+
+[3] 'In a close harde at the toune's end, having the toun and abbey at
+their backs, and before them defended by lanes and deep ditches and
+hedges.'--Holinshed.
+
+[4] Then aged twenty-nine.  Born April 28, 1442.
+
+[5] Then aged eighteen and a half.  Born October 2, 1452.  He was just
+a year older than Prince Edward.
+
+[6] So much is shown in a picture accompanying the narrative sent to
+Flanders by an eyewitness.  It is in the public library at Ghent.  See
+also _Archaeologia_, xxi. 11-23.
+
+[7] In the Pastern Letters there is a list of sixteen, Sir John Delves,
+Sir William 'Newbery' added, and Audley given twice, Jackson not being
+given (iii. 9).
+
+[8] Speed, p. 684.  See also a paper by the Rev. E. E. Dowdeswell on
+the 'Movements of Queen Margaret after the battle of Tewkesbury,' in
+the Transactions (x. 144) of the Bristol and Gloucestershire
+Archaeological Society.
+
+[9] 'As for Queen Margaret, I understand that she is removed from
+Windsor to Wallingford nigh to Ewelme, my Lady of Suffolk's place in
+Oxfordshire.'--_Paston Letters_, iii. 83.
+
+Ewelme belonged to the Chaucer family, and Alice, the heiress of
+Geoffrey Chaucer, married William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk.  In 1424
+the Duke and Duchess of Suffolk built a palace at Ewelme, rebuilt the
+church, and founded a hospital and a school there.  Queen Margaret was
+received by the Duchess at Ewelme, and afterwards at Wallingford Castle.
+
+
+
+
+{80}
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+MARRIED LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF RICHARD DUKE OF GLOUCESTER
+
+While the King was engaged at Tewkesbury, the bastard of his uncle,
+Lord Fauconberg, made an attack on London Bridge, and when he was
+repulsed, he retreated to Sandwich.  This disturbance hastened the
+return of Edward IV., who reached the Tower on May 21.  To the Duke of
+Gloucester was entrusted the duty of following up the bastard, and
+early next morning he started for Kent.  Arriving by forced marches at
+Sandwich, the rebel was taken by surprise and surrendered on the 26th.
+He was a first cousin of the King and of the Duke of Gloucester, though
+illegitimate; son of the general to whom, next to Edward, the victory
+of Towton was due.  Richard took him to Middleham, and treated him
+kindly as a prisoner at large.  But he escaped, was taken at
+Southampton, tried for his original treason, and beheaded.
+
+Peace was once more restored to the land, and the Duke of Gloucester's
+great services were recognised by the country.  The King and Parliament
+were soon afterwards occupied with Richard's marriage.
+
+The estates of the Earl and Countess of Warwick were forfeited, and the
+Duke of Clarence, who had married the elder daughter, Isabella, desired
+to obtain the whole for himself.  The Countess of Warwick, {81} when
+she returned from France with her daughter, Anne, and received the news
+of her husband's death, took sanctuary in Beaulieu Abbey on the
+Southampton Water.  After Tewkesbury, Clarence claimed the wardship of
+Anne, and tried to get her into his power.
+
+The Duke of Clarence was grasping and selfish.  He had no stability of
+character, was vacillating, and easily influenced by bad advisers.  It
+is not clear how his sister-in-law escaped from his clutches; but his
+object was to prevent her from marrying and to seize her share of her
+parents' property, as well as that of his wife.  It is certain that
+Anne left her mother at Beaulieu and placed herself under the
+protection of her uncle, George Nevill, Archbishop of York.  But the
+circumstances are unrecorded.  There is mention of a disguise as a
+cookmaid.  The Archbishop placed her in sanctuary at St.
+Martin's-le-Grand: where her inclinations and wishes could in no way be
+influenced or overridden.
+
+The young Duke of Gloucester sought the hand of his cousin Anne.  They
+had been playfellows as children, and now the cousins formed an
+attachment which endured until death, Richard only surviving his wife
+for four months.  Anne accepted the proposal of Richard, and his suit
+was approved by the King and by the Archbishop, the guardians of the
+two lovers.  But Clarence made unreasonable difficulties about the
+settlement.  From the 'Paston Letters' we learn that 'the King
+entreateth my Lord Clarence for my Lord Gloucester, and he answereth
+that he may well have my lady, his sister-in-law, but they shall part
+no livelihood.'
+
+At length the marriage settlements were arranged by Parliament.
+Middleham was included in Gloucester's share of the Warwick
+inheritance.  In 1472, Richard {82} and Anne were happily married in
+Westminster Abbey by the Archbishop of York.  His age was nineteen,
+that of his wife sixteen.
+
+[Sidenote: Middleham Castle]
+
+Their home was at Middleham, in beautiful Wensleydale, and Anne's
+mother, the Countess of Warwick, was taken from her sanctuary at
+Beaulieu, to live with them.  Here the Duke and Duchess passed several
+years, winning golden opinions from the people of the north, and
+acquiring great popularity in Yorkshire.
+
+In 1475, the Duke of Gloucester was called from his home to accompany
+the King when he invaded France.  Louis XI. offered a large sum of
+money if Edward IV. would abandon his ally, the Duke of Burgundy, and
+make peace.  He also bribed Dr. Morton and Edward's principal
+courtiers.  Under the evil influence of Morton and the Woodville
+faction, the King of England, after an interview with Louis, acceded to
+the disgraceful bargain.  But the Duke of Gloucester also had an
+interview with King Louis and was not to be corrupted.  He objected to
+the arrangement, and would have no part in it.  His conduct was
+honourable and consistent.  He maintained that faith ought to be kept
+with England's ally.
+
+Richard Duke of Gloucester lived at Middleham Castle, with his wife and
+child, for ten years, from 1472 to 1482, from his twentieth to his
+thirtieth year.  Here he had passed his early youth, had formed his
+most enduring friendships, and had first seen his cousin Anne.  The ten
+years of peaceful married residence at Middleham was no doubt the
+happiest period of Richard's short but eventful life.
+
+[Illustration: SEIZE QUARTIERS OF ANNE NEVILL]
+
+The ruins of the grand old pile, with the village and the church at
+their feet, still form a conspicuous object on the southern slope of
+Wensleydale.  Middleham {83} is about a mile and a half above the
+junction of the Ure and the Cover.  In rear of the castle are the
+breezy downs, and in front the river Ure flows through rich pastures,
+with the town of Leybourne on the opposite slope.  The castle consisted
+of a lofty Norman keep surrounded by an enceinte eighty yards long by
+sixty-five wide.  The keep, which was built by Robert FitzRanulph in
+1190, was fifty feet high, with walls nine feet thick, strengthened at
+the angles by buttresses rising into rectangular turrets.  It was
+divided into two large rooms on each floor, the great hall having a
+lofty arched window, due to the taste of the Duke of Gloucester.  In
+the north-east angle there was a curious mural chamber, twelve feet
+long by nine, opening on to the hall, and the east face of the keep was
+one side of the chapel.  The outer walls were thirty feet high with
+square towers at the angles, and a gatehouse on the north face.  The
+residential buildings stood against three sides of the _enceinte_, and
+seem to have communicated with the great hall in the keep by a covered
+passage.
+
+The nearest neighbours of the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester were the
+Monks of Jervaux and Coverham, their cousin the Lord Scrope of
+Bolton,[1] and the Metcalfes of Nappa Hall.[2]
+
+The manuscript volume No. 433 of the Harleian collection in the British
+Museum supplies a few {84} glimpses of the home life at Middleham.  We
+read of a pack of hounds and of the wages of a jester.  There is the
+election of a king of rush bearing, and of a king of Middleham,
+evidently games for the amusement of the Duke's little son Edward, who
+was born about 1473.[3]  The child's tutor was Richard Bernall, and the
+cost is recorded of his primer and psalter, and of satin to cover them.
+There are also payments for green cloth for my lord prince, and for a
+feather for my lord prince.
+
+[Sidenote: Richard's able administration]
+
+Though Middleham was Richard's home, his official residence, as Chief
+Seneschal of the Duchy of Lancaster in the north parts, was at Pomfret
+Castle.  He also stayed occasionally at Sheriff Hutton, Skipton, and
+Barnard Castle.  He was regarded as a trusted friend by his neighbours,
+and in September 1481 we find Lady Latimer showing her confidence in
+his integrity by appointing him supervisor of her will.  She was a
+sister of his mother-in-law, the Countess of Warwick.  The Duke of
+Gloucester bestowed great benefits on the city of York, where he was
+much beloved.  During his frequent visits he was usually the guest of
+the Augustine friars,[4] and in their monastery he conferred with the
+authorities touching their local affairs.  He was actively engaged in
+administrative work, and in giving his time to settle the affairs of
+his neighbours from 1472.  In that year we find him writing about a
+robbery of cattle at Spofforth.  In 1482 he was an arbitrator in the
+dispute between Robert Plumpton and his heirs-general.[5] He improved
+and beautified {85} several Yorkshire churches, building an additional
+chapel at Sheriff Hutton, founding colleges at Middleham[6] and Barnard
+Castle, and a memorial chapel near the battlefield of Towton.  Crosby
+Place, in Bishopsgate, became the town residence of the Duke and
+Duchess of Gloucester, after the death of its wealthy founder, Sir John
+Crosby, in 1475.
+
+Richard, Duke of Gloucester, had been created Great Chamberlain and
+Admiral of England by his brother, and he was Lord Warden of the Cinque
+Ports.  His little son Edward became Earl of Salisbury in 1478.[7]  In
+1480, when Richard had attained the age of twenty-eight, he was
+appointed Lieutenant-General of the North and Warden of the Marches.
+By his skill and energy he subdued part of the western border of
+Scotland for an extent of more than thirty miles, bringing portions
+under obedience to the King of England, 'to the great rest and ease of
+the inhabitants of the west marches.'[8]  His administration was so
+able that it was remembered long after as a very model of
+efficiency.[9]  In 1482 he received command of an army for the invasion
+of Scotland.  In the summer of that year he entered Edinburgh, where he
+was received by the malcontent nobles rather as a {86} friend than as
+an enemy.  He reconciled King James III. with his brother, enforced all
+the English demands, and captured the town and castle of Berwick after
+an obstinate resistance.  This was a great achievement, and gave
+England an important advantage in case of future hostilities.
+Richard's services were cordially recognised by the Parliament which
+met in January, and no man stood in higher honour throughout the
+kingdom.
+
+[Sidenote: Children of Edward IV.]
+
+King Edward IV. died at Westminster on April 9, 1483, and was buried at
+Windsor.  He had gone through a marriage ceremony with Elizabeth,
+daughter of Sir Richard Woodville of Grafton, and widow of Sir John
+Grey of Groby, on May 1, 1464.  Besides the priest and his assistant,
+the only witnesses were Lady Grey's mother and two unnamed gentlewomen.
+Edward IV. had three sons and seven daughters by Lady Grey, of whom two
+sons and five daughters survived him.[10]  He also had one son and one
+daughter {87} by Elizabeth Lucy.[11]  The Duke of Clarence had left a
+son Edward and a daughter[12] by Isabella, daughter of the Earl of
+Warwick.
+
+
+
+[1] Lord Scrope was faithful to the end.  His sister Agnes was married
+to Sir Richard Ratcliffe, one of the most loyal of Richard's friends.
+
+[2] James Metcalfe of Nappa, near Aysgarth, served at the battle of
+Agincourt.  He had two sons, Miles and Thomas.  Immediately after his
+accession Richard III. appointed Miles Metcalfe one of the Judges of
+the County Palatine of Lancaster, and Thomas Metcalfe Chancellor of the
+Duchy (_York Records_, p. 58 _n_).
+
+[3] According to Rous he was seven and a half in 1483, when he was made
+Prince of Wales.  But the date in the text is more probable.  See
+Sandford, p. 410.
+
+[4] _York Records_, p. 125 _n._
+
+[5] _Plumpton Correspondence_.
+
+[6] See the _History of the Collegiate Church of Middleham_, by the
+Rev. Wm. Atthill (Camden Society, 1847).  The licence for erecting the
+church into a college was granted to the Duke of Gloucester on February
+21, 1478, and he issued the Statutes on July 18, 1478.  Miss Halsted,
+the laborious and conscientious biographer of Richard III., had a
+romantic attachment for Middleham, as the scene of the ill-fated young
+King's happy married life.  She eventually married the Rector, and was
+buried in Middleham Church.
+
+[7] _Rot. Parl._ 17 Ed. iv. p. 2, m. 16.
+
+[8] _Rot. Parl._ vi. 204.
+
+[9] Gairdner, p. 48, quoting Brewer's _Letters and Papers of Henry
+VIII._, vol. i. nos. 4518-5090, and vol. iv. no. 133.
+
+[10] Elizabeth, born at Westminster on February 11, 1465.  (Sandford
+says 1466, but Nicolas gives good reason for 1465 being the year.)
+
+Cicely.  The date of her birth is not recorded; but she came next to
+Elizabeth.  Henry Tudor married her to his old uncle, Lord Welles, some
+time before December 1487.  On his death in 1499, she married one Kyme
+of Lincolnshire.  She died in about 1503.
+
+Edward was born in sanctuary on November 14, 1470.  On July 26, 1471,
+he was created Prince of Wales, and on June 20, 1475, Duke of Cornwall
+and Earl of Chester.  He was also created Earl of March and Pembroke.
+
+Richard was born at Shrewsbury in 1473, and was created Duke of York on
+May 28, 1474, Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Warren and Nottingham on Feb.
+7, 1477.  On January 15, 1478, he was married to Anne, daughter and
+heiress of John Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, she being then aged six.  She
+died soon afterwards.
+
+Anne was born in 1475, and in 1495 she married Thomas Howard Earl of
+Surrey; but no children survived infancy.  She died before 1515.
+
+Katherine, probably born in 1479, and in about 1495 she married William
+Courtenay Earl of Devon, and died in 1527.
+
+Bridget, the youngest child, was born at Eltham on November 10, 1480.
+She became a nun at Dartford, where she died in 1517.
+
+[11] Edward IV. had two children by Elizabeth Lucy.  Arthur, who was
+created Viscount Lisle in 1524, and died in 1540; and Elizabeth,
+married to Lord Lumley.
+
+[12] George Duke of Clarence, by his wife Isabella, daughter of Richard
+Nevill, Earl of Warwick, left two children:
+
+Edward, born at Warwick Castle on February 21, 1475, and created Earl
+of Warwick by his uncle Edward IV., after his father's execution, in
+1478.
+
+Margaret, born at Farley Castle near Bath in 1473, created Countess of
+Salisbury in 1514, and married to a Tudor partisan named Richard Pole.
+She was murdered by Henry VIII. on May 27, 1541.
+
+
+
+{88}
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+ACCESSION OF RICHARD III
+
+The Queen and her relations had acquired predominating influence in the
+counsels of Edward IV.  Her brother Anthony was Earl Rivers, another
+brother Lionel was Bishop of Salisbury, her son Thomas Grey had been
+created Marquis of Dorset.  Her sisters had been married to the Duke of
+Buckingham, the Earls of Kent, Arundel, Huntingdon and Lord Strange.
+Her brother-in-law, Edward Grey, had been made Viscount Lisle.
+
+This Woodville faction had the design to monopolise all the powers of
+the state.  The Woodvilles had received bribes from Louis XI., had
+caused the death of Clarence, and had shared his inheritance.  They now
+looked to the minority of King Edward's son as an opportunity for still
+further gratifying their ambition.  But they had never succeeded in
+alienating the affections of the King from his brother Richard.
+
+At the time of the King's death his son Edward was residing at Ludlow
+in charge of his uncle Lord Rivers, his half brother Sir Richard Grey,
+his cousin Sir Richard Haute, Sir Thomas Vaughan and Dr. Alcock, Bishop
+of Worcester.  The Marquis of Dorset, another half-brother of young
+Edward, was in possession of the Tower.  The other chief councillors of
+the late King, including Bishops Rotherham and {89} Morton, the Duke of
+Buckingham, Lords Hastings, Stanley and Howard, were in London.  The
+Duke of Gloucester was far away in the marches of Scotland.
+
+[Sidenote: Richard appointed Protector]
+
+By his will King Edward IV. left the care of his son's person and the
+government of the kingdom during the minority to his brother Richard,
+without any colleague.[1]  Richard Duke of Gloucester was a prince who
+had shown valour and generalship in the field, wisdom and ability in
+his civil administration.  As a councillor he had upheld the honour of
+his country.  He was beloved by the people of the north, and was
+deservedly popular throughout the land.  He proceeded to York on
+hearing of his brother's death and attended the solemn obsequies in the
+minster.  He then caused his nephew to be proclaimed, and began the
+journey to London, with 600 gentlemen of the north in attendance, all
+in deep mourning.  He came to assume the responsibilities imposed upon
+him by his brother.
+
+Very different was the conduct of the Woodvilles.  They formed a
+conspiracy to set aside the late King's wishes, to exclude the Duke of
+Gloucester, and to retain by force the authority they had hitherto
+exercised through the Queen's influence.  Rivers set out from Ludlow
+with 2,000 men, and a large supply of arms, on April 24.[2]  Dorset
+seized the arms and treasure in the Tower, and fitted out a naval force
+to secure command of the Channel.  Council Orders were issued in the
+names of Rivers--'Avunculus Regis,' and of Dorset--'Frater regis
+uterinus,' while that of the Duke of Gloucester was excluded.  There
+can be no doubt of the treasonable designs of the Woodville {90}
+faction, which are indeed proved by these overt acts; and which went
+the length of conspiring against Richard's life.[3]
+
+[Sidenote: Arrest of Rivers]
+
+The Duke of Buckingham hurried from London with 300 men, to warn
+Gloucester of his danger, and found him at Northampton on April 29,
+where he had expected to meet his nephew.  They ascertained that Rivers
+had arrived that very morning with young Edward, and had pushed on to
+Stony Stratford, fourteen miles nearer London, to avoid a meeting
+between the boy and his uncle.  This made his conduct still more
+suspicious.  Rivers then, with Richard Grey and a portion of his force,
+returned to Northampton to give some plausible explanation to the two
+Dukes, while young Edward was to be hurried on to London.  Gloucester
+acted with prompt decision.  There was not a moment to lose.  A Council
+was summoned, consisting of the nobles present, and it was resolved
+that Rivers and his fellow-conspirators should be arrested.  The
+combined companies of Gloucester and Buckingham numbered 900 men.
+Rivers had a force of 2,000, but he had only brought a portion to
+Northampton, and his arrest, with his nephew Richard Grey, was effected
+without resistance.  Gloucester then advanced rapidly to Stony
+Stratford, and was just in time.  He found young Edward and his retinue
+on the point of starting for London.  Vaughan and Haute were arrested;
+and the four prisoners were sent to Yorkshire to await their trials.
+Lord Rivers was taken to Sheriff Hutton, Grey to Middleham, Vaughan and
+Haute to Pomfret.  {91} Dr. Alcock was not suspected of complicity in
+the plot.  He was a Yorkshireman and a staunch supporter of the White
+Rose.  His subsequent conduct in welcoming King Richard at Oxford,
+accompanying him in his progress, and giving him the aid of his
+diplomatic services, proves that Bishop Alcock recognised the justice
+of that King's accession.[4]
+
+The troops of Rivers, now without a leader, submitted to the Duke of
+Gloucester, who then resumed his journey, in company with his nephew.
+They reached London on May 4.  As soon as the Queen Dowager heard that
+the plot was discovered, she went into sanctuary at Westminster[5] with
+her son Richard and five daughters.  Here she was joined by her other
+son Dorset.
+
+Young Edward took up his abode at the Bishop's Palace in St. Paul's
+Churchyard.  Gloucester went to reside with his mother, the widowed
+Duchess of York, at Baynard's Castle.  This edifice stood at the foot
+of St. Andrew's Hill, on the banks of the Thames, a little {92} west of
+St. Paul's.[6]  After the death of her noble husband at the battle of
+Wakefield, in 1460, the Duchess of York took little part in public
+affairs, although she survived for upwards of 33 years.  A happy
+married life of 22 years was followed by a long and sorrowful
+widowhood.  The wayward and lawless conduct of her eldest son with
+regard to his matrimonial affairs doubtless caused her constant
+anxiety, while the death of her son George by the hand of his brother
+added another pang to the widow's grief.
+
+Richard, so far as appears, can have given his mother neither anxiety
+nor sorrow.  Living happily at Middleham, married to his mother's
+grand-niece, and always gaining applause and approval whenever he took
+part in public affairs, he must have been the son from whom his mother
+derived most comfort.  It was natural that, in this crisis of his
+fortunes, he should have sought counsel and support under that mother's
+roof, and we may fairly conclude that the subsequent proceedings, which
+led to Richard's assumption of the crown, had the sanction and approval
+of the Duchess of York.[7]  The Duke of Gloucester had been recognised
+{93} as Protector of the Realm before his arrival in London,[8] and on
+May 13 he summoned a Parliament to meet on the 25th of the following
+month.  When the Duchess of Gloucester reached London on June 5, the
+Duke left Baynard's Castle, where he had resided with his mother for
+upwards of a month, and removed to Crosby Place[9] with his wife.
+
+[Sidenote: Bishop Stillington's revelation]
+
+Up to this time affairs had gone smoothly.  On June 5 the Protector had
+given detailed orders for his nephew's coronation on the 22nd, and had
+even caused letters of summons to be issued for the attendance of forty
+esquires who were to receive the knighthood of the Bath on the
+occasion.[10]  But now there came a change.  Dr. Robert Stillington,
+Bishop of Bath and Wells, apparently on June 8, revealed to the Council
+the long-concealed fact that Edward IV. was contracted to the Lady
+Eleanor Butler, widow of a son of Lord Butler of Sudeley, and daughter
+of the first Earl of Shrewsbury, before he went through a secret
+marriage ceremony with the Lady Grey.[11]
+
+{94}
+
+Dr. Stillington thus becomes a very important personage in the history
+of King Richard's accession; and it will be well to learn all that can
+be gleaned of his life.  He first saw the light in an old brick manor
+house, which still stands on the right bank of the Ouse at Acaster
+Selby (then within the parish of Stillingfleet), about nine miles south
+of York.
+
+The family of Stillington had long been established here, renting land
+from the Abbot of Selby, when two sons, Thomas and Robert, were born to
+Thomas Stillington and his wife Catherine, daughter of John Halthorp.
+Thomas succeeded to the paternal estate, while Robert was destined for
+the priesthood.  He was sent to Oxford, and eventually took the degree
+of Doctor of Law with great distinction.  He was a Fellow of All Souls,
+and became Rector of St. Michael's, Ouse Bridge, and a Canon of York in
+1448 and 1451.  Stillington was ever loyal to the cause of the White
+Rose.  At some time in or before 1463, he witnessed the marriage
+contract which united Edward IV. to the Lady Eleanor Butler; the King
+strictly charging him not to reveal it.  When Edward subsequently went
+through the same ceremony with the Lady Grey, his mother the Duchess of
+York, who was in the secret, remonstrated, but without avail.  Edward
+was self-willed and headstrong.  The Lady Eleanor retired to a convent
+in Norwich, where she died on July 30, 1466, and was buried in the
+Church of the Carmelites.[12]
+
+In 1466 Dr. Stillington became Bishop of Bath and Wells, and in the
+same year Edward IV. made him Keeper of the Privy Seal.  On June 8,
+1467, he was installed in the high office of Lord Chancellor, in
+succession to Archbishop Nevill.  He delivered a very {95} eloquent and
+statesmanlike speech at the opening of Parliament in May 1468, which
+made a deep impression.  After holding the office of Chancellor, with
+dignity and credit, for six years, he resigned, owing to ill-health, in
+1473.  He was afterwards employed on an embassy to Brittany.
+
+If the Queen Dowager and her relations had any knowledge of the first
+marriage, Bishop Stillington would be a source of anxiety and fear to
+them; while they could never be certain who else might know the secret
+besides the King's mother.  We find that the Duke of Clarence was
+attainted on February 7, 1478, on a series of charges, most of them
+frivolous and none sufficiently grave to account for his death at the
+hands of his own brother.  There must have been something behind.  Mr.
+Gairdner has suggested that the execution of Clarence was due to his
+having discovered the secret.[13]  Certainly that would satisfactorily
+account for it.  The influence of the Woodvilles was paramount, and it
+would then be a necessity of their continuance in power that Clarence
+should cease to live.  The character of Clarence made it impossible
+that a secret would be safe with him.  His death was the only safe
+course for the Woodvilles.  It is very significant that, at the very
+time of Clarence's attainder, Bishop Stillington was arrested and
+imprisoned[14] for 'uttering words prejudicial to the King and his
+State.'  He was pardoned in the following June 1478.  All this points
+clearly to the discovery of the first contract by Clarence, and to the
+utterance of some imprudent {96} speech by the bishop, which was
+expiated by imprisonment followed by renewed promises of silence.
+
+During the years following his imprisonment, Bishop Stillington appears
+to have devoted himself to the duties of his diocese.  He always
+retained feelings of affection for the family at Acaster, and for the
+home of his childhood on the banks of the Ouse.  Towards the close of
+his long and honourable career he founded a collegiate chapel on his
+brother's land at Acaster, dedicated to St. Andrew, for a provost and
+fellows, and for free education in grammar, music and writing.  The
+grant was confirmed by King Richard III. in 1483.  A fine collegiate
+church of brick, eighty-seven feet long and twenty-one broad, rose upon
+the banks of the Ouse, with twenty windows filled with stained glass.
+It was a memorial of the good bishop, and members of his family in
+later generations left in their wills that they wished to be buried at
+St. Andrew's college.  The site is now marked by a few grassy
+mounds.[15]
+
+{97}
+
+Dr. Stillington was a good and pious bishop, an able statesman, and a
+most loyal and faithful adherent of the White Rose.  His one fault was
+that he did not ensure his own destruction by proclaiming Edward's
+secret before that King's death.  There was no urgent obligation to do
+so; but when the time arrived, he was bound to come forward, and he was
+probably urged by the Duchess of York to publish the truth.  Richard
+had hitherto been ignorant of the early intrigues of his brother.  He
+was only eleven and a half when the widow of Sir J. Grey was taken into
+favour, and the Butler contract was of a still earlier date.
+
+The announcement must have fallen on Richard and the Council like a
+thunder clap.  It was inevitable that the matter should be thoroughly
+sifted.  There was a prolonged sitting of the Lords Spiritual and
+Temporal in the Council Chamber at Westminster, on June 9.[16]  Bishop
+Stillington 'brought in instruments, authentic doctors, proctors, and
+notaries of the law, with depositions of divers witnesses.'[17]  The
+majority of the Council must have seen at once that the illegitimate
+son of the late King could not succeed.  Such a proceeding would
+inevitably be the precursor of innumerable troubles.  The case was
+prepared to be laid before the Parliament which was summoned to meet on
+June 25.
+
+There was, however, a small but powerful minority in the Council, led
+by Lord Hastings and Bishop Morton, to whom the prospect of losing the
+openings to their ambition offered by a minority was most distasteful.
+They commenced opposition[18] and began to {98} meet apart, plotting
+against the Protector's government.  This was soon followed by overt
+acts.  Hitherto all orders and grants had been issued 'by the advice of
+our uncle, Richard Duke of Gloucester, Protector and Defender.'  But on
+the 9th, and again on June 12, the conspirators issued orders without
+the Protector's name.  They were preparing for open hostility.
+Hastings was intriguing with his former adversaries, the Woodvilles,
+both at Westminster and in Yorkshire.  On June 10 the Duke of
+Gloucester became thoroughly alarmed.  He despatched a letter to his
+faithful city of York, asking that troops might be sent up to protect
+and support him.  It was delivered on the 15th.  On the 11th a similar
+letter was sent to his cousin, Lord Nevill.  Meanwhile, the Hastings
+faction was not idle.  A _supersedeas_ was secretly issued to the towns
+and counties, ordering the Parliament not to assemble.[19]  It was
+received at York on June 21.  This was done to delay or prevent the
+consideration of the question of illegitimacy, and of the evidence
+submitted by Bishop Stillington.  Finally a plot was formed to seize
+the Protector and put him to death.[20]
+
+[Sidenote: Conspirators thwarted]
+
+The conspiracy was divulged to the Protector by Master William Catesby,
+who was in the confidence of Hastings.  The danger was imminent.  It
+was probably a question of hours.  Richard acted with characteristic
+promptitude and vigour.  On June 13 he proceeded in person to the Tower
+with a body of retainers, and arrested Lord Hastings at the council
+{99} table on a charge of treason.  The conspirators were caught, as it
+were, red-handed.  A proclamation was then issued, giving the details
+of the plot, but unfortunately no copy remains.  Hastings was condemned
+and executed on June 20, a week after his arrest.[21]  The danger over,
+Richard mourned for the loss of his old companion in arms.
+'Undoubtedly the Protector loved him well, and was loth to have lost
+him.'[22]  A prominent feature in Richard's character was his
+generosity to the relations of his political opponents.  In this
+respect the conduct which was habitual with him was almost
+unprecedented in his, and indeed in later times.  In the case of
+Hastings, he at once restored the children in blood, and granted the
+forfeited estates to the widow.  He also liberally rewarded the brother
+of Hastings for past services, and granted all his requests.
+
+The conspirators in Yorkshire would probably have been pardoned, if
+they had not joined in this new treason with Hastings.  But now an
+order was sent, through Sir Richard Ratcliffe, for a tribunal to
+assemble at Pomfret, to try Lord Rivers and his companions.  The Earl
+of Northumberland was president of the court.  They were found guilty.
+The accomplished Earl philosophically prepared for death.  He had
+played for high stakes, had lost, and was ready to pay the penalty.  He
+showed his confidence in the integrity and kindly feeling of the Duke
+of Gloucester by appointing him supervisor to the will which he made at
+Sheriff Hutton on June 23.[23] The trust was not misplaced.  On the
+{100} 25th, Rivers, Grey, Haute, and Vaughan were beheaded.  Those
+arrested in London, with Hastings, were treated with unwise leniency.
+The treacherous Stanley was not only pardoned, but rewarded.  Bishop
+Morton was merely taken into custody, and placed in charge of the Duke
+of Buckingham.  Archbishop Rotherham, a weak tool in the hands of the
+others, after a brief detention, was allowed to return to his diocese.
+
+Jane Shore, the mistress of Dorset, had been the medium of
+communication between Hastings and the Woodville faction.  A penance
+was imposed upon her by the Church for her vicious life.  But she was
+treated with considerate forbearance by Richard, whom she had tried to
+injure.  He ordered her to be released, and consented, though
+reluctantly, to her marriage with his Solicitor-General.
+
+The formidable coalition of the two malcontent parties was thus
+completely broken.  The Woodvilles gave up all further resistance to
+the Protector's government.  The Bishop of Salisbury, brother of the
+Queen-Dowager, and her brother-in-law, Viscount Lisle, came over to his
+side.[24]  Elizabeth also, at the intercession of the Archbishop of
+Canterbury, sent her younger son Richard to join his brother Edward on
+June 16.[25]  She herself remained in sanctuary with her daughters for
+a time, in order to make better terms.
+
+[Sidenote: Title to the crown]
+
+In spite of the _supersedeas_ which was treacherously sent out by the
+conspirators to prevent the meeting of Parliament,[26] the Lords
+Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons had assembled in London on the
+day {101} appointed, June 25, and formed what in later times would have
+been called a Convention Parliament.  The proofs of the previous
+contract of Edward IV. with Lady Eleanor Butler were laid before this
+assembly by Bishop Stillington and his witnesses, and it was decided by
+the three Estates of the Realm that the illegitimate son could not
+succeed to the throne.  Owing to the attainder of the Duke of Clarence,
+his children were not in the succession.  The Duke of Gloucester was,
+therefore, the legal heir: and it was resolved that he should be called
+upon to accept the high office of King.  A statement of the royal
+title, styled 'Titulus Regius,' was prepared, in which it was set forth
+that the children of Edward IV. by the Lady Grey were illegitimate
+owing to that King's previous contract with the Lady Eleanor Butler,
+that in consequence of the attainder of the Duke of Clarence, his two
+children were incapacitated; and that Richard, Duke of Gloucester, was
+the only true and rightful heir to the throne.
+
+The children of Edward IV. being illegitimate, Richard was certainly
+the legal heir, because the children of Clarence were disabled by law.
+But their disability could be set aside at any time by a reversal of
+their father's attainder, or by the removal of any corruption in blood
+inherited in consequence of that attainder.  Edward Earl of Warwick,
+son of George Duke of Clarence, was the rightful heir to the throne,
+when the children of Edward were proved to be illegitimate.  He was
+born at Warwick Castle on February 21, 1475, and at this time his age
+was eight years and four months.  But even if Richard had attempted to
+substitute this child for the son of the late King, it is very unlikely
+that the assembled {102} notables would have consented.  They dreaded,
+above all things, a long minority.  When his own son died prematurely,
+King Richard showed his sense of the strong claim of his nephew by
+declaring young Warwick to be his heir.
+
+It is alleged that on Sunday, June 22, 1483, an eminent preacher named
+Dr. Shaw had delivered a sermon at Paul's Cross, in which he explained
+the royal title to the people; and that a speech was made to the same
+effect, by the Duke of Buckingham, at the Guildhall on the 24th.  This
+is not improbable.
+
+On June 26,[27] the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons
+proceeded to Baynard's Castle with the _Titulus Regius_, to submit
+their resolution and to petition Richard to assume the crown.  He
+consented.  He was then aged thirty years and eight months.  On the
+27th he delivered the Great Seal to Dr. Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, a
+prelate celebrated for learning, piety, and wisdom.[28]  On the 28th a
+letter was despatched to Lord Mountjoy at Calais, with instructions to
+acquaint the garrison of the new King's accession, and to secure their
+allegiance.  Richard III. then organised his Council, and surrounded
+himself with able and upright advisers.  There were only two false
+friends among them--the traitors Buckingham and Stanley.
+
+
+
+[1] Bernard Andre, 23.  Polydore Virgil, 530 (171, 173 Eng. trans.)
+
+[2] Rous, 212.  Croyland, 564.
+
+[3] Rous says they had contrived the Duke's death, 213.  Also the
+Croyland Monk, 565: 'Conspiratum est contra eos, quod ipsi
+contrivissent mortem ducis Protectoris Angliae.'
+
+[4] John Alcock was the son of a burgess of Hull, and was educated at
+the grammar school of Beverley.  He graduated at Cambridge in 1461.  He
+was Dean of St. Stephen's, Westminster, and one of the King's Council
+in 1470, and Bishop of Rochester in 1472.  In 1476 he was translated to
+Worcester, and in 1483 was tutor to young Edward.  He was at Oxford to
+welcome Richard III. after his coronation, and accompanied him on his
+progress to Warwick.  In 1484 he was one of the Commissioners delegated
+to treat with the Scottish Ambassadors.  In 1486 he was translated to
+Ely, where he built a tower of the Bishop's palace, and a beautiful
+chapel for his interment.  His attachment to the house of York is shown
+by the ornaments in the vaulting of the basement of the tower, and in
+the chapel.  The rebus on his name (two cocks with their feet on a
+globe) occurs alternately with the '_rose en soleil_,' the badge of
+Edward IV.  Bishop Alcock founded Jesus College at Cambridge.  He died
+at Wisbeach in 1500.
+
+[5] Croyland 565.  Rous, 213.
+
+[6] Baynard's Castle was so called from Baynard, one of the companions
+of the Conqueror, who had license to fortify his house on Thames bank
+within the city.  It was fortified by his descendant in 1110 A.D.  In
+1428 it had become the property of the crown and, having been destroyed
+by fire, it was rebuilt by Humphrey Duke of Gloucester.  On his
+attainder it again reverted to the crown, and was granted to Richard
+Duke of York.  It was long the residence of his widow, and here both
+Edward IV. and Richard III. accepted the crown.  Baynard's Castle was
+gutted in the Great Fire of 1666.  It had long been rented by the Earls
+of Pembroke, but seems to have been in a ruinous condition.  It was
+probably pulled down during the clearance operations after the fire.
+
+[7] One letter has been preserved from Richard III. to his mother,
+after his accession.  It is written in most affectionate terms, and
+shows deference to her wishes.  After her last surviving son's death at
+Bosworth the Duchess retired from the world entirely, living at her
+castle of Berkhampstead, under the rules of one of the monastic orders.
+She died in 1493, and was buried by the side of her husband at
+Fotheringhay.
+
+[8] Mr. Gairdner has pointed out that he was styled Protector in two
+documents upon the Patent Rolls, dated April 21 and May 2.
+
+[9] Crosby Place, in Bishopsgate Street, was built by Alderman Sir John
+Crosby, who died in 1475.  The Duke of Gloucester had a lease of it
+from Sir John's widow.  It must have been a princely residence, and the
+hall is still one of the finest examples of Perpendicular domestic
+architecture of the fifteenth century.
+
+[10] Rymer, vol. xii. p. 186; Anstis, Obs.; Sir Harris Nicolas,
+_History of the Orders of Knighthood_, iii. ix.; Ellis, _Original
+Letters_, 2nd series.
+
+[11] Comines says that the contract was made by the Bishop of Bath and
+Wells, who told Comines that he afterwards married Edward and Lady
+Eleanor.  The King charged him strictly not to reveal it.  (Phil. de
+Comines, ii. 157.)
+
+[12] Weever's _Funeral Monuments_.
+
+[13] Gairdner's _Richard III._, p. 91.
+
+[14] Rymer, xii. 66.  In the papers of the Stonor family there is a
+letter from Elizabeth Stonor to her husband, dated March 6, 1478, in
+which she said that the Bishop of Bath had been brought into the Tower
+since her husband departed.
+
+[15] All was destroyed and sold in the reign of Edward VI. (1552).  But
+a view of the ruins, and of a monument of the founder of Acaster
+College, with a ground plot, is mentioned in Gough's _Topography of
+Yorkshire_, 1804, p. 469.  Rents at the dissolution 27_l._ 13_s._
+4_d_.  Worth 553_l._ 6_s._ 8_d_.  Granted in 1552 to John Hulse and
+William Pendred.
+
+The family of Stillington continued to flourish at Acaster and
+Kelfield, in the parish of Stillingfleet; greatly improving their
+estate by a marriage with the heiress of FitzHenry.  In 1520 stained
+glass with the arms of Stillington impaling Bigod, was placed in one of
+the windows of Stillingfleet church.  At that time Dr. Thomas
+Stillington was a man of great learning, and became Professor of
+Divinity at the University of Louvain.  The Stillingtons continued to
+flourish at Kelfield Hall throughout the seventeenth century.  The last
+male of the race was young in the days of Queen Anne.  There is a
+portrait of him as a boy, in a classical costume, which was painted by
+Parmentier in 1708.  It is now in the dining room at Moreby Hall.  This
+Joseph Stillington of Kelfield died in 1742.  His daughter Dorothy
+married William Peirse of Hutton Bonville.
+
+[16] Stallworthe's letter to Sir W. Stonor.  (_Excerpt. Hist._ p. 16.)
+
+[17] Morton, in his account of a conversation with the Duke of
+Buckingham (Grafton, p. 126).
+
+[18] Polydore Virgil, p. 540.
+
+[19] Davies, _York Records_, p. 154.  That this _supersedeas_ was
+issued by the conspirators and not by the Protector's Council is proved
+by Dr. Russell having actually prepared a speech for the opening of
+Parliament on June 24.  This speech has been preserved.  The date of
+the _supersedeas_ was probably before June 13.
+
+[20] Rastell, p. 80,
+
+[21] Stallworthe to Sir W. Stonor.
+
+[22] Morton, p. 69, in Rastell.  This is the evidence of a bitter enemy.
+
+[23] The will is given in the _Excerpta Historica_, pp. 246-248.  He
+also appointed William Catesby, another meritorious but shamefully
+maligned public servant, to be his executor.
+
+[24] 'My Lord Lyle has come to my Lord Protector and waits on him.'
+Stallworthe's second letter (_Excerpt. Hist._ p. 16).
+
+[25] Croyland, p. 566.
+
+[26] Davies, _York Records_, p. 134.
+
+[27] The date of Richard's accession is fixed by the _Year Book_.  'Les
+Reports des Cases.'  See Davies, _York Records_, p. 157 _n_.
+
+[28] 'A wise man and a good, and of much experience.'--Morton, in
+Rastell.
+
+
+
+
+{103}
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE
+
+At Richard's accession we may pause to glance at the condition of the
+people of England 420 years ago, not in any minute detail, not probing
+the matter to any depth, but with the object of having the general
+surroundings in our minds, while contemplating the brief reign of our
+last Plantagenet.
+
+The Lancastrian usurpation, effected by Henry of Bolingbroke (Duke of
+Lancaster), caused much ruthless slaughter, and led to the atrocious
+Act _De heretico comburendo_, passed to secure the support of the
+clergy for the usurper.  His son, Henry of Monmouth, was a fanatic, but
+otherwise a man of a far nobler nature than his father.  He secured his
+position by a popular but most unjust war with France, and by his own
+fascinating personality.  From his landing at Havre to the death of
+Talbot at Chatillon, this war covered a period of thirty-eight years,
+from 1415 to 1453.  It did not, however, exhaust the wealth of the
+country, nor did the other more odious policy of the Lancastrians in
+passing an Act for the burning of heretics, destroy all freedom of
+thought.  But the war filled the country with lawless military
+adventurers, and the persecution unsettled men's minds.
+
+{104}
+
+The cause of the War of the Roses was the misgovernment of the faction
+which ruled in the name of Henry of Windsor, the feeble-minded grandson
+of Charles VI. of France, whose malady he inherited.  Recognition
+during half a century had made the parliamentary title of the usurpers
+secure.  Owing to the absence of an hereditary title, the House of
+Commons had never been more powerful.  The Speakers were practically
+Chancellors of the Exchequer, and prepared the budgets.  Speaker
+Tresham, who was murdered in 1450 by Lord Grey de Ruthyn, was the first
+to propose a graduated income tax, and was a great statesman.  But the
+House was not strong enough to control an unprincipled executive.  The
+usurpation would never have been challenged, after a Parliamentary
+recognition of sixty years, if the administration of the usurping
+faction had not been intolerably bad.  The Duke of York was the
+rightful hereditary heir to the throne.  His grandfather had been
+recognised as heir by a Parliament of Richard II.  The Duke was a just
+and moderate statesman.  Until a month before the battle of Wakefield
+his sole purpose had been the reform of abuses.
+
+The war, however, was not a war of the people.  Although London warmly
+supported the house of York, it was a war fought out by two parties of
+the nobles and their retainers, including some old veterans of the
+French war.  The struggle did not in the least degree affect the
+ordinary life of England.  Mr. Thorold Rogers tells us that, though he
+has read hundreds of documents compiled for private inspection only,
+chiefly manorial accounts, covering the whole period of the war, he has
+never met a single allusion to the troubles.  'The people,' he adds,
+'were absolutely indifferent.  {105} Except the outrages of Margaret's
+army in 1461, no injury was done to neutrals.  The war was as little
+injurious to the great mass of the people, in its immediate effects, as
+summer lightning.  It had no bearing on work or wages.'
+
+[Sidenote: The Peerage]
+
+It is also a mistake, though a frequently reiterated one, that the
+English nobility, as a class, was almost destroyed by the War of the
+Roses.  Nothing of the sort happened.  Several noblemen fell in battle,
+others lost their lives on the scaffold.  There are long lists of
+traitors in the bills of attainder.  But the death of a nobleman did
+not include the deaths of his heirs; and most of those who were
+attainted eventually received pardons.  After the heat of battle was
+over, Edward IV. was placable and good-natured.  He never refused a
+petition for pardon.[1]  Only two peerages became extinct from causes
+connected with the war.  The Beauforts came to an end, and the Tiptoft
+peerage lapsed, the accomplished Earl of Worcester being childless.
+The lay peerage, including peers temporarily under attainder, numbered
+fifty-four on the accession of Richard III., quite as numerous as it
+was before the war.
+
+We have not, therefore, to contemplate a devastated country and a
+decimated peerage at the time when our last Plantagenet King ascended
+the throne.  England was fairly prosperous, and the numbers and wealth
+of the nobility had not been reduced.  But how different was the whole
+face of the country!  The outlines of the hills are alone the same.
+There were immense areas of forest and swamp where now the landscape
+consists of enclosed fields like a green chessboard.  There were few
+enclosures,[2] but tracts of common land for each {106} manor, and
+cultivation in long strips near the villages and manor houses.  The
+beaten tracks, some following the lines of the old Roman roads leading
+to the towns and castles, were often almost impassable in winter.  King
+Richard was the first to establish any kind of post.  The scenery was
+very beautiful on the hills and in the forests, in the quiet valleys,
+and in the swampy fens.  Wild animals, many now extinct, were then
+abundant, hunted occasionally, but, to a great extent, left in peace
+over vast areas of absolute solitude.  It was a very beautiful England,
+but how utterly different from the England of the twentieth century!
+
+The noble and gentle families passed most of their time in their
+counties, hawking and hunting, mustering their armed retainers, often
+disputing about their respective rights, sometimes trying to settle
+disputes by force regardless of law.  Yet many were law-abiding and
+maintainers of the King's peace, and a few were giving some attention
+to the new learning to which Caxton was now opening the door.  Some of
+the elders had seen service in the French war which came to an end
+thirty years before.  Only a great noble could raise or command a
+military force, but reliance was placed on the experience of some
+veteran, such as Hall or Trollope, to organise and direct as chief of
+the staff.  In those troublous days the King might, at any time, have
+to send forth commissions of array.
+
+[Sidenote: Castles]
+
+Castles then studded the country, and the ruins of some of them still
+give a correct idea of their accommodation and general plan.  Old
+Norman keeps reared their massive fronts, surrounded by lodgings and
+outworks of later construction.  The keeps contained stately halls,
+guard rooms, and chapels.  The more modern and more comfortable
+lodgings followed the lines of the {107} outer defences, generally
+having covered communication with the keep.  Such were King Richard's
+home at Middleham, the royal castles of Richmond, Conisborough and
+Tickhill.  Hedingham, the home of the Veres in Essex, Rochester, the
+Tower of London, and a few others are still standing.  Lord Bourchier,
+the Treasurer, had quite recently built a castle of brick at
+Tattershall in Lincolnshire, with a lofty keep still intact.  The
+Treasurer's device of a purse frequently recurs there.
+
+The castles of the later period were, however, generally built without
+the central keep.  They consisted of square angle towers connected by
+curtains, one of which usually formed the great hall, as at Lumley.
+These were more numerous and probably more commodious.  Bolton and
+Lumley are good examples.  There was already a tendency to increase the
+conveniences and amenities of the old castles by the enlargement of
+windows and in other ways, as is shown by the fine oriel window at
+Barnard Castle, the work of Richard himself.  The royal residences at
+Eltham, Sheen, and Windsor are believed to have been designed more for
+comfort and pleasure than for defence; although Windsor is a place of
+strength, with circular keep, and means to resist an enemy both in the
+upper and lower wards.  The general tendency, during the last half of
+the fifteenth century, was to build for comfort rather than for defence.
+
+In the courts and at the gates of the castles of noblemen there were
+guards wearing more or less of defensive armour, morions or bacinets on
+their heads, and brigandines of quilted linen or leather with small
+plates of iron sewn on them.  Glaives or bills, crossbows with quarrels
+or darts, and bows and arrows were in the guard rooms.
+
+{108}
+
+The sons of the surrounding gentry were brought up and taught martial
+exercises and the other accomplishments of a gentleman of the time, at
+the castles of the lords their patrons, a custom which bound the
+nobility and lesser gentry together by common interests and common
+pursuits.
+
+Much time was occupied in hunting and hawking, and the adherents of the
+House of York were more especially the votaries of the noble art of
+venery.  The first English book of sport had the second Duke of York
+for its author, and was entitled 'The Master of Game.'  The Duke
+declares that 'hunters live more joyfully than any other men,' and his
+work shows that he was a keen observer with a wonderfully accurate
+knowledge of natural history.  With such a master and guide in their
+family the scions of the royal House of York were the leading sportsmen
+in the country, closely followed by their friends and numerous cousins
+among the nobility and gentry.  The 'Book of St. Albans' by Juliana
+Berners the Prioress of Sopwell, treating of hawking, hunting, fishing,
+and the laws of arms, was also a work of that period, and was first
+printed at St. Albans Abbey, by John Insomuch, the Schoolmaster, in
+1481.[3]  Juliana divides the wild animals into beasts of venery--the
+wolf, wild boar, stag, hart and hare; beasts of the chase of the sweet
+foot--buck and doe and the roe--and of the stinking foot, wild cat,
+badger, fox, weasel, marten, squirrel, and others.  She is particular
+in explaining the terms to be used in venery, that one must say a covey
+of partridges but a bevy of quails, and so forth.  Closely allied to
+the arts of war and of venery was the law of arms, of which every
+gentleman of that day had {110} some knowledge.  Charges on shields and
+standards, on surcoats and liveries were regulated by the heralds, and
+after the ordinance of Henry V. were granted by the Sovereign.  But in
+the most flourishing days of chivalry, those of Edward III., this was
+not essential.  There was no Heralds' College,[4] and the only really
+interesting armorial bearings are those used in the days of the
+Plantagenets.  With Tudors and Stuarts heraldry lost its chivalric
+significance, and coats of arms subsequently granted are unmeaning and
+vulgar.
+
+======================================================================
+
+{109}
+
+[Sidenote: Peerage of Richard III]
+
+                 PEERS
+
+  _Relations of the Sovereign_
+
+  * Duke of Suffolk (_brother-in-law_), K.G.
+  *+Earl of Lincoln (_nephew_), K.B.
+  *+Viscount Lovell (_dearest friend_),
+      Lord Chamberlain, K.G.
+  *+Earl of Northumberland (1_st cousin_), K.G.
+  * Lord Greystoke (1_st cousin_).
+  * Lord Abergavenny, K.B.         }(_cousins_).
+    Earl of Westmoreland (_sick_)  }
+
+  _Minors_
+
+    Duke of Buckingham } (_cousins_)
+    Earl of Essex      }
+    Earl of Salisbury (_son_).
+  * Earl of Warwick (_nephew_).
+    Earl of Pembroke (_nephew_).
+
+  _Staunch and true_
+
+  *+Duke of Norfolk, Ld. Admiral, K.G.
+  *+Earl of Surrey, K.G.
+  * Lord Audley, Ld. Treasurer.
+  *+Lord Zouch, K.B.
+  *+Lord Ferrers.
+
+  Marching to join the King
+  * Earl of Kent, K.B.
+  * Lord Dacre.
+  * Lord FitzHugh.
+  * Lord Lumley.
+  * Lord Ogle in the Marches,
+  * 2 Lords Scrope.
+
+  _Other Peers_
+
+  * Earl of Arundel, K.G.
+  * Lord Maltravers, K.G.
+  * Earl of Nottingham.
+  * Earl of Huntingdon.
+  * Earl of Wiltshire.
+  * Lord Grey of Wilton.
+  * Lord Grey of Codnor.
+  * Lord Grey of Powys.
+  * Lord Beauchamp.
+  * Lord Morley.
+  * Lord Stourton.
+  * Lord Cobham.
+    Lord Mountjoy (at Calais).
+    Lord de la Warre (abroad).
+    Lord Dudley (very old).
+
+  _Minors_
+
+    Earl of Shrewsbury.
+    Lord Clifford.
+    Lord Hastings.
+    Lord Hungerford.
+
+                      Peers 42
+                     Minors  9
+                            --
+                            33
+                            --
+
+  _Traitors_
+
+   #John Vere, Earl of Oxford (under attainder).
+    Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire.
+    Grey, Marquis of Dorset.
+    Woodville, Earl Rivers.
+    Lord Beaumont.
+    Lord Welles.
+  * Lord Lisle.
+    Lord Dynham.
+   #Jasper Tudor (late Earl of Pembroke).
+   #Henry Tudor (calling himself Earl of Richmond).
+  *#Lord Stanley (turned traitor at the end).
+  *#Lord Strange.
+
+
+  * At the coronation.
+  + At Bosworth for the King.
+  # At Bosworth for H. Tudor.
+
+======================================================================
+
+Attendance at the court or the Parliament led to a demand for lodgings
+in London.  Baynard's Castle was the town residence of the Duke and
+Duchess of York.  Crosby Place, which is still standing, was the home
+of the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester during the short protectorate.
+Cold Harbour, in Thames Street, alternately lodged the Earl of
+Salisbury (1453), Anne Duchess of Exeter, and her brother the Duke of
+Clarence.  There were other houses of the nobility within the city,
+including Ely Place in Holborn, with large gardens behind them; and
+some of the richer citizens had handsome residences of which Crosby
+Place was an example.  It was on the occasion of visits to the capital
+that opportunities were offered for those extravagant displays which
+were the fashion of that age, especially at the great tournaments.
+
+The House of York was closely knit to the nobility by ties of kindred.
+Of the three Dukes, Suffolk was King Richard's brother-in-law,
+Buckingham and Norfolk were his cousins, as were the Earls of
+Northumberland, Westmoreland and Essex, and Lords Abergavenny and
+Greystoke.  Lincoln was his nephew.  Richard, moreover, had four first
+and several second {111} cousins among the Barons; and the Archbishop
+of Canterbury was also his cousin.  There must have been a feeling of
+kinship as well as of loyalty when the nobles gathered round the
+sovereign on state occasions.
+
+[Sidenote: Magnificence of the court]
+
+Magnificence in dress was not a sign of ostentation and vanity, but of
+what was felt to be due to high rank and to ceremonial functions of
+state; and it was undoubtedly good for trade.  Long gowns with high
+collars were the indoor and civil dresses, and they lent themselves to
+displays of great splendour.  Thus, in the wardrobe accounts, we find
+among the materials for doublets and gowns, black velvet, crimson
+velvet, blue velvet figured with tawny, white velvet, white damask with
+flowers of divers colours, chequered motley velvet, cloth of gold,
+silks and satins, sarsenet, as well as embroidered shoes, and ostrich
+feathers.  We find green, scarlet and white cloth, ermines, sables,
+fringes, gowns of blue velvet lined with white satin, golden aiglettes,
+and various furs.  The keeper of the King's wardrobe also had in charge
+feather beds and bolsters, bed clothes, cushions, table cloths and
+napkins, and the King's carriage.  Presents from the wardrobe are
+recorded as being given to the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Grey, Lord
+Stanley, Sir W. Parr, Sir J. Borough, Lord Audley and the College of
+Windsor.  When the Duchess of Burgundy came to visit her brother, all
+her attendants were ordered to be clothed in cloth jackets of murrey
+and blue, while the knights appointed to attend upon her received gowns
+of velvet.  The velvet was ten shillings a yard, the ostrich feathers
+ten shillings each.  These wardrobe accounts of the last years of
+Edward IV. bear silent testimony to the lavish splendour of the court,
+and of court ceremonial in those days.
+
+{112}
+
+Increasing wealth resulted to the merchants and traders of the City,
+the Guilds flourished and increased in numbers, and there were
+periodical fairs in the country.  At the Stourbridge fair, which was
+the chief mart of Lombard Exchange, glass, silks and velvets were sold
+by the Venetian and Genoese merchants, linen of Liege and Ghent by the
+Flemish weavers, hardware by Spaniards, tar and pitch by Norwegians,
+wine by Gascons, furs and amber by the Hanse Towns.  Millstones came
+from Paris.  Our own products were hides and woolpacks, the produce of
+the tin mines, and iron from Sussex.  At Abingdon there was a cattle
+fair, at Winchester a wool and cloth fair.  King Richard's Parliament
+gave much attention to the advancement of trade.
+
+In London the wealthy merchants lived in handsome houses with gardens.
+The lawyers lived in the Inns of Court, and there were not wanting good
+inns and hostelries for passing travellers.  We hear of the 'White
+Hart' in Southwark, the 'George' at Paul's Wharf, and several others.
+
+The City Companies were acquiring great influence.  The Skinners'
+Company founded the 'Brethren of the fraternity of Corpus Christi' of
+which the Duke of York and his sons Edward IV. and the Dukes of
+Clarence and Gloucester were members.  Disputes between City Companies
+were amicably settled.  There was one between the Skinners' and
+Merchant Taylors' with reference to precedence in City processions.  In
+the reign of Richard III., 10 April, 1484, the two companies agreed to
+abide by the judgment of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen.
+
+The award was that the Skinners should invite the Merchant Taylors to
+dinner every year, on the Vigil of {113} Corpus Christi, and that the
+Merchant Taylors should invite the Skinners on the Feast of the
+Nativity of John the Baptist.  On the first year after the arbitration
+the Skinners were to walk in all processions before the Merchant
+Taylors, on the next year the Merchant Taylors before the Skinners, and
+so on.  Thus was arbitration established in the City during Richard's
+reign, a course always favoured and practised by the King himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Introduction of printing]
+
+The great glory of the Yorkist kings was the introduction of printing
+into England, in which their sister of Burgundy also took a liberal and
+enlightened part.  Caxton tells us he was born in the Weald of Kent in
+1422, and was apprenticed to Robert Large, a mercer of London and Lord
+Mayor in 1439.  His house was in the north end of the Old Jewry, and
+here young Caxton lived until his master died in 1441, leaving him
+twenty marks.  Caxton went to Bruges in 1441, and in 1453 he was
+admitted to the livery of the Mercers' Company.  The Merchant
+Adventurers were an association of merchants trading to foreign
+countries, chiefly mercers.  They had a 'domus Angliae' at Bruges, and
+in 1464 Caxton was chosen 'Governor beyond seas.'  In 1468 he attended
+the marriage of the young English Princess Margaret with Duke Charles
+of Burgundy, which was celebrated with great pomp.  Caxton was not only
+a leading merchant at Bruges, he also took a great interest in
+literature and in the new art of printing.  In 1469 he began the
+translation of 'Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes,' and in the
+following year, when Duke Charles was invested with the Garter, Caxton
+made his first essay at printing, with the oration of Dr. Russell on
+that occasion.  When, in October 1470, Edward IV. and his young brother
+Richard {114} took refuge in Flanders, they received active assistance
+from the loyal merchant and printer, and in the same year Caxton
+entered the service of the Duchess Margaret and managed her trading in
+English wool for her.  He was surrounded hy literary influences at
+Bruges, where there was a printing press encouraged by the Duchess.
+
+In 1476 Caxton came to England, and in November 1477 he had established
+a printing press in his house at Westminster, under the shadow of the
+Abbey.  It was in the Almonry near the old chapel of St. Anne, at the
+gate leading into Tothill Street.  Caxton's house was the sign of the
+_red pale_.[5]  John Esteney was then Abbot of Westminster (1474-98),
+but it is not recorded that Caxton received help or patronage from him.
+The first book printed in England was the 'Dictes and Sayings of
+Philosophes,' by Lord Rivers, in 1477.  Then followed 'Cordyale' in
+1479, and 'Chronicles of England' in 1480, 'Description of Britain'
+also in 1480.  In that year the Duchess of Burgundy came to London to
+visit her brothers, and no doubt she then paid a visit to the printing
+press of her old friend Caxton.  Five books came from that active press
+in 1481.  'The Mirrour of the World' was translated and printed for a
+citizen named Hugh Brice as a present to Lord Hastings.  'Reynard the
+Fox' was translated by Caxton himself.  The 'de senectute,' 'de
+amicitia,' and 'declamatio' of Cicero were translated by the ill-fated
+Earl of Worcester; as well as 'Godefroy de Boulogne.'  A second edition
+of 'The game and play of Chess' completed the publications for 1481.
+During the whole of King Richard's reign, and under his enlightened
+patronage, Caxton's printing press showed great activity.  The
+publications were {115} 'Pilgrimage of the Soul' 'Liber Festivalis,'
+'Quatuor Sermones,' the 'Confessio Amantis' of Gower, the 'Golden
+Legend,' 'Caton,' 'Knight of the Tower,' 'AEsop,' 'Paris and Vienna,'
+'Life of Charles the Great,' the 'Canterbury Tales' of Chaucer, 'Life
+of our Lady,' 'King Arthur,' by Sir T. Mallory, who finished his work
+in 1470, and the 'Order of Chivalry' translated by Caxton and dedicated
+to his redoubted Lord King Richard.
+
+[Sidenote: Literary noblemen]
+
+Literature was beginning to receive attention from several members of
+the nobility, and the printing press gave this tendency very great
+encouragement.  Among the books in the Wardrobe Account of Edward IV.
+which were ordered to be bound, were the 'Book of the Holy Trinity,'
+the Bible, 'Government of Kings and Princes,' 'Froissart,' Titus
+Livius, Josephus, 'Bible Historial,' 'La Forteresse de Foy'; and to
+this royal library his brother Richard added several books including
+the 'Romaunt of Tristram.'
+
+Lord Rivers was an accomplished nobleman whose translations and
+original compositions are well known.  But John Tiptoft, Earl of
+Worcester, was the most studious and learned, as well as the most
+accomplished, author and statesman of Yorkist times.  Born at Everton,
+Cambridgeshire, Tiptoft was at Balliol College, and completed his
+education by a residence of three years in Italy.  He was twice Lord
+High Treasurer, was Lord Deputy of Ireland, and was created Earl of
+Worcester.  But he fell a victim to Lancastrian rancour during
+Warwick's brief usurpation.  He was beheaded in 1470, and Caxton
+eloquently mourned his untimely death.
+
+'This book,' Caxton wrote, 'was translated by the virtuous and noble
+Earl of Worcester into our English {116} tongue, son and heir to the
+Lord Tiptoft, which in his time flowered in virtue and cunning, to whom
+I know none like among the lords of the temporality in science and
+moral virtue.  I beseech Almighty God to have mercy on his soul, and
+pray all them that shall read this little treatise, likewise of your
+charity to remember his soul among your prayers.  The right virtuous
+and noble Earl of Worcester, which late piteously lost his life, whose
+soul I recommend to your special prayers, also in his time made many
+other virtuous works which I have heard of.  O God, blessed Lord, what
+great loss was it of that noble, virtuous and well disposed lord, when
+I remember and advertise his life, his science and his virtue.
+Methinketh God displeased over so great a loss of such a man,
+considering his estate and cunning, and also the exercise of the same
+with the great labours in going on pilgrimage unto Jerusalem, visiting
+there the holy places, and what worship had he in Rome in the presence
+of our holy father the Pope, and so in all other places until his
+death, at which death every man that was there might learn to die, and
+take his death patiently.'
+
+[Sidenote: Education]
+
+Rivers and Worcester were not the only men of their day with literary
+tastes.  The colleges at Oxford and Cambridge numbered among their
+_alumni_ laymen as well as churchmen.  The three great public schools
+of England already existed.  The grammar school of Westminster,
+afterwards to become St. Peter's College under Queen Elizabeth, had a
+continuous existence from the time of Edward I.  Winchester College had
+been founded by William of Wykeham.  Eton College was a foundation due
+to Henry of Windsor.  All three were flourishing.  Boys went very young
+to the universities, and parents showed anxiety for their {117}
+advancement in learning as well as for their due supply of clothing.
+Mrs. Paston desired a tutor named Grenefeld to send her word how her
+son Clement is doing his duty as regards his lessons.  If he does not
+do well, and will not amend, Grenefeld is to lash him until he does
+amend, as his former tutor did, who was the best that ever he had at
+Cambridge.  She is no less particular about his clothes, which were to
+be looked to.  Clement had a short green gown, a short musterdevelers
+(gown of grey woollen cloth), a short blue gown, and a russet gown
+furred with beaver: a pretty good supply.
+
+Later there was a Paston boy at Eton, one of whose letters has come
+down to us (1478).  He desires hose clothes to be sent to him, one pair
+of some colour for holidays, and one for working days.  It does not
+matter how coarse the one for common use is.  He also asks for a
+stomacher, two shirts, and a pair of slippers.  'But,' adds the Eton
+boy, 'if it lyke you that I may come by water, and sport me with you in
+London a day or two this term time, then you may let all this be till
+the time that I come; and then I shall tell you when I shall be ready
+to come from Eton.'  He wanted a holiday in the middle of term time,
+and he wanted the fun of boating down the river.  So it was with many
+hundreds of other boys then as it is now; liking play better than work,
+but still learning, with or without the lash which Mrs. Agnes Paston
+believed to be so efficacious.  The Etonian was about ten years younger
+than King Richard.
+
+The Church, in the Yorkist days, had deteriorated.  The devil's compact
+between Archbishop Arundel and Henry of Bolingbroke, by which Bishops
+were to be allowed to burn heretics on condition that the {118}
+usurpation was upheld by the Church, had alienated the people.  The Act
+_De heretico comburendo_ was not a dead letter.  There were many
+innocent sufferers.  Henry of Monmouth was a fanatic.  He argued with
+heretics and would gladly pardon on recantation, but if his victim did
+not recant he was actually present at executions and witnessed the
+cruel tortures.  Caxton, some years after Henry's death (1439), saw
+with horror the burning on Tower Hill of the good Vicar of Deptford,
+whose love and charity had endeared him to the poor.  Such scenes would
+not endear the Bishops to the people.  The prelates were self-seeking
+politicians for the most part, and occasionally the people made short
+work of them.  When Bishop de Moleyns, then Lord Privy Seal, came down
+to Portsmouth to pay the sailors and kept back some of their dues, he
+was seized by the mob and hanged in front of God's House.  Bishop
+Ayscough of Salisbury met a similar fate.  Mr. Thorold Rogers formed a
+very bad opinion of the clergy of the fifteenth century.  He says 'the
+Bishops were on the whole bad men, parochial clergy not much better,
+monks worst of all.  People deserted them for the secret but stirring
+exhortations of the Bible men.'  But there were exceptions.  Dr.
+Russell of Lincoln, King Richard's Chancellor, was a prelate and
+statesman of the highest integrity, so were Stillington of Bath and
+Wells, Alcock of Worcester, and Langton of St. David's.
+
+The great monasteries still stood, in all their glorious architectural
+beauty, among the woodlands and by the trout streams; and charity was
+dispensed by their inmates.  Religious foundations like Middleham
+College by King Richard, and Acaster College by Bishop Stillington,
+attest the piety of the age; and religious buildings proceeded apace.
+The beautiful {119} chapel of St. George at Windsor was approaching
+completion in King Richard's time, and many fine church towers,
+especially in Suffolk, date from this period.
+
+There were superstitious pilgrimages to shrines such as those of St.
+Thomas at Canterbury and of Our Lady at Walsingham, while obits and
+saints' days were scrupulously observed.  Letters were almost always
+referred to saints' days, scarcely ever to the days of the month.  In
+the 'Paston Letters' we have 'Monday next after St. Edmund the King,'
+'the day next after St. Kateryn,' 'St. Pernall,' 'St. Leonard's Eve,'
+'St. Erkenwald's,' and so on: even, in one instance, the date is fixed
+by the collect of the preceding Sunday.  'Wednesday next after _Deus
+qui errantibus_.'  This seems to show that religion, or at least its
+rites and ceremonies, was really part of the actual life of the people.
+Miracle plays, such as those performed by the Corpus Christi guild at
+York, served to keep alive an interest in religion.  There were also
+allegorical plays, and it seems that 'Every Man,' which has interested
+so many in these modern times, may have been acted before, and have
+impressed audiences in the days of the Yorkist kings.
+
+[Sidenote: The Church and the law]
+
+The law was presided over by conscientious and learned judges.  Old
+Fuller says of Markham and Fortescue that they were the 'Chief Justices
+of the Chief Justices.'  Markham boldly resisted any attempt to
+intimidate him, and by his firm stand against King Edward established
+an important maxim in constitutional law.  He did not confine his
+judgments to the bench, but upbraided evil-doers when he met them in
+the street.  John Heydon, Recorder of Norwich, was stopped by the judge
+and brought to book in public, {120} for putting away his wife and
+living with another; and also for his unjust conduct towards John
+Paston, in enforcing the doubtful claim of Lord Moleyns.
+
+[Sidenote: Condition of the people]
+
+But the country was in a lawless state.  Upright judgments were
+pronounced, but they could not always be enforced.  Noblemen, like Lord
+Moleyns, occasionally acted in defiance of the law, and often there was
+no redress.  We hear of 'a great multitude of misruled people at the
+house of Robert Ledeham who issue at their pleasure, sometimes thirty
+and more, armed in steel caps and jackets, with bows and bills,
+overriding the country, oppressing the people, and doing many horrible
+and abominable deeds.'  There is a letter from Paston's wife reporting
+that 'they have made bars to bar the doors crossways, and wickets at
+every corner of the house to shoot out at, both with bows and hand
+guns.'  This sounds like an expected siege.  For she adds--'My
+worshipful husband, I pray you to get some cross bows and wyndacs with
+quarrels, for your holes have been made so low that my men cannot shoot
+out with a long bow, though we had ever so much need.  Also get two or
+three short pole axes to keep the doors.'  Then we are told of Robert
+Letham killing John Wilson's bullocks for arrears of rent, eating them,
+and then beating Wilson himself in Plumstead churchyard until he was in
+doubt of his life, besides beating John Coke's mother.  When Sir Philip
+Wentford wants to settle a dispute, instead of going to law, he rides
+to Colchester with a hundred armed men.  These were not altogether
+peaceful times.  They were exciting, full of adventure, and there was
+much fun to be got out of them.  Different, more eventful, perhaps less
+safe, than our days of policemen and penitentiaries, but far from
+unendurable.
+
+{121}
+
+These were trifles, and on the whole the country gentry of the
+fifteenth century lived in comfort on their manors.  These manors
+included the lord's domain cultivated by his bailiff, the small estates
+of freeholders paying quit rents, the tenements and lands of the
+labourers held for services, and the waste or common on which all
+tenants had right of pasture.  The manor house was usually built of
+stone, though brick was beginning to come into use.  The house was
+generally divided into three principal rooms: the hall, the
+dormitories, and the solar or parlour with a southern aspect.  In the
+hall the family and household dined.  It was also used for the manor
+courts, for levying fines, and passing judicial sentences.  The table
+was on trestles, there were a few stools and benches, and some chests
+for linen.  Here would also be seen a pot of brass, several dishes,
+platters, and trenchers, iron or lateen candlesticks, a brass ewer and
+basin, and a box of salt.  The walls were hung with mattocks, scythes,
+reaping hooks, buckets and corn measures.  In the dairy were the pails,
+pans, churn, and cheese press.  In the grange were the sacks of corn.
+
+The manor land was ploughed twice, but half the arable remained fallow.
+When harvest was over pigs and geese were turned into the stubble.  The
+means of supporting the stock in winter depended upon the supply of
+hay, for there were no root crops.  The rest of the stock had to be
+killed down for salting on St. Martin's day (November 11).  In the
+garden and orchard were apples and pears, damsons, cherries, currants,
+strawberries, kitchen herbs, onions and leeks, mustard, peas and beans,
+and cabbage.  Crab apples were collected to make verjuice.
+
+We are informed of the commissions John Paston {122} received from his
+wife, in her numerous letters.  Besides weapons of offence and defence
+she writes for ginger and almonds and sugar, also for frieze for their
+growing child with a note of the best and cheapest shop.  Next she
+wants two dozen trenchers, syrup, quince preserve, oil for salads.  As
+regards luggage John Paston writes to his brother, who was at an
+inn--the sign of the 'George' in Paul's Wharf--to put up in the mail
+his tawny gown furred with black, the doublet of purple satin, the
+doublet of black satin, and his writing box of cypress.  These
+commissions give a little insight into the domestic arrangements of the
+time.  But for a complete outfit of one of the lesser gentry equipped
+for war we must read over the contents of Mr. Payn's luggage, robbed
+from him by Jack Cade and his rabble at the sign of the 'White Hart'
+near London Bridge.
+
+There was a fine gown of mixed grey woollen cloth trimmed with fine
+beavers.  A pair of 'bregandyns,' which were coats of leather or cotton
+quilted, having small iron plates sewn over them; also leg harness.  A
+bluish grey gown furred with martens.  Two gowns furred with budge
+(lamb skin).  Lastly, a gown lined with frieze.  But the greatest loss
+was a set of Milan harness (armour).  They forced Mr. Payn into the
+battle on London Bridge, where he was wounded; and robbed his wife in
+Kent of all but kirtle and smock.  Those were exciting times, and
+luggage was not always safe, but on the whole they were times of plenty.
+
+The fifteenth century was the golden age of the labourer.  At no time
+were wages relatively so high.  The people ate wheaten bread, drank
+barley beer, and had plenty of cheap, though perhaps coarse, meat at a
+farthing a pound (equal to 3_d._ now).  If a labourer had to undertake
+a journey, there were houses as well as {123} monasteries where doles
+were given to all wayfarers.  The cottages of the poor were built of
+wattle and daub, but skilled labourers were fed at the table of the
+lord of the manor below the salt; and some of them lodged in the
+out-buildings.  It is said that scurvy, in a virulent form, was a
+common disorder; as all the poor, except the numerous class of
+poachers, had to live on salt meat for six months, onions and cabbages
+being the only esculents.  But the prevalence of this disorder has been
+exaggerated.
+
+We have the evidence of Chief Justice Fortescue that the labouring
+class in England was far better off as regards lodging, clothing, and
+food than the peasantry of France and other countries of Europe.
+
+
+                            PRICES--1484
+
+  Wheat, 5s. 3-3/4d. the quarter.   |  Hen, 2d.
+  Barley, 4s. 1-1/4d.               |  Swan, 2s. 6d.
+  Oats, 2s. 2-1/2d.                 |  Duck, 2d.
+  Beans, 3s. 8d.                  |  Charcoal, 6s. 5d. the load.
+  Oatmeal, 7d.                    |  Firewood, 1s. 10-1/2d. the load.
+  Malt, 3s. 10-1/4d.                |  Hurdles, 2s. the dozen.
+  Hay, 2s. 2d. the load.          |  Salt, 4s. 8d. the quarter.
+  Wool, 5s. 4d. the ton.          |  Tiles, 6s. 10d. the 1,000.
+  Ox, 10s.                        |  Bricks, 6s. 8d. the 1,000.
+  Calf, 3s.                       |  Gascony wine, 9s. 8-1/2d. the dozen
+  Sheep, 1s. 4d.                  |    gallons.
+  Pig, 5s. 4d.                    |  Sugar, 19s. the dozen pounds.
+  Horse, 60s.                     |  Pepper, 15s.      "     "
+  Capon, 3d.                      |  Currants, 2s. 4d. "     "
+  Goose, 1d.                      |
+
+  Wages--Carpenter  6d. per day, 3s. a week, L9 2s. 6d. a year.
+         Tiler      6d.    "
+         Unskilled  4d.    "     2s.   "
+
+
+
+[1] Thorold Rogers.
+
+[2] The enclosure grievance was just beginning to be felt.
+
+[3] The second edition was brought out by Wynkyn de Worde in 1496.
+
+[4] It was created by Richard III. in 1484.
+
+[5] The 'pale' in heraldry.
+
+
+
+
+{124}
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+REIGN OF KING RICHARD III
+
+King Richard was a young man in his thirtieth year when he came to the
+throne.  During the previous ten years he had acquired considerable
+administrative experience, and had shown himself to possess ability,
+powers of application, and resolution.  He was extremely popular in the
+north of England, where he had generally resided.
+
+Young Richard was not tall, of slight build, with one shoulder a little
+higher than the other, but not so much as to be noticeable or to cause
+weakness.  He was a formidable adversary in battle.  The portrait at
+Windsor is so remarkable that it must have been taken from life.  The
+eyes are a little closed, and give a thoughtful, almost dreamy look.
+The other features are regular.  The lips thin and firm, the chin
+prominent.  The whole expression is that of a thoughtful and earnest
+man, firm, resolute, and fearless.  Dr. Parr remarked on the strong
+likeness between Richard III. and Lorenzo de' Medici, the Magnificent.
+His wife Anne inherited great beauty from the Nevills and Beauchamps,
+but she was fragile and delicate.
+
+{125}
+
+[Sidenote: The young nephews]
+
+On July 4, 1483, King Richard III. and Queen Anne removed to the royal
+lodgings in the Tower, where their nephews Edward and Richard were
+residing.  Owing to his illegitimacy the eldest boy, who had been
+proclaimed King and soon afterwards set aside, could not retain the
+titles of Wales and Cornwall, nor could the younger one continue to
+have the royal title of York.  The younger boy had also lost his claim
+to the Mowbray titles of Norfolk and Nottingham by the death of the
+little Mowbray heiress to whom he had been betrothed.  Those titles
+justly passed to the representatives of the aunts who succeeded Anne
+Mowbray as the heirs of that family, the Ladies Howard and Berkeley.
+Their sons were created Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Nottingham
+respectively, on June 28.  But Edward, the eldest boy, retained the
+earldoms separately conferred on him by his father, of Pembroke and
+March.
+
+It was the King's intention to bring his nephews up and provide for
+them as became their rank and their near relationship to himself.  'He
+promised that he would so provide for them, and so maintain them in
+honourable estate, as that all the realm ought and should be
+content.'[1]  The allegation that they never left the Tower is derived
+from the insinuations of very unscrupulous enemies.
+
+It is much more likely that they resided in the royal household, and
+were the companions of the King's other nephew, the Earl of Warwick; at
+least until it became necessary to place them in safe keeping on the
+invasion of the realm by Henry Tudor.  In the regulations for King
+Richard's {126} household, dated July 23, 1484, it is ordained that
+'the children are to be together at one breakfast.'  Who were these
+children, if not the King's nephews?  They were evidently children of
+high rank,[2] and Richard's little son Edward had died in the previous
+April.
+
+Before the coronation, the King created eighteen Knights of the Bath,
+four of them sons or brothers of peers.
+
+The coronation of King Richard III. and Queen Anne took place on
+Sunday, July 6, 1483.  Its splendour was greater than had ever been
+known before.  The Cardinal Archbishop placed the crowns on the heads
+of the new sovereign and his consort.  He was surrounded by bishops,
+and nearly the whole peerage was present.  Never was accession received
+with such unanimous consent by all ranks of the people.  The attendance
+of a Woodville bishop and a Grey viscount gave grounds for the hope
+that even faction was at an end.  On scarcely any other occasion was
+the aristocracy of England so fully represented.  The Duchess of
+Suffolk, as sister of the King, walked alone in state, in the
+procession.  The intriguing wife of Stanley, mother of Henry Tudor, had
+the privilege of bearing the Queen's train.
+
+
+======================================================================
+
+{127}
+
+CORONATION PROCESSION OF KING RICHARD III.
+
+  Serjeants of Arms
+  Heralds
+  Trumpets and Clarions
+  The Cross
+  Priests in grey amices
+  Bishops, with mitres and croziers
+  Abbots, with mitres
+
+  BISHOP OF ROCHESTER, bearing a cross
+
+  THE CARDINAL ARCHBISHOP
+
+  THE EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND, bearing the pointless sword of mercy
+
+  LORD STANLEY,          DUKE OF SUFFOLK,         EARL OF LINCOLN
+  bearing the mace of    bearing the sceptre      bearing the orb
+  Constable
+
+  DUKE OF NORFOLK, bearing the crown
+
+  EARL OF SURREY, bearing the sword of state in scabbard
+
+  VISCOUNT LOVELL,       B C                B C   EARL OF KENT
+  bearing the sword      a i                a i   bearing the sword
+  (civil) of justice     r n                r n   (ecclesiastical)
+                         o q                o q   of justice
+                         n u                n u
+                         s e                s e
+                                THE KING
+                         o P                o P
+                         f o                f o
+                           r                  r
+  BISHOP OF BATH AND       t                  t   BISHOP OF DURHAM
+        WELLS              s                  s
+
+  DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM, bearing the King's train
+
+  Earls
+  Barons
+
+  EARL OF HUNTINGDON,    EARL OF WILTSHIRE,       VISCOUNT LYLE,
+  bearing the Queen's    bearing the Queen's      bearing the rod
+  sceptre                crown                    with dove
+
+  BISHOP OF EXETER             THE QUEEN          BISHOP OF NORWICH
+
+  LADY STANLEY, bearing the Queen's train
+
+  DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK (King's sister), in state, alone
+
+  Twenty peeresses
+
+======================================================================
+
+
+The Duke of Buckingham put forward an important claim, soon after the
+coronation, and its success was an example of the lavish generosity of
+Richard III.  {128} Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, died
+in the year 1372, leaving his two daughters co-heiresses of his vast
+estates.  Alianore, the eldest, married Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of
+Gloucester, the youngest son of Edward III.  Their daughter and
+eventual heiress Anne married Edmund Earl of Stafford,
+great-grandfather of the Duke of Buckingham.  Mary, the second
+daughter, married Henry of Bolingbroke, Earl of Derby, who became Earl
+of Hereford by right of his wife, and eventually usurped the crown as
+Henry IV.  His male descendants ended with his grandson Henry VI.  The
+Duke of Buckingham claimed that the moiety of the Bohun estates which
+Mary brought to Henry IV. and which had merged in the crown, should now
+revert to him as the male heir of both sisters.  Legally, the claim was
+untenable, and it had been rejected by Edward IV.  Richard, however,
+generously conceded all that Buckingham asked, making a formal grant of
+the lands in question under his own sign manual.
+
+On his accession the generous young King was anxious to be reconciled
+with all his subjects with whom he had ever had differences.  Among
+these was a certain Sir John Fogge, a low intriguer, with whom the King
+condescended to shake hands.  This treacherous fellow soon afterwards
+joined in Buckingham's rebellion.  Like Louis XII. of France King
+Richard forgot and forgave all offences against the Duke of Gloucester.
+
+[Sidenote: The Royal Progress]
+
+The King set out on a progress through England,[3] {129} a fortnight
+after the coronation, accompanied by the Duke of Buckingham and a large
+retinue.  The young Earl of Warwick, Richard's nephew, was also with
+him, having been liberated from durance in the Tower, where he had been
+kept by the Marquis of Dorset as his ward, ever since the death of his
+father Clarence.  Young Warwick was also at his uncle's coronation.
+
+The King left Windsor for Reading on the 23rd, arriving at Oxford on
+July 24, where he was received by old Dr. Waynflete, Bishop of
+Winchester, and the Bishops of Worcester, St. Asaph, and St. David's.
+He was lodged in Magdalen College, and on his departure the aged Dr.
+Waynflete caused to be entered in the College register--
+
+  VIVAT REX IN AETERNUM.
+
+
+On August 1 the King was at Gloucester, and here the Duke of Buckingham
+took his leave and proceeded to his estates in Wales, accompanied by
+his intriguing prisoner Bishop Morton.  Passing on to Tewkesbury on
+August 4, Richard arrived at Warwick on the 8th, where he was joined by
+the Queen, who came direct from Windsor.[4]  The court remained a week
+at Warwick, and comprised the young Earl of Warwick, five Bishops,[5]
+the Earls of Lincoln, Surrey, and Huntingdon, Lords Stanley, Dudley,
+Morley, {130} Scrope, and Lovell, the Chief Justice, the Scottish Duke
+of Albany, and the Spanish Ambassador.  On the 10th the royal party was
+at Coventry, on the 17th at Leicester, on the 22nd at Nottingham.  The
+King and Queen arrived at Pomfret on the 27th, where they were met by
+their little son Edward, who had travelled from Middleham to be with
+them.  On the 30th they entered the city of York.
+
+The people of York vied with each other in the loyalty and cordiality
+of their welcome.  Richard III. was a most popular sovereign, and with
+good reason.  Bishop Langton,[6] who accompanied him on this progress,
+thus wrote: 'He contents the people where he goes best that ever did
+Prince, for many a poor man that hath suffered wrong many days has been
+relieved and helped by him and his commands in his progress.  And in
+many great cities and towns were great sums of money given him which he
+hath refused.[7]  On my truth I never liked the conditions of any
+Prince so well as his.  God hath sent him to us for the weal of us
+all.'[8]  On September 8 King Richard and Queen Anne walked in solemn
+procession with the crowns on their heads, on the occasion of the
+creation of their son Edward as Prince of Wales.[9]  The young Prince,
+his cousin the Earl of Warwick, and Galfridus de Sasiola, the Spanish
+Ambassador, were knighted.  The royal party left York on the 20th, and
+proceeded by Gainsborough towards Lincoln, which city was entered on
+October 12.
+
+Suddenly the news reached the King that the Duke of Buckingham had
+broken out in rebellion.  Never {131} was there an act so unprovoked
+and treacherous.  The Duke seems to have been a weak unprincipled man,
+full of vanity and self-importance, and his worst qualities were worked
+upon by the insidious old intriguer Morton, who had been entrusted to
+his custody.  Buckingham's ambition was to seize the crown.  In
+accordance with the 'Titulus Regius,' only two persons stood in his
+way.  These were King Richard III. and his delicate little son.  The
+traitor's scheme was to strike them down and seize the coveted prize.
+The rebellion was carefully planned.  All the Lancastrian and Woodville
+malcontents were invited to join, and there were to have been several
+simultaneous risings in the south of England, on October 18.  On that
+day Buckingham unfurled his standard at Brecknock, while Dorset and Sir
+Thomas St. Leger rose in the west; and even the cautious Henry Tudor
+sailed across from Brittany, but feared to land.  His mother, the wife
+of Stanley, intrigued actively with the Queen Dowager and the Woodville
+faction.
+
+The energy and decision with which the King met the danger baffled the
+policy of the rebels.  As Buckingham was Constable of England, it
+became necessary to appoint a Vice-Constable to try rebels in
+conjunction with the Earl Marshal, and Sir Ralph Ashton was selected
+for the post.[10]  Owing to a great flood in the Severn the forces of
+Buckingham were unable to cross the river, their provisions failed, and
+they disbanded.  The wretched traitor put on a disguise and fled; but
+he was betrayed and apprehended by the Sheriff of Shropshire.
+Meanwhile, the King had organised a sufficient force, and advanced
+rapidly to Salisbury, whither Buckingham was brought a prisoner.  The
+{132} traitor sought an interview with his injured sovereign, with the
+intention of assassinating him.[11]  Fortunately the request was
+refused.  He had been caught red-handed, and the Earl Marshal's court
+condemned him to death.[12]  He was beheaded at Salisbury on November
+2.  Richard treated the Duke's widow, who was a Woodville, with his
+habitual generosity; granting her a pension out of the lordship of
+Tunbridge.
+
+The other rebels fled.  Dorset and old Morton escaped abroad.  Sir
+Thomas St. Leger was caught and beheaded at Exeter, with Thomas Ramme
+and one other delinquent.  Seven rebels suffered in London.  There are
+a hundred names in the bill of attainder against the rebels; but most
+of them were subsequently pardoned, including Stanley's intriguing
+wife, who was merely given into the custody of her perfidious husband,
+an act of unwise leniency which amounted to recklessness.[13]
+
+{133}
+
+Richard had destroyed all opposition, and he now entered upon the
+serious business of government.  Although his administration was
+profusely liberal, he checked corruption, reformed the public offices,
+and {134} promoted economy in the service of the state.  Parliament met
+on January 23, 1484, and Master William Catesby was chosen Speaker.
+Its first business was to give full validity to the 'Titulus Regius' by
+embodying it in an Act of Parliament.  The public acts of Richard's
+parliament are noted for their wisdom and beneficial effects.  One of
+them gave security to purchasers of land against secret feoffments,
+another conferred power on magistrates to accept bail from persons
+accused of felony, another was intended to prevent the intimidation of
+juries.  The abolition of benevolences was a most beneficent measure,
+designed to put an end to an oppressive system of extorting money.  An
+elaborate statute was also passed to check malpractices in the
+manufacture of woollen goods.  The statutes of Richard III. were the
+first that were published in English.  The distinction between public
+and private acts was also first made in this parliament.  The latter
+included the reversal of the attainder of the Percys, several other
+restitutions, and grants for endowments, including a grant for the
+endowment of Bishop Stillington's college at Acaster.
+
+Lord Bacon, no friendly critic, said of Richard III. that he was 'a
+prince in military virtue approved, jealous of the honour of the
+English nation, and likewise a good law maker for the ease and solace
+of the common people.'[14]  In speaking of the parliament of Richard
+III. Lord Campbell says: 'We have no difficulty in pronouncing
+Richard's parliament the most meritorious national assembly for
+protecting the liberty of the subject, and putting down abuses in the
+administration of justice that had sat in England since the reign of
+Henry III.'[15]
+
+{135}
+
+[Sidenote: The revenue]
+
+King Richard III. introduced reforms in the revenue departments, which
+were prepared under his own eye.  He ordered the Auditor of the
+Exchequer to submit an annual return of all revenues, issues, and
+profits; while the Lord Treasurer was to make a return of all money
+received and disbursed in his office.  Formerly the Pell Issue and
+Receipt Rolls only showed net sums paid into the Exchequer, 'reprises'
+and direct payments being ignored.
+
+The principal source of revenue was from the customs.  The 'antiqua
+costuma' consisted of 6_s._ 8_d._ on the sack of wool, and 13_s._ 4_d._
+on the last of leather.  The 'parva costuma' included 3_s._ 4_d._ on a
+sack of wool, a small tax on cloth and other imports and exports, and
+an _ad valorem_ duty of 2_d._ in the pound, and 3_d._ from foreigners,
+on general merchandise.  Tonnage and poundage was 1_s._ in the pound on
+the value of most goods, except wool and leather, and 3_d._ on each tun
+of wine.  The 'antiqua costuma' and 'parva costuma' were hereditary,
+but tonnage and poundage had to be voted by parliament at the beginning
+of each reign.  Customs duties brought in 18,629_l._ in the first, and
+20,743_l._ in the second year of King Richard's reign.  The old crown
+revenues yielded 17,900_l._, Hanaper 2,930_l._, and other receipts
+5,297_l_.  The total annual revenue was 50,356_l._ in the first, and
+57,122_l._ in the second year.
+
+[Sidenote: The navy]
+
+The navy in those days was small, indeed it had ceased to exist during
+the wretched misrule of Henry VI.  Richard had, as Lord Admiral during
+his brother's reign, been gradually restoring the navy to efficiency,
+and in 1480 his brother appointed a 'Keeper of the Ships,' the officer
+who had control of naval organisation.  Thomas Rogers, a merchant and
+fishmonger of {136} London, was continued as 'Keeper of the Ships'
+during King Richard's reign, the navy consisting of seven ships, the
+'Nicholas,' 'Governor,' 'Grace Dieu,' 'Mary of the Tower,' 'Martin
+Garcia,' 'Falcon,' and 'Trinity.'
+
+While parliament was sitting the Convocation also assembled.  The
+bishops and clergy presented an adulatory address to the King, praying
+that he would redress their grievances, 'seeing your most noble and
+blessed disposition in all things.'  In reply Richard granted a charter
+to the clergy, confirming their liberties and immunities; and he took
+the opportunity of enjoining a closer attention to their spiritual
+duties.  With this object he issued a Royal Letter calling upon
+Churchmen to enforce discipline and promote morality among the people.
+The Convocation voted the King three-tenths, which yielded 5,600_l_.
+
+Before the prorogation the King took measures to induce the Queen
+Dowager to come out of sanctuary with her daughters.  He promised that,
+if they would be guided and ruled by him, he would treat them kindly
+and honourably as his kinswomen, marry them to gentlemen born, and give
+them suitable allowances.  Elizabeth agreed to these terms, which were
+faithfully observed; and the King also undertook to grant a pension of
+700 marks a year for her own maintenance.  She not only came out of
+sanctuary with her daughters, but showed so much confidence in
+Richard's good faith that she sent to her son, the Marquis of Dorset,
+to return to England and submit himself to the King.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of the Prince of Wales]
+
+In March, 1484, the King and Queen left London, and proceeded
+northwards by way of Cambridge, reaching Nottingham on April 20.  Here
+they received intelligence of the death of the young Prince of Wales,
+which took place at Middleham on the 9th of the same {137} month.  The
+unhappy parents were distracted with the most violent grief.  'You
+might have seen his father and mother in a state almost bordering on
+madness by reason of their sudden grief.'[16]  The child was interred
+in the chapel built by Richard himself, on the north side of Sheriff
+Hutton church.  The King had placed 'the sun in splendour,' the
+favourite device of his brother Edward, in one of the windows.  An
+alabaster effigy of the young Prince of Wales, habited in a loose gown
+with a coronet on his head, was fixed on an altar tomb.  The south side
+of the tomb is divided into compartments.  In the centre one the
+heart-broken father is represented in armour, offering up prayer to the
+Almighty, who is supporting a crucifix.  On each side, in other
+compartments, there are shields now quite plain, probably once painted,
+supported by angels; and on the window jamb there is a shield charged
+with a cross of St. George in bold relief, the badge of the garter.
+The charges on the other shields have probably been wilfully defaced,
+as well as any crowns or ensigns of royalty, to conceal the identity of
+the monument.  This was perhaps done to avoid complete desecration at
+Tudor hands.  Some months after the child's death, when Richard had to
+sign a warrant for the last expenses connected with the funeral of his
+'most dear son,' he touchingly added, in his own handwriting, 'whom God
+pardon.'[17]  This prayer may have suggested the subject of the
+sculptured panel on the tomb, where the petition is made to pass, in
+form of a scroll, from the suppliant's lips to the ear of God.
+
+King Richard, after the death of his own son, {138} declared his nephew
+Edward, Earl of Warwick, son of his brother Clarence, to be heir to the
+throne.  It was no doubt intended to reverse the attainder in due time.
+Meanwhile young Warwick was given precedence before all other peers.
+He resided sometimes at Sheriff Hutton, sometimes with his aunt, as a
+member of the King's household.[18]
+
+It is asserted by Rous that the King changed his mind soon afterwards,
+and declared his nephew the Earl of Lincoln to be his heir, closely
+imprisoning young Warwick.[19]  Rous was a dishonest and unscrupulous
+writer, and this particular statement is disproved by documentary
+evidence.  For on May 13, 1485, the Mayor and Corporation of York
+determined to address a letter to the Lords of Warwick and Lincoln and
+other of the Council at Sheriff Hutton.[20]  The precedence here given
+to young Warwick above Lincoln, and the fact of his being addressed as
+one of the Council, prove the statement of Rous to be false.  It shows
+also that Warwick had not been superseded, and that he was still heir
+to the throne, just before the battle of Bosworth.[21]  He was probably
+a member of the King's household, and one of the children mentioned in
+the Royal Ordinance of July 23, 1484.
+
+Richard III. made a progress in the north of England during the summer
+of 1484, superintending the {139} coast defences, and in August he was
+again at Nottingham receiving an embassy from Scotland.  The King gave
+audience to the Scottish envoys in the great hall of Nottingham Castle
+on September 16, seated under a royal canopy and surrounded by the
+chief officers of state.  A truce was established for three years, and
+a marriage was agreed upon between the eldest son of James III. and the
+Lady Anne de la Pole,[22] niece of the King of England.  At about the
+same time a friendly treaty was ratified between Richard and the Duke
+of Brittany.
+
+In the autumn of 1484 the body of Henry VI. was, by the King's order,
+removed from Chertsey and interred in St. George's Chapel at Windsor,
+on the south side of the high altar, the tomb of Edward IV. being on
+the north side.  The chapel was then nearly finished.
+
+[Sidenote: Popularity of the King]
+
+Richard III. returned to London on November 9.  He was met by the Lord
+Mayor and Aldermen with upwards of four hundred citizens, who escorted
+him to his residence at the Wardrobe in Blackfriars.  Christmas was
+kept at Westminster with all gaiety and splendour, the young niece
+Elizabeth being richly attired in a dress similar to that of the Queen,
+according to the gossiping old monk of Croyland.  But the beloved
+consort of so many years, the playfellow of Richard's early days, who
+had shared all his joys and sorrows, the mother of his lost child, was
+passing away.  Like her sister Isabella, Queen Anne was delicate, and
+she was now in a rapid decline.  She died on March 16, 1485,[23] and
+was buried in Westminster Abbey; her {140} sorrowing husband shedding
+tears over her grave.[24]  As an aggravation of the King's grief, an
+odious report, probably originating in the wishes of the Queen Dowager
+and her daughter, was spread abroad that he meditated a marriage with
+his illegitimate niece.  As soon as it came to Richard's ears, he gave
+it formal and public contradiction.[25]
+
+As the spring of 1485 advanced it became known that, encouraged and
+aided by the French court, the Lancastrian malcontents intended to
+attempt an invasion of England, and that, probably at the suggestion of
+Bishop Morton, they had put forward a pretender as a claimant of the
+crown.  This was Henry Tudor, who was born at Pembroke Castle on
+January 28, 1457.  His father, Edmund Tudor, was the son of a Welsh
+esquire with whom the widow of Henry V. had formed a clandestine
+connection.  Thus Edmund was a half-brother of Henry VI., who created
+him Earl of Richmond, and his brother Jasper Earl of Pembroke.  Henry
+Tudor was born two months after his father's death, when the widow was
+only in her fifteenth year.  She was daughter of John Beaufort, Duke of
+Somerset, and at this time was the wife of Lord Stanley, her third
+husband.  In 1471 Jasper Tudor fled into Brittany with his nephew
+Henry.  Both Edmund and Jasper Tudor had been attainted and deprived of
+their earldoms.  Edward IV. had created his brother Richard Earl of
+Richmond,[26] and the title had since merged in the crown.  The earldom
+of Pembroke had been conferred on King Edward's son Edward.  Henry
+Tudor, {141} who was never Earl of Richmond, had lived in Brittany for
+many years, but in 1484 he had gone to France, where the desire to
+injure her English neighbours induced the Lady of Beaujeu, daughter of
+Louis XI. and Regent for her young brother Charles VIII., to encourage
+the conspirators.  Henry's claim to relationship with the Kings of the
+House of Lancaster was derived from his mother's descent from an
+illegitimate son of John of Gaunt.[27]  It was afterwards considered
+unadvisable to put this untenable claim forward, except in vague terms,
+and Henry's title was based on conquest.
+
+[Sidenote: Threatened invasion]
+
+The King, in anticipation of the threatened invasion, took up a central
+position at Nottingham Castle in the spring of 1485, and issued
+commissions of array.  In the early part of the year he had found the
+treasury nearly exhausted, and had been obliged to resort to a {142}
+loan, in order to raise funds for the defence of the country.  His
+parliament had abolished the system of 'benevolences,' or forced
+contributions, which had often been resorted to by former kings and
+were very oppressive.  Richard, in his difficulties, would not sanction
+this illegal practice, but he appealed to the people for a loan,
+delivering 'good and sufficient pledges' for its repayment.[28]  Full
+payment was to be made in eighteen months, in two instalments.  By Good
+Friday, April 1, about 20,000_l._ had been received, out of 30,000_l._
+that had been asked for.
+
+On June 23 a royal proclamation was issued declaring Henry Tydder alias
+Tudor and his followers to be traitors and outlaws, and announcing that
+this Henry, son of Edmund, son of Owen Tydder, actually pretended to
+have a title to the crown.  The Earl of Warwick and the King's niece
+Elizabeth were sent to Sheriff Hutton for safety.  Edward and Richard,
+the young sons of Edward IV., must have been sent to the Tower with the
+same object.
+
+Meanwhile the French Regent, although there was no war and no pretext
+for hostilities with England, furnished the necessary funds to enable
+an expedition to be fitted out at Harfleur, and allowed French troops
+to be embarked under the command of a French officer named Philibert de
+Shaunde.  Thus supported and accompanied, Henry Tudor landed at Milford
+Haven on August 8, 1485.  He had with him a few Lancastrian exiles.
+
+
+======================================================================
+
+{143}
+
+PEERAGE OF RICHARD III.
+
+(Those printed in italic type were present at the Coronation.)
+
+DUKES
+
+   1.  _Duke of Buckingham, K.G._  (Stafford),[1] held the train.
+   2.  _Duke of Suffolk, K.G._  (Pole), bore the sceptre.
+   3.  _Duke of Norfolk, K.G._  (Howard), bore the crown.
+
+ROYAL MINORS
+
+   4.  Earl of Salisbury (Plantagenet),[2] son of the King.
+   5.  _Earl of Warwick_       "           son of Clarence.
+   6.  Earl of March and Pembroke, K.G.  (Plantagenet), illegitimate
+         son of Edward IV.
+
+EARLS
+
+   7.  _Earl of Lincoln_ (Pole),[2] bore the orb.
+   8.  _Earl of Surrey, K.G._  (Howard),[2] bore the sword of state.
+   9.  _Earl of Arundel, K.G._  (FitzAlan).[1]
+  10.  _Earl of Northumberland, K.G._  (Percy),[1] bore the sword of mercy.
+  11.  Earl of Westmoreland (Nevill), sick.
+  12.  _Earl of Wiltshire_ (Herbert), bore the queen's crown.
+  13.  _Earl of Kent_ (Grey), bore the ecclesiastical sword of justice.
+  14.  _Earl of Nottingham_ (Berkeley).
+  15.  _Earl of Huntingdon_, bore the queen's sceptre.
+  16.  Earl of Shrewsbury (Talbot)   } minors
+  17.  Earl of Essex (Bourchier)     }
+
+VISCOUNTS
+
+  18.  _Viscount Lovell, K.G._, bore the civil sword of justice.
+  19.  _Viscount Lisle_ (Grey),[1] bore the rod with dove.
+
+BARONS
+
+  20.  _Lord Abergavenny_ (Nevill).
+  21.  _Lord Maltravers, K.G._  (Fitz-Alan).[2]
+  22.  _Lord Grey of Codnor._
+  23.  _Lord Grey of Wilton._
+  24.  _Lord Grey of Powys._
+  25.  _Lord Morley._
+  26.  _Lord Scrope of Bolton, K.G._
+  27.  _Lord Scrope of Masham._
+  28.  _Lord Beauchamp._
+  29.  _Lord Lumley._
+  30.  _Lord Audley._
+  31.  _Lord Stourton._
+  32.  _Lord FitzHugh._
+  33.  _Lord Zouch._
+  34.  _Lord Dacre._
+  35.  _Lord Ferrers, K.G._
+  36.  _Lord Cobham._
+  37.  _Lord Stanley, K.G._,[1] bore the mace of constable.
+
+
+  [1] Turned traitors.
+  [2] Eldest sons raised to the Upper House.
+
+======================================================================
+
+======================================================================
+
+{144}
+
+BARONS--_Continued_
+
+  38.  _Lord Strange._[2]
+  39.  _Lord Welles._[1]
+  40.  Lord Greystoke, in the marches.
+  41.  Lord Mountjoy, at Calais.
+  42.  Lord Dudley, K.G., very old.
+  43.  Lord Hungerford,[2] a minor.
+  44.  Lord Ogle, in the marches.
+  45.  Lord de la Warre, abroad.
+
+PRELATES
+
+   1.  _Archbishop of Canterbury_ (Bourchier).
+   2.  _Bishop of Durham_ (Dudley).
+   3.    "    "  _Rochester_ (Audley).
+   4.    "    "  _Exeter_ (Courtenay).
+   5.    "    "  _Norwich_ (Goldwell).
+   6.    "    "  _Wells_ (Stillington).
+   7.    "    "  _Salisbury_ (Woodville).
+   8.    "    "  _Lincoln_ (Russell).
+
+UNDER ATTAINDER
+
+   1.  Earl of Oxford, Lancastrian.
+   2.  Earl of Devonshire,   "
+   3.  Lord Rivers,          "
+   4.  Lord Dynham,          "
+   5.  Lord Beaumont,        "
+   6.  Lord Clifford (minor) "
+   7.  Marquis of Dorset, Woodville faction.
+   8.  Jasper Tudor, late Earl of Pembroke.[3]
+   9.  Henry Tudor, calling himself Earl of Richmond.[4]
+
+MINISTERS OF RICHARD III.
+
+  Earl Marshal--The Duke of Norfolk.
+  Lord Chancellor--Dr. John Russell, Bishop of Lincoln.
+  Lord Chamberlain--Viscount Lovell, K.G. (at Bosworth).  Slain at Stoke.
+  Lord Steward--Lord Stanley (traitor).
+  Lord Constable--Duke of Buckingham (traitor), then Sir Ralph Ashton.
+  Lord Admiral--Duke of Norfolk, K.G.  (at Bosworth).  Slain in battle.
+  'Keeper of the Ships'--Thomas Rogers.
+  Lord Privy Seal--John Gunthorpe, Dean of Wells.
+  Lord Treasurer--Lord Audley (died 1491).
+  Chancellor of the Exchequer--William Catesby (at Bosworth).  Killed
+    by Henry VII.
+
+
+  [1] Turned traitors.
+  [2] Eldest sons raised to the Upper House.
+  [3] The earldom of Pembroke belonged to young Edward, eldest
+      illegitimate son of Edward IV.
+  [4] The earldom of Richmond had merged in the crown, having been
+      granted to the Duke of Gloucester.
+
+======================================================================
+
+
+======================================================================
+
+{145}
+
+  Chancellor of the Duchy--Thomas Metcalfe.
+  Secretary of State--John Kendall (at Bosworth).  Slain in battle.
+  Lord Deputy of Ireland--Earl of Kildare (ob. 1513).
+  Clerk of the Council--James Harington (at Bosworth).  Slain in battle.
+  Treasurer of the Household--Walter Hopton (at Bosworth).  Slain
+    in battle.
+  Comptrollers of the Household--Sir Robert Percy (of Scotton, near
+    Knaresborough), (at Bosworth).  Slain in battle.  And Sir John
+    Buck (at Bosworth).  Killed by Henry VII.
+  Keeper of the Great Wardrobe--Pierce Courteys.
+
+COMMISSIONERS FOR PEACE WITH SCOTLAND, 1484.
+
+  John Bishop of Lincoln
+  Richard of St. Asaph
+  Duke of Norfolk
+  Earl of Northumberland
+  Lord Privy Seal
+  Sir W. Stanley
+  Lord Stanley
+  Lord Strange
+  Lord Powys
+  Lord FitzHugh
+  Lord Dacre
+  Master of the Rolls
+  Sir Richard Ratcliffe
+  William Catesby
+  Richard Salkeld.
+
+JUDGES AND LAW OFFICERS OF RICHARD III.
+
+  Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench . .  William Hussey.
+  Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas . . . .  Thomas Brian.
+  Chief Baron of the Exchequer . . . . . . .  Sir Humphrey Starbury.
+  Master of the Rolls  . . . . . . . . . . .  Thomas Barrow.
+  Judges--King's Bench . . . . . . . . . . .  Roger Townshend.
+                "      . . . . . . . . . . .  Guy Fairfax.
+          Common Pleas . . . . . . . . . . .  William Jenney.
+                "      . . . . . . . . . . .  Richard Neele.
+          Exchequer    . . . . . . . . . . .  Brian Roucliffe.
+                "      . . . . . . . . . . .  Ralph Wolseley.
+  Attorney-General . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Morgan Kidwelly.[1]
+  Solicitor-General  . . . . . . . . . . . .  Thomas Lymon.[2]
+
+
+  [1] Morgan Kidwelly, King Richard's Attorney-General, was supposed,
+      even by Miss Halsted, to have turned traitor and joined Henry
+      Tudor.  But Mr. Gairdner has cleared his character, and shown
+      that the idea was due to a resemblance of names.  The
+      Attorney-General was true and loyal to the end.
+
+  [2] The Solicitor-General married Jane Shore, with the consent of
+      King Richard.
+
+======================================================================
+
+======================================================================
+
+{146}
+
+  King's Serjeants . . . . . . . . . . . . . Thomas Tremayne.
+         "         . . . . . . . . . . . . . Roger Townshend.
+         "         . . . . . . . . . . . . . John Vavasour.
+  Recorder of London . . . . . . . . . . . . Nicholas Fitzwilliam.
+
+KING RICHARD'S BISHOPS
+
+  1454-86.    _Thomas Bourchier_,[1][4] _Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury._
+  1480-1501.  Thomas Rotherham,[4] Archbishop of York.
+  1448-89.    Thomas Kempe[4] (then aged 79), Bishop of London.
+  1447-87.    _William de Waynflete_,[2]  _Bishop of Winchester._
+  1476-85.    _William Dudley_,[1][2][3] _Bishop of Durham._
+  1465-92.    _Robert Stillington_,[1] _Bishop of Bath and Wells._
+  1478-1504.  Edward Story,[4] Bishop of Chichester.
+  1478-86.    John Morton (traitor),[4] Bishop of Ely.
+  1478-86.    _Peter Courtenay_ (traitor),[1][4] _Bishop of Exeter._
+  1474-92.    Thomas Milling (Abbot of Westminster), Bishop of Hereford.
+  1459-92.    _William Smith_,[3] _Bishop of Lichfield._
+  1480-95.    _John Russell_,[1] _Bishop of Lincoln._
+  1472-99.    _James Goldwell_,[1][4] _Bishop of Norwich._
+  1480-92.    _Edmund Audley_,[1][4] _Bishop of Rochester._
+  1482-85.    _Lionel Woodville_ (traitor),[1] _Bishop of Salisbury._
+  1476-86.    _John Alcock_,[2][3] _Bishop of Worcester._
+  1478-95.    Richard Bell,[4] Bishop of Carlisle.
+  1464-96.    Thomas Ednam,[4] Bishop of Bangor.
+  1478-96.    John Marshall,[4] Bishop of Llandaff.
+  1472-95.    _Richard Redman_,[2][3] _Bishop of St. Asaph._
+  1483.       _Thomas Langton_,[2] _Bishop of St. David's._
+  1480-87.    Richard Oldham, Bishop of Sodor and Man.
+  1474-98.    _John Esteney_,[1] _Abbot of Westminster._
+
+KNIGHTS OF THE GARTER, CREATED BY RICHARD III.
+
+   1.  Sir John Conyers (at Bosworth).  Escaped.
+   2.  The Earl of Surrey (at Bosworth).  Taken prisoner.
+   3.  Viscount Lovell (at Bosworth).  Escaped.  Slain at Stoke.  The
+         King's dearest friend.
+
+
+  [1] At the coronation.
+  [2] Received the King at Oxford.
+  [3] With the King at Warwick
+  [4] At Henry Tudor's first Parliament.
+
+======================================================================
+
+
+======================================================================
+
+{147}
+
+   4.  Sir Richard Ratcliffe (at Bosworth).  Slain in the battle.
+   5.  Sir Thomas Burgh.
+   6.  Lord Stanley (traitor).
+   7.  Sir Richard Tunstall.
+
+KNIGHTS
+
+  _Sir Robert Dymoke_ (the champion) was knighted on July 5, 1483.
+  Sir Robert Percy . . . . . . . . .        "     "       "
+  Sir Walter Hopton  . . . . . . . .        "     "       "
+  Sir William Jenney (Judge) . . . .        "     "       "
+  Sir Robert Brackenbury . . . . . .        "     "       "  1485.
+
+KNIGHTS OF THE BATH, CREATED AT THE CORONATION OF RICHARD III.[1]
+
+   1.  Sir Edmund de la Pole (son of the Duke of Suffolk).
+   2.  Sir John Grey (son of the Earl of Kent).
+   3.  Sir William Zouch (brother of Lord Zouch).
+   4.  Sir George Neville (son of Lord Abergavenny).
+   5.  Sir Christopher Willoughby.
+   6.  Sir William Berkeley, of Beverston (traitor).
+   7.  Sir Henry Babington.  (Buck has Bainton.)
+   8.  Sir Thomas Arundell.
+   9.  Sir Thomas Boleyn.  (Buck has Bullen.)
+  10.  Sir Edmund Bedingfield.
+  11.  Sir Gervase Clifton.  Wounded at Bosworth.
+  12.  Sir William Saye (son of Lord Saye, who fell at Barnet).
+  13.  Sir William Enderby.
+  14.  Sir Thomas Lewknor (traitor).
+  15.  Sir Thomas Ormonde.
+  16.  Sir John Browne.
+  17.  Sir William Berkeley, of Wyldy.
+  18.  Sir Edmund Cornwall, Baron of Burford.
+
+
+  [1] From Grafton, p. 799, and Holinshed, p. 733; _Harl. MS._  293,
+      fol. 208_b_, and 2115, fol. 152; Buck, p. 26.
+
+======================================================================
+
+
+
+[1] Morton in Grafton, p. 127.
+
+[2] _Harl MSS._ 433, fol. 269.  Their high rank is shown by the order
+that no livery is to exceed the allowance, 'but only to my Lord
+(Lincoln?) and _the children_.'  See Davies, _York Records_, p. 212
+_n._, who also makes the suggestion that these children were the
+offspring of Edward IV. and the young Earl of Warwick.
+
+[3] King Richard's progress:
+
+  Windsor       22 July, 1483   |   Gloucester    1  Aug. 1483
+  Reading       23  "     "     |   Tewkesbury    4   "    "
+  Oxford        24  "     "     |   Worcester     6   "    "
+  Warwick*       8 Aug.   "     |   Doncaster    25   "    "
+  Coventry      15  "     "     |   Pontefract   27   "    "
+  Leicester     17  "     "     |   York         30   "    "
+  Nottingham+   22  "     "
+
+  * A week.
+  + Letter of Secretary Kendal to Mayor of York, Aug. 23; Drake, p. 116.
+
+[4] Rous.
+
+[5] Worcester, Lichfield, Durham, St. Asaph, and Bangor (Rous, 217).
+
+[6] Of St. David's.
+
+[7] See also Rous, p. 216.
+
+[8] Sheppard's _Christ Church Letters_, 46, quoted by Gairdner, p. 115.
+
+[9] Rymer, xii. 200, quoted by Gairdner, p.
+
+[10] Buck, p. 31, who gives the Letters Patent.
+
+[11] Confession of his son.
+
+[12] It is generally alleged that there was no trial.  The appointment
+of Sir Ralph Ashton proves that there was.
+
+[13] _King Richard's Traitors, Oct._ 1483
+
+In the bill of attainder (_Rot. Part._ v. p. 294) there are 100
+persons.  Of these were executed
+
+  The Duke of Buckingham at Salisbury.
+  Sir Thomas St. Leger at Exeter.
+  A person named Ramme at Exeter.
+  Some executed after trial at Torrington by Lord Scrope.
+
+Wm. Collingbourne had offered another man 8_l._ to go to Hy. Tudor in
+Brittany and urge him to invade England.  If they would land at Poole,
+he would get people to rise.  Executed in London, and 6 others, 2 taken
+in Kent, 4 in Southwark.
+
+  Courtenay, Bishop of Exeter       }
+  Woodville, Bishop of Salisbury    }
+  Morton, Bishop of Ely             }
+  Marquis of Dorset                 }  escaped abroad.
+    (_son of the Queen Dowager_)    }
+  Lord Welles                       }
+    (_uncle of Henry Tudor_)        }
+
+  _Proclaimed Traitors--_
+
+  Henry Tudor, calling himself Earl of Richmond.*
+  Jasper Tudor, late Earl of Pembroke.*
+  Sir E. Courtenay.
+  Margaret, wife of Lord Stanley.
+  Sir William Cheney, to induce the Duke of Brittany to help.
+  John Cheney at Salisbury, and others.
+  Wm. Noreys, of Yachendon                  }
+  Sir Wm. Berkeley, of Beverton             }
+  Sir Roger Tocotes, of Bromham, pardoned   }  44 at Newbury and in
+  Sir Wm. Stonor, in Berks.                 }    Berks.
+  Sir John Fogge, with 26 others            }
+  Richard Beauchamp, of St. Amand           }
+  William Knyvett, of Bodenham                 }  with Buckingham at
+  John Hush, merchant of London                }    Bechurch
+  Thomas Nandike, necromancer of Cambridge     }
+  Sir George Brown, of Bletchworth, and others executed at
+    Maidstone (Oct. 18), Rochester (Oct. 20), Gravesend (Oct. 22).
+  Sir John Gifford.
+  Sir Thomas Lewknor.
+  Sir Richard Gilford.
+  Reynald Pympe.
+  Sir Edward Poynings.
+  Sir William Brandon.
+  Sir John Wingfield.
+  Arthur Keane.
+  Sir William Hunter, pardoned.
+  Sir Thomas Ferveys,    "
+  Nicholas Gaynsford,    "
+
+One hundred named in the Bill, a considerable number afterwards
+pardoned.
+
+_Harl. MSS._ No. 433, p. 128; Halsted, ii. 276 _n._; Sharon Turner.
+
+* Henry Tudor _had never been_ Earl of Richmond.  His father was
+attainted, and the title was given to Richard Duke of Gloucester, with
+whom it merged in the crown.  Jasper Tudor _had been_ Earl of Pembroke
+before his attainder.  Hence Henry Tudor is named as 'calling himself
+Earl of Richmond,' while Jasper is 'late Earl of Pembroke.'  After the
+attainder the Earldom of Pembroke was conferred by Edward IV. on his
+son Edward.
+
+[14] _Life of Henry VII._
+
+[15] _Lives of the Lord Chancellors_, i. p. 407.
+
+[16] 'Vidisses tantisper patrem et matrem, iis novis apud Nothinghaniam
+ubi tunc residebant, auditis prae subitis doloribus pene
+insanire'--Croyland, p. 571.
+
+[17] _Harl. MS._ No. 433, fol. 183.
+
+[18] Rous, pp. 217-218.  'Non multo post principe, ut dicitur, mortuo,
+juvenis comes Warwici Edwardus, filius primogenitus Georgii ducis
+Clarenciae, proclamatus est apparens Angliae in curia regali, et in
+serviciis ad mensam et cameram post regem et reginam primo ei
+serviebatur.'
+
+[19] 'Postea sub arta custodia positus, conies Lincolniensis ei
+praeferrebatur nomine Johannes Pole, filius et heres Johannis Pole ducis
+Suffolchiae.'--Rous, p. 218.
+
+[20] Davies, _York Records_, p. 210.
+
+[21] Moreover, Lincoln fell at Stoke, fighting for the Earl of Warwick
+as rightful king, not for himself.
+
+[22] This marriage never took place, and the Lady Anne became a nun at
+Sion.
+
+[23] It is said by the Croyland monk (572) that there was an eclipse of
+the sun on the day of her death.  This would make it March 16.  Some
+authorities have the 11th.
+
+[24] Buck, p. 129.  'Non cum minore honore quam sicut reginam decuit
+sepeliri.'--Croyland, i. 572.
+
+[25] Croyland, _York Records_, pp. 208, 210.
+
+[26] _Rot. Parl._ vi. 227.
+
+[27] John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the third son of Edward III.,
+who lived to marry, had for his first wife Blanche, heiress of Henry
+Duke of Lancaster, through whom he acquired the title.  By her he had
+Henry IV., who usurped the crown, Edward and John, who died young,
+Philippa, married to Joam I., King of Portugal, and Elizabeth Duchess
+of Exeter.  He married secondly Constanza, heiress of Pedro King of
+Castille and Leon, and had a daughter Catalina, wife of Enrique III.,
+King of Castille and Leon.  A governess was engaged for the daughters
+of the Duke of Lancaster.  This was Catharine, daughter of a herald of
+Hainault, named Payn Roet, who had married Sir Hugh Swynford in 1367.
+The Duke had four children by this woman, named John, Henry, Thomas,
+and Joan, surnamed Beaufort from the castle in France where they were
+born.  All were born during the lifetime not only of the Duke's wife,
+but also of the governess's husband.  The Duchess died in 1394, and the
+realm was scandalised by the marriage of the Duke of Lancaster with
+this woman on January 13, 1396.  The Duke died in February 1399,
+Catharine Swynford on May 10, 1403.  Their children were granted
+letters of legitimation by Richard II. in February 1397, confirmed by
+Henry IV.  on February 10, 1407, 'excepta dignitate regali.'  Henry
+Tudor's mother was granddaughter of John, the eldest of the Beauforts.
+
+[28] Every act of Richard III. has been persistently misrepresented.
+This loan is usually alleged to have been a return to the illegal
+system of 'benevolences,' which Richard had himself abolished a year
+before, by Act of Parliament.  Even Miss Halsted is led into this
+error.  But Mr. Gairdner has completely disposed of the accusation.
+See Croyland, p. 572, and Lingard's remarks, iv. 255.  Gairdner, p. 198.
+
+
+
+
+{148}
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE BATTLE OF BOSWORTH
+
+Richard's headquarters were at Nottingham Castle, the 'Castle of Care'
+as he had called it, since he received the news of his son's death
+there.  With the aid of the loan a force had been raised and armed;
+while reinforcements were on their way from several directions.  Here
+the news arrived that Henry Tudor[1] had landed at Milford Haven with
+2,000 mercenaries.  He would never have run this risk unless he had
+previously received distinct promises of adherence from the Talbots and
+Stanleys.  His mother, the wife of Stanley, was an inveterate
+intriguer.  She had already been detected in treasonable practices and
+contemptuously forgiven by the King.  Now she had persuaded her
+treacherous husband that it would be more for his interests to be
+step-father to a new King owing everything to his treason, than to
+continue loyal to his generous and forgiving master.  This explains the
+conduct of the Stanleys, which emboldened the invader to venture upon
+such an enterprise.  The insurgents advanced by Cardigan and Welshpool
+to Shrewsbury.  They were joined by several Welsh chiefs, and by Sir
+Gilbert Talbot with 2,000 men.  Henry Tudor was accompanied by his
+uncle Jasper, and by John Vere, {149} son of the attainted Earl of
+Oxford.  Reginald Bray,[2] his mother's steward, was in attendance on
+him, and Dr. Richard Fox[3] acted as his secretary.  Most of the
+leaders of his troops were exiles who had been concerned in
+Buckingham's abortive treason.  William Brandon,[4] Sir John Cheney,
+Sir Giles Daubeny, Sir Robert Willoughby, Sir John Byron, Richard
+Edgcombe,[5] and Sir Thomas Bourchier, all come under this category.
+Sir John Savage and Simon Digby[6] joined the invaders after they had
+landed, and Walter Hungerford[7] deserted just before the battle.  No
+peer, except Stanley, joined the rebels.
+
+Lord Stanley and his brother Sir William had raised forces in
+Lancashire and Cheshire, with the base intention of turning traitors to
+their King if a good opportunity offered, but of being on the winning
+side in any circumstances.  With this object their design was to hold
+aloof until the last moment.  Sir William Stanley had a secret
+interview with Henry at Stafford.  On August 20 the insurgents, about
+8,000 strong, arrived at Atherstone, nine miles beyond Tamworth.  Here
+the Stanleys again met Henry secretly.  They pretended to the King that
+they were retreating before the invaders.
+
+Richard was undoubtedly a man endowed with great military talent.  He
+had shown remarkable {150} generalship, when quite a boy, at Barnet and
+Tewkesbury.  He had conducted the Scottish campaign with signal
+success.  He had promptly stamped out the Buckingham revolt.  He was
+now to encounter the rebels.  There can be no doubt that if he had
+waited for the reinforcements which were on their way, especially from
+the north, the result would never have been doubtful.  But alas! he
+despised his enemy, and his open and generous nature prevented him from
+harbouring a suspicion of the foul treachery of the Stanleys until it
+was too late.
+
+English pluck has been a motive power which has helped to place the
+English-speaking race in the forefront of the world's history.  That
+dogged courage facing overwhelming odds rather than wait for help or
+give ground is the secret of England's success.  Often leading to
+decisive victory it has sometimes resulted in disaster.  Never more
+conspicuous than in the audacious campaigns of Crecy and Agincourt,
+when fortune was on the side of reckless valour, it was equally present
+on the fatal field of Beauge, when Thomas Duke of Clarence lost his
+life.  We find it again at Wakefield, a battle which resembles Bosworth
+in several respects.  The brave and chivalrous father lost his life on
+the former, the gallant son on the latter field.  Both Richards were
+full of English pluck.  Both scorned to wait for succour; and
+preferred, like the men of Zutphen and of Balaclava, to charge into the
+midst of countless odds.  Both were betrayed--the Duke of York by
+Nevill, the King by the Stanleys.  These Plantagenets were fitting
+leaders of the people of England.  While their dogged English pluck led
+some of them to destruction, the very same quality has secured decisive
+victory for England on a hundred fields.
+
+{151}
+
+On August 14 King Richard was hunting in Beskwood Park.  He was an
+ardent sportsman, and this was fated to be his last day's sport.
+Monday the 15th was the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin, and he
+devoutly kept it, as we learn from the Duke of Norfolk.[8]  He
+commenced his march from Nottingham on Wednesday morning.  He was
+surrounded by loyal and devoted friends.  Viscount Lovell and Sir
+Robert Percy, the companions of his childhood, rode by his side.  The
+veteran Duke of Norfolk, who had fought with the great Talbot at
+Chatillon, was hurrying up with a contingent from the eastern counties.
+His son, the gallant Earl of Surrey, was with him.  Lords Ferrers and
+Zouch had arrived from the Midlands.  The loyal old Constable, Sir
+Robert Brackenbury, had come by forced marches from London.  The Earl
+of Northumberland, who owed much to his royal cousin,[9] was bringing a
+first instalment of troops from the north.  The faithful city of York
+was represented by eighty of her citizens, stout-hearted and well
+equipped.[10]  Other troops were on their way, and if the King had
+waited for them his victory was certain.  All the loyal gentry of the
+north were in arms, but Richard did not give them time to reach his
+camp.  Among them were the two Lords Scrope, Lords Dacre and Ogle, Lord
+Greystoke of Hinderskelf, the King's cousin,[11] who 'brought a mighty
+many,' and among the Yorkshire names of those loyal to King Richard
+were Gascoigne and Conyers, Strickland and Constable, Mauleverer and
+Plumpton, Tempest and Pudsey, Pilkington and Musgrave.
+
+{152}
+
+The King formed his army in two divisions, marching five abreast, with
+the cavalry on the flanks.  Richard himself was on a white horse richly
+caparisoned, and he wore a golden circlet on his helmet.  He entered
+Leicester in the evening of August 19, and lodged at the 'White
+Boar'[12] in North Gate Street.  In the morning of Sunday the 21st the
+army marched out of Leicester, reaching the little village of
+Stapleton, a distance of eight miles, in the afternoon.  A camp had
+already been prepared in a field near Stapleton, called 'the
+Bradshaws,' which is on a slight eminence.
+
+[Sidenote: The Battle of Bosworth]
+
+[Illustration: Map: Battle of Bosworth]
+
+This part of Leicestershire consists of a succession of hills and
+dales, with streams flowing westward, and uniting to form the Anker, a
+tributary of the Trent.  The 'Bradshaws' is on the brow of a gentle
+slope, at the base of which flows a rivulet called the Tweed.  The Duke
+of Norfolk's camp was at Cadeby, about two miles to the north, but he
+only arrived at Stapleton the day before the battle.  Stanley, still
+pretending to retreat, marched with 2,000 men, by Stoke Golding, to a
+field now called 'Gamble's Close,' facing the 'Bradshaws,' with the
+Tweed flowing between the two positions.  Sir William Stanley had a
+similar force encamped on the northern side of the field, in front of
+the town of Market Bosworth, and near the Duke of Norfolk.  Between,
+but to the west of Stapleton and Cadeby, there is a ridge known as
+Sutton Fields, in front of the village of Sutton Cheney.  A gentle
+slope sinks thence to Redmore Plain[13] and Ambien Leys, {153} between
+which is the hill called Ambien.  Further west, across the stream,
+there are some fields called the White Moors, with the village of
+Shenton to the north, and those of Dadlington and Stoke Golding to the
+south-east.
+
+Henry had arrived at Atherstone on August 20, and lodged at the 'Three
+Tuns,' while the rebel troops and their French allies under Philibert
+de Shaunde encamped in the meadows north of the church.  Tudor was here
+joined by another traitor, Robert Hardwicke of Lindley.  Next day the
+insurgents advanced nearly due east, crossed the bridge over the river
+Anker at Witherley, and then turned up the Fenn Lanes, encamping on
+White Moors.  Hardwicke of Lindley acted as their guide.  They were a
+mile from Ambien Hill, with Lord Stanley in advance of their right
+flank, and Sir William Stanley between their camp and Bosworth, on
+their left flank.
+
+The King had thrown up a breastwork to protect his camp, 300 yards
+long, with flanks of fifty yards, facing Lord Stanley.  At length the
+suspicious conduct of Stanley forced him to entertain the idea of
+treachery.  But it was too late.  He had about 8,000 men, while
+Norfolk's contingent numbered 4,000.  The Stanleys had about 8,000 men,
+and the insurgent army was composed of 2,000 French mercenaries, 2,000
+retainers of Sir Gilbert Talbot, and 4,000 Welsh and English traitors,
+in all 8,000 men.  Including the Stanley contingents, the enemy largely
+outnumbered the royal army.
+
+During the night Sir Simon Digby got into the royal camp as a spy, and
+returned with the report that the troops were in motion.  The rebel
+leaders, therefore, sounded to arms.  This must have been at dawn of
+Monday, August 22, 1485.  The sun rose that {154} day at a quarter
+after five.[14]  King Richard marched north-eastward for two miles to
+effect a junction with the Duke of Norfolk.  The royal army was then
+formed in two lines, along the ridge of Sutton Fields.  The archers
+were in the front line, with a few small pieces of artillery, under the
+Duke of Norfolk.  The bill-men formed the rear line, and the horse were
+on the flanks.  Stanley marched at the same time as the King, and
+halted to the rear of his left flank.  The Earl of Northumberland
+arrived the same morning, but he seems to have thought that his men
+needed rest.  He took no part in the battle.  This slackness and want
+of zeal were punished in after years by the loyal people of
+Yorkshire.[15]
+
+King Richard was dressed in the same suit of polished steel that he had
+worn at Tewkesbury, with a golden circlet round his helmet.  He rode to
+a knoll, since called 'Dickon's Nook,' and addressed the army in a
+spirit-stirring speech, calling on all true Englishmen to resist the
+foreign invaders, and appealing to their loyalty and patriotism.  He
+then led them down the slope, placing his right towards Ambien Leys.
+In front of his centre there was a well, since known as King Richard's
+Well.
+
+Philibert de Shaunde had formed the insurgents across Redmore Plain,
+with a morass on their right flank.  In their first line was John Vere
+in the centre, Sir Gilbert Talbot on the right, and Sir John Savage on
+the left wing.  Jasper Tudor commanded the second line, and his nephew
+Henry kept well in {155} the rear.  John Vere ordered his men not to
+advance more than ten paces in front of their standard; for he knew of
+the contemplated treachery, and that the royal troops would be attacked
+in the rear.
+
+As soon as the King saw that the insurgents had left their camp and
+advanced round the morass, he gave the order for the attack at about 10
+A.M.  A volley of arrows was discharged on either side: probably a few
+shots from some small pieces of ordnance were fired by the rebels.[16]
+Then the traitor Stanley threw off the mask and fell upon the left rear
+of the royal army, throwing it into confusion.  The Duke of Norfolk
+fought gallantly and fell in the thickest of the battle.
+
+The young King beheld this treason, and at once made up his mind.  He
+saw that a desperate charge of cavalry was the only remaining chance.
+He received a report that Henry Tudor was skulking in the rear, and
+resolved to attack him.  It was a well-concerted plan, though made on
+the spur of the moment.  Richard was surrounded by loyal and devoted
+knights.  It is said that he stopped to quench his thirst at the well.
+Then, putting spurs to his horse, he galloped forward, followed by the
+Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Secretary of State, the Clerk of the
+Council, the Constable of the Tower, Lords Lovell, K.G., Ferrers, and
+Zouch; Sir Bryan Stapleton, Sir Thomas and Humphrey Stafford, Sir
+Richard Clarendon, Sir Gervase {156} Clifton, Sir Robert Percy,[17] Sir
+Richard Ratcliffe, K.G.,[18] the flower of England's loyal chivalry.
+Sir William Parker was the standard-bearer.  Never was the valour of
+the kingly race of Plantagenet more gloriously displayed.  Sir Robert
+Brackenbury was encountered by the traitor Hungerford, who slew the
+grey-headed old warrior, loyal to the last.  Sir Gervase Clifton was
+overthrown and badly wounded, but he was shielded from further harm by
+Sir John Byron, his old friend and neighbour in Nottinghamshire, who
+eventually obtained his pardon from the usurper.[19]  The King himself
+felled William Brandon to the ground.  He was the adventurer's
+standard-bearer, and the red dragon worked on white and green sarcenet
+was hurled into the mud.  The lions of England still waved over their
+defenders.  The King then unhorsed Sir John Cheney, a French pensioner,
+and was on the point of reaching Henry Tudor himself, when the last and
+foulest act of treachery was perpetrated.  Sir William Stanley suddenly
+attacked the right flank of the royal army with 3,000 men.  King
+Richard was surrounded.  He was urged to fly by the loyal knights who
+stood by him to the last.  'Never,' exclaimed the young hero, 'I will
+not budge a foot; I will die King of England,' and he dashed into the
+thickest of the fight.  Like a sturdy oak sinking under a thousand
+blows, at length King Richard fell, fighting an army and covered with
+wounds.  'Fighting manfully in the thickest press of his enemies,'
+confessed one of the most unscrupulous {157} among them.[20]  He fell
+at the foot of the hill in Ambien Leys.  Lord Ferrers, Lord Zouch, Sir
+Richard Ratcliffe, the Secretary of State, and the Clerk of the Council
+fell fighting by his side.  Sir William Conyers and Sir Richard
+Clarendon were also among the slain, with many other loyal knights and
+gentlemen.  Sir William Parker (or Thurleball?), the King's
+standard-bearer, is said to have kept the lions of England on high
+until both his legs were cut from under him, nor, when on the ground,
+would he let go while breath was left in his body.[21]
+
+The royal charge commenced at 11 A.M. and lasted about half an hour.
+Each side lost a hundred men in battle, but the treason of the Stanleys
+was followed by the flight of the royal army towards Stoke Golding, and
+during the pursuit, which continued for fifty minutes, there was
+considerable slaughter.
+
+Henry then came to the front, and was at Stoke Golding when Sir William
+Stanley brought him the golden circlet off the late King's helmet,
+saluting him {158} as King.  The place is called 'Crown Hill.'  Stanley
+was made Lord Chamberlain by the usurper; but such a traitor could not
+be trusted.  Henry was conscious that 'though Stanley came in time to
+save his life, he delayed long enough to endanger it.'  The astute and
+patient King, brought up in the school of Louis XI., bided his time.
+Before many years his saviour was beheaded.
+
+Shameful indignities are said to have been perpetrated on the lifeless
+body of King Richard.  They could have been prevented by a word from
+Henry, but that word was not spoken.  'Insults offered by the victor to
+the corpse of a soldier slain in battle evince a great degree of
+meanness or cowardice on the part of the former.'[22]
+
+Richard III. was buried in the church of St. Mary, belonging to the
+Grey Friars, at Leicester, and a tomb was erected over his grave.  Not
+only has the tomb long since disappeared, but the church also.  In 1808
+a stone pyramid was built over the well on the battlefield, with a
+suitable inscription by the learned Dr. Parr, to commemorate the
+gallant death of the King:
+
+  AQUA EX HOC PUTEO HAUSTA
+
+  SITIM SEDAVIT
+
+  RICABDUS TERTIUS REX ANGLIAE
+
+  CUM HENRICO COMITE DE RICHMONDIA
+
+  ACERRIME ATQUE INFENSISSIME PRAELIANS
+
+  ET VITA PARITEB AC SCEPTRO
+
+  ANTE NOCTEM CARITURUS
+
+  II KAL. SEPT. A.D. MCCCCLXXXV
+
+
+In 1871 the arms of King Richard III., impaling those of Queen Anne,
+were placed on an abutment of the new bridge at Nottingham, as a
+memorial.  {159} Richard III., the last of our Plantagenet kings, is
+the only one since the Norman Conquest who has fallen on the field of
+battle.  He was also the youngest of our actual reigning sovereigns
+when he died.[23]
+
+Richard passed through the first thirty years of his life, before his
+accession, with honour and repute.  He displayed brilliant courage as a
+knight, and remarkable ability as a general.  In France he upheld the
+honour of England against the corrupt faction which surrounded his
+sovereign.  In Scotland he did admirable service by the capture of
+Berwick.  He was an efficient and energetic administrator of the
+Northern Marches, and was the first to establish postal communication
+by means of relays of horses.  He was justly popular throughout the
+country, and was beloved in Yorkshire, where he was best known.  When
+the news of his death reached York, the people were plunged in grief.
+The following entry was made in the City Register: 'He was piteously
+slain and murdered to the great heaviness of this city.'[24]
+
+On his accession to the throne his character did not alter.  He loved
+his country, and was a King of great administrative ability.  He was
+prompt and vigorous in suppressing insurrections, and baffling the
+schemes of conspirators; but he was lenient, often unwisely so, when
+the immediate danger was over.  No other King would have spared such
+mischievous traitors as Stanley and Morton.  His generosity to the
+families of attainted rebels will not find any parallel in our history.
+Not only did he show liberal clemency to the wives of Rivers, Hastings,
+Buckingham and others: {160} but he actually pensioned the wives of men
+who were plotting against him in foreign countries, like John Vere,
+Lord Dynham, and Alexander Cheney.  His uprightness and good faith were
+relied upon by enemies and friends alike.  Lord Rivers appointed him
+supervisor of his last will, well knowing him to be an honourable and
+magnanimous foe.  Lady Latimer sought the same service from him, as a
+kind and trusty friend.  As an arbitrator in family disputes, like that
+between Sir Robert Plumpton and his relations, Richard, by his
+impartial justice, established peace and concord where there had been
+ill-will and litigation.[25]  There was nothing mean or sordid in his
+nature; he was liberal, open-handed, and generous.
+
+[Sidenote: Administration of King Richard]
+
+Richard's Parliament was the best that had met since the time of Edward
+I.  His administration was patriotic.  He checked corruption in the
+public service, {161} refused large sums of money that were offered to
+him as gifts by several towns,[26] and anxiously sought the welfare of
+his people.  He took great interest in the administration of justice,
+and it is recorded that in Michaelmas term of 1484 he personally
+attended in the Star Chamber and propounded questions of law to the
+judges.  He encouraged trade, and especially voyages to Iceland and the
+northern fisheries.  In Ireland he was very popular and his government
+was successful.  His foreign policy was wise and judicious.  He made
+peace with Scotland, established friendly relations with Brittany and
+Spain, observed strict neutrality between Maximilian and the Flemish
+towns, while promoting commercial intercourse, and watched the
+treacherous regency of France with well-founded suspicion.
+
+King Richard was a great builder.[27]  He founded collegiate churches
+at Middleham, Barnard Castle, and All Hallows Barking, built a memorial
+chapel at Towton, another at Sheriff Hutton, endowed Queens' College,
+Cambridge,[28] and erected a handsome tower at Westminster.  He pushed
+forward the works at St. George's Chapel, Windsor, begun by his
+brother, and repaired the castles of Skipton, Carlisle, Nottingham, and
+Warwick.  His cognizance of the white boar is still to be seen on the
+stonework of an oriel window at Barnard Castle.  Richard was a prince
+of literary tastes, and among his books a manuscript copy of the
+romance of Tristan de Leonnais and a Wickliffe Bible have been
+preserved.  He was the friend and patron {162} of Caxton, who dedicated
+a book 'Of the Ordre of Chyvalry and Knyghthode' to 'his redoubted Lord
+King Richard.'  By letters patent, dated March 21, 1484, he gave the
+Heralds a charter of incorporation, and was thus the founder of the
+College of Arms.  He also granted them 'a right fayre and stately
+house,'[29] called Pulteney's Inn.  He was devout and religious,
+striving to promote greater activity among the clergy in improving the
+morals of the people.  Richard was a keen sportsman, devoted to the
+chase both with hawk and hound.  He kept large hunting establishments
+at Westminster and in Yorkshire.
+
+King Richard was probably conscious of the political change that was
+impending in the world, for he was a vigilant observer of the signs of
+the times, and was well versed in the political questions which were
+engaging the attention of European statesmen.  He had witnessed the
+fall of his brother-in-law, Charles the Bold, and the collapse of the
+system he upheld.  He must have seen that feudalism was giving way to a
+new era, in the age of the Renaissance.  The young Plantagenet was well
+fitted by nature to rule the destinies of England during this period of
+change.  He had received an excellent training.  For years he had been
+accustomed to confer with the authorities at York on their local
+affairs, he had often been in consultation with clerical advisers when
+framing statutes for his collegiate churches, and from early youth he
+had had unusual opportunities of acquiring a knowledge of the needs and
+wishes of the people.  He desired to {163} reign in the hearts of his
+countrymen.  His proclamations and letters show that he wished to take
+his people into his counsels, to consult public opinion, and to be
+guided by it.  He was an administrator of no mean ability, and although
+he was bold even to recklessness in facing the consequences of his
+acts, he always showed anxiety to have the public feeling with him.  He
+would, in all probability, have respected the rights and liberties of
+his subjects while leading them into new ways.
+
+[Sidenote: Richard and the Tudors]
+
+In all respects Richard was better fitted to reign over England in the
+days of change that were inevitable than the two tyrants who succeeded
+him.  Henry Tudor caused a beautiful chapel to be built at Westminster
+for his own tomb, but his son robbed and destroyed scores of far more
+beautiful tombs and churches in all parts of England.  There might have
+been an age of English Renaissance under Richard.  There actually was
+an age of Vandalic destruction under the Tudors.  The father was a
+miserly foreigner, the son a rapacious and remorseless tyrant,[30] both
+despots by nature, and haters of constitutional freedom.  The battle of
+Bosworth was a calamity from which England did not soon recover.  But
+after seventy-three years of tyranny the Great Queen began to reign.
+Though a Tudor by name her high qualities were derived from her
+mother's English ancestors.  She was a true Englishwoman at heart.
+Descendant of the brave and loyal Norfolk who fell fighting for King
+Richard at Bosworth, the grand-niece of Richard III. was by blood even
+more truly English than were her Yorkist great-uncles.
+
+{164}
+
+Richard was most agreeable and ingratiating in his manners, and where
+he was best known he was most liked.[31]  He formed friendships which
+endured the test of time.  Those who knew and loved him in boyhood
+fought by his side on the fatal field at Bosworth.[32]  Richard III.
+was the only one of our kings who made a true love match.  His cousin
+Anne, the playmate of his childhood, was his first love.  United before
+they were twenty, they passed ten years of happy married life together
+at Middleham.  Their love is proved by their constant companionship.
+When the Protector was surrounded by perils and difficulties, his wife
+hurried up to London to share them with him.  Together they were
+crowned, together they sat at public banquets, made progresses and
+walked in royal processions.  Together they mourned over the death of
+their beloved child, and sought comfort in mutual sympathy.  Richard
+only survived his wife's death for five short months; having shared
+with her their joys and sorrows for fourteen years.
+
+[Sidenote: Contemporary sovereigns]
+
+The true picture of our last Plantagenet King is not unpleasant to look
+upon, when the accumulated garbage and filth of centuries of calumny
+have been cleared off its surface.
+
+{165}
+
+CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS
+
+  Scotland            _James III._                           1460-1488
+  France              _Anne of Beaujeu_ (Regent for               1483
+                        _Charles VIII._)
+  Brittany            _Francis II._                          1458-1488
+  Low Countries       _Mary and Maximilian_                  1477-1493
+  Germany             _Emperor Frederick III._               1440-1493
+  Denmark, Sweden,    _Hans_                                 1481-1513
+    and Norway
+  Bohemia             _Vladislaus_                           1471-1510
+  Hungary             _Matthias Corvinus_                    1458-1490
+  Poland              _Casimir IV._                          1445-1492
+  Castille            _Isabella_                             1474-1504
+  Aragon              _Ferdinand_                            1479-1516
+  Portugal            _Joam II._                             1481-1495
+  Naples              _Ferdinand of Aragon_                  1458-1494
+  Pope                _Sixtus IV._ (delle Rovere)            1471-1484
+   "                  _Innocent VIII._ (Cibo)                1484-1492
+  Tuscany             _Lorenzo de' Medici_                   1469-1492
+  Milan               _Gian Galeazzo Sforza_                 1476-1494
+  Grand Seigneur      _Bayazid II._                          1481-1512
+
+
+
+[1] Henry Tudor was not, and never had been, Earl of Richmond.  His
+father had been deprived by attainder and outlawry.  Richard Duke of
+Gloucester was created Earl of Richmond by King Edward IV., and when
+Richard succeeded, the title merged in the crown.
+
+[2] Sir Reginald Bray was made a K.B. at Henry's coronation, and
+afterwards a Knight of the Garter.  He was an architect, and has the
+credit of having finished St. George's Chapel at Windsor and built
+Henry VII.'s Chapel at Westminster.
+
+[3] Fox was a priestly conspirator who had been acting as one of
+Morton's agents.  He was rewarded with the Bishopric of Winchester.
+
+[4] Henry's standard-bearer.
+
+[5] Knighted after the battle.
+
+[6] Made Lieutenant of the forests of Sherwood, Beskwood, and Clipston,
+on Sept. 22, 1485.
+
+[7] Knighted after the battle.
+
+
+[8] _Paston Letters_, ii. p. 334.
+
+[9] Their mothers were sisters.  Richard III. had passed an Act
+restoring all their rights and possessions to the Percys.
+
+[10] Davies, _York Records_, p. 216.
+
+[11] Their mothers were sisters.
+
+[12] Afterwards the 'Blue Boar.'
+
+[13] The battle was sometimes called Redmore, 'apud Rodemore juxta
+Leicestre' (_York Records_, p. 217).  See also Drayton's _Polyolbion_,
+xxii.
+
+  'O Redmore then it seemed thy name was not in vain,
+  When with a thousand's blood the earth was coloured red.'
+
+[14] Thirty-first of Gregorian era.  Sun rises at 5.15 A.M.
+
+[15] They killed him near Thirsk, on April 28, 1488, when he was
+engaged in enforcing the payment of extortionate taxes levied by his
+new master (Dugdale's _Baronage_, p. 282).
+
+[16] Four cannon balls were found on Ambien Hill in the last century.
+They are now in possession of Mrs. Park Yates, of Sandiway, near
+Northwich, who allowed Mr. Gairdner to examine them.  One is of lead,
+weighing 14-3/4 lbs., another 8-1/2 lbs., another 4 lbs., and the fourth is
+of stone and larger.  Mr. Gairdner suggests that the guns may have been
+brought by the rebels from Tamworth Castle, which was on their line of
+march.
+
+[17] Son of Robert Percy of Scotton, near Knaresborough.
+
+[18] Eldest son of Sir Thomas Ratcliffe of Derwentwater.  Sir Richard
+married Agnes, daughter of Lord Scrope of Bolton.
+
+[19] Sir Gervase Clifton of Clifton lived until 1493.  His tomb is in
+Clifton Church.
+
+[20] Polydore Virgil, p. 224.  'Attamen si ad ejus honorem veritatem
+dicam ut nobilis miles licet corpore parvus et viribus debilis ad
+ultimum anhelitum suum modo defensorio clarissime se habuit, saepius se
+proditum clamans et dicans "Treason!  Treason!  Treason!" et sic
+gustans quod aliis saepius propinaverat miserrime vitam finivit.'--Rous,
+p. 218.  'Nam inter pugnandum et non in fuga, dictus Rex Richardus,
+multis vulneribus ictus, quasi princeps animosus et audentissimus in
+campo occubuit.'--_Croyland Chron._, Gale, i. p. 574.
+
+[21] Hutton's _Bosworth_.  The only detailed account of the battle is
+in the history of the Italian Polydore Virgil, who came to England in
+about 1503.  Hall, Grafton, and Holinshed copied from Polydore, or from
+each other.  Hutton visited the ground in 1788, and again in 1807, and
+wrote a history of the battle.  Mr. Gairdner also went over the ground
+and wrote an account of the battle in the _Archaeologia_, lv. pt. vii.
+p. 159 (1896), read Jan. 24, 1895.  The present writer has twice been
+over every part of the ground, and examined it carefully with Polydore
+Virgil and Hutton as his guides, the first time accompanied by an
+accomplished antiquary, the present Earl of Liverpool.
+
+[22] Brooke, _Visits to Battle Fields in England_, p. 170.
+
+[23] Mary II. was two months younger, but she was only a joint
+sovereign.  Edward VI. never actually reigned.
+
+[24] Davies, _York Records_, p. 218.
+
+[25] The history of this Plumpton arbitration illustrates the
+difference between Richard III. and Henry VII.  The former appears as a
+just and upright king, studying the good of his subjects; the latter,
+as a pettifogging tyrant, seeking pretexts and excuses for robbery and
+spoliation.
+
+The dispute was between Sir Robert Plumpton and his heirs general as to
+rights of succession.  At last there was an agreement to abide the
+award of the King's Majesty.  Richard III. gave the matter his careful
+attention, and decided on the merits, solely actuated by the desire of
+doing substantial justice.  His judgment was given on September 16,
+1483.  Impartial justice was actually done by Richard's award, and its
+conditions were peacefully acquiesced in by both parties, for several
+years.
+
+'But,' as the Editor remarks, 'it was the misfortune of Sir Robert
+Plumpton to have lived on into the days of Henry VII., who, under the
+pretence of a rigid enforcement of the law, sought only the means to
+gratify his avarice.'  Every defect of title, which might furnish the
+pretext for a suit or fine, was eagerly caught at in order to swell the
+revenue.  In this manner the claim of the Plumpton heirs general was
+re-opened by the infamous Empson, the tool of Henry; and after years of
+persecution, Sir Robert was reduced to beggary and a debtors' prison.'
+_Plumpton Correspondence_, pp. xc. to cxviii.  (_Camden Society_, 1839).
+
+[26] London, Gloucester, and Worcester.
+
+[27] 'Erat iste Rex Ricardus in edificiis laudandus, ut
+Westmonasteriensi, Notinghamiae, Warwici, Eboraci et apud Midlam,
+multisque aliis locis, ut ad oculum manifesta evidet.'--Rous, p. 215.
+
+[28] Rous, p. 216.
+
+[29] Stow.  Henry Tudor, when he usurped the crown, seized upon this
+property, and turned out the Heralds.  They remained houseless until
+1555, when the Earl Marshal purchased a house on St. Benet's Hill for
+them, the site of the present Heralds' College.
+
+[30] Henry VIII. was never known to exercise the prerogative of mercy.
+Even poor young Lord Dacre was among his victims, for a trivial offence.
+
+[31] 'Richard was bold in conceiving and reckless in facing the
+consequences of his acts, of high and brilliant courage, and seductive
+manners.'--W. Campbell, _Introduction to Materials for the History of
+the Reign of Henry VII._, p. xiv.
+
+[32] Lord Lovell and Sir Robert Percy.
+
+
+
+
+{166}
+
+PART II
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE AUTHORITIES
+
+The dynasty of the Plantagenets had reigned over England for more than
+three centuries, when the last King of that royal race fell at the
+battle of Bosworth.  Under the Plantagenets, Normans and Saxons were
+welded into one nation.  The House of Commons became a firmly
+established institution.  The cherished liberties of England took form
+and shape.  The victories of the Plantagenet kings are the most
+glorious traditions of the English people.  No other dynasty became so
+thoroughly national, and the Yorkist kings were almost pure Englishmen
+in blood.[1]  A halo of romance would naturally have gathered round our
+last Plantagenet, our youngest reigning sovereign,[2] and the only
+English monarch since the Conquest who fell in battle, fighting
+valiantly for his crown and country.
+
+Instead of this being the case, the accusations of his enemies have
+received full credence.  He was charged {167} with the committal of a
+series of atrocious crimes, his name has been execrated by posterity,
+and historians have vied with each other in heaping opprobrium on his
+memory.
+
+[Sidenote: Rooted prejudice]
+
+Yet there are obvious reasons for closely criticising the accusations
+against King Richard, and for examining them with more than ordinary
+care before accepting them as proved.  For his successor had no valid
+title to the crown.  It was not only the new King's interest, but a
+necessity of his position, that he should cause grave charges to be
+brought against his predecessor, and that they should be accepted as
+true.  Henry VII. had the power and the will to silence all comment,
+and to prevent any defence from being published.  Evidence in favour of
+Richard was destroyed.  Authors employed by Henry, and others who were
+anxious to please him and his successors, were alone permitted to write
+histories.  Not a syllable was allowed to be uttered on the other side
+for one hundred and sixty years.  The story thus put forward was
+dramatised by Shakespeare, and became so familiar to posterity that
+even writers of our own day approach the subject with unconscious
+prejudice which they cannot resist.  If Richard performs kindly acts,
+and many such are recorded, he is trying 'to get unsteadfast friends.'
+If he punishes treason he is 'a venomous hunchback.'  If a rebellion is
+put down during his reign he is an inhuman tyrant.  His ability is
+cunning, his justice is cruelty, his bravery is fury, his generosity is
+artfulness, his devotion is hypocrisy.
+
+In giving some account of the original authorities upon whose testimony
+the charges against King Richard rest, I only propose to state general
+conclusions with regard to them in the present chapter; because proofs
+{168} and arguments will be embodied in the detailed discussions which
+follow.
+
+Bernard Andre, Archbishop Morton, and Polydore Virgil were actually in
+the pay or under the direct influence of the first Tudor King.  In this
+trio only one was an Englishman.  John Rous and Robert Fabyan wrote
+during Henry's reign, accepted his version of events, and sought his
+favour.  The continuator of the Chronicle of Croyland Abbey is the sole
+independent source of information.
+
+[Sidenote: Morton's pamphlet]
+
+By far the most important of the original authorities, and the one on
+which all subsequent history has been based, is Archbishop Morton.  His
+narrative is contained in the 'History of Richard III.,' erroneously
+attributed to Sir Thomas More, who was in Morton's household when a
+boy.  This work first appeared in Hardyng's Chronicle, printed by
+Grafton in 1543.  It was embodied in Hall's Chronicle, and copied by
+Holinshed.  Fourteen years after its publication, another and somewhat
+different version was brought out by Rastell in 1557.  Rastell was
+related to Sir Thomas More, and he alleged that his version was taken
+from a manuscript in More's handwriting written about 1513.  A Latin
+version, written long before its publication, was printed at Louvain in
+1566, with various additions to the imaginary speeches, and an address
+to Henry VIII.  and the Earl of Surrey.  Sir George Buck[3] and Sir
+John Harington[4] had heard that the work was written {169} by Morton.
+The Latin version could not have been, for it is addressed to Henry
+VIII., and Morton died in 1500.
+
+The history, as we have it, contains long speeches and dialogues which
+must have been fabricated by the writer.  The narrative from the death
+of Edward IV. to the accession of Richard was certainly written or
+dictated by Morton, for no one else could have been cognizant of some
+of the facts.  The title given by the publisher is misleading.  It is
+not a 'history of Richard III.,' but a very detailed narrative of the
+events from his brother's death to his own accession, covering a period
+of less than three months.  It ends abruptly at a point just before the
+date of Morton's flight from England.  His personal knowledge ceased
+with his departure, and here the story suddenly comes to an end.  He
+was evidently acquainted personally with every detail, and he possessed
+an exceptionally accurate memory.[5]  The errors and alterations of
+dates in the narrative must consequently have been made intentionally
+and with an object.  Morton's character and the value of his testimony
+will be discussed more fully in a future chapter.  The story of the
+murder of the young princes at the end of the book cannot have been
+written by Morton, for it alludes to events which happened after
+October 12, 1500, the date of that prelate's death.  The outline of the
+story of the murder was no doubt inspired, as Lord Bacon shrewdly
+suspected, by Henry VII. himself.
+
+Rastell assumed that the English version of this {170} 'History of
+Richard III.' was composed by Sir Thomas More because a copy in his
+handwriting was found among his papers.  The previous publication by
+Grafton proves that there were other copies abroad, differing slightly
+from each other, and there is no reason for assuming that the copy in
+More's handwriting was the original.  Indeed there is evidence that it
+was not.  Grafton's version contains a good deal at the end which is
+not in the narrative attributed to More by Rastell.  The latter ends
+abruptly, as if the whole had not been copied.  More merely made an
+unfinished copy.  The respect with which this production has been
+treated is due to Sir Thomas More's reputed authorship, and to this is
+to be attributed its comparative freedom from criticism.  It is in
+reality an unscrupulous party pamphlet, and its authorship ought not to
+affect its character.  Yet the reply to any objection to statements
+contained in it has hitherto been that it was written by the good and
+virtuous Sir Thomas More, and therefore must be true.[6]
+
+Internal evidence makes it certain that More did not write it.  The
+author speaks of the death-bed of Edward IV. as an eye-witness.[7]
+More was then only five years of age.  He was born in February 1478.
+{171} This seems conclusive.  Sir Thomas made an incomplete copy, when
+a young man, of a work which was attracting a good deal of attention,
+and of which there were other copies in circulation.  The date of the
+copy is said by Rastell to be 1513, when More's age was about
+thirty-five.  The actual compiler of the book, as we have it, is
+unknown.  But the information and the inspiration of the whole work,
+with the exception of the story of the murder of the young princes at
+the end, is undoubtedly from Archbishop Morton.  I have, therefore,
+referred to the work as by Morton, and to the story of the murders,
+which is clearly not by Morton, as by Rastell's anonymous historian.
+
+[Sidenote: Bernard Andre]
+
+Henry VII. began the business of vilifying his predecessor very early
+in his reign.  It was indeed a matter of the utmost moment to him, for
+he appears to have considered that a belief in the alleged crimes of
+Richard was essential to the security of his own position.  He brought
+over a blind Gascon from France, named Bernard Andre, whom he appointed
+his poet laureate and historiographer.  Andre began to write a life of
+Henry VII. in 1500.  It is very brief, with several gaps, and he left
+it incomplete when he died in about 1522.
+
+[Sidenote: Polydore Virgil]
+
+But the Italian who arrived some years later in Henry's reign was far
+more serviceable.  Polydore Virgil was the paid historian of the
+Tudors.  He was a native of Urbino, and was sent to England by his
+patron, the infamous Pope Alexander VI., in 1501 as the assistant
+collector of the tax called Peter's pence.  Henry requested him to
+undertake the history, placing all official materials at his disposal,
+and doubtless indicating the line he was to take.  He proved {172} an
+apt pupil and was well rewarded.  He was made absentee Rector of Church
+Langton, received a prebend at Lincoln, another at Hereford, and was
+appointed Archdeacon of Wells.  In 1513 he was made a Canon of St.
+Paul's with a house, and he had other preferment.  His history was
+completed in 1534.  Polydore Virgil was a man of learning, and his work
+is based on original research.  But he did not hesitate to misrepresent
+facts not only to please his patrons, but in order to gratify his own
+spite and malignity.[8]  In his account of events in the life of
+Richard III. he merely recorded the version that would be pleasing to
+his employer.  His imperfect knowledge of the English language impairs
+the value of his evidence when obtained from oral sources.  The tale of
+the assassination of young Edward of Lancaster by a King of England and
+his chief nobles is peculiarly Italian, and may be claimed by Polydore
+as his original conception.  It is worthy of this protege of the
+Borgias.  His statements respecting King Richard deserve little credit,
+unless they are corroborated by independent evidence.  Polydore had
+access to the written statements of Morton, of which he made
+considerable use.  He also had the run of all official documents, and
+he is said to have made away with numerous original papers, which may
+be presumed to have disproved his assertions.[9]  One most {173}
+important document, which Henry ordered to be destroyed, has been
+preserved through a fortunate accident.[10]
+
+These three writers, Andre, Morton, and Virgil, were employed by the
+Tudors, and considering the sources from whence their statements come,
+little weight ought to be attached to them.  They are the paid, and
+very well paid, counsel and witnesses of King Richard's cunning enemy.
+'The sagacious, patient, unchivalrous man,' says Mr. Campbell,
+'although he rewarded his panegyrists with, for him, prodigal
+liberality, estimated with mercantile keenness the worth which their
+eulogies would bear in his own age.'[11]
+
+[Sidenote: Rous]
+
+The authors who wrote during the reign of Henry VII., but not in his
+pay or directly under his influence, next come under review.  John
+Rous, the so-called hermit of Guy's Cliff, was an antiquary and an
+heraldic draughtsman.  He knew Richard personally.  He was the author
+of 'Historia Regum Angliae,' which he dedicated to Henry VII., and in
+which he heaped virulent abuse on King Richard, crowding his venom into
+a page or two at the end--an after-thought to please his new patron.
+He also prepared two pictorial heraldic rolls, representing the
+pedigree of the Earls of Warwick.  Both were executed during the
+lifetime {174} of King Richard.  One is at Kimbolton, the other at the
+Heralds' College.  To the latter Rous had access after the accession of
+Henry.  To the former he had not.  In the former Richard is described
+as 'a mighty Prince and special good Lord,' and as 'the most victorious
+Prince Richard III.  In his realm full commendably punishing offenders
+of the laws, especially oppressors of his commons, and cherishing those
+that were virtuous, by the which discreet guiding he got great thanks
+and love of all his subjects rich and poor, and great laud of the
+people of all other lands about him.'  The latter roll was still in the
+hands of Rous when Richard fell.  The above passage is expunged.  The
+portraits of the two Yorkist Kings are taken out.  Queen Anne Nevill is
+despoiled of her crown, her son is deprived of crown and sceptre, and
+Richard is merely alluded to as Anne's 'infelix maritus.'  The
+testimony of such an unblushing time-server as Rous must be rejected as
+worthless.  Yet, in one or two instances, he has inadvertently revealed
+the truth, where the official writers have intended to conceal it.[12]
+
+Robert Fabyan was a clothier and alderman of London, who recorded the
+events of earlier times and of his own day in a chronicle which was
+written during the reign of Henry VII.[13]  He was a fulsome Tudor
+partisan, anxious to please the reigning powers, and ready to record
+any story against the fallen King, even to wholesale falsification of
+dates.  It will be shown further on that, in concocting part of his
+chronicle, he must have been in dishonest collusion with Morton.  {175}
+Fabyan died in 1513, and his chronicle was first published in 1516.  It
+was used by Polydore Virgil.
+
+Dr. Warkworth, Master of Jesus College, Cambridge, wrote a diary which
+has chiefly been relied upon as evidence of the date of the death of
+Henry VI.,[14] but that question will be fully discussed in a future
+chapter.
+
+[Sidenote: The monks of Croyland]
+
+Morton, Polydore Virgil, Rous, and Fabyan will be found to be dishonest
+and untrustworthy narrators, who can be shown to use deception
+deliberately, with a full knowledge of the truth.  The second
+continuation of the Chronicle of Croyland Abbey occupies an entirely
+different position.  There is every reason for believing that the monks
+who wrote it, though the first was prejudiced, and the second was
+credulous and easily deceived, intended to relate what they believed to
+be true.  This continuation long remained in manuscript, in which state
+it was seen by Sir George Buck.  It was not printed until 1684.  It
+occupies twenty-eight folio pages.[15]
+
+The first part of the continuation bears internal evidence of having
+been written by one monk who concludes with some local notices
+respecting the abbey and its inmates.  Then another monk took up the
+chronicling pen, and ends his part in the same way.  It is capable of
+absolute proof that this continuation of the Croyland Chronicle was
+written by at least two monks.  In referring to the death of Henry VI.,
+the first monk prays that the tyrant who caused it may be given time
+for repentance.  This part must, therefore, have been written while the
+tyrant in question was alive, whether Edward IV., Richard, or Lord
+Rivers the Constable (who was really the responsible person) {176} is
+intended.  The second monk says at the end, that the work was finished
+on April 30, 1486, and that it was written in ten days.  Edward,
+Richard and Rivers were all dead in April 1486.  Consequently these two
+passages must have been written by different hands.
+
+The first of these monks was the more judicious of the two, and he had
+probably once mixed in the world.  He mentions a councillor of Edward
+IV. who was doctor of canon law, and who was sent to Abbeville on an
+embassy to the Duke of Burgundy in 1471.  In the margin there is a note
+to the effect that the same man compiled that part of the chronicle.
+If this note is to be relied on, the first monk had once been in the
+service of Edward IV., but he had Lancastrian sympathies like Morton.
+He refers to the executions after Tewkesbury as vindictive, and he
+hints at a rumour that Henry VI. met his death by order of his
+successor.  His part of the chronicle includes ten pages, and covers
+the period from 1471 to the death of Edward IV.
+
+The second monk seems to have known nothing of the outer world, and was
+very credulous.  It is with him that we have to do in this inquiry.  He
+relates the events leading to the accession of Richard III. with
+general accuracy, and correctly as regards dates, the same dates being
+falsified by Morton and Fabyan.  He even gives the true grounds on
+which Richard's claim to the crown rested, which are falsified by
+Morton and by Polydore Virgil, and which were forbidden by Henry VII.
+to be mentioned on pain of imprisonment.  The chronicle remained in
+manuscript, and the truth-telling monk was not found out.  The
+contribution of the second monk to the continuation of the Chronicle of
+Croyland Abbey was written out in {177} ten days, and finished in the
+time of Henry VII., on April 30, 1486.  Though generally trustworthy it
+contains several errors.  It follows Morton, Polydore Virgil, and
+Fabyan in stating that Hastings was beheaded on the day of his arrest.
+It will be seen in Chapter III. that this is disproved by an
+investigation of dates given by those writers, and by Stallworthe.  It
+follows Morton in the statement that Lord Rivers and his companions
+were beheaded without trial.  This is disproved by Rous.  It asserts
+that, after King Richard's coronation, there was a rumour that his
+nephews had been put to death.  There is no other contemporaneous
+mention of this rumour, and reasons will presently be given for
+believing that there was no such rumour.  It also states that Richard
+was crowned a second time at York.  Mr. Davies, in his 'York Records,'
+has shown that no such coronation ever took place.
+
+The interesting question arises how the monk was misled on these four
+points, when his information was so accurate, and so directly
+contradicts Morton, Polydore Virgil, and Fabyan, as regards the dates
+of events immediately preceding Richard's accession, and as regards the
+nature of his claim to the throne.  Could Morton have been at his
+elbow?  If he was, these errors would be explained, for they are the
+most telling points in Morton's case.  We know that Morton was sent to
+Brecknock Castle, in the custody of the Duke of Buckingham, in August
+1483.  Later in the autumn he escaped, crossed England in disguise, and
+was concealed for some time in the fen country near Ely, before taking
+ship for Flanders.  He even mentions his object in going there.  'If he
+were in the Isle of Ely,' he told Buckingham, 'he could make many {178}
+friends to further the enterprise.'[16]  He went there to plot and
+intrigue.  The secluded Abbey of Croyland is a likely asylum for Morton
+to have selected as a place of concealment.  A political bishop who had
+been a principal actor in the recent events would be a Godsend to the
+chronicling monk; while the intriguer would be in his element, sowing
+the first seeds of his future crop of calumny.  The second Croyland
+monk would be as clay in the potter's hand.  He gives us a striking
+instance of his gossiping credulity.  He had been told that the King's
+niece, Elizabeth, once appeared at Court in a dress similar to that of
+the Queen.  Instead of the obvious deduction that Queen Anne had kindly
+provided the girl with a dress like her own, we are treated to dark
+hints about a rival who was to supplant the Queen, and modern
+historians have taken the old monk's nonsense in all seriousness.
+Morton would have found such a man quite ready to accept without
+further inquiry any statement he might make, and to be the channel of
+any rumour he chose to spread.
+
+Such are the witnesses arrayed against the last Plantagenet King by his
+Tudor successors.  It will be our business to test the value of their
+testimony.  They had it all their own way.  No one was allowed to
+answer them.  For those who knew the truth it was a choice between
+silence and ruin.  The accused had no counsel.  Whether the Tudor
+writers are trustworthy or not, there can be no question that, aided by
+these advantages, they served their employers well.  They have
+completely succeeded in their object.  They have blackened the memory
+of King Richard III. for all time.
+
+The chief evidence in Richard's favour can only {179} now be found in
+the contradictions, admissions, inadvertent lapses into truth, and
+suppressions of his traducers.  Official documents and private letters
+also tell their tale.  Falsifications of dates, and the objects of such
+falsifications by the Tudor writers, are often detected by means of
+these unimpeachable sources of information.  Among the Harleian
+manuscripts there is a book kept by Dr. Russell, the Bishop of Lincoln
+and Richard's Chancellor, containing all the documents that passed the
+Great or Privy Seal during his reign, as well as correspondence with
+foreign sovereigns and ambassadors.[17]  This manuscript has been a
+mine of rebutting evidence.  There is also valuable testimony derivable
+from the Rolls of Parliament, Patent Rolls, and from Rymer's 'Foedera.'
+It is worthy of special note that the undesigned evidence of official
+documents often exposes the true character of Tudor testimony.
+
+Enough has been said to show that the statements of the Tudor writers
+call for more than ordinary caution in their use; and that the nearest
+approach to the truth, which is all we can hope for, will not be
+reached if any fact or insinuation alleged or hinted by them is
+accepted without being first subjected to very rigorous scrutiny.
+
+[Sidenote: Later chroniclers]
+
+The later chroniclers, such as Hall, Grafton, Holinshed, Stow and Buck,
+copied from the earlier writers.  They cannot be considered as original
+authorities.  Hall is little more than a translation of Polydore
+Virgil, served up with embellishments invented by himself.  Stow is
+much more trustworthy.
+
+These later writers must not be relied upon for facts.  It was their
+habit to add numerous minor details to the stories they received from
+their {180} predecessors, and it cannot reasonably be doubted that
+these additions were inventions intended to add force or interest to
+their narratives.  When they quote from or insert documents the case is
+different.  Thus Hall and Grafton give the conversation between Morton
+and the Duke of Buckingham at Brecknock, being a copy of some original
+document.  Buck gives the substance of a letter from Elizabeth of York
+to the Duke of Norfolk, the original of which he had actually seen.  He
+also quotes some older narrative for the imprisonment and death of King
+Richard's illegitimate son.  Hall gives the proceedings of the Council
+when the imprisonment of the Queen Dowager, at Bermondsey, was ordered.
+In such cases only ought the evidence of the later writers to be
+accepted.
+
+[Sidenote: Modern authors]
+
+There was a reaction against the acceptance of all the statements put
+forth by Tudor writers, which began from the moment that it became safe
+to discuss the subject.  The caricature was too gross, and too coarsely
+drawn for general acceptance.  As soon as the last of the Tudors had
+passed away, Sir George Buck[18] wrote a defence of Richard III.  He
+was followed by Carte in his History of England.[19]  Rapin, although
+he felt {181} obliged to repeat the stories of the Tudor writers,
+evidently had no confidence in their accuracy, and warned his readers
+against them more than once.  Stronger views on the subject were
+adopted by Horace Walpole in his 'Historic Doubts'[20] (1768), by
+Bayley in his 'History and Antiquities of the Tower of London,'[21] by
+Laing in his continuation of 'Henry's History of England,'[22] by Mr.
+Courtenay in his 'Commentaries on Shakespeare,'[23] by Miss Halsted in
+her 'Life of Richard III.'[24] and by Mr. Legge in his 'Unpopular
+King.'[25]  Mr. Thorold Rogers rejects the story of the assassination
+of Henry VI.; Sharon Turner[26] and Jesse[27] acquit the accused King
+on all the counts except the murder of his nephews; while Dr. Hook,[28]
+Dr. Stubbs and Sir Harris Nicolas[29] are unable to believe all the
+accusations.  The arguments put forward by some of {182} these authors
+are not always tenable.  But they show that there has been, from the
+time when discussion was first allowed, a revulsion of feeling among
+well-informed students against the acceptance of these accusations
+without close scrutiny.  It was felt that the statements of Tudor
+writers must at least be considered as those of prejudiced and _ex
+parte_ witnesses.  Miss Halsted's 'Life of Richard III.' is by far the
+most complete and the most valuable.  Her interest in the slandered
+young King led her to pay frequent visits to the ruins of Middleham
+Castle, the scene of Richard's boyhood and of his happy married life.
+Miss Halsted eventually married the dean of the college founded by
+Richard and lies buried in Middleham Church.
+
+[Sidenote: Tudor fables discredited]
+
+On the other hand, there have been a few historians who have approached
+the questions at issue either without considering the other side at all
+or with a strong though possibly unconscious bias.  Hume only had a
+superficial knowledge of the subject.  The most authoritative and
+important upholder of the Tudor accusations is Dr. Lingard.[30]  He
+defends them in their entirety, and in this he stands alone among those
+who have really studied the subject.  Mr. Gairdner[31] rejects some of
+the accusations and supports other Tudor stories with hesitation, and
+in an apologetic and more or less doubtful tone.  But Mr. Gairdner's
+knowledge of the subject is so exhaustive, and his {183} position as a
+historian is so justly high, that I have devoted a separate chapter to
+the consideration of his views on the chief accusations against King
+Richard III.
+
+The Tudor fables are now discredited and are dying, but they are dying
+hard.
+
+
+
+[1] Richard II. was the first of our Kings, after the Norman Conquest,
+who was partly an Englishman.  Henry V., Edward IV., and Richard III.
+were almost pure Englishmen.  So was Edward VI., and Elizabeth was a
+thorough Englishwoman.  Mary II. and Anne were half English.
+
+[2] See p. 159, note 1.
+
+[3] 'Dr. Morton had taken his revenge and written a book in Latin
+against King Richard, which came afterwards to the hands of Mr. More.
+The book was lately in the hands of Mr. Roper of Eltham, as Sir Edward
+Hoby, who saw it, told me.'--Buck, p. 75.
+
+[4] 'Written as I have heard by Morton.'--Harington's _Metamorphosis of
+Ajax_, p. 46.  Mr. Gairdner has suggested that the book attributed to
+More is a translation of one written in Latin by Morton.  See _Letters
+and Papers illustrative of the Reign of Richard III._, &c.  Preface
+xviii. (_n_).  It is really the English version that was dictated or
+inspired by Morton.
+
+[5] More's _Utopia_, p. 20.
+
+[6] See for instance Sharon Turner (iii. 462), who claims unquestioning
+belief in this scurrilous production, because 'all confess More's
+ability and integrity.'  See also Jesse (p. 156 _n._ and p. 500).
+
+In the same spirit Sir John Harington defended his own filthy treatise
+because 'the worthy and incorrupt Master More' was dirty in his History
+of Richard III.  These writers seem to think that falsehood becomes
+truth, and obscenity becomes decency in this book, merely because its
+authorship is attributed to More.  See _Metamorphosis of Ajax_, p. 46.
+
+[7] 'As I myself, who wrote this pamphlet, truly know.'  This is not in
+Rastell's version; but in the continuation of Hardyng's Chronicle.
+
+[8] Speaking of Polydore Virgil in his _Life of Henry VIII._ (p. 9),
+Lord Herbert of Cherbury adds: 'in whom I have observed not a little
+malignity.'  The story of Cardinal Wolsey's ingratitude to Fox owes its
+parentage to the spite of Polydore Virgil; whom Wolsey imprisoned.  It
+was quite untrue.--Brewer.
+
+[9] 'Polydore Virgil committed as many of our ancient manuscript
+volumes to the flames as would have filled a waggon, that the faults of
+his own work might pass undiscovered.'--Caius, _De Antiquitate
+Cantabrigiae_ (1574), p. 52.
+
+'Polydore caused all the histories to be burnt which by the King's
+authority and the assistance of his friends he could possibly come
+at.'--La Popliniere, _Histoire des Histoires_, ix. 485.
+
+[10] The Act of Parliament explaining the title of Richard III. to the
+crown.
+
+[11] Mr. Campbell's Introduction to the _Materials for the History of
+the Reign of Henry VII_.
+
+[12] Rous was one of the Chantry Priests at Guy's Cliff.  He died in
+1491, and was buried at St. Mary's, Warwick.
+
+[13] One proof of this is that he calls Lord Stanley the Earl of Derby.
+He was created Earl of Derby by Henry VII.
+
+[14] _Rerum Anglicarum scriptorum veterum_.  Tom. i. (Oxoniae, 1684.)
+
+[15] _Alia Hist. Croylandensis continuatio_, pp. 549-578.
+
+[16] Grafton, p. 130.
+
+[17] _Harl. MS._ 433.
+
+[18] Sir George Buck was descended from John Buck, comptroller of King
+Richard's household, who was put to death after the battle of Bosworth.
+Sir George served with the Earl of Essex in the Cadiz expedition of
+1596.  He was knighted by James I. in July 1603, and became Master of
+the Bevels in 1610, a post which he held until 1622.  He died on
+September 22, 1623.  His _History of the Life and Reign of King Richard
+III._, composed in five books, was published in 1646, with 'George
+Buck, Esq.,' as author.  But the existence of the manuscript in the
+British Museum, with Sir George as the author, and in his handwriting,
+proves the substitution of 'Esquire' for 'Sir' to be a mistake.  Camden
+speaks of Buck as a man of distinguished learning.
+
+[19] Thomas Carte, _History of England to_ 1654 _inclusive_.  4 vols.
+folio.  1753.
+
+[20] Horace Walpole, _Historic Doubts on the Life and Reign of Richard
+III._, 4to.  1768.
+
+[21] John Bayley, _History and Antiquities of the Tower of London_, 2
+vols.  4to.  1821.
+
+[22] Laing, _Continuation of the History of Great Britain by Dr.
+Henry_.  1795.
+
+[23] J. P. Courtenay, _Commentaries on the Plays of Shakespeare_, 2
+vols.  8vo.  1840.
+
+[24] Miss Halsted, _Life of Richard III_.  2 vols.  8vo.  1844.
+
+[25] Alfred O. Legge, _The Unpopular King_.  _Life and Times of Richard
+III_.  2 vols.  8vo.  1883.
+
+[26] Sharon Turner, _History of England during the Middle Ages_.  5
+vols.  8vo.  1830.
+
+[27] John H. Jesse, _Memoirs of King Richard III_.  8vo.  1862.
+
+[28] Dr. W. F. Hook, D.D., _Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury_.  9
+vols.  8vo.  1860-72.  He considers the slander of the Duchess of York
+incredible.
+
+[29] Sir N. H. Nicolas, _Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York_.
+1830.  He utterly rejects the story of Richard having poisoned his
+wife, and having wanted to marry Elizabeth of York (p. liii.)  Dr. W.
+Stubbs, _Constitutional History of England_, vol. ii.  Thorold Rogers,
+_Work and Wages_, ii. 212.
+
+[30] Dr. Lingard, _History of England to the Revolution_.  4th ed.
+1837; 6th ed. 1854.
+
+[31] James Gairdner, _Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Reigns of
+Richard III. and Henry VII_.  1861-63.  _Memorials of Henry VII_.
+1858.  _History of the Life and Reign of Richard III_.  1878.  _Life of
+Henry VII_.  1889.  Article in the _English Historical Review_.  1891.
+
+
+
+
+{184}
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+EXAMINATION OF THE CHARGES AGAINST RICHARD III
+
+  1.  The Deformity.
+  2.  Murder of Edward of Lancaster.
+  3.  Murder of Henry VI.
+  4.  Marriage with Anne Nevill.
+  5.  Treatment of the Countess of Warwick.
+  6.  Death of Clarence.
+
+
+An indictment, in many counts, was brought against Richard III. after
+his death, by the authors who wrote during the reign of his successor,
+and in the interests of that successor's dynasty.  It will be seen, in
+the course of the discussion, with what object these accusations were
+made, and why a belief in them was considered to be so important to the
+success of the Tudor usurpation.  The reckless profusion of abuse was
+due to the complete license of the traducers.  No one could appear for
+the accused.  The brave young King was dead, his body subjected to
+cowardly insults, his friends proscribed, his people silenced.  Calumny
+was triumphant and unchecked.  Yet there was method and system in the
+scheme of the Tudor writers.  Their accusations were all intended to
+lead up to a belief in the dead King's guilt with regard to one central
+crime.  If he was to be deformed, if he was to be an assassin at the
+age of eighteen, the murderer of his brother and his wife, a ruthless
+usurper {185} and tyrant, it was because such a monster would be more
+likely to commit a crime of which he must be thought to be guilty in
+the interests of his wily successor.  It will now be our business to
+examine these charges one by one.  The first concerns Richard's
+personal appearance.
+
+[Sidenote: Deformity]
+
+It is stated that he was two years in his mother's womb,[1] that he was
+born feet foremost,[2] with a complete set of teeth,[3] and with hair
+down to the shoulders,[4] that he was hump-backed, that his right
+shoulder was higher than his left,[5] that his left shoulder was much
+higher than his right,[6] and that one of his arms was withered.[7]
+
+Passing over the obvious fables with the remark that they throw just
+suspicion on other statements from the same sources, we come to the
+hump-back.  We do not find this deformity mentioned by any contemporary
+except Morton.  If it had existed it is certain that so conspicuous a
+blemish would have been dwelt upon by all contemporary detractors.
+Stow, the most honest of the later chroniclers, told Sir George Buck
+that he had talked to old men who had seen and known Richard, and who
+said that he was in bodily shape comely enough.[8]  In the two
+portraits drawn by Rous no inequality is visible.  Richard here has a
+handsome youthful face, slight build and good figure.  The portrait at
+Windsor shows a face full of energy and decision, yet gentle and
+melancholy.  The shoulders are quite even.
+
+{186}
+
+Rous, Polydore Virgil, and Morton are the authorities for the unequal
+shoulders.  Rous says that the right shoulder was higher.  Morton makes
+the left shoulder much higher.  Their contradictory testimony shows the
+worthless character of both these authorities.  Polydore Virgil merely
+mentions an inequality.  Fabyan and the Croyland monk do not say a word
+against Richard's personal appearance.  A curious piece of evidence was
+discovered by Mr. Davies of York, which bears on the question.[9]  From
+the 'York Records' it appears that, six years after King Richard's
+death, a man named Burton was brought before the Lord Mayor accused of
+calling that prince, whose memory was so beloved in the north, 'a
+crouchback.'  One John Poynter, who heard this remark, told Burton that
+he lied, and struck at him with a little rod he had in his hand.  It
+would seem, therefore, that if there was any defect in Richard's
+figure, it was so slight that its very existence was matter of dispute
+among those who could well remember the King, while it was
+imperceptible to Stow's informants.  On the whole, we may accept the
+conclusion of Miss Halsted that Richard was of slight and delicate
+build, and that the severe martial exercises in which his youth had
+been spent had caused the shoulder of his sword-arm to be very slightly
+higher than the other.
+
+The story of the withered arm comes from Morton.  That astute prelate
+always had an object in making his statements.  This particular tale
+was invented to draw off attention from the real charge made by the
+Protector against the Woodvilles.  It served its turn, and may be
+dismissed as false without any hesitation.  {187} For it is not
+mentioned by a single other authority.  The victor of Barnet and
+Tewkesbury, the leader of the brilliant charge at Bosworth, who
+unhorsed Sir John Cheney[10] and William Brandon, must have had
+serviceable arms.
+
+The object of the Tudor historians in commencing their grotesque
+caricature of an imaginary monster with these stories of his personal
+deformity is transparent.  They intended to make him detestable from
+the outset.  They calculated that improbable crimes would be more
+readily believed if the alleged perpetrator was a deformed hunchback
+born with teeth.  They were right.  Nothing has more conduced to an
+unreasoning prejudice against Richard, and to a firm belief in his
+alleged crimes, than the impression of his personal repulsiveness.
+
+Modern writers have also understood this method of treatment.  Lord
+Macaulay was careful to prepare the minds of his readers for the
+alleged judicial crimes of Sir Elijah by telling them that little Impey
+was in the habit of stealing cakes at school.[11]  The great essayist,
+as well as the Tudor historians, knew their public.  The one invented
+the pilfering story and the others the deformity with the same motive.
+If a judge had been a juvenile thief, or if a king had been a deformed
+little monster, the charges against them in after life would be more
+readily accepted as true.  It is illogical, but it is human nature.
+
+Richard was described as a venomous hunchback[12] and made to commit
+several atrocious crimes in order {188} to prepare men's minds to
+receive, without incredulity, the story of the murder of his nephews.
+It was evidently anticipated that this final draft on their powers of
+belief would be dishonoured unless the alleged murderer had been
+steeped in crime from his infancy.
+
+At the early age of eighteen Richard is accordingly accused of having
+committed a cowardly and inhuman murder in cold blood after the battle
+of Tewkesbury, on evidence which would be insufficient to hang a
+dog.[13]
+
+[Sidenote: Young Edward's death]
+
+The battle took place on May 4, 1471.  The young Duke of Gloucester had
+displayed valour and generalship, and had won for himself a name in
+chivalry.  On the other side, Prince Edward of Lancaster, who was
+exactly one year younger than Richard, led the main battle of his army,
+and bore himself manfully.  Carried away in the rout and closely
+followed by his victorious enemies, he was slain on the field of
+battle.  There was one eye-witness who wrote an account of the battle
+of Tewkesbury.  He said that young Edward of Lancaster 'was taken
+fleeing to the townwards and slain in the field.'[14]  A drawing
+accompanies this writer's report, in which we see a horse on its knees,
+{189} the rider receiving his deathblow, the helmet struck off, and the
+bright golden locks sinking on the horse's mane.[15]  This was the
+plain truth.  He fell, fighting bravely, on the battle-field.  All
+contemporaries, without an exception, corroborate this evidence.  The
+next writer was Warkworth, but he was not present.  He wrote 'There was
+slain on the field Prince Edward, which cried for succour to the Duke
+of Clarence.'[16] Bernard Andre, the paid historian of Henry VII., says
+the same, 'Is enim ante Bernardi campum Theoxberye proelio belligerens
+ceciderat.'  The Croyland monk says that some of the Lancastrian
+leaders fell in the battle, others 'by the revengeful hands of certain
+persons afterwards,'[17] referring to the fact that some were executed
+after trial before the Earl Marshal and Constable.  There is no hint
+here of the alleged assassination of Edward.  Comines tells the same
+story, 'et fut le Prince de Galles tue sur le champ et plusieurs autres
+grans seigneurs.'  Such is the unanimous testimony of contemporaries.
+
+We now come to the other Tudor writers and their versions of young
+Edward's death.  Fabyan, writing to please Henry VII., is the first who
+said that the Prince was captured and brought before Edward IV., {190}
+and he added the following tale: 'The King strake him with his gauntlet
+in the face, on which the Prince was by the King's servants
+incontinently slain.'[18]  Fabyan's baseless gossip came before
+Polydore Virgil, and the protege of Pope Alexander VI. conceived the
+idea of giving it a lurid Borgian colouring, better suited to the
+latitude of Urbino than to that of Tewkesbury and calculated to make
+our flesh creep.  It was thus that his ideas found words: 'King Edward
+gave no answer, only thrusting the young man from him with his hand,
+whom forthwith those that were present, who were George Duke of
+Clarence, Richard Duke of Gloucester, and William Lord Hastings,
+crewelly murderyd.'[19]  This story was improved upon by Grafton, Hall,
+Holinshed and other Tudor chroniclers.  Dorset was added to the list of
+alleged assassins by Habington, Grafton, and Hall.  Gloucester is made
+to strike the first blow by Holinshed.  Here we have a striking example
+of the gradual growth of a legend which has eventually become embedded
+in history.[20]  Its original conception was due to an Italian, not to
+an English brain.  It is {191} thus that the fable has become a part of
+the history of England.  Honest John Stow is alone in rejecting the
+Italian's embellishment.  He discredits the version of Polydore Virgil
+as a palpable fraud, and merely repeats Fabyan's statement.
+
+It is very remarkable that three authorities patronised by Henry VII.
+give no countenance to the fable of Polydore Virgil.  Bernard Andre is
+in perfect agreement with the contemporaries, simply because Virgil's
+story had not been invented when he wrote.  Rous is silent for the same
+reason.  He was the originator of the birth with teeth and with hair to
+the shoulders.  He heaped calumny on calumny, and would have eagerly
+repeated the Tewkesbury story if it had existed in his time.  Morton's
+silence is still more singular except on the hypothesis that the
+slander was not then in existence.
+
+Dr. Morton was actually present at Tewkesbury.  If young Edward was
+murdered he must have known it.  Yet in a work prepared for the express
+purpose of enumerating the alleged crimes of Richard he said {192}
+nothing.  He had no scruples.  He repeats all he can think of, with the
+object of heaping opprobrium on Richard's memory.  But there is not a
+hint about assassinating Edward of Lancaster.  Morton's silence, under
+these circumstances, amounts to a proof that the story was a
+fabrication of later times.  Andre, Rous, and Morton wrote before
+Polydore Virgil, and when the Italian's calumny had not yet been
+invented.  It cannot be that Virgil found out what the less vigilant
+Andre, Rous, and Morton overlooked.  If anyone knew all the details of
+the battle of Tewkesbury at first hand, it was Morton.  He was there.
+His silence explodes the fable.  It also convicts Polydore Virgil of
+having fabricated an exceptionally foul slander, with a rank scent of
+its Borgian origin:--
+
+  'Virgilii duo sunt: alter Maro: tu Polydore
+    Alter: Tu Mendax: ille Poeta fuit.'[21]
+
+
+Unless the testimony of those who were absent, and for the most part
+unborn, is to be preferred to that of eye-witnesses, and that of future
+generations to contemporaries, the fable of young Edward's murder ought
+never again to find a place in serious history.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Henry VI]
+
+The charge against the Duke of Gloucester that he murdered Henry VI. is
+an insinuation rather than an accusation.  None of his traducers state
+it as a fact.  One says 'as men constantly say,' another, 'it was the
+continual report,' another, 'as many believe.'  We must, therefore,
+first treat this alleged 'continual {193} report' as a rumour only, and
+judge of it from probabilities.
+
+We are asked to believe that young Richard, a boy of eighteen, who had
+just won great military renown, arrived at the Tower in the evening of
+one day with orders to proceed on active service very early the next
+morning; that, although fully occupied with preparations for his
+departure, he found time to induce Lord Rivers, the Constable of the
+Tower, and his political enemy, to deliver up charge to him in order
+that he might assassinate a defenceless and feeble invalid with his own
+hand, a deed which might just as well have been perpetrated by any
+hired jailer; that it was done without his brother Edward's knowledge,
+and that, although the deed must have been done with the knowledge of
+Lord Rivers and his officials, of Henry's ten servants and three
+readers, yet there was never any certainty about the matter.  Rivers,
+be it remembered, was not Richard's friend.
+
+This grossly improbable rumour bears the evidence of its origin clearly
+marked.  It was put forward in the reign and in the interests of Henry
+VII.  It was a rumour manufactured by his paid writers and their
+followers.  We can examine the process.
+
+Morton says: 'He slew with his own hand King Henry VI. as men
+constantly say, and that without knowledge or commandment of the King.'
+
+Polydore Virgil has the following version: 'King Edward, to the intent
+that there should be no new insurrections, travelled not long after
+through Kent, which business being despatched, to the intent that every
+man might conceive a perfect peace to be attained, Henry VI. being not
+long before deprived of his diadem, was put to death in the Tower of
+London.  {194} The continual report is that Richard Duke of Gloucester
+killed him with a sword, whereby his brother might be delivered from
+all hostility.'
+
+Dr. Warkworth tells us that 'the same night that King Edward came to
+London, King Harry being in ward in prison in the Tower of London, was
+put to death on the 21st of May on a Tuesday night between eleven and
+twelve of the clock, being then at the Tower the Duke of Gloucester,
+brother to King Edward, and many others.  On the morrow he was chested,
+and brought to Paul's and his face was open that every man might see
+him.  And in his lying he bled on the pavement there, and afterwards at
+the Blackfriars was brought, and there bled afresh.'  This Dr.
+Warkworth was Master of St. Peter's College, Cambridge, from 1473 to
+1500.  He kept a private diary, receiving his facts from informants he
+saw at Cambridge.  His account of Henry's death shows that he was
+superstitious and credulous.  His second-hand report of the time and
+manner of the death cannot be received as of any authority.  His
+mention of Gloucester's presence has been assumed to be intended, by
+the writer, to imply that the Duke was concerned in the crime.  This
+does not follow and, in a mere private diary, such innuendo would be
+out of place and improbable.  The date of the 21st, given by Warkworth
+and Fabyan, would be approved by Henry VII. as throwing suspicion on
+his predecessor, and would be fixed as the obit of Henry VI.  Any
+subsequent repetition of that date gives it no additional authority.
+Such repetition has as much or as little authority as is given to it by
+the assertions of Warkworth and Fabyan.[22]
+
+{195}
+
+Fabyan gives the same date as Warkworth, and adds, 'of the death of
+Henry divers tales were told, but the most common fame went that he was
+stikked with a dagger, by the hands of Richard of Gloucester.'[23]
+
+Rous says, 'He killed by others or, as many believe, with his own hand,
+that most sacred man Henry VI.'[24]
+
+The continuator of the Croyland Chronicle insinuates nothing against
+Richard.  His words are: 'The body of King Henry was found lifeless in
+the Tower; may God pardon and give time for repentance to that man,
+whoever he was, that dared to lay his sacrilegious hand upon the Lord's
+anointed.  The doer may obtain the name of a tyrant, the sufferer of a
+glorious martyr.'[25]  The antithesis of tyrant and martyr shows that
+the monk alluded to King Edward and King Henry.  The prayer that 'the
+doer' may have time for repentance is a proof that the passage was
+written during Edward's lifetime, and that there was {196} then a
+rumour that Henry had met with foul play.  But it also furnishes a
+proof that rumour had not then imputed the supposed act to Richard.
+
+Of these authorities, Warkworth's informant and the City Chronicler are
+the only two who perceived that in order to give any plausibility to
+the alleged 'continual report,' Henry's death must be made to tally
+with young Richard's presence in the Tower.  They, therefore, fixed
+upon May 21, the single day when Richard was there.  Their fabrication
+is exposed by the evidence of the accounts for Henry's maintenance, as
+will be seen directly; and also by the contradiction of Polydore
+Virgil.  That author, who had access to all official sources of
+information, places Henry's death in the end of May, after King
+Edward's progress through Kent.  Thus these authorities do not agree,
+and are quite unworthy of credit.
+
+[Sidenote: True date of Henry's death]
+
+We are not altogether without the means of ascertaining the truth.
+Henry VI. was not an old man.  His age was 47.  But he was feeble and
+half-witted.  His health was very precarious, his constitution having
+been weakened by long illnesses.  He inherited the mental and physical
+imbecility of his grandfather Charles VI. of France.  Shortly before
+his liberation by the Earl of Warwick in 1470, some ruffian had stabbed
+him[26] and then fled.  Henry was said to have been convalescent, but,
+with his feeble hold on life, it is not likely that his recovery was
+permanent.  He gradually sank, and died on May 24, or perhaps in the
+night of the 23rd.  Queen Margaret of Anjou arrived at the Tower as a
+prisoner on the 21st, just in time to soothe her husband's last {197}
+moments, and to be with him when he died.  The Lancastrian leanings of
+the family of Lord Rivers, who was Constable of the Tower, make it
+likely that the unhappy queen was granted access to her dying husband.
+We know that Margaret was treated with consideration, and allowed to
+reside with her most intimate English friend, the old Duchess of
+Suffolk, at Wallingford, until her ransom was paid.
+
+The date of Henry's death is fixed by the evidence of his household
+accounts, which are given by Rymer.
+
+
+'_Accounts of the costs and expenses for the custody of King Henry, The
+Wednesday after the feast of Holy Trinity, June 12._'
+
+'To the same William Sayer for money to his own hand delivered for the
+expenses and diet of the said Henry and of ten persons his attendants
+within the tower, for the custody of the said Henry, namely, for
+fourteen days the first beginning on the 11th of May last, as per
+account delivered 14_l._ 5_s_.'
+
+'To William Sayer for money delivered at times, namely at one time,
+7_s._ for the hire of three hired readers for the said William and
+other attendants within the tower in charge of the King for xiv days
+and for the board of the same for the same time, and on another time
+3_s._ 10_d._ for the board of said Henry within the said tower as per
+account delivered 10_s._ 10_d_.'[27]
+
+
+It is clear from these entries that Henry's accounts were made up on
+May 11, and that they were again made up when he died, fourteen days
+after May 11, that is, on May 24.[28]  We also gather that he was {198}
+maintained in becoming state, at a cost of 400_l._ a year, equivalent
+to upwards of 2,000_l._ of our money, and that he had ten servants, and
+three readers to read aloud to him.  Mr. Thorold Rogers says: 'I make
+no doubt that Henry was used well during the nine years of his
+residence in the Tower: nor do I believe that he was done to death
+after Tewkesbury.  The story of his assassination in the Tower is, I am
+persuaded, a Tudor calumny.'[29]  'I conclude that nature which had hid
+his misfortunes from him more than once by a lethargy which seemed
+almost like death, at last released him in the same merciful fashion
+from the recurrent sorrows of his life.'[30]
+
+The only contemporary writer was the author of a letter to the citizens
+of Bruges, giving an account of the events which led to the restoration
+of Edward IV.  Speaking from personal knowledge he reported that Henry
+VI. died on May 23, and his accuracy is established by the evidence of
+the accounts.
+
+These are the plain facts connected with Henry's death.  They are fatal
+to the story of the murder.  {199} Warkworth and Fabyan give the 21st
+for the date of Henry's death, because Gloucester was in the Tower on
+that day only.  Their assertions are disproved by Polydore Virgil, by
+the writer of the letter at Bruges, and by the accounts which show the
+date of Henry's death to have been May 23 or 24.  On those days
+Gloucester was at Sandwich, upwards of seventy miles from the Tower.
+The tale of Henry's assassination by the Duke of Gloucester is a Tudor
+calumny, and was invented many years afterwards to please Henry VII.
+It is possible that a false rumour of foul play may have been spread by
+the enemies of Edward IV., and this seems likely from the words of the
+Croyland Chronicle.  But the absurd accusation against the King's young
+brother was concocted after Richard III. had fallen at Bosworth, and
+when any calumny against the dead was welcomed and rewarded by a
+successor, who believed that his security depended upon a belief in his
+predecessor's infamy.  Habington, in his life of Edward IV., has
+pointed out the absurdity of charging Richard with the alleged
+murder.[31]
+
+The next charge against the Duke of Gloucester is that he forced the
+Lady Anne Nevill to marry him, immediately after he had murdered young
+Edward of Lancaster, who was her husband.[32]  The answers to this are
+that Edward was not her husband,[33] that Richard {200} did not murder
+him, and that Richard did not force Anne's inclinations.  No marriage
+between Edward and Anne ever took place.  The Croyland monk always
+speaks of Anne, at this time, as the 'maiden' and the 'damsel.'
+
+[Sidenote: Anne Nevill and her mother]
+
+But there is more to be said.  The two young cousins, Richard and Anne,
+were brought up together, and their union was most natural.  Miss
+Halsted has well remarked that Richard showed peculiar delicacy towards
+Anne, in placing her in sanctuary at St. Martin's before the marriage,
+where her inclinations could in no way be forced.  Anne was her
+husband's constant companion at every important crisis of his life, and
+there is good reason to believe that the marriage was a happy one.
+
+A very bitter enemy of Richard's memory, in later times, has attempted
+to draw conclusions to his disadvantage from the marriage settlements.
+There had been no time to obtain the usual dispensations, and it
+therefore became advisable that the trustees, for the sake of the
+offspring, should guard against any possible informality in the
+marriage.  A protecting clause was inserted, in case the property could
+not be held without a renewal of the marriage ceremony; arising from
+any alleged informality in the nuptials.  This clause, framed by the
+lawyers, was to the effect that if the Duke of Gloucester and the Lady
+Anne Nevill should be divorced, and afterwards marry again, the Act for
+the partition of property should nevertheless be valid, and that in
+case of a divorce, and if the Duke shall do his continual diligence and
+effectual devoir by all lawful {201} means to be lawfully married to
+the said Anne, he shall have as much of the premises as pertained to
+her during her lifetime.  It was merely a formal clause inserted by the
+lawyers, and probably never even read by Richard or Anne.
+
+Miss Strickland calls this 'an ominous clause relating to a wedlock of
+a few months; proving Anne meditated availing herself of some
+informality in her abhorred marriage; but if she had done so her
+husband would have remained in possession of her property.  The absence
+of the dispensation is a negative proof that Anne never consented to
+her second marriage, and that it was never legalised may be guessed by
+the rumours of a subsequent period when the venomous hunchback
+meditated in his turn divorcing her.'
+
+This is a good example of the sort of stuff which rooted and
+unreasoning prejudice allows to pass for argument.
+
+The next charge is made by only one of the Tudor writers.  Rous alleged
+that 'Richard imprisoned for life the Countess of Warwick who had fled
+to him for refuge.'[34]  This is untrue.  The Countess of Warwick heard
+of the defeat and death of her husband at Barnet, when she landed in
+England.  She took sanctuary at Beaulieu in Hampshire, was attainted,
+and all her property passed to her daughters Isabella and Anne, who
+married the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester.  The Countess remained at
+Beaulieu for two years, from 1471 to 1473.  We next hear of her in a
+letter from Sir John Paston dated June 3, 1473.  'The Countess of
+Warwick is now out of Beaulieu, and Sir James Tyrrel conveyeth her
+northward, men say {202} by the King's assent, whereto some men say
+that the Duke of Clarence is not agreed.'[35]  Evidently the King had
+given his assent to a request of Gloucester that his wife's mother
+might be allowed to come and live with her daughter at Middleham.
+There was no prison but a home with her child.  Tyrrel, who was then an
+officer of Edward's Court, was sent to escort her from Beaulieu to
+Middleham.[36]
+
+There is evidence of Richard's kindly feeling towards his wife's
+family.  He interceded for the heirs of the Marquis Montagu, Warwick's
+brother, and it was at the request of Gloucester that the King allowed
+them to inherit part of their father's property.[37]  Another
+indication of the Duke's friendliness, as regards his mother-in-law and
+her relations, is afforded by their confidence in him.  Lady Latimer, a
+sister of the Countess of Warwick, appointed Richard the supervisor of
+her will, which was a position of great trust in those days.  Such
+kindly offices performed for those who were near and dear to the
+Countess of Warwick are cogent, though indirect, proofs that the
+statement of Rous is a calumny.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Clarence]
+
+Shakespeare and others have further accused Richard of having abetted
+and aided in the death of his brother George Duke of Clarence.  No
+serious historian, except Sandford, has ventured to bring forward the
+charge directly.  The Croyland monk, Polydore Virgil, Andre, Rous,
+Fabyan are all silent on {203} the subject.[38]  But Morton is equal to
+the occasion.  The passage in which he insinuates suspicion is a good
+specimen of the style of this unscrupulous slanderer:
+
+'Some wise men also ween that his drift, covertly conveyed, lacked not
+in helping forth his brother of Clarence to his death; _which he
+resisted openly_, howbeit somewhat, as men deemed, more faintly than he
+that were heartily minded to his wealth.  And they who thus deem think
+that he, long time in King Edward's life, forethought to be King in
+case that the King his brother (whose life he looked that evil diet
+should shorten) should happen to decease (as indeed he did) while his
+children were young.  And they deem that for this intent he was glad of
+his brother's death, the Duke of Clarence, whose life must needs have
+hindered him so intending whether the same Clarence had kept him true
+to his nephew the young King, or enterprised to be King himself.  But
+of all this point there is no certainty, and whoso divineth upon
+conjectures may as well shoot too far as too short.'
+
+The object of this involved passage is to leave a sort of general
+impression that Richard had something or other to do with the death of
+Clarence.[39]  By throwing up a dust cloud of verbiage the central fact
+that Richard {204} intervened in his brother's favour is obscured and
+thrown into the background.
+
+The guilt of the death of Clarence rests with Rivers and the Woodville
+faction.  He was a great danger to them, as will be seen in the next
+chapter, while they benefited by his attainder and got the wardship of
+his son.  All Richard did was to protest against the execution of his
+brother.
+
+
+
+[1] Rous, 214.  'Biennio matris utero tentus, exiens cum dentibus et
+capillis ad humeros.'  This is false, for Richard was born three years
+after his brother George, and there was another child, named Thomas,
+between them.
+
+[2] Morton.
+
+[3] Rous.
+
+[4] Rous.
+
+[5] Rous.
+
+[6] Morton.
+
+[7] Morton.
+
+[8] Buck, p. 79.
+
+[9] Davies, York Records, May 14, 1190, p.  220.
+
+[10] 'A man of much fortitude, and exceeding the common
+sort.'--Polydore Virgil, p. 224.
+
+[11] In Macaulay's review of Gleig's _Life of Warren Hastings_.
+
+[12] Miss Strickland.
+
+[13] Mr. Gairdner gives the evidence.  'Each crime rests on slender
+testimony enough, though any one of them being admitted, lends greater
+credit to the others.  From this point of view it is not at all
+improbable that Richard was a murderer at nineteen' (p. 13).  Richard
+killed his nephews, consequently he assassinated a prisoner when he was
+nineteen.  It thus having been shown that he was a murderer when he was
+nineteen, what more probable than that he killed his nephews?  This
+method of arguing has been perfectly satisfactory to generations of
+historical students, and appears to be so still.
+
+[14] _Fleetwood Chron._ p. 30.  This is the narrative of the recovery
+of his kingdom by Edward IV., in _Harl. MS._ no. 543, printed by the
+Camden Society.
+
+[15] The drawing is in the abridgment sent to Bruges, reproduced in the
+_Archaeologia_, xxi. p. ii.
+
+[16] _Warkworth Chronicle_, Camden Society, p. 18.
+
+[17] The Croyland monk wrote: 'As well in the field as afterwards by
+the revengeful hands of certain persons, Prince Edward, Devon,
+Somerset,' &c.: that is Prince Edward and Devon on the field, Somerset
+by 'the revengeful hands': by which phrase he is pleased to refer to
+the Earl Marshal's Court which was a constitutional tribunal (_Chron.
+Croyland_, p. 555).  'Tum in campo tum postea ultricibus quorundam
+manibus, ipso Principe Edwardo unigenito Regis Henrici, victo Duce
+Somersetiae, Comiteque Devoniae ac aliis dominis omnibus et singulis
+memoratis' (p. 555).
+
+[18] Fabyan, p. 662.
+
+[19] Polydore Virgil, p. 336.
+
+[20] Hall is notorious for the embellishment of fables that were passed
+on to him by Polydore Virgil, by adding names and incidents of his own
+invention.  In the case of the death of the young Earl of Rutland, he
+first took several years off his age and made a little child of him,
+then gave him a tutor and supplied the tutor's name.  With these
+properties he got up a very effective scene on Wakefield Bridge.  When
+Rutland's real age is known, Hall's story becomes absurd, and he is
+convicted of intentional inaccuracy.  Again when he described the
+burial of Henry VI., he said that the corpse was conveyed to Chertsey
+'without priest or clerk, torch or taper, singing or saying.'  This is
+something worse than embellishment, it is absolutely false.  The
+payments are recorded (and the records are still preserved), for
+obsequies and masses said by four orders of brethren, for linen cloth,
+spices, and for wages of men carrying torches.  The statements of Hall
+are certainly unreliable.  In retailing Polydore Virgil's calumny about
+the assassination of Prince Edward at Tewkesbury, Hall cannot refrain
+from similar inventions and embellishments.  He adds that Edward was
+taken prisoner by Sir Richard Croft and delivered up to the King in
+consequence of a proclamation offering a reward of 100_l._ a year to
+whosoever should yield up the Prince dead or alive: accompanied by an
+assurance that his life should be spared (Hall, p. 301).  Habington
+repeats this and adds, as his own contribution, that 'the good knight
+repented what he had done, and openly professed his service abused and
+his faith deluded' (_Life of Edward IV._ p. 96).  This statement is
+confuted by the fact that it was on the battle-field of Tewkesbury that
+Richard Croft received his knighthood from King Edward.  This would not
+have been so if he had 'openly declared his service abused.'  He
+afterwards received benefits from King Richard (_Paston Letters_).  The
+fable of Fabyan was embellished and added to by various hands, until it
+became a very elaborate and highly finished lie circumstantial.
+
+[21] The name of Virgil borne by two,
+    One Maro and one Polydore.
+    The first a Poet wise and true,
+    The last a lying slanderer.
+
+[22] Mr. Gairdner mentions that there is a MS. City Chronicle among the
+_Cottonian MSS._ (Vitell. A. xvi. f. 133), which states that Henry's
+body was brought to St. Paul's on Ascension Eve (May 22), '_who was
+slain, as it was said, by the Duke of Gloucester_.'  In _MS. Arundel_,
+28, in the British Museum, there is an old Chronicle, on a fly-leaf of
+which, at the end, there are some jottings relating to Edward IV.'s
+time in a contemporary hand, and among others--'_eodem die decessit
+Henricus sextus_,' meaning the day of Edward's arrival in London.  A
+MS. in Heralds' College (printed by Mr. Gairdner) dates the death '_in
+vigilia Ascencionis Dominicae_'; a MS. at Oxford (Laud, 674) gives the
+same date; a MS. in the Royal Library at the British Museum says:
+'_Obitus Regis Henriei Sexti, gui obiit inter vicesimum primum diem
+Maii et xxiim diem Maii_.'  Henry's obit is set down May 22.  None of
+these documents have any date.  Their statements about May 21 are the
+same as those of Warkworth or Fabyan, from whom they must have been
+derived.  But Warkworth and Fabyan are proved to be wrong by the
+evidence of the accounts for Henry's maintenance: and by the evidence
+of Polydore Virgil, as well as by the letter at Bruges.
+
+[23] Fabyan, p. 662.
+
+[24] Rous, p. 215.  'Ipsum sanctissimum virum Henricum Sextum per alios
+vel multis credentibus manu pocius propria interfecit.'
+
+[25] _Croyland Chron._ p. 557.
+
+[26] '_Collectarum et mansuetudinum et bonorum morum regis Henrici VI.,
+et ex collectione magistri Joannis Blakman bacchalaurii theologiae et
+post Cartusiae monachi Londini._'--Hearne, p. 202.
+
+[27] Rymer's _Foedera_, xi. pp. 712, 713.
+
+[28] Laing, in his continuation of _Henry's History of Great Britain_,
+in referring to the accounts for the maintenance of Henry VI. in
+Rymer's _Foedera_, mistook the day on which they were audited and
+passed, namely June 12, for the day on which the expenses were
+incurred; and concluded that Henry was alive on June 12.  This is
+triumphantly pointed out by Dr. Lingard.  But the triumph is imaginary.
+Dr. Lingard ought to have seen that the date of auditing does not
+affect the question.  The fact remains that Henry's board was paid, and
+that he was consequently alive, for fourteen days after May 11, that is
+until May 24, which is fatal to the story of the murder.
+
+This is shown by Bayley, who quotes the accounts in his _History of the
+Tower of London_, and points out that they furnish satisfactory
+evidence of Henry having been alive at least until May 24 (second ed.
+p. 323).  Mr. Gairdner has suggested that the payments up to the 24th
+were to Henry's servants who were not discharged until then, and do not
+prove that Henry was alive.  But this is untenable, for they are for
+Henry's keep as well.
+
+[29] _Work and Wages_, ii. 312.
+
+[30] _Ibid._ ii. 313.
+
+[31] 'I cannot believe a man so cunning in declining envy and winning
+honour to his name, would have undertaken such a business and executed
+it with his own hand.  Nor did this concern the Duke of Gloucester so
+particularly as to engage him alone in the cruelty.'--Habington, in
+_Kennet_, p. 455.
+
+[32] Gairdner, p. 22.
+
+[33] Sharon Turner, iii. p. 323.  Anne had been contracted to Edward of
+Lancaster in July 1470, she being only fourteen, and he sixteen; but
+she was never married to him.  The marriage was not to take place
+unless certain conditions were complied with by Anne's father, the Earl
+of Warwick.  The conditions were not fulfilled, and the contract, _ipso
+facto_, was null and void.
+
+[34] Rous, p. 215.  'Durante vita sua incarceravit.'  The Countess
+out-lived Richard III.
+
+[35] _Paston Letters_, iii. p. 92.
+
+[36] Mr. Gairdner quotes a letter from William Dengayn to William
+Calthorp (_Third Report of Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 272), from which
+it appears that the Countess of Warwick was actually with the Duke of
+Gloucester in June 1473.--Gairdner's _Richard III._ p. 27 (_n_).
+
+[37] _Rot. Parl._ vi. 124.
+
+[38] Gloucester was in London at the opening of Parliament on January
+16, 1478; but there is no evidence where he was in February, the month
+of Clarence's death.  He was certainly at Middleham in March.  Mr.
+Gairdner pronounces Gloucester 'guiltless of his brother's death' (p.
+40).
+
+[39] Morton did this so successfully that his imitators soon began to
+make a direct accusation.  The slander grew and prospered until at last
+we find the following passage in Sandford: 'He was drowned in a butt of
+malmsey, his brother the Duke of Gloucester assisting thereat with his
+own proper hands!'  He refers to Hall, p. 246.--_Genealogical History_
+(London, 1707), p. 438.
+
+
+
+
+{205}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+FURTHER CHARGES AGAINST RICHARD III
+
+   7.  Execution of Hastings.
+   8.  Execution of Rivers, Vaughan, Grey, and Haute.
+   9.  The 'Usurpation.'
+  10.  Refusal of Buckingham's petition.
+  11.  Second coronation at York.
+  12.  Poisoning of his wife.
+  13.  Intended marriage with Elizabeth of York.
+  14.  Intended execution of Lord Strange.
+
+
+The most elaborate and detailed part of the indictment against Richard
+III. refers to the so-called 'usurpation,' including the period from
+his arrival in London to his coronation.  The events of the interregnum
+had to be represented in such a way as that it should appear that Henry
+Tudor was righteously superseding an unscrupulous usurper.  This was a
+matter of vital importance to the intruding dynasty.  Accordingly much
+art was devoted to the preparation of a plausible story, while careful
+but not always effectual efforts were made to destroy all documents
+that would contradict it.
+
+[Sidenote: Archbishop Morton]
+
+The portion of the history published by Grafton and Rastell was
+undoubtedly written or dictated by John Morton himself.  It is on
+Morton's story that all subsequent historians have relied for their
+facts; and as it is on this period that the whole career of Richard as
+a sovereign hinges, it is necessary that we should bear in mind what
+manner of man this Morton really {206} was.  He was born at Beer Regis
+in Dorsetshire, but the year is very uncertain, and he received his
+first instruction at Cerne Abbey.  Thence he proceeded to Oxford, and
+began life as a lawyer, practising in the Court of Arches.  He became a
+Master in Chancery, increasing his income by taking orders, and was
+Parson of Bloxworth in Dorsetshire.  He took the Lancastrian side, and
+was at York when the battle of Towton was fought.  In 1462 he fled to
+the Continent with Queen Margaret.  His fortunes were then at a low
+ebb, but they brightened when the Earl of Warwick came to France to
+betray the cause of Edward IV.  Morton attached himself to Warwick at
+Angers, went with him to England in August 1470, escaped from Barnet to
+join Queen Margaret at Weymouth, and was with her at Tewkesbury.
+Nothing but ill luck had attended his fortunes since he had joined the
+Lancastrian party.  So he changed sides, obtained a pardon from Edward
+IV. and wormed himself into that good-natured monarch's confidence.  He
+became one of the greatest pluralists on record.  'He was avaricious
+and grasping.'[1]  He received a bribe from Louis XI. for inducing his
+own sovereign to accept dishonourable terms of peace, and was further
+bribed with a pension of 2,000 crowns a year.[2]  The contrast between
+the upright conduct of the Duke of Gloucester and his own corrupt
+practices on that occasion explains the wily priest's malignant
+hostility to Richard.  Morton was made Bishop of Ely in 1479.  On the
+death of Edward he saw a wide opening for his ambition in the chances
+of a long minority.  The facts revealed to the Council by Bishop
+Stillington were, consequently, distasteful to him.  He was the heart
+and soul of the conspiracy of Hastings {207} and the Woodville faction
+against the Protector.  He brought Hastings to his death, but escaped
+himself.  The incorrigible plotter was entrusted to the custody of the
+Duke of Buckingham.  By his cunning artifices he induced that weak
+nobleman to become a traitor, and claim the crown for himself.  He led
+Buckingham to his death; but secured his own safety.  He then joined
+Henry Tudor's conspiracy, and it was doubtless through Morton's advice
+that the Welsh adventurer put forward a claim to the crown.  Success at
+length attended the intriguer's schemes.  Henry VII. made him
+Chancellor in 1486, Archbishop of Canterbury in 1487, and, after much
+importunity, a cardinal's hat was obtained for him, from the Borgian
+Pope.[3]  He became enormously rich.  He revealed to Henry VII. 'the
+confessions of as many lords as his grace listed.'[4]  He was one of
+the most odious instruments of Henry's extortions.  The argument that
+those who spent little must have saved much, and that those who spent
+much must have much, was called 'Morton's fork.'[5]  He died in 1500,
+hated and execrated by all ranks of the people.
+
+This is the man from whom history derives the narrative of Richard's
+accession.  We must remember the circumstances in which he wrote or
+dictated his version.  He was then Archbishop of Canterbury under Henry
+VII.  He had to traduce Richard in the interests of his master, and at
+the same time he had to conceal from Henry himself certain parts of his
+own proceedings, especially as regards his intrigue with Buckingham.
+
+{208}
+
+[Sidenote: Morton's misrepresentations]
+
+Morton was most unscrupulous in fabricating his story, throwing out
+misleading insinuations, garbling and suppressing facts, making false
+statements, and altering dates.  He was a leading actor in, and an
+eyewitness of what he described, he was an able and clever man, and he
+was intimately acquainted with the facts as they really happened.
+Moreover, we are informed by Sir Thomas More, who knew him, that he had
+an extraordinary memory.[6]  Consequently every mistake that is
+detected in his narrative, every date that is altered, must have been
+inserted with a special object.  It is fortunate for the cause of truth
+that he was more careless, and wrote in greater detail, than he
+certainly would have done, if there had been any chance of an answer
+being put forward by one equally conversant with the facts.  But he
+knew that he was safe--power unscrupulously enforced was on his side.
+
+Morton opens his case with the assumption that the Duke of Gloucester
+had always intended to supplant his nephew.  He asserts that the Duke
+concerted plans with Buckingham and Hastings against the Queen and her
+relations; that he then, secretly, and by divers means, caused the
+Queen to be persuaded to advise her son not to come with a large force
+to London; and that he and other lords wrote to the Queen's friends so
+lovingly that they, nothing mistrusting, brought the young prince up in
+good speed with sober company.  Gloucester and Buckingham then went to
+Northampton and met Rivers there.  For all that appears in this part of
+the narrative, Gloucester was in London, and came thence with
+Buckingham to Northampton.  Gloucester was really in the marches of
+Scotland, and he could not possibly have carried on {209} all these
+intrigues at that distance, between April 9 when King Edward died and
+the 23rd when Rivers left Ludlow.  He could not even have heard of the
+King's death for several days.  It is true that, towards the end of his
+lampoon, when telling his story about an alleged quarrel between
+Gloucester and Buckingham, Morton does mention the Duke being at York,
+and Buckingham having sent a messenger to him who met him at
+Nottingham.[7]  But this messenger could not have been the channel of
+all the intrigues he describes.  There was no time.
+
+The Duke may have received some hasty notice from a messenger, but the
+first real news of what had been going on in London came from
+Buckingham at Northampton.
+
+Morton's story about Gloucester's intrigues at this time is therefore a
+fabrication.  The truth is exactly the reverse of Morton's version.
+Richard's conduct was straightforward and loyal.  After attending
+solemn obsequies of his brother in York Minster, he called on the
+nobility and gentry of Yorkshire to swear allegiance to his young
+nephew.  When he arrived in London, he ordered preparations to be made
+for his nephew's coronation, and he sent summonses to forty esquires to
+receive knighthood of the Bath on the occasion.[8]  He also caused the
+dresses to be worn by his nephew at his coronation to be got ready.[9]
+These acts were well known to Morton, who passed them over in silence,
+{210} because they would tend to give a true impression, where he
+wanted to leave a false one.
+
+Having thus raised a prejudice against the Protector, Morton's next
+object was to instil a belief that Hastings worked against the
+Woodvilles throughout in concert with Richard.  In order to create this
+impression he gives two false dates.  He makes young Richard leave
+sanctuary on June 9.  The true date was the 16th.[10]  He asserts that
+Lord Rivers was beheaded on June 13, the very day of the arrest of
+Hastings, and he makes a great point of it, observing as a striking
+coincidence that Hastings suffered death on the self-same day and about
+the self-same hour as Rivers whose execution he had approved.[11]  He
+knew this to be false.  Rivers made his will on the 23rd, and was not
+beheaded until the 25th.[12]  Morton had a motive for falsifying the
+dates, and it is obvious.  He wanted it to appear that Hastings was an
+enemy of the Woodville {211} faction to the end, that he was a party to
+the removal of young Richard from sanctuary and to the execution of
+Rivers.  But why?  Clearly because Hastings was not an enemy of the
+Woodvilles to the end, because he had, with Morton and others, formed a
+coalition with them, and entered into a conspiracy with them against
+the Protector.  It was important to conceal this, because it justified
+the Protector's action against Hastings; and Morton did so by resorting
+to a falsification of dates.  He then proceeds to enter into minute
+details, in describing the scene when Hastings was arrested on Friday,
+June 13.
+
+Morton makes the Protector ask him for a mess of strawberries from his
+garden at Holborn.  He then alleges that Gloucester suddenly altered
+his tone, accused the Queen-Dowager of witchcraft, displayed a withered
+arm as having been injured by sorcery, upbraided Hastings for having
+Jane Shore as a mistress, and ordered Hastings to be beheaded on a log
+of wood before dinner.  We are also informed that Master William
+Catesby made the mischief between the Protector and the Lord
+Chamberlain, and that a proclamation was issued setting forth the cause
+of the execution of Hastings.
+
+These details enable us to obtain some glimmering of the truth.  We
+have the reminiscences of an eyewitness, who was also a schemer so
+dealing with the facts as to leave false impressions clothed in the
+similitude of veracious recollections.  The tale of the strawberries is
+doubtless true, and is a masterly touch designed to give an air of
+reality to the scene.  The withered arm is a fabrication intended to
+conceal the real charge made by the Protector.  That charge was
+contained in the proclamation which Morton mentions {212} as having
+been well indited and written on parchment.  He professes to give the
+substance of it.  The seeker after truth would very much prefer the
+original text.  But it was destroyed.  Its destruction is a strong
+presumption in favour of the Protector, and justifies the conclusion
+that the real charge was a serious one.  It is incredible that Catesby
+merely revealed the nonsense about Jane Shore's sorcery.  Morton has
+inserted this rubbish in order to conceal the real charge made by the
+Protector.  Morton further tells us that 'Shore's wife was of all women
+the one the Queen most hated,' and that she was the mistress of
+Hastings.  She was really the mistress of Dorset,[13] the Queen's son,
+and the motive for bringing in the Queen's alleged hatred, in this
+place, is to conceal the real position of Jane Shore, which was that of
+a secret agent between the party of the Woodvilles and Hastings.
+
+The fullness of Morton's details defeats his object.  He draws
+attention to the truth which he elaborately endeavours to hide.  We are
+thus enabled to deduce from the garrulity of the designing priest the
+facts that, probably through his prompting, Hastings had formed a
+coalition with the Queen-Dowager and her party against the Protector,
+and that the negotiation had been conducted through Jane Shore as
+intermediary.  We learn that Catesby revealed the plot to the
+Protector, who promptly arrested Hastings, and brought a charge of
+treason against him.
+
+[Sidenote: Falsification of dates]
+
+Morton would have us believe that Hastings was beheaded on the spot
+without trial.  This version of the story is also told by Fabyan, and
+adopted by Polydore Virgil.  It was told to the second Croyland {213}
+monk, who wrote that Hastings was beheaded on June 13.[14]  It was a
+version industriously spread by Morton, as a charge of lawless cruelty
+and indecent haste against the Protector.  It can be proved to be false.
+
+Morton's story is that Hastings was hurried out of the council room and
+beheaded on a log of wood in the court of the Tower, that the Protector
+and Buckingham appeared to the citizens in rusty armour, pretending
+that they had been in mortal danger from Hastings, and that the
+Protector swore he would have the head of Hastings before he dined.
+
+This is a grossly improbable story on the face of it; but Bishop
+Morton, on the accession of Henry VII., was evidently very anxious that
+it should be accepted, for he must have given it publicity at a very
+early date.  It was supplied to the credulous old Croyland monk, and
+was accepted by Fabyan, who must have known it to be false, with such
+zeal that he added a few extra touches to the story.  Fabyan was a
+citizen of London and knew the truth.  Yet he clearly implies that the
+delivery of young Richard and the execution of Rivers took place before
+the arrest of Hastings, adopting the falsifications of Morton.  He also
+falsified dates in order to reconcile the alleged date of the execution
+of Hastings with other events, following Morton in this also.  This
+justifies the conclusion that Fabyan and Morton were in collusion; for
+they both were aware of the truth from personal knowledge, and they
+both perverted it in the same way.[15]
+
+{214}
+
+There is other testimony on this point which is quite above suspicion.
+Simon Stallworthe, a prebendary of Lincoln, wrote a letter from London
+to Sir William Stonor, a gentleman of Oxfordshire, on Saturday June 21,
+1483,[16] in which he said that 'on Friday last was the Lord Chambleyn
+[Hastings] hedded sone after noon.'  As Saturday was the 21st, Friday
+last was the 20th.  We here have evidence that Lord Hastings was not
+beheaded until a week after his arrest and, as there was no indecent
+haste, we may assume that there was a trial and sentence by a proper
+tribunal.  The story of Morton about the hurried execution on the 13th,
+and the log of wood, is therefore false.  It has been suggested that
+when Stallworthe wrote 'Friday last,' he did not mean Friday last, but
+the Friday before Friday last.  This theory is exploded by the very
+next line in Stallworthe's letter.  He there says that 'on Monday last'
+young Richard came out of sanctuary.  This is certainly the correct
+date.  But it contradicts both Morton and Fabyan, though it is
+corroborated by the Croyland Chronicle.  If 'Monday last' meant 'Monday
+last,' 'Friday last' must be taken to mean 'Friday last' in
+Stallworthe's letter, and not any other date that the exigencies of
+calumniators may require.
+
+The evidence that the story of the hasty execution of Hastings is false
+does not rest solely on Stallworthe's letter.  Morton and Fabyan are
+convicted out of their own mouths.
+
+{215}
+
+This is a point which should be clearly understood.  It must be borne
+in mind that we have certain fixed dates.  Hastings was certainly
+arrested on June 13.  It is also certain that Thursday, June 26, was
+the date of Richard's accession: it is fixed by the year book.  Dr.
+Shaw's sermon was preached on the previous Sunday, that is June 22.
+Fabyan, as well as Stallworthe, tells us that the execution of Hastings
+took place on the previous Friday.  These are fixed beacons, and will
+lead us to the truth.  They will also enable us to detect the false
+lights thrown out by Morton and Fabyan.  They both knew the truth well,
+but they had to manipulate the dates so as to make it appear that
+Hastings was executed on the 13th.  It must be borne in mind that, on
+Fabyan's own showing, the execution took place on the Friday before
+Shaw's sermon was preached.
+
+In order to give a plausible appearance to the assertion that Hastings
+was beheaded on the 13th, Fabyan tried to get rid of the week between
+the 13th and the 20th.  He thought he was bound to recognise the fact
+that the execution was on the Friday before Shaw's sermon, so he
+brought the sermon back a week too.  But Shaw's sermon was well known
+to have been preached on the Sunday before the accession.  So he had to
+move back the accession also, and he placed it on June 20.  Here
+Fabyan's dishonesty is detected, for the 20th was not a Thursday, and
+that the 26th was the date of the accession is beyond dispute.
+
+Morton was, of course, in the same difficulty as regards his dates.
+But he was far better practised in the manipulation of evidence.  Such
+an old hand would commit himself to dates as little as possible.  {216}
+He would fear them as a thief fears a detective.  He gives only one,
+and he selects the right day of the week, which Fabyan did not.  But
+this is quite enough to convict him.  He chose the 19th for the day of
+Richard's accession with the very same object as Fabyan, to get rid of
+the gap between the 13th and the 20th; well knowing that the right date
+for the accession was the 26th.
+
+We can now perceive the truth, both through the direct testimony of
+Stallworthe and through the detection of the dishonesty of Morton and
+Fabyan.  Lord Hastings was arrested on June 13 on a charge of treason,
+tried and sentenced.  He was executed, after a decent interval, on
+Friday, June 20.  The admission of Morton that a proclamation was
+issued, announcing the details of the Hastings-Woodville conspiracy, is
+important.  This document, and all others relating to the business,
+were destroyed in the same way as the Act of Parliament recording
+Richard's title was destroyed.  The object of making away with the Act
+was to conceal the truth.  The disappearance of all documents relating
+to the execution of Hastings can only be explained in the same way.
+
+But what must we think of Morton and Fabyan, who are thus proved to
+have been guilty of such a fraud?  Their evidence against Richard, on
+all other points, must be held to be utterly worthless.
+
+[Sidenote: Trial of Rivers]
+
+The trial of Lord Rivers, with Grey, Vaughan and Haute, followed on
+that of Hastings.  They had been charged with treasonable designs,
+immediately after the death of King Edward, on the very clearest
+evidence.  But the long delay in bringing them to trial justifies the
+belief that their capital punishment was not intended, if fresh charges
+had not been brought {217} against them, arising out of the Hastings
+conspiracy.  Morton brings forward the same accusation in their case,
+and he gives a false date for their execution.  He would have us
+believe that Rivers and his companions were also put to death 'without
+so much as the formality of a trial.'  So he appears to have told the
+second Croyland monk.  But his untruthfulness is exposed by the
+evidence of another Tudor witness.  Rous inadvertently let out the
+truth, not knowing there was any reason for concealing it.  He
+certainly did not do so out of any good will for King Richard.  There
+was a trial and the Earl of Northumberland presided at it.  He was not
+the sole judge, but the President acting with other judges.[17]  He
+probably sat as a Commissioner to execute the office of Lord Steward,
+with a jury of northern Peers, to try Rivers.  Morton falsified the
+date of the executions, making them earlier by twelve days.  One object
+of this falsification has already been pointed out.  It also served to
+indicate such haste in the executions as would make the absence of any
+trial appear probable.
+
+The overt acts of Rivers and his associates show that their
+condemnation was just; and their punishment was necessary for the
+safety and tranquillity of the country.  It was a righteous retribution
+for the death of Clarence, by whose fall the Woodvilles had so largely
+profited.
+
+Morton next proceeds to falsify the title of King Richard III. to the
+crown.  This point is of great importance and merits close attention.
+The statement of Richard's title to the crown was drawn up, and adopted
+by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons, after considering all
+the evidence {218} between June 8 and 25.  The document was afterwards
+embodied in an Act of Parliament entitled the 'Titulus Regius,' with
+which the writers employed by Henry VII. must have been well
+acquainted.  When Henry came to the throne, he ordered this Act to be
+repealed without quoting the preamble, with a view to its purport being
+concealed.  He caused it to be destroyed, and threatened any one who
+kept a copy with fine and imprisonment during his pleasure.  The reason
+he gave for this was that 'all things in the said Act may be forgot.'
+In spite of this threat the truth was told by the Croyland monk, but
+his chronicle remained in manuscript, and he was not found out.
+Henry's conduct affords a strong presumption that the title was valid.
+But he did more.  He granted an illusory pardon to Bishop Stillington,
+who was the principal witness to the truth of the main statement in the
+'Titulus Regius.'  This was done with the object of keeping silence on
+the subject of his real offence, which was telling the truth.  Henry
+then arrested him on another trumped up charge, and kept him in close
+and solitary imprisonment in Windsor Castle until his death in June
+1491.
+
+These proceedings show the immense importance attached by Henry VII. to
+a suppression of the truth relating to Richard's title to the crown.
+It is certain that if the alleged previous contract with Lady Eleanor
+Butler was false, the falsehood would have been eagerly exposed, and
+there would have been no occasion to invent any other story.  On the
+other hand, if the alleged previous contract was true, the evidence
+would have been suppressed and another story would have been invented
+and promulgated.  The evidence was suppressed, and a different tale was
+{219} put forward.  The conclusion is inevitable that the previous
+contract of Edward IV. with Lady Eleanor Butler was a fact.
+
+[Sidenote: The true claim to the Crown]
+
+By a mere accident the original draft of the 'Titulus Regius' was not
+destroyed.  It was discovered long afterwards among the Tower records.
+Its tenor was given in the continuation of the Croyland Chronicle.[18]
+Richard's title rested on the statement that Edward IV. was already
+married to Lady Eleanor Butler, a daughter of the first Earl of
+Shrewsbury,[19] when he went through the ceremony with Lady Grey.  It
+is certain, therefore, that this and this only was the statement made
+in inspired sermons and speeches at the time; for it was the official
+case of those who advocated Richard's accession.  It is impossible that
+one ground for the claim should have been put forward officially, and
+another which was not only different but contradictory, in the sermons
+and speeches directed to be made at the same time.
+
+Now all this was well known to Morton, and to {220} Polydore Virgil,
+when they concocted their stories.  They had free access to all
+official sources of information.  But they clearly believed that the
+evidence had been so effectually placed out of reach, that it was safe
+for them to adopt what tale they chose.  They, therefore, stated that
+Dr. Shaw preached a sermon at Paul's Cross on June 22, in which he
+calumniated the Duchess of York by maintaining that Edward IV. and
+Clarence were her children by some other man, and that Gloucester was
+the only legitimate son of the Duke her husband.  The object was to
+throw the reader off the scent respecting Edward's own connubial
+proceedings, by bringing an infamous and very absurd charge against his
+mother.  This is clearly the line that Polydore Virgil was instructed
+to take, for he alludes to the common report that Edward's children
+were called bastards, and declares it to be 'void of all truth,' that
+there was such a report.  He goes further, alleging that the Duchess of
+York complained of the injury done her, and that Dr. Shaw died of
+sorrow for having uttered the slander.[20]  With the 'Titulus Regius'
+before us, it will be allowed that this witness did not stick at
+trifles.
+
+[Sidenote: Morton's fabrications]
+
+But Morton was not to be outdone by the Italian.  He puts the slander
+about the Duchess of York into Dr. Shaw's mouth, and he also makes the
+preacher tell another tale which would make bastards of Edward's
+children.  According to Polydore Virgil the report that the preacher
+made bastards of Edward's children was 'voyd of all truthe.'  According
+to Morton the preacher said that Edward was previously married to a
+woman named Lucy.  It will be seen that {221} these authorities
+contradict each other.  Morton proceeds to knock down his own ninepin,
+by telling us that Lucy confessed she was never married to the King.
+No one but Morton ever said she was.
+
+Morton farther alleged that when Edward IV. proposed to marry the widow
+of Sir J. Grey he was opposed by his mother, who represented that he
+was already contracted before God to Elizabeth Lucy.  Morton knew
+perfectly well that this never happened, and that Edward went through a
+marriage ceremony with Lady Grey without the knowledge of his mother or
+any one else.  He has only introduced the name of Elizabeth Lucy as a
+herring drawn across the scent.  His great object was to conceal the
+name of Lady Eleanor Butler.
+
+The absurdity of Morton's fabrications respecting the woman Lucy will
+be appreciated when we remember that she actually had two children by
+Edward IV.[21]  We are asked to believe that Dr. Shaw, in preaching a
+sermon in support of Richard's right to the throne, put forward a
+statement which, if true, would make two children legitimate, whose
+legitimacy would at once bar any claim on the part of Richard.
+
+These misrepresentations discredit the authority of Polydore Virgil and
+Morton.  Of course there can be no doubt that Dr. Shaw in his sermon,
+if indeed he {222} ever preached it, and the Duke of Buckingham if he
+ever made a speech at the Guildhall, simply explained to the people the
+contents of the petition stating Richard's title, which was about to be
+presented to him: namely that Edward IV. was previously contracted to
+the Lady Eleanor Butler, and that the children by Lady Grey were
+consequently illegitimate.  The invention of the infamous slander
+against the Duchess of York by Morton and Polydore Virgil, the careful
+exclusion of Lady Eleanor's name and of any allusion to her, and the
+elaborate efforts of Henry VII. to destroy all traces of the evidence
+are very significant.  They amount to a proof that the Butler contract
+was a reality, and that (if the children of Clarence were incapacitated
+by their father's attainder) King Richard's title was sound and just.
+
+The Croyland monk and Rous do not mention Dr. Shaw's sermon.  Fabyan
+tells us that the preacher stated that King Edward's children were not
+legitimate, thus contradicting Polydore Virgil, who declares that the
+preacher never made any such allegation.  But Fabyan does not mention
+the slander against the Duchess of York.  This is a further proof that
+it was invented by Morton.  Virgil, in adopting it, had, however, been
+instructed to avoid all allusion to Edward's own matrimonial affairs.
+
+Having misrepresented Dr. Shaw's sermon on Sunday the 22nd, Morton goes
+on to say that on the following Tuesday the Duke of Buckingham went to
+the Guildhall and made a speech to the people.  On Wednesday, according
+to Morton, the Lord Mayor and aldermen came to Baynard's Castle, with
+Buckingham and divers noblemen, besides many knights and gentlemen.
+
+{223}
+
+This is another falsification of dates made as usual with a purpose.
+Nothing really happened on Wednesday.  On Thursday the 26th, Morton
+says that Richard III. went to Westminster Hall in royal state.  What
+Morton has done is to transfer the events of Thursday to Wednesday, and
+to make as little as possible of them, in order to draw off attention
+from a very momentous event.  No one would gather from Morton's
+narrative that on Thursday, June 26, the Convention Parliament, as it
+would have been called in later days, consisting of the Lords Spiritual
+and Temporal and the Commons, which had been summoned for the 25th and
+actually met, proceeded to Crosby Place with the petition embodying
+Richard's title, and urged him to accept the crown.[22]  Morton ignores
+all this, in order that his readers may be kept in ignorance of the
+solemn and deliberate proceedings which accompanied Richard's
+acceptance of the crown.  Polydore Virgil does the same.
+
+[Sidenote: Buckingham's treason]
+
+We next come to the treason of the Duke of Buckingham.  Its motive was
+misrepresented by Morton, with the object of creating a belief that the
+Duke advocated the cause of Henry Tudor.  A long conversation between
+Buckingham and Morton at Brecknock is recorded by Grafton.  It is very
+characteristic, and is no doubt authentic, so far as that it was
+written or communicated by Morton.  But whether it ever took place as
+narrated is quite another matter.  This conversation sets forth the
+arguments by which the mischievous old intriguer alleged that he
+induced Buckingham to rebel, and the pretended object of the
+insurrection.
+
+It is asserted by Morton and Polydore Virgil that the cause of
+Buckingham's discontent was the refusal {224} of Richard III. to grant
+him the moiety of the Bohun lands.  It is added that Buckingham's suit
+was rejected by the King, with many spiteful words, and that there was
+ever afterwards hatred and distrust between them.  This can be proved
+to be false.  Richard granted Buckingham's petition, and made him a
+grant[23] of the lands under the royal sign manual, giving him the
+profits from the date of signature, until the formality was completed
+by authority of Parliament.
+
+[Sidenote: Buckingham and Morton]
+
+This story must have been fabricated to conceal the true motive of
+Buckingham's treason.  He probably aspired to the throne as the next
+heir of the Plantagenets after Richard and his son, in accordance with
+the 'Titulus Regius.'  He had himself concurred in declaring the
+children of Edward IV. to be illegitimate, and those of Clarence to be
+incapacitated.  Next came Richard III. and his delicate son, of whom he
+would dispose if the rebellion was successful.  He ignored the sisters
+of the King and their children.[24]  This completed the descendants of
+the second son of Edward III.  The legitimate descendants of the third
+son came to an end with Henry VI.  Buckingham himself represented the
+fifth son of Edward III.
+
+{225}
+
+Assailed by the insidious flattery of Morton, he was prematurely
+hurried into a rash attempt which cost him his life.  When Morton
+recorded the conversation with his victim many years afterwards, he was
+Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry VII. was King, and it was advisable, in
+order to gratify the new sovereign, that Richard should be accused of
+murdering his nephews, and that Buckingham should be made to give up
+the scheme for his own aggrandisement, in order to risk his life for
+the sake of an unknown adventurer in Brittany.  It will be admitted
+that this is a grossly improbable story.
+
+It is certainly astounding that the childish nonsense which Morton puts
+into Buckingham's mouth should have been gravely accepted as true by
+subsequent historians.  We are first told that when Buckingham heard of
+the murder of the two innocents, to which he never agreed, he abhorred
+the sight of the King and could no longer abide with the Court.  So he
+took his leave at Gloucester with a merry countenance but a despiteful
+heart.  According to this, the murders took place in July, for
+Buckingham left Gloucester on August 1.  The more detailed story
+directly contradicts Morton, and places the murders in the end of
+August.  Both are false, but this is one out of many instances of the
+utter recklessness of these slanderers.  Buckingham is then made to say
+that he stopped at Tewkesbury for two days to think.  The result was
+that he came to the conclusion that he ought to be King, not on the
+ground of his descent from the fifth son of Edward III., but because
+his mother was a daughter of Edmund, Duke of Somerset.  His mother was
+the fourth daughter of that Duke, who had not the remotest right to the
+throne, and never put forward a claim.  {226} If there had been such a
+claim, Buckingham would not have first found it out, by thinking for
+two days at Tewkesbury.  After this mental effort he continued his
+journey towards Shrewsbury, and met Margaret Lady Stanley, the mother
+of Henry Tudor, on the road.  She told him that she was the daughter of
+John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, Edmund's elder brother.  This, we are
+asked to believe, was quite a new idea to Buckingham.  We are to
+suppose that he knew nothing about his relations before his cogitations
+at Tewkesbury and his chat with Lady Stanley, and that the receipt of
+the information made him give up his own ambitious plans altogether.
+He is made to propose to his fellow-traveller that her son should be
+king and that he should marry the eldest daughter of Edward IV.
+Buckingham, after examining the evidence, had just concurred in a
+solemn declaration that this daughter was illegitimate.  But he now
+evolved from his inner consciousness the discovery that the evidence
+was derived from suborned witnesses.  The Duke then took his leave of
+Margaret, and proceeded with Morton to Brecknock Castle.  Margaret's
+steward, Reginald Bray, conveyed messages between the conspirators, and
+an insurrection was arranged.  Morton acknowledges that he originally
+advised Buckingham himself to claim the crown at Brecknock, on which
+the Duke related the above wonderful story.  To complete the absurdity
+of this childish romance, it must be remembered that Morton was
+travelling with Buckingham, all the way from Gloucester to Brecknock.
+
+A man who could be guilty of fabricating such a fable is wholly
+unworthy of credit in his reckless accusations against King Richard,
+though his minute {227} knowledge of the real facts renders any
+inadvertent admissions most important.  Such are the statements that
+witnesses and other evidence were produced to establish the
+illegitimacy of King Edward's children,[25] and that Richard intended
+to treat his nephews with kindness and consideration.[26]  But it is
+incredible that Buckingham should have contemplated the idea of setting
+his own claim aside for the sake of an obscure adventurer in Brittany
+who had no claim at all; while the pretence that Buckingham was
+horrified at the murder of the young princes contradicts Henry's own
+clumsy fable.  The whole pretended conversation must have been an
+afterthought to please the Tudor usurper.
+
+[Sidenote: The second coronation]
+
+The next accusation against Richard refers to his conduct at York, and
+is derived from the second Croyland monk, who too readily accepted the
+gossip that was current when he wrote, and which was pleasing to the
+Tudor Government.  It is alleged that Richard appropriated to his own
+use the treasure which his brother had amassed, and had committed to
+the care of his executors after his death.  This statement, as Mr.
+Gairdner has shown,[27] is contrary to the fact.  The whole property
+had been placed under ecclesiastical sequestration by the Archbishop of
+Canterbury, because the executors had declined to act, and no further
+steps had been taken.  It was also stated, on the authority of the same
+Croyland monk, that Richard went through the ceremony of a second
+coronation at York.[28]  The deduction intended to be drawn, and which
+often has {228} been drawn, was that his title was so doubtful that he
+hoped a double coronation might strengthen it.  But there was no second
+coronation at York.  Nothing of the kind ever took place.
+
+One is loth to refer to the malignant slander involved in the
+insinuation that King Richard poisoned his wife.  Polydore Virgil says:
+'But the Queen, whether she was despatched with sorrowfulness or
+poison, died within a few days after.'  The wretched wasp of Guy's
+Cliff adds his sting: 'Dominam Annam reginam suam intoxicavit.'[29]
+
+Richard and Anne were cousins, and companions from childhood.  Their
+union had been a happy one in their hospitable Yorkshire home.  In all
+the important events of his life Richard had always had the
+companionship of his wife.  They had been together in sorrow and in
+joy.  Anne's illness was a lingering decline, during which she was
+assiduously watched and cared for by her physicians, and by her
+sorrowing husband, who deeply mourned her loss.  She was buried, as a
+Queen, in Westminster Abbey.  It is true that no writer has done more
+than insinuate this calumny.  But most of the Tudor slanders take the
+form of insinuations.  'It is a charge,' wrote Sir Harris Nicolas,
+'which is deserving of attention for no other reason than as it affords
+a remarkable example of the manner in which ignorance and prejudice
+sometimes render what is called history more contemptible than a
+romance.'  The same may be said of most of the Tudor stories about
+Richard III.
+
+[Sidenote: Elizabeth of York]
+
+The rumour that King Richard had an intention of marrying his
+illegitimate niece Elizabeth is {229} unsustained by any evidence,[30]
+and is contrary to all probability.  Such a project would have
+stultified the Act of Parliament on which his title to the crown was
+based.  The King was a politician and was not entirely deprived of his
+senses.  He could not have entertained an idea so absurd.  But there is
+evidence that the scheme was favoured by the girl herself and her
+mother, and this fully accounts for the existence of the rumour.  Their
+ages were suitable, the King being thirty-two and his niece in her
+twenty-first year; and in a letter to the Duke of Norfolk Elizabeth
+expressed a strong wish to become the wife of her uncle.[31] The {230}
+Church of Rome granted, and still grants, dispensations for such
+marriages.  But, be this how it may, Richard himself can never have
+contemplated a marriage with his niece.  'The whole tale,' says Sir
+Harris Nicolas, 'was invented with the view of blackening Richard's
+character, to gratify the monarch in whose reign all the contemporary
+writers who relate it flourished.'  As soon as the rumour came to
+Richard's ears he publicly and emphatically denied its truth.
+
+[Sidenote: Intrigues of Lady Stanley]
+
+The Tudor writers tell various stories about Henry, while in Brittany,
+having promised to marry Elizabeth; and this is used as an argument
+that he must have believed her brothers to be dead, for if they were
+alive, there would be less object in the marriage.  {231} Looking at
+the source whence these stories come, there is no reason whatever for
+accepting them as true.  They are derived from the apocryphal
+conversation between the Duke of Buckingham and the Bishop of Ely at
+Brecknock.  In order to conceal the real object of Buckingham and his
+own duplicity, Morton, as has been seen, fabricated a story about his
+dupe having conspired with Henry Tudor's mother to set him up as a
+claimant to the crown, and a suitor for the hand of Elizabeth of York.
+It is likely enough that the intriguing wife of Stanley did conspire
+with Buckingham in the hope of advancing her son's interests, and that
+she opened negotiations with the Queen Dowager.  Her design in the
+latter intrigue would be to secure the Woodville interest for
+supporting the contemplated rising.  She despatched her steward
+Reginald Bray to Brecknock, her confessor Urswick to Brittany, and her
+doctor Lewis to Westminster Sanctuary.  Her treacherous husband was
+feigning loyalty all the time, and was in zealous attendance on the
+King.  She was found out and contemptuously forgiven by Richard.  But
+the story of a contemplated marriage at that time between Henry Tudor
+and Elizabeth was an afterthought of Morton, at a time when Henry and
+Elizabeth were actually married.  The story was repeated by Polydore
+Virgil, and retailed, with the customary embellishments, by Hall and
+Grafton.
+
+It is scarcely necessary to notice the imputed intention of King
+Richard to avenge the treachery of Lord Stanley on his son Lord
+Strange, who was in the royal camp at the time of the battle of
+Bosworth.  He remained unharmed.  This is the fact.  We are asked to
+believe that the King intended to behead him, {232} but could not spare
+the time before the battle began.  There was plenty of time, but no
+intention of using it for such a purpose.  The proof of this is that
+Lord Strange was not injured.  The evidence for the alleged intention
+to behead him rests solely on the assertions of men who wrote long
+afterwards, and the value of whose testimony we are now pretty well
+able to estimate.
+
+
+
+[1] Hook, v. p. 409.
+
+[2] He was then Master of the Rolls.
+
+[3] Alexander VI., 1492-1503.
+
+[4] Tyndale, _The Practice of Prelates_, p. 305.  Parker Society.
+
+[5] Lord Bacon, _Henry VII._
+
+[6] _Utopia_, p. 20.
+
+[7] Morton was intimately acquainted with the real facts.  He makes no
+mistakes.  His mis-statements are all prepared designedly and with an
+object.  He even knew the name of Buckingham's messenger, and that of
+Gloucester's servant to whom he applied for a secret interview with his
+master.--P. 134, ed. 1821.
+
+[8] Ellis's _Original Letters_, second series, i. p. 147.
+
+[9] _Wardrobe Accounts_.
+
+[10] Stallworthe's letter of June 21 (_Exc. Hist._ pp. 14-10).  The
+Croyland monk also gives the surrender of young Richard after the
+arrest of Hastings (p. 566).
+
+[11] He misled Horace Walpole (p. 49), and Dr. Lingard (iv. p. 227) on
+this point.  But Dr. Lingard was quite ready to continue in his error.
+His account is as follows:--'On the same day that Hastings suffered
+(and the time should be noticed) Ratcliffe entered Pomfret Castle at
+the head of a numerous body of armed men, seized Rivers, Grey and
+Vaughan, observed no judicial forms, and struck off the heads of the
+victims.'  He calls the Yorkshire troops that came to London 'the
+ruffians who had murdered the prisoners at Pontefract.'  This is not
+very temperate language.  Dr. Lingard afterwards found that this was
+all wrong.  But he would not alter his erroneous text.  He merely added
+a note in a later edition, showing that he knew Rivers to have been
+still alive on the 23rd, and that Rous named the Earl of Northumberland
+as presiding at the trial.  Yet he retains the assertion in the text
+that there were no judicial forms!
+
+[12] _Croyland_, p. 567.  Polydore Virgil gives the correct date; and
+the Croyland monk also places the execution of Rivers after the arrest
+of Hastings.
+
+[13] Rymer, xii. p. 204.
+
+[14] 13 die mensis Junii veniens in Turrim ad consilium, jussu
+Protectoris capite truncatus est.--_Croyland Chron_.  Gale, i. 566.
+
+[15] The Croyland Chronicler is quite free from suspicion of
+intentional falsification.  He was informed that Hastings had been
+beheaded on the 13th, the day of his arrest, and he stated what he
+believed to be the fact.  He, therefore, made no attempt to make this
+fit in with other events by falsifying dates, as was the course taken
+by Morton and Fabyan.  The monk places the delivery of young Richard
+and the execution of Rivers in proper order of time, and gives the
+correct date for Richard's accession.
+
+[16] _Excerpt. Hist._ p. 16.
+
+[17] 'Eorum principalis judex.'--Rous, p. 213.
+
+[18] Sir George Buck ascertained the truth through having access to the
+manuscript of the _Croyland Chronicle_.  The writer simply mentions the
+pre-contract with Lady Eleanor Butler; but the Chronicle was not
+printed until 1084.  Speed was the first to print the full text of the
+'Titulus Regius' in his _History of Great Britain_, 1611.
+
+[19] The first Earl of Shrewsbury had a large family by two wives, but
+the names of all his daughters have not been recorded.  Dugdale
+mentions none.  Collins gives Jane married to James Lord Berkeley.
+There were also Elizabeth wife of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and
+others, including Eleanor.  Buck is mistaken in supposing that
+Eleanor's first husband was Sir Ralph Butler, Lord Sudeley.  His wife
+was Alice Deincourt, and he was too old.  Eleanor's husband may have
+been an unrecorded son of Ralph Butler, Lord Sudeley, who died when a
+young man before his father.  She must have married Edward IV., when a
+widow, in or before 1464.  She died at Norwich, and was buried in the
+church of the White Friars Carmelites.--Weever's _Funeral Monuments_,
+p. 805.
+
+[20] Morton says that 'within few days after he withered and consumed
+away' (p. 103).
+
+[21] I.  Arthur was married to a daughter and heiress of Edward Grey,
+Viscount Lisle, the brother-in-law of Lady Grey.  She was the widow of
+Edmund Dudley.  In 1533 Arthur was created Viscount Lisle.  He had
+three daughters, and from the second, Frances wife of John Basset of
+Umberleigh, co. Devon, General Monk was descended.  Arthur Viscount
+Lisle died, without male heirs, in 1541.
+
+II.  Elizabeth wife of Thomas, eldest son of George Lord Lumley, who
+died before his father.  From her descends the present Earl of
+Scarborough.
+
+[22] Letter from King Richard to Lord Mountjoy.
+
+[23] The text of the grant is given by Dugdale, with the King's signet
+and sign manual, given at his manor at Greenwich on July 13, 1483.  A
+list of the manors follows.--Dugdale's _Baronage_, i. 168.
+
+Mr. Gairdner argues that, in spite of this grant, the Duke had reason
+to doubt the fulfilment of the promise when Parliament met.  I am
+unable to follow him.  The King had done all that he possibly could do
+until Parliament met, and he had put his good faith and sincerity
+beyond doubt by giving Buckingham the profits beforehand, in
+anticipation of the approval of Parliament.  What could he possibly do
+more?  There was no shadow of a pretext for any such doubt on the part
+of Buckingham.--Gairdner's _Richard III._, p. 136.
+
+[24] He also had to ignore the children of Henry Bourchier, Earl of
+Essex, by the Princess Isabel, a sister of Richard Duke of York.
+
+[25] Morton, in Grafton, p. 126.
+
+[26] _Ibid._ p. 127.
+
+[27] _Richard III._ p. 146, quoting from _Royal Wills_, pp. 345-347.
+
+[28] Rous, p. 217.  Drake's _Eborac._ p. 117.  The fable is fully
+exposed by Mr. Davies in his _York Records_.
+
+[29] Rous.
+
+[30] This rumour never reached Fabyan or Rous.  It is mentioned by the
+Croyland monk.
+
+[31] On the authority of Sir George Buck.  His words are as
+follows:--'When February was past, the Lady Elizabeth, being more
+impatient and jealous of the success than every one knew or conceived,
+writes a letter to the Duke of Norfolk intimating first that he was the
+man in whom she most affied, in respect of that love her Father had
+ever borne him.  Then she congratulates his many courtesies, in
+continuance of which she desires him to be a mediator for her to the
+King in the behalf of the marriage propounded between them, who, as she
+wrote, was her only joy and maker in the world, and that she was his in
+heart and thought, withal insinuating that the better part of February
+was past, and that she feared the Queen would never die.  All these be
+her own words written with her own hand, and this is the sum of her
+letter, which remaineth in the autograph or original draft under her
+own hand, in the magnificent cabinet of Thomas Earl of Arundel and
+Surrey.' (Buck, p. 128.)
+
+Sir Harris Nicolas (_Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York_, p. 1),
+as an admirer of Elizabeth of York, was much troubled by this letter.
+He attacked Sir George Buck as 'one whose violent prejudices do not
+sufficiently account for the mendacity for which his work is
+remarkable.'  But this is unjust.  Buck no doubt was prejudiced, but
+not more so than the Tudor chroniclers.  He blunders and is uncritical,
+yet there is no reason to impugn his good faith.  Nor did Sir Harris
+Nicolas himself think that the case was sufficiently disposed of by
+abusing Sir George Buck.  He made various attempts to explain away the
+letter, but none satisfactory or even plausible.  Dr. Lingard did not
+doubt the authenticity of the letter (v. pp. 355-359, ed. 1823, iv. p.
+252, ed. 1849).  It is not now known to exist, but that proves nothing
+if Buck wrote in good faith.
+
+Mr. Gairdner approaches the subject more calmly.  'Positive testimony
+like this,' he says, 'is not to be lightly set aside as incredible.
+Yet Buck, if not altogether dishonest (and I see no reason to think him
+so), was certainly by no means an impartial historian.  At the same
+time Buck's abstract of the letter is very minute, and such as would
+seem to follow pretty closely the turns of expression in a genuine
+original, and he expressly declares the manuscript to be an autograph
+or original draft.  If it be not a forgery palmed off upon Buck
+himself, I am inclined to think it was written, not by Elizabeth, but
+by her mother who bore the same Christian name.  Every word might just
+as well have come from her, except the mention of the father, which may
+be a mistake; and there is nothing inconceivable in her anxiety that
+Richard should marry her daughter.'  He adds 'that Elizabeth could have
+been eager to obtain the hand of her brother's murderer is really too
+monstrous to be believed.'  Why then is it not 'too monstrous to be
+believed' that the mother should have been eager to obtain the hand of
+her son's murderer for her daughter?  It is clear that the grounds for
+accepting the letter are too strong for Mr. Gairdner to be able to
+reject them.  Yet that Elizabeth should wish to marry her brother's
+murderer appears incredible to him.  The conclusion is inevitable.
+Richard was not her brother's murderer, if the letter was authentic
+(see Gairdner's _Life of Richard III._ pp. 256-257, and note p. 257).
+
+
+
+
+{233}
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE MAIN CHARGE AGAINST RICHARD III
+
+  15.  Murder of the Princes in the Tower.  Acquittal.
+
+
+In attempting an impartial consideration of the question of the fate of
+King Edward's sons, it must always be remembered that the main argument
+against their uncle is made to rest upon the truth of his previous
+alleged crimes.  This argument is destroyed if Richard was not a
+venomous hunchback born with teeth, if he was not a cold scheming and
+calculating villain who had already committed two atrocious murders,
+drowned his brother in a butt of malmsey, poisoned his wife, and waded
+through the blood of innocent men to an usurped throne.  A careful
+study of the evidence establishes the fact that these accusations are
+false, and that they were put forward by the writers under a new
+dynasty in order to blacken the character of the last Plantagenet King,
+and to make the accusation that he murdered his nephews more plausible.
+For it was a matter of the most vital importance to Henry VII., not
+only that the boys should have been murdered, but that it should be
+believed that the crime was perpetrated before his accession.
+
+We have to deal with a different man altogether.  The real Richard, who
+is accused of the murder of his {234} nephews, was not previously
+steeped in crime.  The accusation must now be considered as being
+brought against an ordinary prince of the fifteenth century, if not
+better certainly not worse than his contemporaries.  This at once
+destroys the chief points of the evidence against him.  His accusers
+rightly felt that it was necessary to blacken Richard's character, and
+this they did coarsely enough, but very successfully.  They knew that,
+without this poisoning of the wells, the case against him lost all its
+force.  'Nemo repente turpissimus.'
+
+We must now approach the question relating to the fate of the two young
+sons of Edward IV., without having constantly before our minds the
+grotesque caricature portrayed by the Tudor writers.  Although it is
+not possible, especially at this distance of time, to account for the
+workings of any man's mind, or for the motives which may control his
+actions, it is yet necessary to consider this phase of the question,
+with as much light as we can bring to bear upon it.
+
+It is not disputed that Edward IV. always evinced unshaken love and
+affection for his young brother, and showed the most absolute
+confidence in him at the time of his death.  Richard returned this
+affection with devoted loyalty.  He had no love for the Woodville
+faction, but he must have felt some regard for his brother's children,
+being such a man as we believe he has been proved to have been.  This
+feeling of regard would decrease the strength of any motive producing a
+desire to destroy them for his own ends.  But there was no such motive.
+The boys had been declared to be illegitimate, after an examination of
+evidence, by the unanimous voice of Parliament.  When the Cardinal
+Archbishop, surrounded by his suffragans, {235} placed the crown of St.
+Edward on Richard's head, he proclaimed the belief of the Church, and
+released from their oaths all who under a misapprehension had sworn
+allegiance to Edward V.  The boy, as a claimant to the throne, had
+ceased to be dangerous.
+
+[Sidenote: Unanimity at Richard's coronation]
+
+It should be borne in mind that Parliament was unanimous in recognising
+the title of Richard III.  Excepting half a dozen Lancastrian exiles
+who were equally opposed to any member of the house of York,[1] the
+whole peerage was at Richard's coronation except those whose absence is
+accounted for by extreme age or youth, or by the calls of duty.[2]
+Even the Woodville faction had submitted, and was represented at the
+coronation by Viscount Lisle and the Bishop of Salisbury.  Henry
+Tudor's mother bore the train of Richard's Queen, and his uncle Lord
+Welles was also at the coronation.  There was absolutely no party for
+the illegitimate sons of Edward IV. at the time of their alleged
+murders, and consequently no danger to be apprehended from them.  If
+the story had put the murders after Buckingham's rising it would have
+been a little more plausible.  But it placed them two months before the
+rising, when the King had not the shadow of a suspicion that any
+opposition was contemplated.  Setting aside all natural or religious
+feeling, and even assuming Richard to have been the impossible monster
+depicted by Tudor writers, he certainly had no motive for the crime.
+
+{236}
+
+But it may be argued that the workings of men's minds are inexplicable,
+and that Richard may have committed the crime from a motive which would
+seem insufficient to any reasonable man.  To decide upon this
+proposition we can only turn to a consideration of his conduct as
+regards other persons in the same relationship and position as the two
+boys, and who were likely to cause Richard as much or as little
+trouble.  There were seven such persons, namely, the five daughters of
+Edward IV. and the two children of the Duke of Clarence.  The King
+treated his nieces with kindness and consideration as near relations,
+when they came under his protection.  The young Earl of Warwick, son of
+Richard's elder brother Clarence, was a far more formidable rival than
+the sons of Edward.  The former was incontestably legitimate; while the
+latter had been declared to be illegitimate by both Houses of
+Parliament.  Richard knighted the son of Clarence, placed him at the
+head of the nobility, and made him a member of council and of his own
+household.  We, therefore, know that Richard did not look upon the
+children of his elder brothers as enemies to be destroyed, but as
+relations to be cherished.
+
+[Sidenote: The princes alive in Richard's time]
+
+We find, then, that the two young sons of Edward IV. went to reside in
+the royal lodgings of the Tower in June 1483.  The statement put forth
+by Henry VII. is that they were murdered there in the following August.
+But there are two pieces of evidence, one of them positive evidence,
+that they were alive throughout the reign of Richard III.
+
+In the orders for King Richard's household dated after the death of his
+own son, children are mentioned of such high rank that they were to be
+served before all other Lords.  The only children who could occupy
+{237} such a position were the sons of Edward IV. and the son of
+Clarence.  The conclusion must be that all his nephews were members of
+his household, and that they were only sent to Sheriff Hutton and to
+the Tower when danger threatened the realm from the invasion of Henry
+Tudor.
+
+The other piece of evidence is found in a warrant in Rymer's 'Foedera,'
+dated March 9, 1485, to the following effect: it directs Henry Davy 'to
+deliver unto John Goddestande, footman unto the Lord Bastard, two
+doblets of silk, one jacket of silk, one gown of cloth, two shirts, and
+two bonets.'[3]  There are other warrants to pay for provisions.  Dr.
+Lingard[4] tried to destroy the significance of these warrants by
+suggesting that they referred to John of Gloucester, an illegitimate
+son of the King.  But this boy is mentioned in Rymer's 'Foedera,' and
+is designated as a bastard son of the King[5] simply and not as a lord,
+for no such title belonged to him.  Edward, on the other hand, although
+he was officially called a bastard, was also a lord.  In his case the
+designation of Lord was correct.  In the 'Wardrobe Account' he was
+called the Lord Edward; after the accession of his uncle.[6]  The royal
+titles of Wales and Cornwall were no longer consistent or proper, and
+had indeed been transferred, in due course, to the King's son.  But the
+earldoms of March {238} and Pembroke, conferred on him by his father,
+still belonged to Edward.  He would properly be styled the Lord
+Bastard, while John of Gloucester could not be and was not.  There was
+only one 'Lord' Bastard.[7]  The warrants, therefore, show that Edward
+was alive and well treated in March 1485, four months before the death
+of Richard III.
+
+These two pieces of evidence are in keeping with Morton's statement
+that King Richard had declared his intention of maintaining his nephews
+in honourable estate.  But there is strong collateral evidence pointing
+to the same conclusion.  If there had been foul play, it is scarcely
+credible that the mother could have been induced by any promises to
+throw her remaining children on the protection of one who had already
+violated the most sacred ties as regards her two sons.  It is, however,
+just possible that a very unfeeling and selfish woman (though Elizabeth
+was neither), weary of confinement in sanctuary, might have been
+induced to make terms with the murderer of her sons, in order to obtain
+a comfortable provision for herself.  But she did more than this.  She
+sent for her other son, who was safe in France, advising him to return
+home and submit himself to the King.  It is incredible that she could
+have done this unless she knew that the two boys were alive and well
+treated.  She remained on friendly terms with Richard until his death,
+and her daughters attended the festivities at his {239} Court.  Still
+stronger evidence in the same direction is afforded by the letter to
+the Duke of Norfolk, whether it was written by the King's niece
+Elizabeth or by her mother, as Mr. Gairdner suggests.  The writer could
+not have spoken of Richard as her 'joy and maker in the world,' or have
+said that she was 'his in heart and thought,' if he had just murdered
+the brothers of one and the sons of the other.  The thing is quite
+impossible.
+
+The conduct of their mother and sister is a strong corroboration of the
+positive evidence that the young princes were alive and well throughout
+King Richard's reign.
+
+[Sidenote: The alleged rumours]
+
+On the other hand, there is no evidence whatever that they were dead;
+beyond rumours of which we only hear long afterwards.  We are told that
+there were rumours that they had been murdered, and rumours that they
+were alive, and had been taken abroad.  Rumours but no evidence.
+
+If they had been smothered the bodies would have been exposed to allay
+suspicion, and would have received Christian burial.  To hide them
+would have been an act of incredible folly.
+
+There remain then, for consideration, these rumours which are alleged
+to have prevailed during the reign of King Richard to the effect that
+his nephews had been murdered.  It is maintained that if these rumours
+were generally believed, Richard must have been guilty, because if he
+had been innocent he would have taken some steps to disprove the
+rumours, and he took no such steps, or rather--no such steps are
+recorded by his enemies.
+
+The points for investigation are whether such rumours actually existed,
+and if so, whether they were {240} so general as to reach the King's
+ears and make it advisable that anything should be done to refute them.
+
+It is alleged that these rumours took shape during the King's progress
+to York in the summer and autumn of 1483.  There is no evidence that
+they prevailed at this or any other time during Richard's reign.[8]
+The authority for a rumour about the fate of the two boys in the summer
+of 1483 is the Croyland Chronicle; and there can be no doubt that the
+statement was made in good faith; although the writer may have been
+deceived.
+
+The passage in the Croyland Chronicle is to the effect that the princes
+remaining in custody in the Tower, the people in the south and west of
+England became anxious for their liberation, that meetings were held on
+the subject, and that proposals were made to arrange the escape of the
+daughters of Edward IV. so that, if anything happened to his sons,
+there might still be heirs of his body.  It was also reported that the
+sons of Edward were dead, though it was unknown by what violent means
+they met their end.[9]  So far the Croyland monk.
+
+No doubt there were partizans of the defeated factions of Hastings and
+the Woodvilles who were ready to spread any rumours injurious to the
+King.  The question is whether the rumours which reached the ears of
+the Croyland monk were ever generally {241} credited by the people, so
+as to call for action from the Government.  Is it true that they led to
+loud murmurings from meetings and assemblages of the people in the
+south and west of England, such as would attract general notice?  The
+only proof offered is that an officer named Nesfield was ordered to
+watch the approaches of the Sanctuary at Westminster, and see that no
+one left it secretly.  But this was a precaution which would have been
+taken under any circumstances.  Polydore Virgil alleges that Richard
+himself spread a report that his nephews were dead; and this is
+magnified and embellished by Grafton and Hall, according to their wont.
+The statement is grossly improbable in itself, is wholly unsupported,
+and is entirely unworthy of credit.
+
+There is, then, no evidence that these rumours existed, beyond the
+passage in the Croyland Chronicle.  But there is strong reason for
+rejecting the monk's story.  If the rumours had really existed, and if
+in consequence there were mutinous assemblages of the people
+preliminary to an insurrectionary movement, the vigilant and energetic
+young King would have made all necessary preparations to meet the
+danger.  Nothing is more certain in his history than that he was taken
+absolutely by surprise when he received tidings of an outbreak in Kent
+on October 11, 1483.  It was a concerted rising, secretly arranged by
+Buckingham.  This Duke had taken leave of the King at Gloucester on
+August 2 before the alleged action of Richard at Warwick with a view to
+the murders, which was on August 8.  According to the story, Buckingham
+can have known nothing of the murders when he arranged his plot.
+Consequently it is not possible that the rising in Kent, arranged by
+Buckingham, can {242} have had anything to do with the alleged murder
+of the young princes.
+
+Yet the Croyland monk had certainly been told that there was a rumour
+that the boys were dead.  If it had not reached him as general talk, it
+must have come direct to him from some malignant enemy of the King.
+Was there such a man lurking in the fen country round Croyland?  We
+know that Morton had taken refuge in the fen country (Isle of Ely) at
+this very time.  If that schemer was at the chronicler's elbow, the
+rumour is fully accounted for.  It probably originated with Morton
+while he was lurking in the fens, and ceased to exist when he sailed
+for Flanders.  His own narrative, as we have received it, comes to an
+abrupt termination while he is conversing with the Duke of Buckingham
+at Brecknock.  If it had been continued, we should doubtless have had a
+highly coloured version of the rumour mentioned in the Croyland
+Chronicle.  Morton and his slanders went abroad together.  The rumour
+that the young princes had been put to death appeared no more in
+England during Richard's life.  But as soon as Morton went to France,
+it appeared there.  In the autumn of 1483 Morton left England.  In
+January 1484, the murder of the princes was alleged as a fact by the
+Chancellor of France in a speech to the States-General at Tours.
+'Regardez, je vous prie, les evenements qui apres la mort du Roi
+Edouard sont arrives dans ce pays.  Contemplez ses enfants, deja grands
+et braves, massacree impunement, et la couronne transportee a
+l'assassin par la faveur des peuples.'[10]  The Chancellor may have
+received this statement from another Lancastrian exile, but it is {243}
+most likely that it came from Morton.  Louis XI. had hated Richard
+because he opposed the peace which the French King bought from Edward
+IV., and because he refused the French bribes with contempt.[11]  This
+hatred was inherited by the Lady of Beaujeu who became Regent on the
+death of Louis XI. in August 1483.  Any calumny was seized upon as an
+opportunity for reviling the King of England; and with Morton in France
+there would be no dearth of such wares.
+
+The insult to the King of England uttered by the French Chancellor may
+not have reached Richard's government.  If it did, it must have been
+apologised for or explained away, for some months afterwards, in
+September 1484, King Richard granted a safe-conduct for an embassy from
+the French Regency to treat of peace.[12]  The calumny was clearly
+received by the French Chancellor from Morton, or some other
+unscrupulous outlaw, and not from any general rumour.  For it is stated
+as a fact; the truth being that it was never known what became of the
+two boys, or pretended to be known until after the alleged confession
+of Tyrrel in 1502.
+
+Fabyan, writing in the time of Henry VII., talks of a rumour, and of
+its having been the common fame that King Richard put his nephews to
+secret death.  This was merely what Henry VII. wanted to be the 'common
+fame'; and no one dared to gainsay it.  In the year after his accession
+the usurping Tudor ordered it to be given out that the boys were
+murdered by their uncle, and his paid agents had to repeat the
+statement.  Andre said they were killed with a sword.[13] {244} Rous
+stated that they were put to death by some means unknown.[14]  Polydore
+followed Rous.  Comines, naturally enough, told the story officially
+promulgated in England.  But Henry never dared to make the accusation
+publicly in his first so-called Parliament, and there can have been
+only one reason for this silence.  The boys were then alive.
+
+Henry's chroniclers, however, testify that nothing was known, and thus
+prove the falsehood of the French Chancellor's statement, while
+furnishing additional proof that no general rumour existed during
+Richard's reign that the boys were dead.
+
+It is not to be supposed that Sir William Stanley would have
+entertained for a moment the belief that Perkin Warbeck was a son of
+Edward IV. unless he knew that the princes were alive throughout
+Richard's reign.  No one had better means of knowing.  The story put
+forward by Henry VII. tells us that it remained in doubt whether the
+boys were destroyed or not in Richard's day.  Polydore Virgil mentions
+a rumour that they had escaped abroad.  Perkin Warbeck's story was
+believed by a great number of people, which could not have been the
+case if the rumour of the death of the princes had been generally
+credited.
+
+[Sidenote: Baseless rumours]
+
+No question arose before King Richard's death.  Many persons must have
+known that his nephews were alive and well treated.  Their mother and
+brother knew, and they were silenced by imprisonment.  Sir William
+Stanley and his fellow-sufferers knew, and they were beheaded.  After
+Henry's accession, there were dozens, if not hundreds, of people who
+knew the truth.  They had a choice between silence and ruin or {245}
+death.  The truth might have been, and probably was, mentioned in
+private correspondence; but even that would be very perilous, and
+scarcely any correspondence of that date has been preserved.  In one
+letter in the 'Plumpton Correspondence,' the dislike of Henry's illegal
+attainders is referred to, but with bated breath.  Among the mass of
+the people there was no certain knowledge of what had happened to the
+boys.  Of course many baseless rumours then became current.  The
+statements accusing Richard, and the assertions that these rumours
+received popular credit during his reign, merely indicate what his
+successor wanted to be believed on the subject.
+
+
+
+[1] Earls of Oxford, Devonshire, and Pembroke, Lords Rivers, Dynham,
+and Beaumont.  Lord Clifford was a minor, and in hiding in Yorkshire.
+
+[2] Lord Dudley in extreme old age, Earls of Shrewsbury and Essex, and
+Lord Hungerford minors, Lords Greystoke and Ogle in the Marches, Lord
+Mountjoy at Calais, Lord de la Warre abroad.  The Earl of Westmoreland
+was dangerously ill.
+
+[3] Bayley, _Antiquities of the Tower of London_.  (8vo. ed 1830, p.
+343 _n_.)
+
+[4] iv. p. 580 (5th ed. 1849).
+
+[5] Rymer, xii. p. 265.  'Pro filio bastardo regis.'  'Cum summa
+dilecti filii nostri bastardi Johannis de Gloucestriae ingenii
+vivacitas, membrorumque agilitas, et ad omnes bonos mores magnam et
+indubiam nobis de futuro ejus servitio bono spem, gratia divina
+promittant.'  This warrant granted the wardship of Calais to John of
+Gloucester, so soon as he should have reached the age of twenty-one.
+
+[6] _Archaeologia_, i. p. 367.
+
+[7] Sir Richard, K.G., the second son, was not then a lord.  The title
+of York was a royal one, like that of Wales, and he could not hold it
+when proved to be illegitimate.  Those of Norfolk and Nottingham came
+from his intended wife, Anne Mowbray, and when she died, they went to
+her heirs Howard and Berkeley, by creation of the King on June 8, 1483.
+Young Richard, as well as Edward, was a Knight of the Garter, but
+Edward was the only 'Lord Bastard.'
+
+[8] A letter from the King to the Mayor of York, dated April 11, 1485,
+is on the subject of the suppression of false reports and lies.  But
+this refers to the false report that Richard intended to marry his
+niece.  Davies, _York Records_.  Drake incorrectly places this letter
+in 1484.  Drake's _Ebor._ p. 119.
+
+[9] 'Vulgatum est dictos Regis Edwardi pueros, quo genere violenti
+interitus ignoratur, decessisse in fata.'
+
+[10] _Journal des Etats-Generaux de France tenus en_ 1483-84 (Documents
+Inedits), quoted by Gairdner in his _Richard III._ p. 160.
+
+[11] He accepted a present of horses from Louis as a matter of courtesy.
+
+[12] Rymer's _Foedera_, xii. p. 234.
+
+[13] 'Nepotes clam ferro feriri jussit.'--Andre.
+
+[14] 'Ita quod ex post paucissimis notum fuit qua morte martirizati
+sunt.'--Rous.
+
+
+
+
+{246}
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+HENRY TUDOR IN THE DOCK
+
+Murder of the Princes in the Tower.  Conviction.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Victims after Bosworth]
+
+Henry Tydder, _alias_ Tudor, must now take his place in the dock.  Let
+us first see what manner of man this fortunate adventurer was.  In 1485
+he was twenty-eight years of age.  He is described as a man of slender
+build, about five feet nine inches high, with a saturnine expression,
+grey restless eyes, yellow hair, and very little of it.  Having passed
+his life as a fugitive and conspirator, cunning and dissimulation had
+become a second nature to him.  The victory gained for him at Bosworth,
+by the foulest treachery, placed despotic power in his hands.  His
+first acts were the illegal and unjust executions of William
+Catesby,[1] Chancellor of the Exchequer, of John Buck, the Comptroller
+of the late King's Household, of {247} William Bracher, Yeoman of the
+Crown, and of his son.  These executions were in violation of all law.
+They were simply murders; for Henry Tudor himself had no legal status,
+and was in fact an attainted outlaw.  Catesby was the faithful and
+loyal minister of a King who studied the welfare of his subjects, and
+was the Speaker of the best Parliament that had sat since the time of
+Edward I.  He was an able and diligent public servant.  This was his
+only crime.  Nothing tangible has ever been alleged against him, except
+that he did his duty by reporting the meditated treason of Hastings.
+If the fables of Morton and his colleagues are accepted, the executions
+of Rivers, Grey and Vaughan were doubtful acts.  But the executions of
+Catesby, Buck, and the Brachers were heinous crimes.  Richard was the
+Chief of the State, though it may be held that his measures were
+unjust.  Henry was an outlaw without legal authority of any kind, and
+his executions were ruthless murders.  Thus did this adventurer wade
+through the blood of innocent men to his usurped throne.[2]  His next
+proceeding was to {248} send Sir Robert Willoughby to Sheriff Hutton,
+to get possession of young Edward Earl of Warwick, the heir to the
+throne, and of the late King's niece Elizabeth.
+
+Henry Tudor then marched to London and seized the government.  He
+became responsible for the surviving members of the royal family of
+England, legitimate or otherwise.  What did he do with them?  There
+were Edward and Richard, the illegitimate sons of Edward IV., there was
+Edward the legitimate son of the Duke of Clarence, and now the rightful
+King of England, and there was John, the illegitimate son of Richard
+III.  They all fell into his power, and he alone became answerable for
+their lives.  There is too much reason to suspect that they all met
+with foul play at his hands.
+
+Henry Tudor, on usurping the crown of England, necessarily found
+himself in a very difficult position.  His mother's claim, as heiress
+to an illegitimate son of the third son of Edward III., was worthless
+in itself, for even if the descent had been legitimate, she must come
+after all the descendants of the second son of Edward III.  Moreover
+the claim, such as it was, had not yet descended to Henry Tudor and
+never did, for his mother survived him.  He wisely refrained from
+stating such a claim as this, although he alleged a vague hereditary
+right of some sort, which he did not try to explain.  There remained
+the right of conquest with the aid of French mercenaries, and he
+ventured to put it forward.  But he soon saw that he would have to find
+some other prop to support his usurpation.
+
+{249}
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Henry VII]
+
+Henry must certainly have been a man of great ability, with an acute
+but narrow mind, marvellous powers of dissimulation and of
+self-deception, with considerable tact and skill in guiding and
+influencing those around him.  He was essentially un-English.  He was a
+near relation of Louis XI., and he made that mean tyrant his model.  He
+hated English freedom, and that intimate contact with the people which
+made the Plantagenets popular.  He loved mystery.  He surrounded
+himself with an armed guard which constantly went about with him, a
+thing never done before by former kings.[3]  He originated a tribunal
+with despotic powers, consisting of a committee of his Council, the
+infamous Star Chamber.  He established 'a close and secret, a
+tyrannical and often a most cruel government.'[4]  He extorted money by
+means of those illegal 'benevolences' which had been abolished by the
+patriotic Parliament of Richard III.  He was penurious, greedy, and
+mean.  He was the first English King who increased his revenue by
+forfeitures enforced through legal chicanery.  He began the practice of
+setting agents to ferret out any claim which the Crown could make, and
+a subservient judge would affirm.  For he loved the forms of law, which
+apparently soothed his conscience.  He was very superstitious.  When
+his own interests were not concerned he was not devoid of natural
+affection and he recoiled from crime.  Yet he became capable of any
+foul deed if he deemed it necessary for his own security.  But he
+meditated a crime for months and years, and stood trembling on the
+brink for a long time before he summoned up {250} courage to act.  Even
+then he much preferred the forms of law, thinking that if he shared the
+deed with others, the guilt became a limited liability.
+
+Henry had the wisdom to see that, although his claim of conquest and
+vague assertion of right by descent[5] might serve for a time, he must
+establish some better title to secure any stability for his throne.  He
+had obtained his position by the favour of a treacherous faction, and
+was confirmed in it by a pretended Parliament of his adherents, many of
+them still under attainder.  Unlike the grand ceremony of King
+Richard's coronation, when the whole peerage was present, that of Henry
+was very thinly attended.  He felt that some step must promptly be
+taken, with a view to strengthening his position, and reconciling the
+nation to his usurpation.
+
+There was Elizabeth, the late King's niece, whose person he had
+secured.  If she was made queen it might propitiate the powerful
+Yorkist party.  But she was illegitimate, and consequently young
+Warwick was the rightful King.  There was another more fatal
+difficulty, a knowledge of which was shared with the girl's mother, if
+not with the girl herself.  All evidence of the illegitimacy might be
+destroyed.  Henry caused the Act of Parliament recording and legalising
+King Richard's title to be expunged.  He ordered the original Act to be
+removed from the Rolls and burnt.  Every person who possessed a copy or
+remembrance of it, was commanded to deliver up the same, under a
+penalty of fine and imprisonment at the tyrant's pleasure.[6]  Henry
+granted a general pardon to Bishop {251} Stillington in order to avoid
+prosecuting him for the offence of having borne witness to the
+illegitimacy.  For he feared discussion.  He then trumped up some other
+charge, threw the Bishop into prison, and that unfortunate prelate
+never came out alive.
+
+But this was not enough.  There was other work to be done from which
+Henry long recoiled.  Yet without its perpetration he could not safely
+be married to Elizabeth, and there could be no security for his
+usurpation.  Indeed, his position would be rendered even more
+precarious by the destruction of the evidence of illegitimacy.  He had
+usurped a throne to retain which he saw that the committal of more than
+one crime was indispensable.
+
+Meanwhile Henry had summoned the so-called Parliament of his outlawed
+adherents.  He got his own attainder reversed.  He then caused an act
+of attainder to be passed against the late King and many loyal noblemen
+and knights, whose property he seized.  He had the effrontery to accuse
+them of treason to him, by dating the commencement of his reign from
+the day previous to the battle of Bosworth.  No more shameless act of
+injustice is recorded in the annals of tyranny.  The bit of legal
+chicanery by which an attempt was made to excuse it, shows the
+character of the man.
+
+======================================================================
+
+{252}
+
+LOYAL MEN WITH THE KING AT BOSWORTH
+
+ILLEGAL ATTAINDERS BY ORDER OF HENRY TUDOR PASSED IN THE SO-CALLED
+PARLIAMENT OF 1485
+
+
+  Richard III., King of England, K.G.  }
+  John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, K.G.   } _Slain at Bosworth_.
+  Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, K.G.  _Prisoner at Bosworth_.
+  Francis Viscount Lovell, K.G.  _Slain at Stoke_.
+  Walter Lord Ferrers, K.G.  }
+  John Lord Zouch.           } _Slain at Bosworth_.
+  Sir James Harington.  (Clerk of the Council.) _At Bosworth_.
+  Sir Robert Harington.  _At Bosworth_.
+  Sir Richard Charlton.  _At Bosworth_.
+  Sir Richard Ratcliffe, K.G.  _Slain at Bosworth_.
+  Sir William Berkeley, K.B.  (Knight of the Bath at the Coronation.)
+  Sir Robert Brackenbury.  (Constable of the Tower.) _Slain at Bosworth_.
+  Sir Thomas Pilkington.  (Brother-in-law of the Haringtons.) _Slain at Stoke_.
+  Sir Robert Middleton.
+  Walter Hopton, Esq.  (Treasurer of the Household.)
+  William Catesby, Esq.  (Chancellor of the Exchequer.) _Murdered at Leicester_.
+  Roger Wake, Esq.
+  William Sapcote, Esq., of Huntingdonshire.
+  Humphrey Stafford, Esq.  _Put to death by Henry VII_.
+  William Clarke, Esq., of Wenlock.
+  Walter St. Germain, Esq.
+  Walter Watkin, Esq.  (Herald.)
+  Richard Revell, Esq., of Derbyshire.
+  Thomas Pulter, Esq., of Kent.
+  John Welch, Esq., _otherwise_ Hastings.
+  John Kendall, Esq.  (Secretary of State.) _Slain at Bosworth_.
+  John Buck, Esq.  (Comptroller of the Household.) _Murdered at Leicester_.
+  John Batte, Esq.
+  William Brampton, Esq., of Burford.
+
+  (From the _Plumpton Correspondence_, p. 48.)
+
+======================================================================
+
+This odious measure outraged the feelings of all parties in the
+country.  'There was many gentlemen against it, but it would not be for
+it was the king's pleasure,' wrote Sir Robert Plumpton's correspondent
+from London.[7]  The monk of Croyland wrote against the outrage,
+exclaiming 'O God! what security are our kings to have henceforth that
+in the day of battle they {253} may not be deserted by their subjects
+who, acting on the awful summons of a king may, on the decline of that
+king's party, as is frequently the case, be bereft of life and fortune
+and all their inheritance.'[8]  Nor was this insult to King Richard's
+memory, and the lawless robbery of his loyal subjects, forgotten by the
+people of England.  They were resolved to secure themselves against a
+repetition of such proceedings.  Ten years afterwards the tyrant had
+the mortification of being obliged to give his assent to an Act
+formally condemning the attainder of King Richard's officers.[9]
+
+It is very significant that, although in the Act of Attainder King
+Richard is reviled for cruelty and tyranny, he is not accused of the
+murder of his nephews.  This is most remarkable.  Henry got possession
+of the Tower at once.  He arrived in London on August 28.  If the young
+princes were missing, it is certain that in the Act of Attainder the
+usurper would have promptly accused King Richard of having murdered
+them.  But he did not do so.  There can only be one explanation of this
+omission.  The young princes were not missing.
+
+[Sidenote: Henry's great difficulty]
+
+Here then was Henry's great difficulty.  This fully accounts for the
+long delay in marrying Elizabeth.  He was afraid.  He was ready to
+commit any crime with the forms of law.  He did not hold with Lord
+Russell, that 'killing by forms of law was the worst kind of murder.'
+But a recourse to law was impossible {254} in this case.  Whatever he
+was to do, must be done in profound secrecy.  Yet his timid and
+superstitious nature shrank from a crime the responsibility of which he
+could not share with others.  Its perpetration had, he saw, become
+absolutely necessary for his security.  He hesitated for months.  All
+evidence of the illegitimacy had been hidden out of sight.  No man
+dared to mention it.  He long stood on the brink.  At length he plunged
+into guilt.  He married Elizabeth on January 18, 1486, nearly five
+months after his accession.  The die was then cast.  It became a matter
+of life and death to Henry VII. that the brothers of his wife should
+cease to exist.
+
+[Sidenote: Tudor victims]
+
+We must now apply the same tests to Henry as we applied to Richard.
+Had Henry sufficient motive for the crime?  It is impossible that a man
+in his position could have had a stronger motive.  He had denied the
+illegitimacy, and had thus made his wife's brothers his most formidable
+rivals.  He could not, he dared not let them live, unless he
+relinquished all he had gained.  The second test we applied to Richard
+was his treatment of those persons who were in his power, and who were,
+as regards relationship, in the same position as the sons of Edward IV.
+Let us apply the same test to Henry.  John of Gloucester, the
+illegitimate son of Richard III., fell into the hands of Henry.  At
+first the boy received a maintenance allowance of 20_l._ a year.[10]
+But he was soon thrown into prison, on suspicion of an invitation
+having reached him to come to Ireland, and he never came {255} out
+alive.[11]  This 'active well-disposed boy,'[12] as he is described in
+the warrant in Rymer's 'Foedera,' fell a victim to the usurper's fears.
+His right to the crown was at least as good as that of Henry Tudor.  He
+was the illegitimate son of a king.  Henry was only the great-grandson
+of an illegitimate son of a younger son of a king.  The Earl of
+Warwick, who was the rightful heir to the crown, was also in Henry's
+power.  The tyrant hesitated for years before he made up his mind to
+commit another foul crime.  But he finally slaughtered the unhappy
+youth under circumstances of exceptional baseness and infamy, to secure
+his own ends.  His next supposed danger was caused by the Earl of
+Suffolk, another nephew of King Richard.  The ill-fated prince was
+delivered into Henry's hands under a promise that his life should be
+spared.  He evaded the promise by enjoining his son to kill the victim.
+That son promptly complied, and followed up the death of Suffolk by
+putting five other descendants of the Plantagenet royal family to
+death.  These Tudor kings cannot stand the tests we applied to Richard
+III., which he passed unscathed.  The conduct of Richard to the
+relations who were under his protection was that of a Christian king.
+The executions of which Henry VII. and his son were guilty were an
+imitation of the policy of Turkish sultans.
+
+If the young princes were in the Tower when Henry succeeded, his
+conduct in analogous cases leaves no doubt of their fate.  It was the
+fate of John of Gloucester, Warwick, Suffolk, Exeter, {256} Montagu,
+Surrey, Buckingham, and the Countess of Salisbury.[13]  They may not
+have been made away with before Henry's marriage, nor for some months
+afterwards.  The tyrant had the will but not the courage.  He hesitated
+long, as in the case of young Warwick.  For reasons which will appear
+presently it is likely that the boys were murdered, by order of Henry
+VII., between June 16 and July 16, 1486, three years after the time
+alleged by the official Tudor historians.
+
+[Sidenote: Imprisonment of the Queen Dowager]
+
+Then, for the first time, the 'common fame' was ordered to spread the
+report that King Richard 'had put them under suer kepynge within the
+tower, in such wise that they never came abrode after,' and that 'King
+Richard put them unto secrete death.'[14]  But Henry feared detection.
+The mother knew that this was false.  If the boys were murdered in July
+1486, that mother must soon have begun to feel uneasy.  She was at
+Winchester with her daughter when her grandchild Arthur was born on
+September 20, 1486, and was present at the baptism.  But she was in
+London in the autumn, and before many months her suspicions must have
+been aroused.  She must be silenced.  Consequently, in February 1487
+'it was resolved that the Lady Elizabeth, wife of King Edward IV.,
+should lose and forfeit all her lands and possessions because she had
+voluntarily submitted herself and her daughters {257} to the hands of
+King Richard.  Whereat there was much wondering.'[15]  She was ordered
+to reside in the nunnery of Bermondsey.[16]  Once she was allowed to
+appear at Court on a State occasion.[17]  The pretext for her detention
+was not the real motive, for Henry had made grants of manors and other
+property to his mother-in-law soon after his accession,[18] when her
+conduct with regard to King Richard was equally well known to him.  The
+real reason was kept secret, as well it might be.  Mr. Gairdner calls
+this proceeding 'a very mysterious decision taken about the Queen {258}
+Dowager.'[19]  Very mysterious, indeed, on the assumption of Henry's
+innocence.  But not so if the mother knew that her sons were alive when
+Richard fell, and could now obtain no tidings of them.  If the boys
+ceased to live in July 1486, it was high time for Henry to silence the
+awkward questions of their mother in the following February.  He did so
+by condemning her to life-long seclusion in a nunnery.  Henry was
+terrified that a lady who knew some of his secrets, and probably
+suspected more, should be at large.  In the end of the following year,
+and not till then, Henry's wife Elizabeth was at length crowned on
+November 25, 1487.  The King and his mother beheld the ceremony from a
+stage, but there is no mention of the poor Queen's mother.
+
+[Sidenote: Polydore Virgil's story]
+
+Years passed on.  Perkin Warbeck personated young Richard, and no one
+had such good reason as Henry for knowing that he was an impostor.  But
+the tyrant dared not tell how he knew that Perkin was a 'feigned boy,'
+as he called him.  At length, in 1502 or thereabouts, the first
+detailed story of the murder of the two princes was put forward, after
+the execution of Sir James Tyrrel.  It may be considered as Henry's
+official statement, and was evidently communicated to his paid
+historian Polydore Virgil, in whose hands it took the following form:
+
+'Richard lived in continual fear, for the expelling thereof by any kind
+of means, he determined by death to despatch his nephews, because so
+long as they lived he could never be out of hazard.  Wherefore he sent
+warrant to Robert Brakenbury, Lieutenant of the Tower, to procure their
+death with all diligence by some means convenient.  Then he departed to
+York.  {259} But the Lieutenant of the Tower of London, after he had
+received the King's horrible commission, was astonished with the
+cruelty of the fact, and fearing lest, if he should obey, the same
+might one time or other turn to his own harm, did therefore defer the
+doing thereof in hope that the King would spare his own blood, or their
+tender age, or alter that heavy determination.  But any one of these
+points were so far from taking place, seeing that the mind therein
+remained immovable, as that when King Richard understood the Lieutenant
+to make delay of that which he had commanded, he anon committed the
+charge of hastening that slaughter unto another, that is to say James
+Tyrrel, who, being forced to do the King's commandment, rode
+sorrowfully to London, and to the worst example that hath been almost
+ever heard of, murdered those babes of the issue royal.  This end had
+Prince Edward and Richard his brother, but with what kind of death
+these silly children were executed is not certainly known.'
+
+This was the story put forward by Henry after Tyrrel's death.  He may
+have added some other particulars afterwards.[20]  It is indeed
+probable that he did.  A much more detailed fable appeared in the
+history attributed to More, and in Grafton, both by the same hand.  It
+has been seen already that the statements of this writer are unworthy
+of credit, and it is very difficult to distinguish what parts were
+authorised by Henry,[20] and what parts were fabricated by the writer
+himself.  His story is as follows:
+
+'At the time when Sir James Tyrrel and John {260} Dighton were in
+prison for treason in 1502, they made the following confession.  Taking
+his way to Gloucester in August 1483, King Richard sent one John Green
+with a letter to Sir Robert Brakenbury, Constable of the Tower,
+ordering him to put the children to death.  Sir Robert plainly answered
+that he would not put them to death; with which answer John Green
+returning, recounted the same to King Richard at Warwick.
+
+'The same night the King said to a secret page of his, "Who shall I
+trust to do my bidding?"  "Sir," quoth the page, "there lieth one on
+your pallet without who I dare well say will do your Grace's pleasure,
+the things were right hard that he would refuse."  This was Sir James
+Tyrrel, who saw with envy that Ratcliffe and Catesby were rising above
+him in his master's favour.  Going out to Sir James, who was reposing
+with his brother Thomas, the King said "what Sirs are you abed so
+soon?" then, calling Sir James into his chamber, he brake to him
+secretly his mind in this mischievous matter.  Tyrrel assented, and was
+despatched on the morrow with a letter to Brakenbury, to deliver to Sir
+James all the keys of the Tower for one night.  After which letter
+delivered and the keys received, Sir James appointed the night next
+ensuing to destroy them, devising before and preparing the means.  The
+princes were in charge of Will Slaughter (or Slater) called "Black
+Will," who was set to serve them and see them sure.  Sir James Tyrrel
+devised that they should be murdered in their beds; to the execution
+whereof he appointed Miles Forest, one of the four who kept them, a
+fellow flesh-bred in murder before time.  To him he joined his
+horse-keeper, John Dighton, a big, broad, square, strong {261} knave.
+They smothered the children, and Tyrrel ordered the murderers to bury
+them at the stair foot, metely deep in the ground, under a great heap
+of stones.  Then rode Sir James in great haste to King Richard, and
+shewed him all the manner of the murder, who gave him great thanks, and
+as some say, then made him knight.  But the King allowed not their
+burial in so vile a corner, because they were King's sons.  Whereupon a
+priest of Sir Robert Brakenbury took them and secretly interred them in
+such a place as, by the occasion of his death which only knew it the
+very truth could never yet be very well known.  Very truth is it and
+well known that at such time as Sir James Tyrrel was in the Tower for
+treason, committed against King Henry VII., both he and Dighton were
+examined together of this point, and both they confessed the murder to
+be done in the same manner as you have heard.  God never gave a more
+notable example of what wretched end ensueth such despiteous cruelty.
+Miles Forest at St. Martin-le-Grand piecemeal miserably rotted away.
+Sir James Tyrrel died on Tower Hill.  Dighton, indeed, yet walketh
+alive, in good possibility to be hanged ere he die.'  Grafton says:
+'John Dighton lived at Calais long after, no less disdained and hated
+than pointed at, and there died in great misery.'  The version in
+Kennet[21] makes both 'Dighton and Forest die in a most horrible
+manner, rotting away by degrees.'  'Thus, as I have learned of them
+that much knewe and little cause had to lye were these two princes
+murdered.'  This last sentence is audacious.  These informers, if they
+ever existed outside the writer's imagination, had very strong cause to
+lie.  They thus complied with the wishes of {262} the reigning powers,
+and furthered their own interests.  The truth, if they knew it, would
+have been their ruin.
+
+[Sidenote: The story published by Rastell]
+
+Such is the detailed accusation which was finally put forward.  It
+contradicts the story of Morton, in his alleged conversation with
+Buckingham, who says that the princes were murdered long before the
+King reached Warwick, and while Buckingham was still at Court.  On the
+face of it there is no confession in this long story.  It is a
+concocted tale, and, indeed, this is fully admitted.  It is merely
+represented to be the most probable among several others which were
+based on various accounts of the alleged confession.  If there ever was
+a confession why should there be various accounts of it?  The silence
+of Fabyan, and of Polydore Virgil, who must have heard of the
+confession if it had been made, seems conclusive against the truth of
+the story of a confession.
+
+Even this selected tale, as we have received it, is full of gross
+improbabilities and inaccuracies.  For instance, Tyrrel, who is said to
+have been knighted for the murder, had been a knight for twelve years,
+and was also a Knight Banneret of some standing.[22]  The first thing
+that strikes one is that, if the story had been true, Henry must have
+heard the main facts when he came to London, after the battle of
+Bosworth.  For Sir Robert Brackenbury's supersession during one day,
+with the delivery of all the keys to Sir James Tyrrel, must inevitably
+have been known to his subordinates.  All the officials of the Tower
+must have known it, and must also have known that the boys disappeared
+at the same time.  Many persons must have been acquainted with what
+happened.  Some of them would certainly have been eager to gain favour
+with {263} Henry by telling him, when he enquired about the missing
+princes.  Yet there is no accusation in the Act of Attainder against
+Richard or Tyrrel, and it is pretended that nothing was known until
+1502.  This proves that the story was a subsequent fabrication.
+
+There is another proof that the tale was false.  It is alleged that
+Tyrrel and Dighton both confessed.  Yet Tyrrel was beheaded for another
+offence in defiance of Henry's plighted word, and Dighton was rewarded
+with a residence at Calais and, as will be seen presently, a sinecure
+in Lincolnshire.  These are proofs that there was no such confession as
+was alleged and was embodied in the story which, as it now stands, must
+be a fabrication.  For if the confessions were ever made, Tyrrel and
+Dighton must have been tried and convicted for these atrocious murders,
+and duly punished.  It has been suggested that Tyrrel could not be
+proceeded against because his statement was under the seal of
+confession.  It is clear from the story that this was not so.  The
+story tells us that Tyrrel and Dighton were subjected to examination,
+and that it was in that way that their confessions were obtained.  In
+point of fact Dighton does not appear to have been arrested at all.
+The names of those who were concerned in Tyrrel's business are given by
+the chroniclers, and Dighton is not one of them.[23]
+
+It seems unnecessary to dwell on the absurdities and contradictions in
+the story itself.  They have often been exposed, and indeed they are
+admitted by Mr. Gairdner, who merely contends that the story may be
+{264} true in the main, although the details may not be correct.  But
+it is worth while to refer to the contention of Sharon Turner, Lingard
+and others, that the story must be true, on the ground that the persons
+mentioned in it were rewarded by King Richard.
+
+[Sidenote: Alleged rewards to murderers]
+
+They maintain that 'Brakenbury and Tyrrel received several grants,
+Green was made receiver of the Isle of Wight and of the castle and
+lordship of Porchester, Dighton was appointed Bailiff of the manor of
+Ayton, Forest was keeper of the wardrobe at Barnard Castle.'  But it is
+not pretended that 'Black Will' was rewarded by Richard.  We shall
+presently see that he was by Henry.  All this can easily be answered.
+Brackenbury and Tyrrel were Yorkist officers of rank, and such grants
+would have been made to them in any circumstances for their
+distinguished services.  As regards the others, either the grants were
+made previous to the alleged date of the murders, or there is no
+evidence to show whether they were made before or after, or in any way
+to connect them with the crime.  The statement that Green held the
+receiverships of the Isle of Wight and Porchester is derived from an
+entirely unsupported note by Strype.[24]  There was a man named Green
+who was Comptroller of Customs at Boston, and another who was appointed
+to provide horse meat and litter for the King's stables.  But the dates
+of these appointments were July 24 and 30, 1483, before the alleged
+date of the murders.
+
+A man named Dighton was made Bailiff of the manor of Ayton[25]; but
+there is nothing to show that {265} this appointment was after the
+murder, or that he was Tyrrel's horse keeper, or that Tyrrel ever had a
+groom of that name.  It will presently be seen that the John Dighton of
+the murder was probably a clergyman and not a groom.
+
+It is alleged of Miles Forest that he was one of four jailers in the
+Tower who had charge of the princes, that he was a professional
+murderer, and that he rotted away miserably, in sanctuary at St.
+Martin's-le-Grand.  These assertions are certainly false.  Miles Forest
+was keeper of the wardrobe at Barnard Castle[26] in the valley of the
+Tees in Durham, 244 miles from the Tower of London.  There he lived
+with his wife Joan and his son Edward.  A footman serving at Middleham
+Castle, named Henry Forest, was perhaps another son.[27]  There is not
+the slightest reason for believing that Forest entered upon his
+appointment after the date of the alleged murders; but much to disprove
+this assumption.  He died in September 1484, and, as his wife and son
+received a pension for their lives, he must have been an old and
+faithful servant who had held the office for many years.
+
+Dr. Lingard suggests that the pension was granted because Forest held
+the post for such a _short_ time, assuming that he was one of the
+murderers in the story.  This is certainly a very odd reason for
+granting a pension![28]  Some authors have thought that it was
+Baynard's Castle, the residence of the Duchess of York in London, where
+Forest was keeper of the wardrobe.  But the names in the manuscript are
+quite clear.
+
+Miles Forest was a responsible old official in a royal castle, living
+with his wife and grown-up sons in the {266} far north of England;
+where he died and his family received a pension for his long service.
+We are asked to believe that he was, at the same time, a notorious
+murderer who was also a jailer in the Tower of London, and that he died
+in sanctuary at St. Martin's-le-Grand.
+
+[Sidenote: Genesis of the story]
+
+How Forest's name got into the story concocted from the pretended
+confession it is not possible, at this distance of time, to surmise.
+But the author of it was quite unscrupulous, and the above
+considerations justify the conclusion that Forest's name was used
+without any regard for truth.  There was a desire to give names and
+other details in order to throw an air of verisimilitude over the
+fable.  We see the same attempt in the use of the name of Dighton.  He
+was not Tyrrel's horse-keeper, nor probably the actual murderer, but a
+different person, as will be seen presently.  But there was a John
+Dighton living at Calais when the story was made up, who was known to
+be connected, in some mysterious way, with the disappearance of the
+princes.  So the author of the story hit upon his name to do duty as a
+strong square knave who did the deed.  The name of Forest was doubtless
+adopted owing to some similar chance.  The name of neither Deighton nor
+Forest occurs in the authorised version as given by Polydore Virgil.
+
+Henry at first only accused Tyrrel of the murders; but it seems likely
+that he subsequently put forward some further details.  There is an
+indication of the Green episode in Polydore Virgil.  It is therefore
+probable that it was sanctioned by Henry's authority, as well as the
+details respecting the interment of the bodies.  All the rest about
+Dighton and Forest, and the mode in which their crime was committed, is
+an impudent fabrication, as regards Richard, based upon {267} the
+authorised story which is given by Polydore Virgil.  The Italian was
+supplied with the statement sanctioned by Henry, and he distinctly
+tells us that the mode of death was not divulged.
+
+If the mode of death was not divulged, the alleged confession of Tyrrel
+and Dighton cannot have taken place.  For this is the very thing they
+would have confessed.
+
+There remains a circumstantial story which may really have been
+connected with a secret tragedy.  It has a very suspicious look of
+having been parodied out of something which actually happened.  It is
+unlikely to have been pure invention.  The fear of detection must have
+been always haunting Henry's mind.  He would be tortured with the
+apprehension that the vague rumours he had set afloat against Richard
+were not believed; and this would be an inducement to promulgate a more
+detailed and circumstantial story.  He could not and dared not accuse
+Tyrrel while he was alive, for a reason which will appear directly, but
+as soon as he was dead it would be safe to do so.  At the time when he
+got rid of Tyrrel his son Arthur had just died.  The man's mind would
+be filled with fear of retributive justice.  Then the terror of
+detection would increase upon him.  He would long to throw off
+suspicion from himself, by something more decisive than vague rumour.
+The notion of imputing his own crime, in its real details, to his
+predecessor, is quite in keeping with the workings of a subtle and
+ingenious mind such as we know Henry's to have been.  Hence, Tyrrel,
+Green, Dighton, Black Will, may have been the accomplices of Henry
+VII., not of Richard III.  As soon as Tyrrel was disposed of, the
+circumstantial story might be divulged as his confession, merely {268}
+substituting the name of Richard for that of Henry, and the name of
+Brackenbury for that of Daubeney.[29]
+
+[Sidenote: Murder of the princes]
+
+With this clue to guide us, let us see what light can still be thrown
+on the dark question of the murders.  Sir James Tyrrel of Gipping had
+been a knight of some distinction.  He had been on a commission for
+exercising the office of Lord High Constable under Edward IV.  He had
+been Master of the Horse and was created a Knight Banneret at Berwick
+siege.  King Richard made him Master of the Henchmen and conferred many
+favours on him.  But he was not one of the good men and true who stood
+by their sovereign to the end.  His name drops out of history during
+those last anxious months before Bosworth.  He was no doubt a trimmer.
+But he could not escape the consequences of his long service under the
+Yorkist kings.  Henry Tudor deprived him of his Chamberlainship of the
+Exchequer, and of his Constableship of Newport, in order to bestow
+those appointments on his own friends.[30]  Tyrrel had to wait
+patiently in the cold shade.  But he was ambitious, unscrupulous, and
+ready to do a great deal for the sake of the new King's favour.  Here
+was a ready instrument for such a man as Henry Tudor.
+
+The die had been cast.  The usurper had married Elizabeth of York and
+entered upon the year 1486.  There was a dark deed which must be done.
+Henry set out on a progress to York, leaving London in the middle of
+March.  On the 11th of the same month, John Green received from the new
+King a grant of {269} a third of the manor of Benyngton in
+Hertfordshire.[31]  For this favour Green had, no doubt, to perform
+some secret service which, if satisfactorily executed, would be more
+fully rewarded.  This grant was a small retaining fee.  We know from
+the story what that service was.  We also know from the story that
+Green did not succeed.  Henry VII. returned from his progress in June,
+only to find that Green had failed him in his need.  Then Henry (not
+Richard) may well have exclaimed 'Who shall I trust to do my bidding?'
+'"Sir," quoth a secret councillor'[32] (called a page in the story),
+'"there waiteth without one who I dare well say will do your Grace's
+pleasure."  So Tyrrel was taken into favour, and undertook to perform
+Henry's work with the understanding that he was to receive a sufficient
+reward.  He became a knight of the King's body.[33]  On June 16, 1486,
+Sir James Tyrrel late of Gipping received a general pardon.[34]  There
+is nothing extraordinary in this.  It was an ordinary practice, in
+those days, to grant general pardons on various occasions.  But it
+marks the date when Henry found 'one without' who was ready to do his
+pleasure.  Tyrrel, as the story tells us, was given a warrant to the
+Lieutenant of the Tower, conferring on him the needful powers.  The
+murders were then committed, as the story informs us, by William
+Slaughter or Slater, called 'Black Will,' with the aid of John Dighton.
+Slater was, no doubt, the jailer.  Master Dighton, however, was not
+Tyrrel's groom.  A John Dighton was a priest, and possibly a chaplain
+in the Tower.  He may have {270} been only an accessory after the fact,
+in connexion with the interments.  The bodies, as we are told in the
+story, were buried at the stair foot, 'metely deep in the ground';
+where they were discovered in July 1674,[35] 188 years afterwards.  The
+tale about their removal,[36] and the death of the priest, was no doubt
+inserted by Henry, to prevent that discovery.  On July 16, 1486, Sir
+James Tyrrel received a second general pardon.[37]  This would be very
+singular under ordinary circumstances, the second pardon having been
+granted within a month of the first.  But it is not so singular when we
+reflect on what probably took place in the interval.  There was an
+offence to be condoned which must be kept a profound secret.  Thus we
+are able to fix the time of the murder of the two young princes between
+June 16 and July 16, 1486.  One was fifteen and a half, the other
+twelve years of age.
+
+[Sidenote: Relations silenced]
+
+Henry had at length found courage to commit the crime.  He may have
+excused it to himself from the absolute necessity of his position.  It
+had been perpetrated in profound secrecy.  If the mother, brother, or
+sisters suspected anything, they could be silenced.  They were
+absolutely at his mercy.  Henry caused the mother to be stripped of her
+property, immured in Bermondsey nunnery, and left dependent on him for
+subsistence.  She was thus effectually silenced.  The Marquis of
+Dorset, half brother of the murdered boys, was committed to the Tower
+during 1487; but he succeeded in convincing the tyrant that there was
+{271} nothing to fear from him, and was eventually released.  The
+eldest sister was Henry's wife and at his mercy--the wife of a man who,
+as his admirers mildly put it, 'was not uxorious.'  She was within two
+months of her confinement.  Doubtless for that reason her mother kept
+all misgivings to herself.  Henry married the next sister, Cicely, to
+his old uncle Lord Welles,[38] who would ensure her silence.  She was
+married in that very year, and sent off to Lincolnshire.  The three
+youngest were children, and in due time could be married to his
+adherents, or shut up in a nunnery.[39]  Others who knew much, and must
+have suspected more, were silent in public, for their fortunes, perhaps
+their lives, depended on their silence.
+
+Yet the guilty tyrant could have known no peace.  He must have been
+haunted by the fear of detection, however industriously he might cause
+reports to be spread and histories to be written, in which his
+predecessor was charged with his crimes.  Then there was the horror of
+having to deal with his accomplices.  Here fortune favoured him.  Green
+died in the end of 1486[40]; though hush money seems to have been paid
+to 'Black Will' for some time longer.[41]  John Dighton {272} was
+presented by Henry VII. with the living of Fulbeck near Grantham, in
+Lincolnshire, on May 2, 1487.[42]  But he was expected to live on the
+other side of the Channel.  Sir James Tyrrel received ample recompense.
+He seems to have been appointed to the office of Constable of Guisnes
+immediately after the date of his second general pardon.[43]  He was
+next sent as ambassador to Maximilian, King of the Romans, to conclude
+a perpetual league and treaty.  In 1493 Tyrrel was one of the
+Commissioners for negotiating the Treaty of Etaples with France.  In
+August 1487 he received a grant for life of the Stewardship of the
+King's Lordship of Ogmore in Wales.  But Henry, although he was obliged
+to reward his accomplices, was anxious to keep them on the other side
+of the Channel as much as possible.  Dighton had to reside at Calais.
+Tyrrel was required to make an exchange, giving up his estates in Wales
+to the King, and receiving revenues from the county of Guisnes of equal
+value.[44]  In 1498 Henry still addressed him as his well-beloved and
+faithful councillor.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrest of Tyrrel]
+
+The long-sought pretext for getting rid of Tyrrel was found in 1502.
+The usurper dreaded the Earl of Suffolk, King Richard's nephew, as a
+claimant to the throne.  He heard that Tyrrel had favoured the escape
+of the ill-fated young prince to Germany.  Henry would be terrified at
+the idea of Tyrrel taking the side of another claimant, and publicly
+denouncing his misdeeds.  {273} He ordered the arrest of his
+accomplice, but Tyrrel refused to surrender the castle of Guisnes.  He
+was besieged by the whole garrison of Calais.  Henry then ordered Dr.
+Fox, the Bishop of Winchester and Lord Privy Seal, one of his most
+intimate associates, to send a promise under the privy seal, to the
+effect that Tyrrel should come and go in security if he would confer
+with Sir Thomas Lovell, Henry's Chancellor of the Exchequer, on board a
+ship at Calais.  Tyrrel should have known his master by this time.  But
+even he had not gauged the full depth of Tudor perfidy.  He was
+deceived by the 'pulchris verbis' of Bishop Fox.[45]  When he came on
+board he was told that he would be pitched overboard unless he sent a
+token to his son to deliver up the castle.  The token was sent, and the
+King's promise under his privy seal was broken.  Tyrrel was safely
+locked up in a dungeon of the Tower and beheaded without trial and in
+great haste on May 6, 1502.
+
+At length Henry could breathe freely.  Green and Tyrrel were dead.
+Slater does not appear again, so it {274} may be assumed that he also
+had been got rid of.  Only Dighton remained.  He had to reside at
+Calais on the proceeds of his sinecure in Lincolnshire, and to be
+useful as a false witness.  We know from Rastell and Grafton that he
+did live and die at Calais.  The identity of names suggests the
+probability that he was a brother or son of the John Dighton who was
+Bailiff of Ayton Manor.
+
+The story told in the publications of Grafton and Rastell was generally
+accepted as true; although, even after the lapse of so many years,
+there must have been many old people who knew it to be false.  These
+people had the choice between silence and ruin.  As they died off, the
+belief in the story became more and more universal.  This fable,
+appearing first in Grafton, was the final touch to the hideous and
+grotesque caricature which was portrayed by the Tudor historians and
+dramatised by Shakespeare.  The history of its reception in all its
+absurd and improbable details, of the ineradicable prejudice which
+could keep it alive for four centuries, and long after sound methods of
+criticism had begun to be applied to other historical questions, forms
+a curious chapter in the record of human credulity.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of the Earl of Warwick]
+
+Henry Tudor suffered for his crimes.  The secret removal of his wife's
+brothers and of her uncle's illegitimate son failed to complete the
+catalogue of them.  Young Edward Earl of Warwick was another stumbling
+block in his way.  But again his superstitious mind recoiled from guilt
+which his judgment recommended.  If his wife had been legitimate, there
+would have been no danger to Henry from the Earl of Warwick; that young
+prince would have been far removed from the succession.  His wife's
+illegitimacy {275} made her cousin the rightful heir, and hence another
+crime seemed necessary.  Henry put off the perpetration of this crime
+for years.  Ferdinand of Spain refused to allow a marriage between his
+daughter and Henry's son Arthur, until the rightful heir to the crown
+of England had been put out of the way.  This refusal at length gave
+Henry a motive for the crime which outweighed his superstitious fears.
+He committed it in a way which was thoroughly characteristic.  He
+caused Perkin Warbeck to be given access to the Earl of Warwick in the
+Tower, and some of the jailers were told to suggest an attempt at
+escape.  An informer, named Robert Cleymound, was employed to listen to
+the conversations of the two lads, and to report that an escape was
+meditated by them.  This was made a capital charge against the young
+prince.  He was subjected to a mock trial, so that Henry might indulge
+in his hope of limited liability for murder, and was then slaughtered
+on November 28, 1499.  A man who was capable of committing such a
+cowardly murder in such a way was certainly as capable of the crime of
+which he falsely accused King Richard.
+
+As soon as Richard III. was dead, Edward Earl of Warwick became _de
+jure_ King of England, not only as the acknowledged heir to the dead
+King but also as the nearest in succession, and as the last male
+Plantagenet.  His existence was, at that time, a serious danger to the
+usurper, who did not lose a day in securing the poor lad's person.  If,
+as Henry afterwards caused it to be proclaimed, the declaration of the
+illegitimacy of the children of Edward IV. was false, then the Earl of
+Warwick ceased to be dangerous; and there was no object in condemning
+him to perpetual imprisonment.  It was a useless act of injustice {276}
+and cruelty.  But if Henry knew that, in spite of his attempts to
+destroy all evidence of the illegitimacy, the awkward fact remained,
+his injustice and cruelty are explained.  They afford one more proof of
+the truth of Dr. Stillington's evidence, which led to the accession of
+King Richard.
+
+Warwick was now put out of the way, in obedience to the King of Spain.
+But remorse gnawed the tyrant's heart.  His father confessor, though
+doubtless an astute courtier, failed to soothe his conscience.  He
+sought the help of wizards and quacks.  But his superstitions gave him
+little consolation.  The Spanish Ambassador noticed the change that had
+taken place in Henry's appearance since the murder of young Warwick.
+Don Pedro de Ayala had been in Scotland during the interval.  The King
+had come to look many years older in a single month.  Dark thoughts
+were haunting his mind.  His eldest son died, and an anonymous writer
+has recorded that he showed some feeling, and exchanged words of
+consolation with his wife.[46]  This is quite in keeping with one side
+of his character.  The other side is shown in his harsh treatment of
+Catharine of Aragon, in his monstrous proposal to marry her when his
+wife died, in his disgusting inquiries respecting the young Queen of
+Naples, and in his revolting offer for the hand of Juana (_la loca_).
+But the necessities of his position gave him little time for the
+indulgence either of such grief as he was capable of feeling or of the
+other less creditable sentiments that are revealed in his
+correspondence.  His son's death must have seemed to him the Nemesis of
+his crimes.  Yet within a month he was beheading {277} Tyrrel, and
+fabricating a story to account for the disappearance of his wife's
+brothers.
+
+We can never know how much that wife suffered.  No doubt she was kept
+in ignorance of the fate of her brothers.  But she knew they were not
+killed by her uncle.  She saw her mother immured in a nunnery for life.
+She saw her brother, the Marquis of Dorset, committed to the Tower.
+She saw the sister, nearest to her in age, hurriedly married to old
+Lord Welles.  She must have suspected much, even if she knew nothing.
+She could not have been kept in ignorance of the cruel imprisonment of
+her young cousin Warwick.  She must have shuddered at his murder.  She
+would have been less than human if she did not loathe the perpetrator
+of these deeds, even though he was the father of her children.  The
+unhappy wife was released from companionship with the murderer of her
+relations on February 11, 1503.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of the Earl of Suffolk]
+
+Another crime was contemplated by the miserable usurper, to make his
+position safe.  But he could not get the Earl of Suffolk into his
+clutches without giving a solemn promise to spare his life.  He evaded
+the promise by advising his son to commit the crime after his
+death.[47]  Murderous designs thus occupied his mind, even on his
+death-bed.
+
+Yet one of Henry's last acts was an act of restitution.  He restored in
+blood, and to all his estates, the son of his accomplice, Sir James
+Tyrrel, on April 6, 1507, feeling no doubt that the greater criminal of
+the two remained unpunished, except by his own remorseful conscience.
+
+{278}
+
+Henry became haggard and restless.  Prosperous and successful as the
+world deemed him, we may rely upon it that his crimes were not
+unpunished.  His cowardly nature was peculiarly susceptible to the
+torturing pangs of remorse.  He died, full of terrors, prematurely old
+and worn out, at the early age of fifty-two, on April 21, 1509.  He was
+successful as the world counts success.  He accumulated riches by
+plunder and extortion.  He established a despotic government.  He
+cleared his path of rivals.  We are told that he inaugurated a new
+era--era of 'benevolences' and Star Chamber prosecutions.  In all these
+things he succeeded.  He, and the writers he employed, were
+pre-eminently successful as slanderers.  They succeeded in blackening
+for all time the fame of a far better man than Henry Tudor.
+
+[Sidenote: Things unexplained]
+
+Hitherto we have been engaged in the investigation of positive
+evidence.  There is, however, another side to the question--a negative
+side.  We must now examine Henry's omissions.  According to his story
+he found the two boys missing when he arrived in London after the
+battle of Bosworth.  If Henry's story was true, it must have been well
+known to every official in the Tower that Sir Robert Brackenbury gave
+up charge to Sir James Tyrrel and that the boys had never been seen
+since.  If Henry made any enquiries he must have heard this, and the
+whole story would have come out.  Why were not Tyrrel, Dighton, Green,
+and Black Will arrested, tried, and hanged?  Why was not King Richard
+accused of murdering his nephews in the Act of Attainder?  It is very
+improbable, though just possible, that Henry might have failed to
+ascertain the details of the story, assuming it to have been true, when
+he first arrived.  Still, if the boys were missing, {279} it is certain
+that he would have accused Richard of their murder in the Act of
+Attainder.  His omission to do so amounts to a strong presumption that
+they were not missing.  According to the story, Tyrrel and Dighton
+confessed the murder in 1502.  Why were they not tried and executed for
+it?  This must have been done if there ever was a confession.  It was
+clearly not made under the seal of confession, according to the story,
+but under the pressure of official examination.  Tyrrel was actually
+beheaded, in great haste, on a frivolous charge, and his capture was a
+breach of a royal promise given under the privy seal.  Surely this
+would have been avoided if there had been any other way, and there was
+another way.  There was every possible reason for trying him for these
+horrible murders and executing him for them.  Why was not this done?
+There can be only one answer.  There was no confession.  Henry's
+treatment of Dighton is still more extraordinary.  It is alleged that
+he also confessed the murder.  Yet he was not only unpunished, but
+allowed to live at large in Calais.  When we find that Henry gave
+rewards to Tyrrel, Dighton, Green, and Black Will, the conclusion is
+inevitable that there was no confession to the King in 1502, because it
+was quite unnecessary.  The confession was due from Henry himself.
+
+Another omission in Henry's conduct is equally incriminating.  If the
+children of Edward IV. were legitimate, why was not the Act of Richard
+III. published, which alleged their illegitimacy, and its falsehood
+fully exposed by evidence?  Why was such extraordinary anxiety shown to
+conceal its contents, and violence threatened against anyone who
+preserved a record of them?  Why were absurd, improbable, {280} and
+contradictory tales invented, in substitution of the statements made in
+Richard's Act?  There can be only one answer.  The statements in the
+Act were true.
+
+In no other way can Henry's cruel treatment of the young Earl of
+Warwick be accounted for.  If Elizabeth was the legitimate heiress of
+York, then there could be no danger from Warwick, and no reason for
+molesting him.  He was simply a harmless young prince, far removed from
+the succession.  But if Elizabeth and her sisters were not legitimate,
+the case was very different.  Warwick was then _de jure_ Edward V.
+There was every reason for a usurper to imprison and kill him.  The
+Lambert Simnel insurrection is explained in that case.  It would have
+been without motive if Warwick came after five others in the succession
+to the crown.  Here again Henry's conduct can only be explained in one
+way.  Warwick was imprisoned and killed for the same reason that
+Richard's Act of Parliament, declaring his title, was destroyed.
+
+The conduct of Henry adds weight to all the other evidence.  It cannot
+be reconciled with his innocence.  It can only be explained by his
+guilt.
+
+
+
+[1] William Catesby was the son of Sir William Catesby of Ashby St.
+Leger in Northamptonshire, by Philippa, heiress of Sir William
+Bishopston.  He was a learned man, well versed in the laws of his
+country.  On June 30, 1483, he become Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
+was chosen Speaker of King Richard's Parliament.  Lord Rivers had such
+confidence in his integrity that he nominated him executor of his will.
+His wife was Margaret, daughter of William Lord Zouch.  He made his own
+will on August 25, 1485, leaving his wife sole executrix and dividing
+his property among his children.  His unjust attainder was afterwards
+reversed in favour of his son George.
+
+[2] Yet Dr. Lingard tells us that 'Henry was careful not to stain his
+triumph with blood.'  This is a strange assertion, when it is directly
+followed by the admission that he did stain his triumph with blood.  Of
+all his prisoners,' he continues, 'three only suffered death, the
+notorious [why notorious?] Catesby and two persons of the name of
+Brecher, who _probably_ had merited that distinction by their crimes'
+(iv. p. 260).  This is a pure assumption, unwarranted by any evidence
+whatever.  If the word 'loyalty' had been substituted for 'crimes,' Dr.
+Lingard would have been nearer the truth.  All that this historian's
+praise amounts to is that Henry refrained from committing a massacre,
+such as he caused to be perpetrated on a subsequent occasion, when
+Warbeck's followers landed in Kent.
+
+Mr. Gairdner says: 'Whether these executions were just is another
+question, save that the ministers of a bad king must take the
+responsibility even of his worst deeds' (p. 311).  He evidently sees
+that Henry's conduct is indefensible; and he has elsewhere admitted
+that Richard was not a bad King.
+
+The more impartial Hutton says: 'Thus the first regal act performed by
+Henry was an act of tyranny' (_Bosworth_, p. 148).
+
+[3] 'For men remember not any King of England before that tyme which
+used such a furniture of daily soldiers.'--Hall, p. 425.
+
+[4] Gairdner.
+
+[5] 'De jure belli et de jure Lancastriae.'
+
+[6] _Rot. Parl._ vi. 289_a_.  The monk of Croyland had a copy, but
+luckily for him, he was not found out.
+
+[7] _Plumpton Correspondence_.  Letter dated December 13, 1485 (p. 49).
+
+[8] Translation by Mr. Gairdner in his _Henry VII._ (p. 38).
+
+[9] 11 Henry VII. cap. 1 (1496).  It was enacted that no person serving
+the King and Sovereign Lord of the land for the time being shall be
+convicted of high treason, nor suffer any forfeiture or imprisonment.
+In the previous year the usurper, also no doubt from fear of public
+opinion, had paid 10_l._ 1_s._ to James Keyley for King Richard's tomb
+(_Excerp. Hist._ p. 105).
+
+[10] Grant to John of Gloucester of an annual rent of 20_l._ during the
+King's pleasure, from the revenues of the manor of Kingston Lacey,
+parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster in the county of Dorset.  March 1
+1486.--_Materials for a History of the Reign of Henry VII._ i.
+
+[11] 'About the same time there was a base-born son of King Richard
+III. made away, having been kept long in prison.'--Buck, p. 105, from
+_Chron. MS._ in 4to. apud _Dr. Rob. Cotton_.
+
+[12] Rymer, xii. p. 265.
+
+[13] A critic, after reading this work, objected that partiality was
+shown by the fact that while the older writers are blamed for
+blackening Richard's character in other ways, in order to make the
+charge of murdering the princes more plausible, precisely the same
+thing is done with Henry VII.  But the other charges against Henry are
+proved and acknowledged facts.  Those against Richard have been
+disproved.  The older writers are justly blamed for inventing calumnies.
+
+[14] Fabyan.
+
+[15] Polydore Virgil.  Lord Bacon observes, in his _Life of Henry
+VII._, 'which proceeding, being even at that time taxed for rigorous
+and undue makes it probable there was some greater matter against her,
+which the King, upon reason of policy, would not publish.'
+Undoubtedly, there was; she knew too much.
+
+[16] Dr. Lingard (iv. 279 and 286_n_) and Nicolas (p. lxxviii) bring
+forward a negotiation with the King of Scots, in November 1487, in
+which Henry proposed that James III. should marry the Queen Dowager, as
+a proof that he never deprived her of liberty.  If he suspected her,
+they argue, he would not have given her the opportunity of plotting
+against him, which her situation as Queen of Scotland would have
+afforded her.  Although Henry may have momentarily entertained the idea
+of getting rid of a woman who knew too much by this expatriation, he
+soon changed his mind.  She was safer in his power.  The negotiations
+were broken off, and James was killed in the following year.
+
+[17] She was present when her daughter gave audience to the French
+Ambassador in November 1489 (_Leland Coll._ iv. 249).  Henry allowed
+her a pension of 400_l._ a year from February 19, 1490.  Her will,
+dated April 10, 1492, is witnessed by the Abbot of Bermondsey.  She
+here confirms the fact of the seizure of her property by her
+son-in-law.  Her words are decisive on that point.  'Whereas I have no
+worldly goods.'  Sir H. Nicolas tried to account for this by suggesting
+that she only had a life interest in her income.  But this will not
+explain so sweeping a statement as that she had no worldly goods at all
+(p. lxxx).
+
+Mr. Gairdner says: 'Henry VII. found it advisable to shut up his
+mother-in-law in a monastery, and had not the slightest scruple in
+taking her property away from her' (_Richard III._  p. 88).
+
+[18] _Letters Patent_, March 4, 1486.
+
+[19] Gairdner's _Henry VII._
+
+[20] 'The King's manner of showing things by pieces and side lights
+hath so muffled it that it hath left it almost a mystery to this
+day.'--Lord Bacon.
+
+[21] i. 501.
+
+[22] He was made a Knight Banneret at the taking of Berwick, in 1482.
+
+[23] They were Sir William Courtenay, one Welborne, and Tyrrel's son,
+who were pardoned; Sir Walter Tyrrel and Sir John Wyndham beheaded; a
+Ship-master hanged at Tyburn, a Poursuivant named Curson, and a Yeoman
+named Matthew Jones executed at Guisnes; all on suspicion of having
+aided the Earl of Suffolk to escape.
+
+[24] In Rennet's _England_, i. p. 552.  Mr. Gairdner, referring to this
+note by Strype, says: 'I own I cannot find his authority.'--_Richard
+III._ p. 164.
+
+[25] _Harl. MS._ 433, fol. 55.
+
+[26] _Harl. MS._ 433, fol. 78 and 187.
+
+[27] _Ibid._ 433, fol. 118.
+
+[28] v. 577.
+
+[29] The Earl of Oxford was appointed Constable of the Tower for life,
+on September 22, 1485.  We may hope that Oxford, who did not reside,
+had no guilty knowledge.
+
+[30] _Memorials of Henry VII._ i. pp. 41, 95.
+
+[31] _Memorials of Henry VII._ i. p. 384.
+
+[32] Was this Morton?  Buck had heard so.
+
+[33] _Memorials of Henry VII._ ii. p. 251.
+
+[34] _Ibid._ i. p. 460.
+
+[35] Sandford, v. p. 404.
+
+[36] 'The latter part of the tale, which declares their interment by
+the priest and their removal by Richard's order, was evidently
+fabricated by Henry, to prevent the hazard of a search.'--Hutton's
+_Bosworth_, p. 169.
+
+[37] _Memorials of Henry VII._ i. p. 486.
+
+[38] Lord Welles was a half brother, on the mother's side, of Henry's
+mother.
+
+[39] Anne was eleven.  In due time she was married to the son of the
+Earl of Surrey.  Katherine was only seven.  When she was twenty she
+became the wife of the Lancastrian Earl of Devonshire.  Bridget, the
+youngest, was five.  She was immured in a nunnery at Dartford, as soon
+as she was old enough.
+
+[40] _Memorials of Henry VII._ i. p. 617.
+
+[41] As late as 1488 there is a grant of five marks, at Easter, 'by way
+of reward,' to William Slater.  If this was the jailer, he received
+hush money for two years after the perpetration of the murders.  He is
+not heard of again.  _Memorials of Henry VII._  ('Writs under the Privy
+Seal.  Easter Term 3 Hen. VII.'), ii. p. 298.
+
+[42] _Memorials of Henry VII._ ii. p. 148.
+
+[43] This appears from general pardons having been granted to the
+former Constable, to the Chaplain, and to twenty-four soldiers of the
+garrison of Guisnes on the same date, July 16.  No doubt these pardons
+were on the occasion of the appointment of a new Constable, and the
+return of part of the garrison to England.
+
+[44] _Memorials of Henry VII._ ii. pp. 188, 251.
+
+[45] This is an ugly story.  Dr. Richard Fox was originally an agent of
+Morton and other conspirators abroad.  This discreditable work brought
+him to Paris early in 1485, where he became known to Henry Tudor.  A
+man so employed could not have been a good priest.  He came with Henry
+to England as his Secretary, and was of course well rewarded.  He
+became Bishop of Winchester and Lord Privy Seal; and appears to have
+been munificent and diligent as a prelate.  By his 'pulchris verbis' he
+treacherously drew Tyrrel into the clutches of Sir Thomas Lovell.  This
+appears from a letter of the Earl of Suffolk to the Emperor Maximilian
+dated at Aix-la-Chapelle on May 12, 1502.  So hurried were the
+proceedings against Tyrrel that he was actually beheaded six days
+before the date of Suffolk's letter announcing his treacherous capture.
+Bishop Fox has been much eulogised.  But no one could be for years in
+the inner counsels of such a man as Henry VII. without being in
+sympathy with his ways, which certainly do not deserve eulogy.
+
+[46] _Leland's Coll._ v. p. 373.  From an anonymous manuscript.
+_Letters of Richard III. and Henry VII._, B. P. i.  Pref. p. 29.
+
+[47] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, _Life of Henry VIII._ p. 36.  'Our King
+executing what his father at his departure out of the world commanded,
+as Bellay hath it.'
+
+
+
+
+{281}
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+MR. GAIRDNER'S RICHARD III
+
+It will be interesting, in conclusion, to examine the critical
+treatment of these questions by the latest historian who has written on
+the subject.[1]  Mr. Gairdner argues in favour of the Tudor portrait of
+the last Plantagenet King, but only to a limited extent.
+
+The thick and thin believers in the Tudor caricature, such as Hume and
+Lingard, aroused doubts in many minds.  Mr. Gairdner is the most
+formidable enemy to the memory of the gallant young King that has yet
+appeared, because he is, beyond comparison, the best informed author
+that has ever treated of this part of history, has conscientiously
+striven to be fair and impartial, and has stated both sides of the
+question, while retaining a belief in Richard's worst crimes.  His
+predecessors, who have taken his view, simply adopted all the
+statements of Tudor writers as facts, and have depicted a cool,
+calculating, scheming, cruel, and most revolting villain without a
+redeeming feature.  They thus portrayed at least a possible monster.
+But Mr. Gairdner, while striving to be fair and just, still clings to
+what he calls 'tradition,' {282} that is to the Tudor stories of
+crimes, told many years after the time.  The two things are
+incompatible, so that he produces a monster which would be impossible
+anywhere.  His Richard III. is a prince, headlong and reckless as to
+consequences, but of rare gifts and with many redeeming qualities.  He
+was wise and able, brave, generous, religious, fascinating, and yet had
+committed two very cowardly assassinations before he was nineteen,
+murdered his defenceless nephews, and gratuitously slandered his
+mother.  Such a monster is an impossibility in real life.  Even Dr.
+Jekyll and Mr. Hyde are nothing to it.
+
+Let us see how Mr. Gairdner arrived at his two-sided monster.  He
+explains his method in his preface.  He demurs to the view of the late
+Mr. Buckle that commonly received opinions should be doubted until they
+are found to stand the test of argument.[2]  He lays it down that no
+attempt to set aside traditional views can be successful until the
+history of the particular epoch has been re-written, and the new
+version exhibits a moral harmony with the facts of subsequent times and
+of times preceding.[3]
+
+'Tradition,' Mr. Gairdner tells us, is an interpreter and nothing more,
+and seldom supplies anything material in the way of facts.[4]  Yet he
+adds that the attempt to discard it is like an attempt to learn a
+language without a master, and he thinks that a sceptical spirit is a
+most fatal one in history.  It is difficult to follow him when he
+announces that, in spite of this view of tradition, his plan is to
+place the chief reliance on contemporary information, and that this
+treatment of history should be adhered to.[5]
+
+{283}
+
+'Tradition,' in Richard's case, means the embellishments of later
+chroniclers writing long after the events, in the interests of another
+dynasty.  Unfortunately Mr. Gairdner does not always adhere to
+contemporary evidence, but prefers 'tradition.'
+
+In the case of Richard III. Mr. Gairdner thinks that it is not clearly
+shown that the story would be more intelligible without 'tradition,'
+and that the said 'tradition' is not well accounted for.
+
+Let us endeavour to test these two propositions by the light of Mr.
+Gairdner's own admissions.
+
+His Richard stood high in general estimation when Duke of
+Gloucester.[6]  As King the people showed him marks of loyalty.[7]  In
+the north undoubtedly, and perhaps with the common people generally, he
+was highly popular, and there was every evidence of devoted loyalty and
+personal popularity at the time of Buckingham's rising.[8]  He was an
+able ruler,[9] he had the confidence even of his enemies in his justice
+and integrity,[10] he was generous not only to the widows and children
+of fallen enemies, but even to the wives of rebels in open revolt,[11]
+his generous acts were done graciously and in no grudging spirit,[12]
+there was nothing mean or paltry in his character,[13] his manners were
+ingratiating, and he had great influence over others.
+
+A person so described is very unintelligible if the assassinations and
+infamies of 'tradition' have to be added.  Richard's character is far
+more intelligible without them; and 'tradition' is perfectly accounted
+for by the necessities of the new dynasty, whose well-paid writers
+created it.
+
+{284}
+
+Mr. Gairdner acknowledges that 'tradition' seldom supplies anything
+material in the way of facts.  Yet he maintains that traditional views
+cannot be set aside unless the history of the particular epoch is
+re-written, and the new version exhibits a moral harmony with the facts
+of subsequent times and times preceding.
+
+Of course certain passages in history would have to be re-written when
+they were found to be erroneous.  But the truth or falsehood of a
+particular accusation cannot be affected by facts of subsequent times
+or times preceding.  Its truth or falsehood is not established by moral
+harmony with something else, but by contemporary evidence.
+
+My detailed remarks on Mr. Gairdner's views respecting Richard's
+alleged crimes are intended to show that his conclusions are mistaken
+when they deviate from his own plan of placing the chief reliance on
+contemporary evidence; and that a sceptical spirit, in the special case
+of Richard, is absolutely necessary if the truth is to be reached.
+
+Mr. Gairdner assumes that Richard murdered his nephews, and, on the
+strength of his guilt in committing that crime, he argues that the
+criminal was capable of anything during his former life, and on this
+ground believes in some of the other alleged crimes.  The earlier
+accusers appear to argue in the reverse way.  They accumulated every
+accusation they could think of, with reference to Richard's former
+life, in order to make the main crime more probable.
+
+Though Mr. Gairdner's sense of justice obliges him to make so many
+admissions that the revolting monster of earlier histories almost
+disappears in his hands, yet in some respects he goes backwards.  For
+he still {285} clings to the assassinations of young Edward and of
+Henry VI., two horrible stories invented by later chroniclers.  Surely
+the sound arguments of Sharon Turner and others ought to have been
+allowed finally to expunge these revolting fables from our history.
+
+However, in Mr. Gairdner's book the venomous hunchback, born with
+teeth, entirely disappears.  He gives us, in his place, a prince 'whose
+bodily deformity, though perceptible, was probably not conspicuous.'
+In his latest version, he abandons the assassination in the King's tent
+by his chief nobles.  He thinks that Richard is unduly blamed about the
+murder of Henry VI. because it was probably sanctioned by others.  He
+pronounces Richard to be guiltless of the death of Clarence.  He admits
+that Anne was not married to young Edward, and that there is some
+reason to believe that she regarded Richard with favour.  He gives no
+countenance to the insinuation that Anne was poisoned by her husband.
+He is inclined to credit the pre-contract of Edward IV. with Lady
+Eleanor Butler, and admits the strength of the evidence for its truth.
+He considers it remarkable that a man (Lord Rivers) who suffered by the
+Protector's order could appeal to him to be supervisor of his will.
+This would certainly be very remarkable if Gloucester and Rivers had
+been accomplices in two cowardly murders.  Such monsters do not usually
+place confidence in each other.  But the simple truth is not
+remarkable.  Rivers felt that he had failed and must pay the penalty,
+but he placed full and deserved confidence in Richard's honour and
+integrity, as well as in his generosity.
+
+{286}
+
+Mr. Gairdner has thus removed much of the Tudor garbage from the
+picture of King Richard, but he will not sweep off the rest.  His
+researches show him that the accusations of the Tudor writers are
+irreconcilable with the results of modern investigations.  But his
+preconceived convictions, although much shaken, are not yet swept away.
+The inevitable result is that the life and character of Richard become
+a puzzle to him.  Generous, kind, and patriotic acts continue to be
+recorded of the young King throughout his life, which are certainly not
+the acts of an habitual assassin.  Those who are forced to acknowledge
+the facts, and yet cling to a belief in the fictions, find themselves
+in a tight place.  This is Mr. Gairdner's position.  He will not give
+up all the Tudor fables, and clings to such shreds of them as it seems
+to him possible to retain.  Yet his own researches force him to abandon
+much and to apologize for the rest.  The man's acts cannot be made to
+harmonize with the Tudor calumnies.  The consequent contradictions
+necessitate the explanation that 'Richard was not yet even a hardened
+criminal' (p. 46); while some of the events which cannot be disputed
+are 'certainly remarkable' (p. 91), and others 'almost inconceivable'
+(p. 214).
+
+Mr. Gairdner cannot quite give up the fable of the murder of young
+Edward at Tewkesbury.  He admits that it was not countenanced by any
+contemporary writer, that it was first told by Fabyan many years after
+the event, and that the final embellishment, according to which young
+Gloucester was a participator in the crime, was a tradition of later
+times.  Yet in his history, he preferred the tradition of later times
+to the story of Fabyan, although he thought the latter had every
+appearance of probability, and he preferred both to the {287} unanimous
+testimony of contemporaries.[14]  There is no reason for this
+topsy-turvy criticism, except that what Mr. Gairdner calls a
+'tradition' accuses Richard, while Fabyan and the contemporaries do not.
+
+His arguments in favour of the murder given in his 'Life of Richard
+III.' were that Richard may very probably have been a murderer at
+nineteen, if any one of his other alleged murders be admitted; and that
+he was capable of a cowardly assassination because he condemned
+prisoners to death in his judicial capacity.  On these grounds alone he
+urged that the accusation is not to be rejected.  He did not maintain
+that it is true, but that it cannot safely be pronounced apocryphal.
+He also admitted that Richard ought not to bear the whole
+responsibility, as he was only an accessory.  This is very different
+from the downright condemnation of Hume and Lingard.[15]  The fable is
+evidently doomed.  But there can be no sharing of responsibility.  If
+Richard stabbed his young cousin he was a cowardly ruffian, whether
+other ruffians did the same or not.  If he did not, no words can be
+strong enough to express the infamy of his Italian slanderer.
+
+Mr. Gairdner has since shifted his ground,[16] and, adopting
+Warkworth's version, has admitted that {288} young Edward was slain in
+the field, calling for succour to the Duke of Clarence; but he cannot
+bring himself to acquit Richard altogether, and suggests that he was
+the slayer, because no meaner person would have taken the
+responsibility of slaying so valuable a prisoner.  As if these
+fine-drawn distinctions were made in the heat of a desperate _melee_.
+But even so, the two boys being about the same age and weight, it was a
+fair fight.  There was no crime.  Yet Mr. Gairdner still calls it a
+'murder'!  Of course there is no authority or ground whatever for
+bringing Richard in at all, if Warkworth's version is adopted.  Verily
+the fiction is dying hard!
+
+There is no reason for considering the Duke of Gloucester to have been
+capable of assassinating his cousin because it was his duty to sit in
+judgment on prisoners as Lord Constable.  The trial of rebels before a
+court consisting of the Earl Marshal and the Lord Constable was
+perfectly legal and constitutional.  Speaking of trial by jury, Chief
+Justice Fortescue laid it down that in England 'some cases might be
+proved before two only, such as facts occurring on the high seas, and
+proceedings before the Earl Marshal and the Lord Constable.'  It was a
+constitutional tribunal, and, although very young, his office of
+Constable made it incumbent on Gloucester to sit in judgment.  The Earl
+Marshal, being an older man, would probably take the leading part.  Mr.
+Gairdner says that it was a summary tribunal and that all who were
+brought before it were beheaded.  It was a constitutional tribunal, and
+only thirteen prisoners were condemned to death.  As many as twelve of
+the leaders were pardoned, if not more, and all the subordinate
+officers and soldiers.  In comparison with Lancaster {289} and Tudor
+proceedings under similar circumstances,[17] the tribunal at Tewkesbury
+was lenient.[18]
+
+Although it does not affect Richard, a serious accusation against
+Edward IV. should here receive attention, namely, that his enemies who
+had taken refuge in Tewkesbury Abbey might, in Mr. Gairdner's words,
+'have saved themselves by flight if Edward had not sworn in church upon
+the sacraments to pardon them.  As to the executions being vindictive,
+I should very much like to know what other character they can possibly
+bear except that they were perfidious also.'  They may be called
+vindictive if all executions for treason in a civil war are to be so
+called, but not, as Mr. Gairdner evidently intends, in any special
+sense.  The sting of the accusation, however, is in the alleged perfidy.
+
+Here is Habington's version of the accusation referred to by Mr.
+Gairdner.  'King Edward with his sword drawn would have entered the
+church and forced the fugitives thence.  But a priest with the
+eucharist in his hand would not let him until he had granted to all a
+free pardon.  But this pardon betrayed {290} them, for on the Monday
+after they were taken out of the church and all beheaded.'
+
+There are some assertions so contrary to all reasonable probability
+that they cannot be accepted, after having been examined with any care.
+This is one.  The fugitives had taken refuge in the abbey because they
+were too closely pursued, and escape was not possible.  How could they
+have saved themselves by flight when Tewkesbury was occupied, and the
+abbey surrounded by Edward's army?  We are asked to believe that the
+King swore on the sacrament to pardon all, and next day beheaded all.
+Why should he commit this wholly useless act of perjury?  There was no
+object, nothing to gain by it.  Even if he refrained from taking the
+fugitives out of the church, which the story has it that he did do next
+day, he could soon have starved them out.  It is untrue that all were
+beheaded.  The story that he took such an unnecessary oath, intending
+to break it next day, is too absurd for acceptance.  As the result
+proved, the King intended to have the prisoners tried before the Earl
+Marshal's Court, to cause some of the condemned to undergo their
+sentence, and to pardon others.  He may possibly have told a priest
+that some would be pardoned.  This would soon be turned, by partisans,
+into all being pardoned.  In point of fact many were pardoned.
+
+In discussing the alleged murder of Henry VI., Mr. Gairdner admits that
+'an after age has been a little unjust to Richard in throwing upon him
+the whole responsibility of acts in which others perhaps participated.'
+But this amounts to a surrender of the whole point at issue.  Richard
+either stabbed Henry VI. without his brother's knowledge, as the story
+attributed to Sir Thomas More tells us, or he did {291} nothing.  The
+boy of eighteen either obtained the custody of the Tower from his
+political enemy Lord Rivers, without the King's knowledge and consent,
+went to Henry's room, and stabbed the unarmed feeble invalid with a
+dagger, or he did not.  Assuming the murder, Mr. Gairdner appears to
+mean by saying that others participated in it, that it was committed by
+Edward IV. and his Council, with the complicity of Rivers the Constable
+of the Tower.  It is difficult to see what else he can mean.  In that
+case the statement of the historian whom Mr. Gairdner believes to be
+Sir Thomas More, that Gloucester committed the murder without his
+brother's knowledge, is false.
+
+Mr. Gairdner is mistaken about the household accounts.  He thinks they
+only refer to the expenses and diet of Henry's servants.  But the
+statement is clear and distinct that the expenses and diet for fourteen
+days after May 11, that is until May 24, are for Henry himself as well
+as his attendants.  The only contemporary writer gives the same date,
+and Polydore Virgil, the official writer employed by Henry VII., tells
+us that his death was long after May 21, the day when Richard was in
+the Tower.  Fabyan and Warkworth's informant give this date of May 21,
+in contradiction to the above conclusive evidence for the 24th or night
+of the 23rd.  First they assumed the murder, and then they fixed the
+date of it on the only day when Gloucester was there to commit it.  The
+household accounts expose this fabrication of dates.
+
+Mr. Gairdner settles the difference between these authorities in a very
+summary fashion.  'Considering the source from which this statement
+comes' (for the 23rd) 'and its total disagreement with the accounts of
+almost all other writers in or near the time, it is {292} impossible to
+attach any weight to it whatever.'  The answer to the last part of this
+sentence is that the writer in question was the only one who wrote at
+the time; and that Warkworth and Fabyan, who wrote afterwards, are the
+only authorities for the 21st.  Moreover Polydore Virgil, who had
+access to all official records, directly contradicts Warkworth and
+Fabyan, giving a much later date for the death of Henry VI.
+
+Mr. Gairdner's other reason for rejecting the evidence of the writer in
+Fleetwood is that his report was official, and that consequently 'it is
+impossible to attach any weight to his statement whatever.'  But on
+this principle Mr. Gairdner ought to sweep away all the accusations
+against Richard made by Tudor writers; for they are almost all the work
+of official partisans engaged, some of them paid to vilify the
+predecessor of their employer.  Official chroniclers should be held in
+suspicion, and their narratives call for strict scrutiny.  But there
+ought to be discrimination.  If a document is official, it is not _ipso
+facto_ false.  There must be some evidence against it besides its
+official character.  The writer who sent a narrative of the restoration
+of Edward IV. to the citizens of Bruges has not been detected in any
+misrepresentations.  He gave a plain statement of the course of events,
+with no other object than to convey to the generous Flemings a
+knowledge of what had befallen the gallant young King whom they had
+befriended.  He gave the 23rd as the date of the death of Henry VI.
+because the fact was within his own personal knowledge.  This was not
+the case with any writer who has given a different date.  According to
+the story the murder was committed in profound secrecy.  The most
+virulent {293} Tudor chroniclers only mention it as a suspicion.  There
+was no ground whatever for the accusation, or they would have stated
+it.  This suspicion, as regards Gloucester, was never whispered until
+the Tudor King was in power.  It is, therefore, to the last degree
+improbable that, assuming there was a crime, it should have been
+needlessly divulged to the author of the letter to Bruges with orders
+that he should falsify the date.  If the murder was a secret, as the
+Tudor chroniclers affirm, and if, as two of them assert, the date of
+Henry's death was known, it would have been useless to falsify a date
+which was known, to conceal an unknown deed.  The inevitable conclusion
+is that the date was not falsified in the letter to Bruges; and that
+the 23rd was the day of Henry's death.  The suggested falsification
+would be such an act of folly as no writer, even if he wrote
+officially, would be at all likely to commit; for it would be uselessly
+raising a suspicion where none existed.  If anything of the kind had
+been attempted, the date of Richard's presence, not of Henry's death,
+would have been altered.  But there is really nothing to raise a
+suspicion of the author's good faith.
+
+Very different are the authorities who contradict him.  Warkworth's
+story contains a statement that the Duke of Gloucester was present in
+the Tower at the time of Henry's death, and then the date is given with
+that excessive minuteness of day and hour which is characteristic of
+the lie circumstantial.  The whole story is dished up with a miracle or
+two.  It is not necessary to suppose that Dr. Warkworth was himself
+guilty of misrepresentation.  He was evidently very credulous, and he
+was deceived by his informer.  As for Fabyan, he wrote in the days of
+Henry VII. and {294} was desirous of suiting his tales to the wishes of
+that jealous tyrant.  Apart from the undesigned evidence of the
+household accounts, the letter to the citizens of Bruges must, on every
+principle of historical criticism, be accepted as a more reliable
+authority, on this point, than the miracle-monger Warkworth or the
+unscrupulous time-server Fabyan.  The whole story about Henry VI.
+having been murdered by Gloucester is palpably a Tudor calumny invented
+long afterwards, and told so clumsily that it certainly did not deserve
+the success which has attended it.[19]
+
+Mr. Gairdner acquits Richard of responsibility for the death of
+Clarence, as was inevitable.  For he would not be supported even by the
+most unscrupulous enemy of Richard's memory if he refused to acquit
+him.  Clearly there was no belief among his contemporaries that Richard
+was in any way to blame.  Yet Mr. Gairdner cannot let the matter rest.
+He suggests that Richard's foundation of colleges at Middleham and
+Barnard Castle, with provision for masses for the souls of his father,
+brothers, and sisters, betokens remorse for the death of Clarence,
+because the licences to found these colleges were granted soon after
+his brother's death.  Clarence is not specially mentioned, only
+brothers and sisters.  This pious act might betoken regret, but it
+cannot be supposed to betoken remorse.  The man's conscience must
+indeed have been morbidly sensitive if it caused remorse for that which
+the King and the Parliament had done, but which he had opposed.  It was
+quite natural that {295} Richard should have provided for these masses
+from ordinary feelings of regret and affection for all the deceased
+members of his family.  The idea of remorse is gratuitous and very
+far-fetched; for Richard had arranged for the foundation of these
+colleges before the death of Clarence.  Mr. Gairdner further remarks
+that Richard gained by his brother's death, his son being created Earl
+of Salisbury and he himself receiving the whole of a lordship of which
+he previously owned half.  Richard certainly would not have compassed
+his brother's death, even assuming him to have been the monster of
+'tradition,' for the sake of an earldom for his son, seeing that the
+father had two earldoms already, scarcely for the other half of the
+Barnard Castle estate.  Mr. Gairdner cannot surely think that Richard
+had some hand in his brother's death for the sake of such very small
+gains.  For he has told us that there was nothing mean or paltry in
+Richard's character, and he acquits him of the death of Clarence.  King
+Edward, naturally enough, gave the vacant earldoms of Warwick and
+Salisbury to the infant sons of his two brothers.
+
+Mr. Gairdner has nothing to say against the young prince with regard to
+his marriage.  We, therefore, come to our historian's treatment of the
+events which led to Richard's accession.  Mr. Gairdner dismisses the
+accusations against the Duke of Gloucester, that he was carrying on
+intrigues with Buckingham and other members of the Council, between the
+date of his brother's death and that of his arrival in London.[20]  He
+also considers the arrest and execution {296} of Lord Rivers and his
+companions to have been justifiable.  He believes that the Woodville
+party intended to keep the government in their own hands by main
+force,[21] that the generality of the people were convinced that Rivers
+and Grey had entertained designs distinctly treasonable,[22] and he
+mentions the fact that their baggage contained large quantities of
+armour and implements of war.  This is a proof that they contemplated
+the raising and arming of a large force.  Mr. Gairdner even goes so far
+as to admit that the retribution dealt out to Rivers and his companions
+was 'not more severe than perhaps law itself might have authorised.'
+As we know from Rous that the law was invoked, these admissions amount
+to an exculpation of King Richard, as regards his treatment of Rivers,
+Vaughan, and Grey.
+
+Mr. Gairdner's position with regard to Richard's title to the crown is
+curious.  That title was based on the fact that Edward IV. had entered
+into a marriage contract with Lady Eleanor Butler before he went
+through the ceremony with the widow of Sir J. Grey.  The Tudor King
+attempted to destroy all record of this event, and his official writers
+then put forward two other statements, which they alleged to have been
+made as justifications of Richard's claim to the crown.  One of these
+was that Richard's elder brothers were illegitimate, the other that the
+previous marriage was with a woman named Lucy.  The name of Lady
+Eleanor is carefully suppressed.  Long afterwards the official document
+was discovered in which the title is based solely on the previous
+contract with Lady Eleanor Butler.
+
+{297}
+
+Such is the case very briefly stated.  Mr. Gairdner believes that the
+story of the pre-contract with Lady Eleanor may be true.  He considers
+that the care taken by the Tudor writers to suppress and pervert it is
+evidence of its truth.  He even suggests that the death of Clarence was
+due to the fact that he had got possession of the secret.  But he fails
+to see that the truth of this pre-contract not only invalidates the
+other stories invented by the Tudor writers to conceal it, but entirely
+destroys their credibility.  Morton's statement that it was alleged by
+Richard's supporters that the pre-contract was with Lucy must be false,
+as well as the assertion that a calumny was promulgated against the
+Duchess of York; if the pre-contract with Lady Eleanor is true.  Surely
+Mr. Gairdner must see that the statement of a title made in an
+officially inspired sermon or speech must have been made to agree with
+that in the document which Henry VII. attempted to destroy.  Having
+made away with the document, so that they could mis-state its contents,
+Henry's chroniclers put what inventions they pleased into the mouths of
+preachers and orators.  But the document has since been found.  Its
+real contents are known.  Men who would deliberately make this
+elaborate series of false statements are utterly unworthy of credit.
+Yet Mr. Gairdner still clings to the belief that the odious slander
+about the Duchess of York was promulgated, and continues to quote
+Morton's story as if it were authentic and reliable history.
+
+The sole ground put forward for still believing that the slander was
+uttered against the Duchess of York is that one of these authorities
+alleges that the people were scandalised at the sermon, and another
+that {298} the Duchess complained of the dishonour done her.  These
+additions to the fable, from the same suspicious sources, can in no
+conceivable way strengthen its credibility.[23]
+
+We now come to the main stronghold of Tudor calumny--the story of the
+smothering of the little princes in the Tower.  Mr. Gairdner makes a
+hesitating defence.  He cannot doubt that the dreadful deed was done.
+But he admits that the story, as told in the narrative attributed to
+Sir Thomas More, is full of inaccuracies and improbabilities.  He
+contends, however, that it is not necessary for it to be true in all
+its details, in order to give credence to the main allegation.  He also
+admits that the crime imputed to Richard rests upon the assertions of
+only a few, and that two of these mention it merely as a report.  He
+denies that Richard was the cold scheming calculating villain of
+previous histories; and apparently thinks that, if this had been his
+character, he would not have acted in the way alleged in the story.
+Consequently the story could not be true.  For a cold calculating
+villain would not have been so foolish as to leave London, and then
+send his orders to the Tower, without having previously ascertained
+that they would be obeyed.  Mr. Gairdner's theory is that Richard was
+headstrong and reckless as to consequences, a man of violent and
+impatient temper.  Such a man, Mr. Gairdner thinks, might act in the
+way described in the story; {299} if a strong motive was suddenly
+supplied to him.  Mr. Gairdner looks round for such a motive, and
+thinks he has found it in the alleged contemplated rising in favour of
+the two young princes.  But no such motive existed.  The date given for
+the alleged murders was August 1483.  The rising, even if it had been
+in favour of the boys and not of Buckingham, was in October.  Mr.
+Davies has shown that the first tidings reached the king at Lincoln on
+October 11,[24] and Mr. Gairdner fully admits that Richard was taken
+completely by surprise.  This proves that no motive for the crime was
+supplied in August, calculated to make a violent and reckless man take
+sudden action.  If there was no motive there was no murder.  Thus Mr.
+Gairdner's explanation fails, while the improbabilities remain as
+strong as ever.  The difficulties disappear as soon as Richard is
+acquitted, and his astute successor is placed in the dock.
+
+With reference to this horrible accusation against King Richard, Mr.
+Gairdner had opened his work with the dictum that 'it is vain to deny
+that Richard had long lost the hearts of his subjects.'  But Mr.
+Gairdner himself has supplied some of the proofs that the King never
+lost the hearts of his subjects.  Mr. Gairdner acknowledges that up to
+September 1483, 'in the north undoubtedly, and perhaps with the common
+people generally, Richard was highly popular' (p. 147).  In November
+1484, when, on the young King's return to London he was received with
+demonstrations of loyalty, Mr. Gairdner says that 'perhaps he had to
+some extent recovered the good will of the people' (p. 243).  But, in
+the meanwhile, we are not supplied with a shadow of a {300} proof that
+he had ever lost it.  He was the victim of the perfidy of a few
+traitors.  There was no national movement against him in favour of
+Henry Tudor.  Sharon Turner truly remarked that 'the nation had no
+share in the conflict.  It was an ambush of a few perfidious and
+disaffected noblemen against the crown.  Richard was overwhelmed by the
+explosion of a new mine, which he had not suspected to be forming
+beneath him, because it was prepared and fired by those whom gratitude,
+honour and conscience ought to have made faithful.'  The city of York
+recorded the grief of the people at King Richard's death.  He was
+popular to the end.
+
+Mr. Gairdner fully explains the causes of Richard's popularity (p.
+313).  'His taste in building was magnificent and princely.  There was
+nothing mean or paltry in his character (p. 318).  Many of his acts
+were dictated by charitable feelings or a sense of justice.  He had in
+him a great deal of native religious sentiment (p. 47).  He made it his
+endeavour, so far as it lay in his power, to prevent tyranny for the
+future (p. 205), and as king he really studied his country's welfare
+(p. 313).  No wonder that such a King, who was also renowned for his
+valour in the field and his wisdom in council, should have been popular
+among his subjects!  But it is wonderful that thoughtful and
+accomplished men, who admit all this, should cling to the vile and
+wretched calumnies, the discredited tatters of which still partly
+obscure the truth.
+
+The work of Mr. Gairdner is of great value owing to its conscientious
+attempt to be judicially impartial, to the learning and research that
+are apparent in every page, and to the considerable number of errors it
+exposes, and of mistakes that are finally cleared up {301} by it.  The
+good points in the character of King Richard III. are prominently
+brought forward.  The excellence of his government and the generosity
+of his character are made so apparent, that one is surprised, in the
+midst of this goodly record, to come suddenly on such epithets as
+'usurper,' 'tyrant,' 'inhuman King.'  Mr. Gairdner's learning and
+critical insight have so weakened the traditional fables, a half belief
+in which he cannot quite shake off, that they are not likely to retain
+a place much longer in serious history.
+
+
+
+[1] _History of the Life and Reign of Richard III._, by James Gairdner
+(1878), 1st ed.  _History of the Life and Reign of Richard III._, by
+James Gairdner (1898), 2nd ed.  _Henry the Seventh_, by James Gairdner
+(1889).  Article in the _English Historical Review_, 1891.
+
+[2] Preface to Gairdner's _Life of Richard III._ p. x.
+
+[3] _Ibid._ p. x.
+
+[4] _Ibid._ p. xii.
+
+[5] _Ibid._ p. xii.
+
+[6] Gairdner's _Richard III._ p. 38.
+
+[7] _Ibid._ p. 112.
+
+[8] _Ibid._ pp. 115, 131.
+
+[9] _Ibid._ p. 247.
+
+[10] _Ibid._ p. 73.
+
+[11] _Ibid._ p. 250.
+
+[12] _Ibid._ p. 251.
+
+[13] _Ibid._ p. 251.
+
+[14] Stow set a better example.  He adopted the 'probable story' of
+Fabyan, and rejected the 'tradition of later times,' as Mr. Gairdner
+calls the unsupported calumny of Polydore Virgil.
+
+[15] Dr. Lingard says that 'Clarence and Gloucester, perhaps the
+Knights in their retinue, despatched young Edward with their swords'
+(iv. p. 189).  In a foot-note he sees no good reason to doubt Stow.
+But Stow says nothing of the kind.  He merely adopts Fabyan's tale that
+King Edward's servants despatched the prince.  He does not even mention
+either Clarence or Gloucester.  The accusation against the knights in
+the retinue of those princes is Lingard's own, unsupported by any
+evidence whatever.
+
+[16] _English Historical Review_, 1891 (July), p. 448.
+
+[17] The Lancastrians gave no quarter at Wakefield, slaughtering all
+prisoners high and low.  At the second battle ol St. Albans their
+cruelty was deepened by bad faith.  After Bosworth, Henry Tudor ordered
+four executions which, in his outlawed condition, were lawless murders.
+The atrocious conduct of his son, in suppressing the Pilgrimage of
+Grace, was still more horrible.  Executions went on, long after all
+resistance had ceased, with unrelenting cruelty.
+
+The tribunal at Tewkesbury is unjustly arraigned by modern historians,
+while the barbarities of Lancastrians and Tudors are slurred over or
+ignored.
+
+[18] 'I am struck with the singular leniency of Edward IV. towards his
+political enemies.  The rolls of Parliament are full of petitions for
+the reversal of attainders.  I do not recollect a single instance in
+which the petition was refused.'--Thorold Rogers, _Agriculture and
+Prices_, iv. p. 180.
+
+[19] Dr. Lingard's chief reason for believing that Gloucester murdered
+Henry VI. is that 'writers who lived under the next dynasty attributed
+the black deed to Richard' (iv. p. 192).  Of course they did.  They
+were well paid to do so.
+
+[20] P. 61.  He considers it more probable that Gloucester was ignorant
+of what had been going on in London.
+
+[21] P. 62.
+
+[22] P. 66.
+
+[23] Dr. Lingard's argument in favour of the calumny against the
+Duchess of York is that a man who would shed the blood of his nephews
+would not refuse to allow his mother to be slandered.  Doubtless the
+Doctor would have been equally ready with the reversed argument.  A man
+who would slander his mother would not refuse to allow his nephews to
+be murdered (iv. p. 232 _n_).
+
+[24] _York Records_, p. 181 _n._
+
+
+
+
+{303}
+
+INDEX
+
+NDX
+Aberford, 26
+
+Abergavenny, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; cousin to the
+King, 110
+
+Abingdon, 71; cattle fair at, 112
+
+Acaster College, founded by Bishop Stillington, 96, 118.  _See_
+Stillington
+
+Albany, Duke of, with King Richard in the progress, 130
+
+Alcock, Bishop, 88, 91, 146; at Oxford to receive King Richard, 129;
+account of, 91 _n._
+
+Alfonso V. of Portugal, 66
+
+Alkmaar, Edward IV. landed at, 42
+
+Alnwick, 59
+
+Ambien Hill, 153; King Richard slain at the foot of, 157
+
+Ambien Lees, 152, 154
+
+Andre, Bernard, historiographer to Henry VII., 168, 171; silent about
+the fable of the murder of Edward of Lancaster, 191
+
+Angers, 67, 79, 206
+
+Anker, river, 152, 153
+
+Anne, heiress of Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, married Edmund Earl of
+Stafford, 128
+
+Anne, Nevill, companion of Richard at Middleham, 40; taken to France by
+her father, 66, 67; marriage with Edward of Lancaster never took place,
+67; return to England, 68; her wardship claimed by Clarence.  In
+sanctuary, 81; married to Prince Richard, 82; joined by her mother at
+Middleham, 82, 202; marriage settlement, 199, 200, 201; her beauty,
+124; joined her husband in London, 93
+
+Anne, Queen, her coronation, 126, 127; joined the King at Warwick, 129;
+at York, 130; grief on her son's death, 137; illness, 139; death and
+burial, 139, 140, 228; malignant slander of Polydore Virgil and Rous,
+228
+
+Anne, daughter of Edward IV., married the Earl of Surrey, 86 _n._, 271
+_n._
+
+Anne, sister of Edward IV., Duchess of Exeter, 3; birth, 6, 110
+
+Anne de la Pole, betrothed to James III., became a nun at Sion, 139
+
+Appledore, home of Captain Horn who fell at Towton, 32
+
+Arbitration by King Richard, 84, 113, 160 _n._; by the Lord Mayor, 113
+
+Armour and arms, 107, 120, 122; arrows at Towton, 32; hand-guns, 44;
+artillery, 49, 155 _n._
+
+Arthur, son of Henry VII., 267
+
+Arthur Plantagenet, son of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 221 _n._
+
+Arundel, Archbishop, 117
+
+Arundel, Earl of, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143
+
+Arundel collection, letter from Elizabeth of York to the Duke of
+Norfolk seen by Buck in, 229
+
+Arundell, Sir Thomas, K.B., at Richard's coronation, 147
+
+Ashton, Sir Ralph, made Vice-Constable, 131, 132 _n._
+
+Atherstone, Henry Tudor at, 149
+
+Attorney-General, _see_ Kidwelly, Morgan
+
+Audley, Lord, Battle of Blore Heath, 56; at Richard's coronation, 109,
+143; Lord Treasurer, 144
+
+Audley, Edmund, Bishop of Rochester, 146
+
+Audley, Sir Humphrey, tried and executed at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Ayala, Don Pedro de, Spanish Ambassador, his evidence respecting the
+remorse of Henry VII., 276
+
+Ayscough, Bishop of Salisbury, 118
+
+
+Babington, Sir Henry, made K.B., 147
+
+Bacon, Lord, his character of Richard III., 134; believed the story of
+the murders to have been inspired by Henry VII., 169; on treatment of
+the Queen Dowager by Henry VII., 257 _n._
+
+Bamborough Castle, 59
+
+Banbury, 47
+
+Bangor, Thomas Ednam, Bishop of, 146
+
+Barnard Castle, 84, 161, 265, 295
+
+Barnet, battle of, 49, 50-52; losses at, 52
+
+Barrow, Thomas, Master of the Rolls, Commissioner for Peace with
+Scotland, 145
+
+Basset pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Bath, Knights of the, at coronations of Edward IV., 35; and Richard
+III., 126, 147
+
+Bath and Wells, Bishop of, at Richard's coronation, 127, 144, 146.
+_See_ Stillington
+
+Baume, Sir Thomas, slain at Wakefield, 15
+
+Bayley, 'History of the Tower,' 181, 198 _n._
+
+Baynard's Castle, 3, 91, 92 _n._, 102, 110, 222; family of the Duke of
+York assembled at, 10, 11, 19, 21; Edward IV. accepted the crown at, 22
+
+Beauchamp of Powyke, Lord, 72; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; his
+son in command at Gloucester, 72
+
+Beaufort, Sir John, 70; slain at Tewkesbury, 73, 76
+
+Beaujeu, the Lady of, Regent of France, her enmity to England, 141, 243
+
+Beaulieu Abbey, Countess of Warwick in sanctuary at, 70, 81, 82, 201
+
+Beaumont, Viscount, at Towton, 24, 31; flight from Towton, 33; under
+attainder, 109, 144
+
+Becca Banks, 26
+
+Bedingfield, Sir Edmund, K.B., at Richard's coronation, 147
+
+Bemynster, Robert, Abbot of Cerne, 69
+
+Benevolences abolished by Richard's Parliament, 134, 142 _n._
+
+Berkeley, Lord, viii _n._
+
+Berkeley, Sir William, of Beverston made K.B., 147; a traitor, 133
+
+Berkeley, Sir William, of Wyldy made K.B., 147; loyal to the last, 252
+
+Bermondsey nunnery, Queen Dowager confined in, until her death, 257
+
+Bernall, Richard, tutor to young Edward, 84
+
+Berners, Juliana, her 'Book of St. Albans,' 108
+
+Berners, Lord, 34, 51
+
+Berwick, 86
+
+Beskwood Park, King Richard hunting at, 151
+
+Beverley, 46
+
+Bigot, Sir John, of Musgrave Castle, at Towton for Henry, 24
+
+Bisham, Earl of Salisbury buried at, 34; Warwick and Montagu buried at,
+51
+
+Bishops in the fifteenth century, 118; at Richard's coronation, 126,
+127, 146; at Oxford to receive Richard, 129; with him on his progress,
+129; list, 146
+
+Blore Heath, battle of, 56
+
+Blount, Sir Walter, marched north with Edward, 23; in the pursuit of
+Clifford, 28; march to Towton, created Lord Mountjoy, 35, _whom see_
+
+Blythe, 39
+
+Bohun inheritance explained, 128, 223, 224
+
+Boleyn, Sir Thomas, made K.B. at Richard's coronation, 147
+
+Bolton Castle, 83, 107
+
+Bolton Hall, Henry VI. concealed at, 59
+
+Bootham Bar, York, 34, 58
+
+Borough, Sir John, present to, from the royal wardrobe, 111
+
+Bosworth, battle of, 152-157; numbers, 153; artillery at, 155 _n._
+
+Bosworth Market, Sir W. Stanley's camp near, 153
+
+Bourchier, Cardinal, Archbishop of Canterbury, crowned Edward IV., 35;
+cousin to the King, 111; crowned Richard III., 120, 143, 146, 234
+
+Bourchier, Sir Edward, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; slain,
+15; head stuck on the gate at York, 17
+
+Bourchier, Sir Humphrey, two slain at Barnet, 51 _n._  _See_ Cromwell,
+Lord
+
+Bracher, Wm., and his son, loyal servants of King Richard, put to death
+by Henry Tudor, 247
+
+Brackenbury, Sir Robert, knighted, 147; joined the king at Bosworth,
+151; slain, 155, 156; loyal to the last, 252; in the story of the
+murders, 258, 260, 261
+
+'Bradshaws' a strategic position at Bosworth field, 152
+
+Bramham Moor, 26
+
+Brampton, Wm., of Burford, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Brandon, Sir William, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; traitor, 133 _n._;
+Henry Tudor's standard-bearer, slain by the King, 156
+
+Bray, Reginald, Lady Stanley's steward, 149; his skill as an architect,
+149 _n._; agent to Henry Tudor, 226, 231
+
+Brecknock Castle, 226, 227, 231
+
+Breze, Pierre de, Lord of Varenne, devoted to Margaret of Anjou, 53, 58
+
+Brian, Sir Thomas, Chief Justice of Common Pleas, 145
+
+Bridget, daughter of Edward IV., a nun, 87 _n._, 271 _n._
+
+Bristol, 71, 72
+
+Brittany, treaty with, 139, 161; Henry Tudor in, 131, 141
+
+Browne, Sir John, made K.B., 147
+
+Bruges, Edward IV. and Richard at, 43; Caxton at, 113; news of Edward's
+success sent to the citizens, 198
+
+Buck, Sir George, wrote the life of Richard III.--had seen the true
+statement of his claim to the crown, 219; heard that the pamphlet
+attributed to Sir Thomas More was written by Morton, 168, 179; account
+of, 180 _n._; saw the letter from Elizabeth of York to the Duke of
+Norfolk, 229
+
+Buck, Sir John, Controller of the Household, 145; put to death by Henry
+Tudor, 246
+
+Buckingham, Duchess of, 7, 55, 132
+
+Buckingham, Duke of, 89; left London to warn Richard, 90; speech at the
+Guildhall, 102; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; cousin to the King,
+110; bearing the King's train, 127; Lord Constable, 144; his claims,
+223, 224; alleged conversations with Morton, 225; object of his
+treason, 225; met Lady Stanley on the road, 226; trial and execution at
+Salisbury, 131, 132; Richard's generous treatment of his widow, 132
+
+Burford, _see_ Cornwall
+
+Burgundy, Charles the Bold, Duke of, helped Edward secretly, 43;
+marriage with Princess Margaret, 43, 113; invested with the Garter,
+113; received Margaret of Anjou at St. Pol, 60; Edward's desertion of,
+82; fall of, 162
+
+Burgundy, Philip the Good, Duke of, George and Richard under protection
+of, 18
+
+Burgundy, Duchess of, _see_ Margaret, Princess
+
+Butler, Lady Eleanor, contracted in marriage to Edward IV., 93; truth
+of the contract, 218, 219, 222, 296; details respecting her, 219 _n._;
+her death, 94, 219
+
+Butler, Sir John, at Towton, 24.  _See_ Ormonde
+
+Byron, Sir John, with Henry Tudor, 149; saved Sir Gervase Clifton at
+Bosworth, 156
+
+Byron, Sir Nicholas, created K.B., 36
+
+
+Cade, Jack, 122
+
+Cadeby, Norfolk's camp at, before Bosworth, 152
+
+Calabria, John of, 67
+
+Calais, 7, 102; Dighton living at, 261, 274; Tyrrel seized at, 273
+
+Cambridge, 117, 136
+
+Campbell, Lord, on King Richard's Parliament, 134
+
+Canterbury Pilgrimages, 119.  Archbishops.  _See_ Arundel, Bourchier,
+Kemp, Morton
+
+Cardigan, 148
+
+Carlisle, Bishop of, 146
+
+Carte, 'History of England,' 180
+
+Cary, Sir Hugh, tried and executed at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Castleford, 28
+
+Castles in the fifteenth century, 106, 107
+
+Catesby, reported the Hastings-Woodville conspiracy to Richard, 98,
+211; executor to will of Lord Rivers, 99 _n._; Speaker of the House of
+Commons, 134; and Chancellor of the Exchequer, 144; Commissioner for
+the Peace with Scotland, 145; at Bosworth, 144, 155; put to death by
+Henry Tudor, 246; notice of, 246 _n._
+
+Cattle fair, 112
+
+Caxton: his own account of himself, 113; helped Edward IV. and Richard
+in fitting out their expedition, 113; his first essay at printing, 113;
+in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy, 114; came to England, books
+printed by him, 114, 115; his house in the Almonry, 114; book of
+chivalry dedicated to Richard III., 115; lament on the Earl of
+Worcester's death, 115, 116
+
+Cerne Abbey, 69
+
+Chamberlain, Sir Robert, 45
+
+Charles VII. of France, 53
+
+Charles VIII. of France, 141
+
+Charlton, Sir Richard, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Cheltenham, 73
+
+Cheney, Sir John, with Henry Tudor, 149
+
+Cheney, Sir William, traitor, unhorsed by the King himself at Bosworth,
+156
+
+Chevet, 13
+
+Chichester, Bishop of, 146
+
+Chipping Sodbury, 71, 73
+
+Church, the, 117, 118.  _See_ Convocation; Bishops
+
+Cicely, Princess, daughter of Edward IV., married to Lord Welles, 86
+_n._, 271
+
+Cirencester, 71
+
+Clarence, George, Duke of, born at Dublin, 3, 6; taken prisoner at
+Ludlow, 7, 8, 10; sent to Holland for safety, 18; married to Isabella
+Nevill, 41, 66; his treason, 41, 43; reconciled to his brothers, 48,
+71; grasping conduct, 80; attainder, death, 202, 203; cause of his
+death, 95; his children, 87 _n._, 236; his attainder barred his
+children's succession, 101; town house at Cold Harbour, 110; Richard
+interceded for him, 203, 204, 294; Mr. Gairdner's views, 295
+
+Clarendon, Sir Richard, at Bosworth for the King, 155, 157
+
+Clarke, William, of Wenlock, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Cleger, John, a robber who made Margaret of Anjou prisoner, 57
+
+Cleymound, Robert, hired informer, 275
+
+Clifford, Lord, led the Lancastrian van at Wakefield, 13, 14, 15, 24;
+surprised the Yorkists at Ferrybridge, 27; pursued and slain, 28; some
+account of him, 29
+
+Clifton, Sir Gervase, made K.B., 147; wounded at Bosworth, fighting for
+the King, 156
+
+Clifton, Sir Robert, created K.B., 36
+
+Clothes, in the royal wardrobe, 111; Clement Paston's, 117; an Eton
+boy's, 117; John Paston's, 122; Mr. Payn's, 122
+
+Cobham, Lord, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; at Richard's coronation,
+109, 143
+
+Cock beck, near the Towton battlefield, 26, 33
+
+Cockermouth, Earl of Wiltshire arrested at, 34
+
+Coke's mother, 120
+
+Colchester, 120
+
+Cold Harbour, 110
+
+Collingbourne, a traitor, executed, 132 _n._
+
+Comines, details of the flight of Edward IV., 42; marriage of Edward
+IV. and Lady Eleanor Butler, 93 _n._; death of Edward of Lancaster, 189
+
+Companies, City, influence, dispute settled by arbitration, 112, 113
+
+Conisborough Castle, 3
+
+Convocation, their address to King Richard, 136
+
+Conyers, Sir John, made a Knight of the Garter, 146; faithful to the
+King, 151; fell at Bosworth, 157
+
+Corbet, Sir K., knighted after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Cornwall, Sir Edmund, Baron of Burford, made K.B., 147
+
+Coronation of Richard III., 126, 127; story of a second untrue, 227, 228
+
+Corpus Christi, fraternity in London, 112; at York, 119
+
+Cotswold Hills, 72, 73
+
+Court, splendour of the, 111.  _See_ Wardrobe
+
+Courtenay, Sir E., traitor, 133
+
+Courtenay, Sir Walter, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76, 77
+
+Courtenay, Sir William, 263 _n._
+
+Courtenay, _see_ Exeter, Bishop of
+
+Courtenay, _see_ Devonshire, Earl of
+
+Courtenays, forgiven by Edward IV., 36
+
+Courteys, Pierce, Keeper of the Wardrobe, 145
+
+Coventry, Earl of Warwick at, 47; Edward IV. at, 78; Richard III. at,
+in his progress, 130
+
+Cover, river, 83
+
+Coverham, monks of, 83
+
+Crakenthorpe, Sir John and Sir T., slain at Towton, 33
+
+Croft, Richard, tutor to Edward and Edmund, 4, 5; knighted after
+Tewkesbury, 71, 77, 191 _n._
+
+Cromer, 45
+
+Cromwell, Lord, slain at Barnet, 51
+
+Crosby, Sir J., built Crosby Place, 85
+
+Crosby Place rented by Richard III., 85, 93, 110, 223
+
+Croyland Chronicle on the slain at Towton, 33; there were two writers,
+175, 176; independent witnesses, 175; the second credulous but honest;
+his accuracy as regards dates exposes Morton and Fabyan, 176; gives
+Richard's title to the crown correctly, 176, 219; his mistakes, 177; no
+countenance to the deformity fables, 186; on the Tewkesbury question,
+189; on the death of Henry VI., 195, 199; his mistake about a second
+coronation at York, 227; retails a rumour about the death of the
+princes, 240
+
+
+Dacre, Lord of Gillesland, 24; death at Towton, 31, 33; tomb at Saxton,
+34; his brother forgiven, 36; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143;
+commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145; hurrying to King Richard's
+help, but too late, 151
+
+Dampierre, chateau where Margaret of Anjou died, 79
+
+Dartford, Princess Bridget a nun at, 87 _n._
+
+Daubeny, Sir Giles, with Henry Tudor, 149; Lieutenant of the Tower, 268
+
+Daventry, 48
+
+Davies, Mr., _see_ York Records.
+
+Davy, Henry, to deliver certain garments to John Goddestande, footman
+to Edward son of Edward IV., 237
+
+Dobenham, Sir Gilbert, 45
+
+De la Warre, Lord, 109, 143
+
+Deptford, Vicar of, burnt on Tower Hill, 118
+
+Devereux, Sir Walter, mentioned in the letter from Edward and Edmund to
+their father, 4; Lord Ferrers of Chartley (_whom see_) _jure uxoris_
+
+Devonshire, Earl of, at the battle of Wakefield, 14; at Towton, 24, 31;
+flight from Towton, 33; beheaded, 34; next Earl with Margaret of Anjou,
+70; at Tewkesbury, 74; slain, 76; son married Katherine, daughter of
+Edward IV., 87 _n._, 271 _n._; under attainder, 109, 144
+
+Dickon's Nook, where King Richard addressed his army, 154
+
+Digby, Captain, slain at Wakefield, 15
+
+Digby, Simon, joined Henry Tudor, 149; a spy, 153
+
+Dighton, John, 260; likely to be hanged, 261; false statements
+respecting, 263; bailiff of Ayton, 264, 266, 274; probably a priest,
+267, 269; rewarded, 272; lived at Calais, 274
+
+Dittingdale, near Towton, 28
+
+Doncaster, 42
+
+Dorchester, 69
+
+Dorset, Marquis of, at Tewkesbury, 74; in command at the Tower when
+Edward IV. died, 88; in sanctuary, 91; in rebellion, 109, 144; guardian
+to the Earl of Warwick, 129; his rebellion, 131; flight, 132; advised
+by his mother to return, 136, 238; imprisoned by Henry VII., 270
+
+Dublin, George, Duke of Clarence, born at, 3
+
+Dudley, Lord, 109, 129, 143
+
+Dudley, William, Bishop of Durham, 146
+
+Durham, Bishop of, at Richard's coronation, 144
+
+Dymoke, Sir Robert, the champion, knighted, 147
+
+Dynham, Sir J., with the reserves at Towton, 23, 30, 32, 35, 109;
+traitor, 144; created Lord Dynham, 35
+
+
+Easterling ships, 42, 43, 44
+
+Ebrington, 77
+
+Eccleshall castle, 56
+
+Edgcombe, Richard, with Henry Tudor, 149
+
+Edmund Langley, Duke of York, rebuilt Fotheringhay and founded a
+college there, 1, 2, 11
+
+Edmund, Earl of Rutland, born at Rouen, 3, 6; letter to his father, 4;
+fled to Ireland with his father, 7; came to London, 9; and to Sandal
+Castle with his father, 10, 13; in the battle of Wakefield, 14; slain,
+15, 16; absurd story about his death, 16 _n._; head on gate at York,
+17; obsequies, 39; memorial chapel at Wakefield, 19
+
+Ednam, J., Bishop of Bangor, 146
+
+Edward, 2nd Duke of York, 2; his book 'The Master of Games,' 108
+
+Edward IV., born at Rouen, 3, 6; letter to his father, 4; escaped to
+Calais, 7; return, victory at Northampton, 7; visits his brothers and
+sister in the Temple every day, 8; at Shrewsbury, 11; victory at
+Mortimer's Cross, proclaimed king, 18, 19, 20, 22; description of, 20;
+started for the north, 22; head-quarters at Pomfret, 27; conduct at
+surprise at Ferrybridge, 28; judicious orders to retrieve the disaster,
+28; valour and presence of mind at Towton, 32; always gave quarter, 34;
+advance to York, 34; coronation, 35; just, placable, and forgiving, 36;
+kindness to Lord Hungerford's family, 36, 37; marriage ceremony with
+Lady Grey, 41; affection for his brother Richard, 41; flight to
+Holland, 42; reception, 43; expedition to recover the crown, 44; lands
+at Ravenspur, 45; at York, 46; march to London, 47, 48; battle of
+Barnet, 50; Tewkesbury campaign, 70-78; pardon to several leaders at
+Tewkesbury, 77; conduct after Tewkesbury, 289, 290; bribed by Louis XI.
+to desert the Duke of Burgundy, 82; death, 86; children, 86, 87 _n._;
+buried at Windsor, 86; his will, 89; contract of marriage with Lady
+Eleanor Butler, 93, 218, 219, 222; treasure under ecclesiastical
+sequestration, 227; his alleged conduct after Tewkesbury discussed,
+289, 290
+
+Edward of Lancaster, son of Henry VI., birth, 54, 55; at Greenwich, 56;
+present at battles, 57; with his mother, 58, 59; life at
+Koeur-la-Petite, 61; instruction from Chief Justice Fortescue, 62-65;
+proposed marriage with Anne Nevill, 67; character, 68; at battle of
+Tewkesbury 74; slain, 75; buried in Tewkesbury Abbey, 75; mode of his
+death, Croyland, 189; Andre, 189; Comines, 189; letter to Bruges, 75
+_n._; Warkworth, 189; Fabyan, 189; Polydore Virgil, 190; Habington,
+Grafton, Hall, 190, 191 n.; Holmshed, 190; Stow, 191; silence of Morton
+and Rous, 191, 192; Mr. Gairdner, 188 _n._, 286, 287, 288
+
+Edward, son of Richard III., 84; created Earl of Salisbury, 85, 295;
+Prince of Wales, 130; death, 136; tomb at Sheriff Hutton, 137
+
+Edward, son of Duke of Clarence, 87 _n._; birth, 101; ward to Dorset,
+129; Earl of Warwick, 125; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; declared
+heir to the throne, 102, 138; in King Richard's household, 125; with
+the king in his progress, 129; knighted at York, 130; at Sheriff
+Hutton, 142; member of council, 236; seized by Henry Tudor, 248, 255;
+cruel treatment and death, 275, 280
+
+Edward, son of Edward IV., Earl of March and Pembroke, 86 _n._;
+proclaimed king, 89; came to London, 91; set aside as illegitimate, 97;
+preparations for his coronation, 209; intentions of King Richard
+respecting, 125; in King Richard's household, 125, 236; his tailor's
+bill, 237.  _See_ Murder of the Princes
+
+Elizabeth Woodville, Lady Grey, marriage ceremony with Edward IV., 41,
+86; children, 86 _n._; in sanctuary, 91; allowed her son Richard to
+join his brother, 100; agreed with the king to come out of sanctuary,
+136, 238; intrigues with Lady Stanley, 231; advised her son Dorset to
+come home and submit to the king, 238; her knowledge a cause of fear
+for Henry VII., 256; robbed and imprisoned by Henry VII., 257;
+attempted explanation by Lingard and Nicolas, 257 _n._; Mr. Gairdner,
+257 _n._
+
+Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV., birth, 86 _n._; her dress like the
+queen's, 178; rumour about her marriage with Richard, 140; her letter
+to the Duke of Norfolk 229; evidence of Buck, views of Nicolas,
+Lingard, Gairdner, 229, 230 _n._; sent to Sheriff Hutton, 142; seized
+by Henry Tudor, 248; married to him as Henry VII., 250, 253, 254; her
+coronation, 258; treatment of her relations by Henry, 277; death, 277
+
+Elizabeth, another daughter of Edward IV., 87 _n._, married to Lord
+Lumley, 221 _n._
+
+Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk, born at Rouen, 3, 6; at Richard's
+coronation, 126, 127
+
+Elizabeth, Queen, founded St. Peter's College, Westminster, 116; her
+English ancestry, 163
+
+Eltham, 11, 107
+
+Ely, Isle of, 242
+
+Ely, Bishop of, _see_ Morton
+
+Ely Place, Holborn, 110
+
+Enderby, Sir William, made K.B., 147
+
+England, face of the country in the fifteenth century, 106; condition
+of the people, 65, 121-123; prices, 123; progress of King Richard
+through, 128; products, 112
+
+Essex, Earl of, 109, 110, 143
+
+Esteney, John, Abbot of Westminster, 114, 146
+
+Eton, founded by Henry VI., 116; boys at, in the fifteenth century, 117
+
+Eure, Sir Ralph, at Towton for Henry, 24
+
+Ewelme, 78
+
+Exeter, 70, 132
+
+Exeter, Bishop of, _see_ Courtenay Nevill
+
+Exeter, Duchess of, _see_ Anne
+
+Exeter, Duke of, marriage, 3; at Wakefield, 14; at Towton, 24, 58;
+advancing against Edward, 47; at Barnet, 49
+
+
+Fabyan's Chronicle, 168, 174; untrustworthy, 174, 175; silent about the
+deformity, 186; invented a story about the murder of Edward of
+Lancaster, 190; on date of Henry's death, 195, 199; gave false dates,
+215; contradicts Polydore Virgil respecting Dr. Shaw's sermon, 222;
+silent as to calumny against the Duchess of York, 222; common fame that
+Richard secretly murdered his nephews, 243; 'smoky gunners,' 44
+
+Fairfax, Sir Guy, judge of the King's Bench, 145
+
+Fairs, 112
+
+Fauconberg, Lord, reviewed the London citizens, 21; his service, 21,
+the best general on Edward's side, 23; sent in pursuit of Clifford,
+overtook and routed him, 28; march to Towton, 31, 32; his orders to the
+archers, 32; created Earl of Kent, 35
+
+Fauconberg, bastard of, his insurrection put down by Prince Richard, 80
+
+Feilding, Sir William, slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Fenn lanes near Bosworth, 153
+
+Ferrers of Chartley.  _See_ Devereux.  At Richard's coronation, 109,
+143; hurried to help the king, 151; fell at Bosworth, 155, 157; loyal
+to the last, 252
+
+Ferrybridge, Yorkist force at, 23, 27
+
+FitzHugh, Lord, at Towton on the Lancastrian left, 31
+
+FitzJames, Captain, slain at Wakefield, 15
+
+FitzRanulph, Robert, founder of Middleham, 83
+
+FitzWalter, Lord, _jure uxoris_, Sir John Ratcliff, 23; slain at
+Ferrybridge, 27
+
+Fitzwilliam, Nicholas, Recorder of London, 146
+
+Flory, John, of France, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Flushing, 44
+
+Fogge, Sir John, reconciliation with the king, 128; traitor, 133 _n._
+
+Forest, Miles, in Henry VII.'s story of the murder of the princes, 260;
+said to have rotted away piecemeal, 261; really Keeper of the Wardrobe
+at Barnard Castle, 264; an old royal servant falsely accused, 265
+
+Fortescue, Sir John, Chief Justice, 24, 59; conversations with Edward
+of Lancaster, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65; with Margaret, 67, 69; pardoned after
+Tewkesbury, 77; Fuller's praise of him, 119; on the condition of
+English labouring class, 123
+
+Fortescues followed the Earl of Devon to Towton, 24
+
+Fotheringhay Castle, birthplace of Richard III., 1, 3; its history, 1;
+description, Dukes of York resided at, 2; subsequent history, 2 _n._;
+funeral of the Duke of York, 39; monuments, 40 _n._
+
+Fox, Dr. Richard, an agent of Morton, secretary to Henry Tudor, 149;
+made Bishop of Winchester, 149 _n._; decoyed Tyrrel into Henry's power,
+273; notice of, 273 _n._
+
+French Chancellor, assertion that the princes were murdered, 242, 243;
+proved to be false, 244
+
+Fulford, Sir Baldwin, beheaded at York, 34
+
+Fulford pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Fulfords followed the Earl of Devon to Towton, 24
+
+
+Gainsborugh, 130
+
+Gairdner, James, C.B., LL.D., reason for thinking Richard may have been
+a murderer at 19, 188 _n._; on the obit of Henry VI., 198 _n._; on the
+grant to Buckingham, 224 _n._; on the letter of Elizabeth to the Duke
+of Norfolk, 230 _n._; on the executions by Henry Tudor after Bosworth,
+247; on the treatment of the Queen Dowager, 257; proved that the king's
+Attorney General was loyal to the last, 145 _n._; suggests that the
+death of Clarence was due to his knowledge of Edward's marriage
+contract, 95; his view of the government of Henry VII., 249; his view
+of the extent of Richard's guilt, 281, 282; his method stated in his
+preface, 282, 283; remarks on his views, 283, 284; his admissions, 285;
+on the deformity, 285; surprise that Rivers should make Richard
+supervisor of his will, 285; Richard's acts do not harmonise with the
+Tudor stories, 286; his ideas about the death of young Edward at
+Tewkesbury, 286-288; views respecting King Edward's treatment of
+prisoners after the battle, 289-290; views about the death of Henry
+VI., 290-294; acknowledges that Richard interceded for his brother
+Clarence, 294; reply to his remarks about Richard's supposed remorse,
+295; has nothing to say against Richard's marriage, 295; he admits,
+assuming they were not tried, that the sentence of Rivers and his
+companions was not more severe than the law might authorise, 296; he
+thinks that Edward's precontract with Lady Eleanor Butler may be true,
+296; yet he still believes in the slander of the Duchess of York, 297;
+his defence of the assertion that Richard murdered his nephews, 298-299
+
+Galtres Forest, 34, 58
+
+Gamble's Close, position of Lord Stanley at Bosworth, 152
+
+Garter, Order of the, stall plate of Richard Duke of Gloucester, 38;
+Duke of Burgundy invested, 113; knights made by King Richard, 146
+
+Gascoignes faithful to King Richard, 151
+
+Gascons, trade in wine, 112
+
+Gastons, a position on Tewkesbury battle field, 72
+
+Gedding, Sir John, slain at Wakefield, 15
+
+George, _see_ Clarence, Duke of Giles, Sir John, pardoned after
+Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Gladmoor, _see_ Barnet
+
+Glastonbury, 70
+
+Gloucester, 71, 128; King Richard at, 129; Buckingham at, 225
+
+Gloucester, Humphrey Duke of, his treatment of Jacoba of Holland, 44
+
+Gloucester, John of, illegitimate son of Richard III., 237 _n._; made
+away with by Henry VII., 255 _n._
+
+Gloucester, Richard Duke of, _see_ Richard III.
+
+Gloucester, Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of, marriage with the Bohun
+co-heiress, 128
+
+Goddestande, 237, _see_ Davy
+
+Golden Fleece, Edward IV. and Gruthuus companions of, 43
+
+Goldwell, Dr., Bishop of Norwich, 146
+
+Gower, James, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76, 77
+
+Grantham, 39
+
+Green, John, in the story of the murders, 260; apocryphal grants to,
+264; grants to a namesake by Richard III., 264; grant to himself by
+Henry VII., 268, 269; his death, 271-273
+
+Greenfield, Clement Paston's tutor, 117
+
+Greenwich, 56
+
+Grey, Lord, of Codnor, 109, 143
+
+Grey, Lord, of Powys, 109, 143; Commissioner for Peace with Scotland,
+145
+
+Grey, Lord, of Wilton, 109, 143
+
+Grey, Sir John, made K.B., 147
+
+Grey, Sir Richard, with young Edward at Ludlow, 88; arrested, 90;
+beheaded, 100
+
+Grey, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, _whom see_
+
+Grey de Ruthyn, Lord, treachery at Northampton, 56
+
+Grey, Lady, _see_ Elizabeth Woodville
+
+Greystoke, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; cousin to the king,
+110; hurrying to help the king, but too late, 151
+
+Grimsby, Sir William, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Gruthuus, Louis de Bruges, Lord of, hospitality to Edward IV., 43; help
+in fitting out the expedition, 44
+
+Guilds, 112
+
+Gunners, Flemish, with hand guns, 44
+
+Gunthorpe, John, Lord Privy Seal, 144; Commissioner for Peace with
+Scotland, 145
+
+Gupshill farm near Tewkesbury battle-field, 73; Margaret awaited the
+result in a religious house at, 74
+
+
+Habington's Life of Edward IV., on absurdity of accusing Richard of
+murder of Henry VI., 199; his account of Edward's proceedings after
+Tewkesbury, 289; with Hall and Grafton adds Dorset to the assassins at
+Tewkesbury, 190
+
+Hague, the, Edward IV. at, 43
+
+Hall, Sir David, the Duke of York's chief adviser, 10, 13, 23; sent out
+foraging party from Sandal, 13; battle brought on against his advice,
+14; slain, 15, 21, 106
+
+Hall's Chronicle, absurd story about the murder of Rutland, 16 _n._,
+190 _n._; his statement about funeral of Henry VI., 190 n., and about
+Richard Croft and Edward of Lancaster, 191 _n._; the pamphlet inspired
+by Morton embodied in, 168; copied from earlier writers, 179, 190, 241
+
+Halsted, Miss, biographer of Richard III., 85 _n._, 181, 186; the best
+work on the subject, 145 _n._, 182
+
+Hampton, Sir Edmund, slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Hanson, Captain, wounded at Wakefield, 15
+
+Hardwycke, of Lindley, joined Henry Tudor and acted as a guide, 153
+
+Hardynge's Chronicle, Morton's lampoon first appeared in, 168
+
+Harfleur, Margaret of Anjou embarked at, 69; Henry Tudor embarked at,
+142
+
+Harington, James, Clerk of the Council, 145; slain at Bosworth, 155,
+157; loyal to the last, 252
+
+Harington, Sir John, heard that the Morton lampoon was written by
+Morton, 168; or by More, 170 _n._
+
+Harrow, J., Warden of the Mercers' Company, with the Duke of York at
+Wakefield, 11; wounded and put to death, 15; head stuck on a gate at
+York, 17
+
+Hastings, Wm., 23; knighted on the field of Towton, 36; created Lord
+Hastings, 36; flight with Edward IV., 42, 44; at Barnet, 49; at
+Tewkesbury, 71, 74, 89; his conspiracy, 97, 98; arrest and execution,
+99; his son a minor, 109; Richard's generosity to his widow and family,
+99; falsifications of dates respecting his death, 210-216
+
+Haute, Sir John, 79
+
+Haute, Sir Richard, 88; arrested, 90; beheaded, 100
+
+Hedgley Moor, 59
+
+Hedingham Castle, 107
+
+Henry IV. (Bolingbroke), his usurpation and its consequences, 103, 117;
+marriage with the Bohun heiress, 128
+
+Henry V. (of Monmouth), his character, war, and persecution of
+heretics, 103
+
+Henry VI. (of Windsor), taken prisoner at Northampton, 7; marriage, 54;
+assent to the Act making the Duke of York heir apparent, 9; hunting at
+Greenwich, 11; re-captured by his wife, 17; at York during the battle
+of Towton, flight to Scotland, 34, 58; at Hexham, 59; concealed at
+Bolton Hall, 59; his death, 78; buried at Windsor, 139; false date for
+his death and insinuations by Morton, Polydore Virgil, Warkworth,
+Fabyan, Rous, Croyland, 193-195; his accounts reveal the truth, 197,
+198, 199; Mr. Gairdner's views respecting his death, 290-4; founded
+Eton College, 116
+
+Henry VII., _see_ Tudor, Henry; business of vilifying his predecessor,
+171, 173; inspired the story of the murder of the princes, as Lord
+Bacon suspected, 169, 236, 250, 251; his conduct respecting the Act
+settling the crown on Richard, 218; his illegal executions after
+Bosworth, 246, 247 _n._; his character and government, 248, 249, 251,
+253; his usurpation, 250; marriage, 254: strong motive for the crime,
+254; his other victims, 255; silences the relations, 257, 270, 271;
+gives out the story, 258, 259; fear of detection, 267; murder of the
+princes, 269; rewards to Tyrrel and others, 268, 269, 270; got Tyrrel
+into his power by treachery, 273; cruel treatment and death of Edward,
+Earl of Warwick, 275; contemplating another crime on his death-bed,
+277; restitution to Tyrrel's son, 277; died tormented by remorse, 278;
+things unexplained in his conduct, 279, 280.  _See_ Murder of the
+princes
+
+Henry, Captain of Bristol, slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Heraldry, 110
+
+Heralds' College, 110, 162
+
+Hereford, 8
+
+Hereford, Bishop of, 146
+
+Heretics, Lancastrian law for burning, 103, 117, 118
+
+Hexham, battle of, 59
+
+Heydon, John, Recorder of Norwich, 119
+
+Hill, Sir W., beheaded at York, 34
+
+Holborn, 110
+
+Holderness, 45
+
+Holinshed's Chronicle, 179, 190
+
+Holme Hill, near Tewkesbury battlefield, 72
+
+Hook, Dr., Lives of Archbishops of Canterbury, has doubts, 181
+
+Hopton, Walter, Treasurer of the Household, 145; knighted, 147; slain
+at Bosworth, 145, 252
+
+Home, Captain of Appledore, at Towton, 23; in the pursuit of Clifford,
+28; slain in the battle, 32
+
+Howard, Lord, 89, _see_ Norfolk, Duke of
+
+Hungates of Saxton, 30, 35
+
+Hungerford, Lord, at Towton for Henry, 24, 31; known as Lord Molines,
+25; flight, 33; continued in rebellion, 36; beheaded, 59; generosity of
+Edward IV. to his family, 36; his son a minor, 109, 143
+
+Hungerford, Walter, joined Henry Tudor, 149; slew Sir R. Brackenbury,
+156
+
+Hunting, 106, 108
+
+Huntingdon, Earl of, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; bore the
+queen's sceptre, 127; with the king on his progress, 129
+
+Hussey, Sir William, Lord Chief Justice, 145
+
+
+Iceland, Richard's promotion of trade with, 161
+
+Inns in London, 112
+
+Inns of Court, 112
+
+Insomuch, J., printer of the Book of St. Albans, 108
+
+Iolanthe, sister of Margaret of Anjou, 67
+
+Ireland, Duke of Clarence born at Dublin, 3; flight of the Duke of York
+to, 7; Earl of Kildare Lord Deputy, 145; King Richard's good government
+of, 161
+
+
+Jackson, Robert, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Jacoba of Holland, 44
+
+James III. of Scotland, 86, 139, 257 _n._
+
+Jenney, Sir William, Judge of Common Pleas, 145; knighted, 147
+
+Jervaux, Monks of, 83
+
+Jesse, disbelieved most of the Tudor fables, 181
+
+John of Gloucester, _see_ Gloucester
+
+Judges in time of Richard III., 145
+
+
+Katherine, daughter of Edward IV., married to the Earl of Devonshire,
+87 _n._, 271 _n._
+
+Kelfield, Stillington family at, 96 _n._
+
+Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury, christened Edward of
+Lancaster, 55
+
+Kempe, J., Bishop of London, 146
+
+Kendall, John, Secretary of Slate, 145; slain at Bosworth, 155, 157;
+loyal to the last, 252
+
+Kent, Earl of, Lord Fauconberg created, 35
+
+Kent, Grey, Earl of, at Richard's coronation, carried the
+ecclesiastical sword of justice, 109, 127, 143
+
+Keyley, James, payment to, for King Richard's tomb, 253 _n._
+
+Kidwelly, Morgan, Attorney-General, 145; loyal to the last, 145 _n._
+
+Kildare, Earl of, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 145
+
+Kirkcudbright, Margaret embarked at, 58
+
+
+Laing, continuation of Henry's History, disbelief of Tudor stories,
+181, 197 _n._
+
+Lancaster, Duchy of, Duke of Gloucester, Chief Seneschal, 84; T.
+Metcalf, Chancellor of, 83 _n._, 145
+
+Lancastrians, Duke of York's two elder daughters married to, 3;
+overpowered the Duke of York at Ludlow, 7; raise an army in Yorkshire,
+9, 11, 13; atrocities after Wakefield, 16, 17.  (_See_ Towton, Barnet,
+Tewkesbury.) Malcontents intriguing in France, 140, 141, 231, 243
+
+Langstrother, Sir John, Prior of St. John, with Margaret, 69; at
+Tewkesbury, 74; tried and executed, 76
+
+Langton, Bishop of St. David's, 146; praise of King Richard, 130
+
+Latimer, Lady, made Richard supervisor of her will, 84, 160, 202
+
+Law, 119
+
+Law officers, 145
+
+Lawless times, 120
+
+Lawyers, 112
+
+Legge, 'Unpopular King,' rejects most of the Tudor stories, 181
+
+Leicester, 47, 130; King Richard at, 152; buried at, 158
+
+Lewis, Dr., sent by Lady Stanley to the Queen Dowager, 231
+
+Lewknor, Sir Thomas, traitor, 133 _n._
+
+Lichfield, Bishop of, 146
+
+Lincoln, King Richard at, when he heard of Buckingham's rebellion, 130
+
+Lincoln, Bishop of, _see_ Russell, Dr.
+
+Lincoln, Earl of, 109; nephew to the king, 110; at Richard's coronation
+bearing the orb, 127, 143; with the king on his progress, 129; false
+statement of Rous, 138
+
+Lingard, Dr., believer in all Tudor stories, 182, 281; on Henry VI.,
+198 _n._; on the execution of Rivers, 210 _n._; on young Edward's
+tailor's account, 237; defence of Henry's executions after Bosworth,
+247 _n._; imprisonment of the Queen Dowager, 257 _n._; alleged rewards
+to murderers, 264
+
+Lisle, Viscount (Grey), 100, 109; at Richard's coronation, 126, 235;
+bore the rod with dove, 127, 143
+
+Lisle, Viscount, Arthur, son of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 221 _n._
+
+Llandaff, J. Marshall, Bishop of, 146
+
+Loan raised by King Richard, 142
+
+London warmly supported the House of York, 10, 104; residences, 110,
+112; inns, 112; city companies, 112; popularity of King Richard, 139;
+Recorder, 146; Bishop, 146
+
+Londoners with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; citizens declare for
+Edward IV., 21; march to Towton, 22
+
+Lorenzo the Magnificent, likeness to Richard III., 40 _n._, 124
+
+Lorraine, Isabelle of, mother of Margaret of Anjou, 53; death of, 55
+
+Louis XI., 58, 66; bribed the ministers of Edward IV., 82; interview
+with Prince Richard, 82
+
+Louis XII., 128
+
+Lovel, Francis, Viscount, friend of Richard, 40; bore the civil sword
+of justice at the coronation, 109, 127; Lord Chamberlain, 144; created
+a Knight of the Garter, 146; with the king at Bosworth, 151, 155; loyal
+to the end, 252
+
+Lovell, Sir Thomas, Tyrrel decoyed into his power by treachery, 273
+
+Loyal men, at Bosworth and on their way, 151, 155, 157; in Henry's Act
+of Attainder, 252
+
+Lucy, Elizabeth, mother of two children of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 221
+_n._; false statement of Morton, 220
+
+Ludlow, Duke of York succeeds to, 3; Yorkist defeat at, 7; Young Edward
+at, 88
+
+Lumley, Lord, 87 _n._, 221 _n._; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143
+
+Lumley Castle, 107
+
+Lymbricke, Sir Walter, wounded and taken prisoner at Wakefield, 15
+
+Lymon, Thomas, Solicitor-General, 145; married Jane Shore, 100, 145
+
+Lynn, 42
+
+
+Magdalen College, Oxford, King Richard at, 129
+
+Malmesbury, 71
+
+Maltravers, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143
+
+Manor houses, 121
+
+Mantes, 54
+
+March, Earl of (Edward IV.), 7, 8 _n._, 20, 58
+
+March, Earl of, and Pembroke, son of Edward IV., 125.  _See_ Edward
+
+Marches, Richard Warden of the, 85
+
+Margaret of Anjou, birth, 53; marriage, 54; birth of her son, 54, 55;
+strove to make her son popular, 56; adventures in the war, 57-59;
+living at Koeur-la-Petite, 60-67; agreement with Warwick, 66, 67;
+embarked for England, 68-69; at Cerne Abbey, 69, 70; at Tewkesbury,
+72-77; taken prisoner to the Tower, 78; with the Duchess of Suffolk,
+78; ransomed, 79; last years and death, 79; her alleged cruelties after
+Wakefield untrue, 17 _n._
+
+Margaret, Princess, Duchess of Burgundy, birth, 3, 6; taken prisoner,
+7; in John Paston's chambers, 7, 8; marriage, 43, 113; help to her
+brothers, 43-44; visit to her brothers, 111; patron of Caxton, 113, 114
+
+Margaret, Princess, daughter of the Duke of Clarence, Countess of
+Salisbury, 87 _n._; killed by Henry VIII., 256
+
+Margaret Beaufort, _see_ Stanley, Lady
+
+Markham, Sir John, created K.B. by Edward IV., 36; his present of a
+book to Lord Cromwell, 51 _n._; Lord Chief Justice, 119
+
+Markham, Sir Robert, created K.B. by Edward IV., 36
+
+Marshall, J., Bishop of Bangor, 146
+
+Mauleverers loyal to King Richard, 151
+
+Mercers Company, _see_ Harrow.  Caxton a Mercer, 113
+
+Merchant Adventurers, 113
+
+Merchant Taylors' Company, dispute with Skinners, 112
+
+Merchants' increasing wealth, 112
+
+Metcalfes of Nappa, Thomas made Chancellor of the Duchy, 83, 145
+
+Methley, Lord Welles buried at, 34
+
+Micklegate, Duke of York's head on, 17, 36
+
+Middleham Castle, the home of Richard and Anne, 81, 82; description of,
+83, 107; Richard founded a college at 85, 118, 294
+
+Middleton, Sir Robert, 252
+
+Miles, Lewis, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Milewater, servant to Edward and Edmund, 5; slain at Barnet fighting by
+Richard's side, 50
+
+Milford Haven, Henry Tudor landed at, 142, 148
+
+Milling, Dr., Bishop of Hereford, 146
+
+Millstones from Paris, 112
+
+Ministers of Richard III., 144-145
+
+Miracle plays, 119
+
+Moleyns, Bishop of Chichester, hanged by sailors, 118
+
+Molines or Moleyns, Lord, _see_ Hungerford; lawless conduct, 120
+
+Monasteries, 118
+
+Montagu, Marquis; his treason, 42; at Hexham, 59; outmanoeuvred, 47; at
+Barnet, 49; slain, 51; grief of Richard, 51; who interceded for his
+children, 51, 202
+
+More, Sir Thomas, the so-called 'History of Richard III.' attributed
+to, 168; its freedom from criticism due to More's reputed authorship,
+170; not written by More, 170; on Morton's extraordinary memory, 208
+
+Morley, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109; with the king on his
+progress, 129, 143
+
+Mortimer inheritance, Duke of York succeeded to, 3
+
+Mortimer, Hugh and Sir John, with the Duke of York, 10; slain at
+Wakefield, 15
+
+Mortimer's Cross, victory won by the Earl of March, 18, 20
+
+Morton, Dr., with Henry VI. at York, 24, 27; with Margaret in exile,
+69; at Tewkesbury, pardoned, 77; Bishop of Ely, bribed by Louis XI.,
+82; intrigues against Richard, 97-99; given in charge to the Duke of
+Buckingham, 100; his political pamphlet called 'History of Richard
+III.', 168; its authorship, 169-171; account of Morton and his career,
+206-207; made Archbishop of Canterbury, 25, 207; on Richard's alleged
+deformity, 185-186; silent respecting the death of Edward of Lancaster,
+191, 192; insinuation about Henry VI., 193; confessed that Richard
+resisted the death of Clarence, 203; his story about Richard's
+assumption of the protectorship, 208-210; his version of the Hastings
+plot, 210-213; his falsification of dates, 213-216; his version of the
+execution of Rivers, 216-217; his falsification of King Richard's
+title, 217-221; his shameful slander of the Duchess of York, 220;
+unworthy of credit, 221; his false version of Richard's accession,
+222-223; his account of conversations with the Duke of Buckingham,
+222-227; his evidence of Richard's intentions respecting his nephews,
+238; intriguing in the Isle of Ely and in France, 242
+
+Mountjoy, Lord (_see_ Sir Walter Blount), 35; son and heir slain at
+Barnet, 51; to announce accession of Richard III. at Calais, 102, 109
+
+Mowbray, inheritance, 125
+
+Muccleston church, 56
+
+Murder of the princes, story as given out by Henry VII., 169, 258-259;
+fuller story published by Grafton and Rastell, 259-261; question of
+their fate, 233; no danger to Richard, 235; alive during Richard's
+reign, 236-238; conduct of mother and sister, 238, 239; false rumours,
+239, 240; contradictory dates, 225; murdered by order of Henry VII.,
+256; story put forward contradictory and inaccurate, 262; Tyrrel, 269;
+burial, bodies discovered, 270; relations silenced, 270, 271; alleged
+rewards to murderers, 264, 265; Henry's rewards, 272; Henry's remorse,
+276, 278; Mr. Gairdner's theory, 298, 299
+
+Musgraves faithful to King Richard, 151
+
+
+Nappa Hall, seat of the Metcalfes, 83
+
+Navy of Richard III., 135-136.  _See_ Rogers, Thomas
+
+Neale, Richard, Judge of Common Pleas, 145
+
+Nesfield, Captain, to watch the Westminster sanctuary, 241
+
+Nevill, George, Bishop of Exeter, persuaded Edward to take the kingly
+office, 22, 23; Archbishop of York, Richard and Anne sat together at
+his installation feast, 40; Anne's guardian, married her to Richard,
+81, 82
+
+Nevill, Lady Anne, _see_ Anne
+
+Nevill, Lady Cecily, 3.  _See_ York, Duchess of
+
+Nevill, Lady Isabella, Duchess of Clarence, 41; children, 87 _n._
+
+Nevill, 77
+
+Nevill, Lord, traitor to the Duke of York, 11
+
+Nevill, Lord, Richard wrote to, for reinforcements, 98
+
+Nevill, Sir George, son of Lord Abergavenny, made K.B., 147.  _See_
+Montagu, Salisbury, Warwick, Westmoreland
+
+Nevill, Sir John, at Towton for Henry, 24; with Lord Clifford, 27;
+slain, 29
+
+Nevill, Sir Thomas, 10; slain at Wakefield, 15; head stuck on the gate
+at York, 17
+
+Newark, 47
+
+Newborough, Sir William, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Newcastle, Earl of Wiltshire beheaded at, 34
+
+Nicolas, Sir Harris, rejects some of Tudor stories, 181; denounces some
+of them, 228, 230
+
+Nobility not destroyed by wars of the Roses, 37, 105; life in the
+country, 106, 108.  _See_ Peerage
+
+Nokes, John, 5
+
+Norfolk, Duke of (Mowbray), 10, 11; at Towton, 32, 35; death of
+heiress, 125
+
+Norfolk, Duke of (Howard), at Richard's coronation bearing the crown,
+109, 127, 143; cousin to the king, 110; present to, from the royal
+wardrobe, 111; Earl Marshal, 144; Admiral, 144; commissioner for peace
+with Scotland, 145; hurried to the king's help, 151, 154; his camp,
+152; slain at Bosworth, 155
+
+Norfolk coast, ships of King Edward off, 45
+
+Northampton, Battle of, 7, 56; Richard and Buckingham at, 90
+
+Northumberland, Earl of, at the battle of Wakefield, 14; at Towton for
+Henry, 24; led the centre, 31, 32; slain, 33; buried at York, 34; his
+son restored, 36, 134; at Richard's coronation, bore the pointless
+sword of mercy, 127; 109, 143; Commissioner for Peace with Scotland,
+145; at Bosworth but held back, 151, 154; retribution, 154 _n._;
+presided at the trial of Lord Rivers, 99, 217
+
+Norwegian traders at Stourbridge fair, 112
+
+Norwich sent troop to Edward, 71; Recorder of, _see_ Heydon
+
+Norwich, Bishop of (Dr. Goldwell), at Richard's coronation, 144, 146
+
+Nostell Priory, 13
+
+Nottingham, 47, 130, 136; memorial to King Richard III. at, 158
+
+Nottingham Castle, 47, 148; King Richard commenced his march from, 151
+
+Nottingham, Earl of, 109, 125, 143
+
+
+Official documents in Richard's favour, 179; value of evidence, 292
+
+Ogle, Lord, in the marches during Richard's coronation, 109, 143;
+hurrying to join the king at Bosworth, 151
+
+Ogle, Sir Robert, 58
+
+Oldham, Dr., Bishop of Sodor and Man, 147
+
+Ormonde, Earl of, 24 (_see_ Wiltshire); pardoned, 36; in Portugal, 66;
+pardoned at Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Ormonde, Sir Thomas, created K.B., 147
+
+Oxford University, 116; King Richard at, 128, 129
+
+Oxford, John Vere Earl of, under attainder, 109, 144; at Barnet, 47,
+49, 50; came with Henry Tudor, 148; at Bosworth, 154, 155; origin of
+the star in the arms of, 50 _n._
+
+
+Parker, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Parker, Sir William, the king's standard bearer at Bosworth, 156, 157
+
+Parliament, Act making the Duke of York heir apparent, 9; deposed Henry
+VI. for violating his word, 21, 22; met in spite of the _supersedeas_,
+98, 100; proofs of the illegitimacy submitted, 101; petitions Richard
+to assume the crown, 102; great power of the Speaker, 104; Richard's
+Parliament met, Acts passed, 134; Acts first published in English, 134;
+distinction between public and private Acts first made, 134; Lord
+Campbell's opinion, 134.  _See_ Titulus Regius
+
+Parr, Dr., inscription over King Richard's well, 158; remarks on
+likeness of Richard to Lorenzo the Magnificent, 40 _n._, 124
+
+Parr, Sir Thomas, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; grandfather
+of Queen Katherine Parr, 15
+
+Parr, Sir William, slain at Wakefield, 15; head stuck on the gate at
+York, 17
+
+Parr, Thomas, Richard's esquire, slain at Barnet, 50
+
+Paston, boy at Eton, 117
+
+Paston, Clement, at Cambridge, 117
+
+Paston, John, 7, 120, 122, 201
+
+Paston, Mrs., 117, 120, 122
+
+Paston Letters, 7, 8 _n._, 23, 76 _n._, 81, 151 _n._
+
+Payn, Mr., his luggage seized by Jack Cade, 122
+
+Payne's Place, Margaret of Anjou took refuge at, 77
+
+Peerage, 37, 105, 106; of Richard III., 109, 143; at his coronation,
+109, 126, 127; no peer, except Stanley, joined Henry Tudor, 149
+
+Pembroke, _see_ Tudor, Jasper, title of Edward, son of Edward IV.
+(_whom see_)
+
+Pembroke Castle, Henry Tudor born at, 140
+
+Percy, Sir Richard, 24; slain at Towton, 33, 34
+
+Percy, Sir Robert, of Scotton, friend of Richard, 40; Controller of the
+Household, 145; knighted, 147; with the king at Bosworth, 151, 156
+
+Peterborough, 1
+
+Pickering, Sir James, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; slain,
+15; head stuck on a gate at York, 17
+
+Pilgrimages, 119
+
+Pilkington, Sir John, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Pilkington, Sir Thomas, loyal to King Richard, 252
+
+Pilkingtons, faithful to King Richard, 151
+
+Plantagenets, the Dynasty, 166; the kings of the Lancastrian branch,
+103, 104; Yorkist right, 9, 104; children of the Duke of York, 6; of
+Edward IV., 86 _n._; of the Duke of Clarence, 87 _n._; slaughter of the
+last male, 275
+
+Plumpton correspondence, 245; arbitration, 84, 160 _n._
+
+Plumptons faithful to King Richard, 151
+
+Plumstead churchyard, 120
+
+Pole-on-the-Humber, Lord Rivers landed at, 46
+
+Pole, de la, _see_ Suffolk, Duke of, Lincoln, Earl of
+
+Pole, Anne de la, 139
+
+Pole, Richard, married to the Princess Margaret, daughter of the Duke
+of Clarence, 87 _n._
+
+Pole, Sir Edmund de la, created K.B., 147; afterwards Earl of Suffolk
+
+Polydore Virgil, employed by Henry VII., 168; his coming to England,
+171; his numerous preferments, 172; character of his history, 172;
+untrustworthy, 175; on the unequal shoulders, 186; on treatment of
+captives at Towton, 34; a slanderer, 190, 192; on date of death of
+Henry VI., 193, 196; his calumny about the Duchess of York, 220, 222;
+statement about Buckingham's claims, 223; silent about Clarence, 202;
+contradicts Morton about Shaw's sermon, 220; contemplated marriage with
+Elizabeth, 231; battle of Bosworth, 157 _n._; his story of the murder,
+258
+
+Pomfret, Lancastrian army at, 13; bodies of the Duke of York and Earl
+of Rutland at, 34, 39; Montagu at, 47
+
+Pomfret Castle, a residence of the Duke of Gloucester, 84; Edward's
+headquarters before Towton, 25; execution of Lord Rivers at, 99
+
+Pont-a-Mousson, birth place of Margaret of Anjou, 53, 61
+
+Portsmouth, 69
+
+Post first established by Richard III., 106, 159
+
+Prices, 123
+
+Printing, _see_ Caxton
+
+Progress, King Richard's royal, 129-30
+
+Pulter, Thomas, loyal to King Richard, 252
+
+
+Quarter, none given by the Lancastrians at Wakefield, 16, 17; proof
+that it was given by Edward at Towton, 34; always given by Edward, 34;
+given to inferior officers and soldiers at Tewkesbury, where several
+leaders were also pardoned, 77
+
+Queen, _see_ Anne Nevill
+
+Queen, _see_ Elizabeth of York
+
+Queen Dowager, _see_ Elizabeth Woodville
+
+
+Raby, Rose of, _see_ York, Duchess of
+
+Ramme, traitor, executed at Exeter, 132
+
+Rapin, History of England, 180, 181
+
+Ratcliffe, Sir John (Lord Fitzwalter), 23; at Ferrybridge, 23; slain, 27
+
+Ratcliffe, Sir Richard, 99, 145; Knight of the Garter, 147; at
+Bosworth, 156, 157; loyal to the last, 252
+
+Ratford, Capt, slain at the battle of Wakefield, 15
+
+Ratte, John, loyal to the end, 252
+
+Ravenspur, Edward landed at, 45
+
+Redman, Dr., Bishop of St. Asaph, 129, 145, 146
+
+Redmore Plain, 152, 154
+
+Rene, King, 53; death, 79
+
+Revell, Richard, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Richard III. (Duke of Gloucester), son of the Duke of York, born at
+Fotheringhay, 3, 6; childhood with Margaret and George, 4; prisoner at
+war, 7; in John Paston's chambers in the Temple, 8, 10; sent to Holland
+for safety, 18; loss of his father and brother, 18, 19, 38; built a
+memorial chapel at Towton, 37; creations, Knight of the Garter, 38;
+stall plate at Windsor, 38; chief mourner at his father's funeral, 39;
+military training under Warwick, 40; early and enduring friendships,
+40; companionship with Anne Nevill, 40; description of, 40, 124; loyal
+to Edward IV., 41; flight with Edward to Holland, 42; at Bruges, 43;
+fitting out ships at Veere, 44; at Ravenspur, 45; negotiation with
+Clarence, 47, 48; at Barnet, 50; at Tewkesbury, 74; marriage and life
+at Middleham, 81, 82, 84; with Edward IV. in France, upright conduct,
+82; founded colleges, 85, 107, 118, 294; supervisor of wills, 84, 99;
+arbitrator, 84, 160 _n._; high offices of State, 84, 85; Warden of the
+Marches, campaign in Scotland, excellence of his administration, 85;
+takes Berwick, 86; Protector by Edward's will, services and popularity,
+89; arrested Rivers, 89, 90; resided with his mother, 91; ignorant of
+his brother's matrimonial secrets, 97; stamped out the Hastings
+conspiracy, 98, 99; rightful heir, 101; accepts the crown, 102; town
+house at Crosby Place, 85, 110; coronation, 126, 127; grant to
+Buckingham, 126; progress, 128-130; at York, 130; suppressed
+Buckingham's revolt, 131-132; Parliament and administrative reforms,
+134, 135; loss of his son, 137; progress and reception of Scotch
+ambassadors, 139; popularity in London, 139; his wife's death, 140;
+military talent, 149; courage and pluck, 150; formation of his army,
+154; resolves on a desperate charge at Bosworth, 155; glorious death,
+156; buried at Leicester, 158; memorials, 158; character, 159, 160;
+accusations against him, 167, 184; Tudor calumnies, 192, 199;
+deformity, 185-187; Mr. Gairdner and the alleged crimes of, 281-301.
+_See_ Edward of Lancaster, Henry VI., Anne Nevill, Hastings, Clarence,
+Rivers, Titulus Regius, Murder of the Princes
+
+Richard, second son of Edward IV., 86 _n._; in sanctuary, 91; joined
+his brother, 100, 125.  _See_ Murder of the princes.
+
+Richmond, earldom, granted to the Duke of Gloucester, 38, 140; Henry
+Tudor had no right to the title, 109, 133 _n._, 144
+
+Richmond Castle, 107
+
+Rivers, Earl, flight with Edward IV., 42, 44; landed at Pole, 46;
+Constable of the Tower, 78; in charge of his nephew at Ludlow, 88;
+arrested, 90; tried and executed, 99, 216, 217; made Richard III.
+supervisor of his will, 99, 160; his literary attainments, 115; his son
+a minor, 109
+
+Robsart, Sir Terry, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Rochester, Bishop of, Dr. Audley, at Richard's coronation, 144, 146
+
+Rockingham Forest, 1
+
+Rogers, Thomas, keeper of the ships, 135, 144
+
+Rogers, Mr. Thorold, on the character of Edward IV., 37; on the Wars of
+the Roses, 104; opinion of churchmen, 118; disbelief in the murder of
+Henry VI., 198
+
+Roos, Lord, with Henry and Margaret at York, 24, 27; beheaded at
+Hexham, 59
+
+Roos, Sir Henry, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Roos, Sir William, slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Rose of Raby, _see_ York, Duchess of
+
+Roses, Wars of the, their causes, 6, 104; the nobility not annihilated,
+37, 105; not a war of the people, 104
+
+Rotherham, Archbishop, 88, 100
+
+Roucliffe, Brian, Baron of the Exchequer, 145
+
+Rouen, children of the Duke of York born at, 3, 6
+
+Rous, John, an unblushing time server, 173, 174; on Richard's birth,
+186; reason of his silence about Tewkesbury, 191; Henry VI., 195;
+Countess of Warwick, 201; trial of Rivers, 217 _n._; death of Queen
+Anne, 228; adoption of Warwick as heir, alleged supersession by
+Lincoln, 138; death of the princes, 244
+
+Rumours of the deaths of the princes alleged to have existed, 239;
+Croyland Monk, 240; no evidence, 241; Morton in the Isle of Ely, 242;
+spread by Henry VII., 256
+
+Russell, Dr., Bishop of Lincoln, his speech on investiture of the Duke
+of Burgundy with the Garter, 113; an upright prelate, 118; King
+Richard's Chancellor, 144; at the coronation, 144; commissioner for
+peace with Scotland, 145
+
+Rutland, Earl of, _see_ Edmund
+
+
+Saints' days, letters always dated on, 119
+
+St. Albans, battles of, 17, 56, 57
+
+St. Albans, Book of, 108
+
+St. Asaph, Bishop of, B. Redman, 129, 146; commissioner for peace with
+Scotland, 145
+
+St. David's, Bishop, 109.  _See_ Langton
+
+St. Denis, at York, Earl of Northumberland buried at, 34
+
+St. Germain, Walter, loyal to the last, 252
+
+St. John, Prior of, _see_ Langstrother
+
+St. Leger, Sir Thomas, traitor, 131; beheaded, 132
+
+St. Liz, Simon de, founder of Fotheringhay, 1
+
+St. Lo, Sir John, knighted at Tewkesbury, 77
+
+St. Martin's Day, stock killed and salted on, 121
+
+St. Martin's le Grand sanctuary, Anne Nevill in, 81
+
+St. Miheil, 60
+
+St. Pol, Duke of Burgundy's Court, 43, 60
+
+Salisbury, Buckingham beheaded at, 132
+
+Salisbury, Bishop of, 100; traitor, 132, 146; at Richard's coronation,
+144.  _See_ Woodville
+
+Salisbury, Earl of, with the Duke of York at Sandal, 10, 13; at
+Wakefield, 14; taken prisoner and put to death, 16, 21; head exposed at
+York, 17; funeral at Bisham, 34; town house at Cold Harbour, 110
+
+Salisbury, Earl of, _see_ Edward
+
+Salkeld, Wm., arrested the Earl of Wiltshire at Cockermouth, 34
+
+Sanctuary at Westminster, 91, 136, 241; at St. Martin's le Grand, 81
+
+Sandal Castle, Duke of York's inheritance, 3; the Duke arrived at,
+description, 11-12; ruins, 12; surrounding country, 13; Duke's
+Christmas at, 13, 14
+
+Sandford, on the death of Clarence, 202, 203 _n._
+
+Sandwich, 80
+
+Sapcote, William, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Sasiola, Galfridus de, _see_ Spanish Ambassador
+
+Savage, Sir John, joined Henry Tudor at Bosworth, 149, 154
+
+Saxton, near Towton, _see_ Towton _and_ Hungate; Lord Dacre buried at,
+34, 35
+
+Saye, Lord, flight with Edward IV., 42, 44; slain at Barnet, 51
+
+Saye, Sir William, created K.B., 147
+
+Sayer, William, payments to, for keep of Henry VI., 197
+
+Scarthingwell, 27, 28
+
+Scotland, flight of Henry VI. to, 34, 58; Richard's campaign in, 85,
+86; peace with, 139, 145; Margaret of Anjou in, 9
+
+Scotton, _see_ Percy
+
+Scrope, of Bolton, Lord, with Edward, 23; wounded at Towton, 32;
+Richard's neighbour, 130, 143; at Richard's coronation, 109; executions
+by, 132 _n._; hurrying to the aid of the king, 151
+
+Scrope of Masham, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143
+
+Severn, 71, 72; slaughter at a ford, after Tewkesbury, 75; great flood,
+131
+
+Seymour, Sir John, slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Shaunde, Philibert de, in command of Henry Tudor's troops, 142; at
+Bosworth, 153, 154
+
+Shaw, Dr., sermon, misrepresented by Morton and Polydore Virgil, 220,
+221; false date, 215
+
+Sheen, 35
+
+Sherburn, 27, 29
+
+Sheriff Hutton, 84; chapel added to the church by Richard, 85; tomb of
+Edward Prince of Wales at, 137; Edward, King Richard's heir, at, 138,
+142
+
+Shore, Jane, 100; married to the Solicitor-General, 145 _n._
+
+Shrewsbury, Earl of, a minor, 109, 143
+
+Simnel, Lambert, 280
+
+Skinners' Company, 112
+
+Skipton, 84
+
+Skipwith, Sir John, at the Duke of York's obsequies, 39
+
+Slaughter or Slater ('Black Will'), 260, 264, 269; rewards to, 271
+
+Sluys, 60
+
+Smith, Wm., Bishop of Lichfield, 146
+
+Smyth, William, 5
+
+Sodor and Man, Bishop of, 146
+
+Somerset, Duke of, at the battle of Wakefield, 14; and Towton, 23; made
+his peace, 36; beheaded at Hexham, 59
+
+Somerset, Duke of, Edmund, Buckingham's descent from, 225; at Barnet,
+49; with Margaret, 69, 70; at Tewkesbury, 73; his charge, 74, 75;
+beheaded, 76; title became extinct, 37
+
+Sopwell, Prioress of, _see_ Berners, Juliana
+
+Southampton, 54
+
+Southwick, 54
+
+Spanish Ambassador, 130; knighted at York, 130, _see_ Ayala Sasiola
+
+Spofforth, 84
+
+Sport, _see_ Hunting
+
+Stafford, Humphrey, at Bosworth for the king, 155; loyal to the last,
+252
+
+Stafford, Sir Thomas, at Bosworth for the king, 155
+
+Stallworthe, Reverend Simon, letter to Sir W. Stonor, with real date of
+execution of Hastings, 214
+
+Stanley, Lady, mother of Henry Tudor, 140; at Richard's coronation bore
+the queen's train, 126, 127, 235; her intrigues, 131, 133, 226, 231;
+pardoned by the king, 148, 231
+
+Stanley, Lord, 109, 111; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; Lord
+Steward, 144; commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145; the only Peer
+who joined Henry Tudor, 149; raised forces, 149; secret interview with
+Henry Tudor, 149; treachery at Bosworth, 150, 152, 153; threw off the
+mask, 155, 159; objects of the Stanleys, 148
+
+Stanley, Sir Ralph, wounded and taken prisoner at Wakefield, 15
+
+Stanley, Sir Wm., captured Margaret of Anjou, 78; treachery at
+Bosworth, 156; retribution, 158; knew the truth about the princes, 244
+
+Stapleton, Sir Brian, for the king at Bosworth, 155
+
+Stapleton village, 152
+
+Stillingfleet church, 96 _n._
+
+Stillington, Dr., Bishop of Bath and Wells; his disclosure of Edward's
+first marriage, 93-97; account of, 94-96; treatment by Henry VII., 251
+
+Stoke Golding, 152, 153, 157
+
+Stonor, Sir William, _see_ Stallworthe
+
+Stony Stratford, 90
+
+Story, Ed., Bishop of Chichester, 146
+
+Stourbridge, 112
+
+Stourton, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143
+
+Stow's Chronicle, 179, 185, 191
+
+Strange, Lord, 231-232
+
+Strickland, Miss, on Richard's marriage with Anne, 201
+
+Strickland, Sir Thomas, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; loyal to the
+king, 151
+
+Suffolk, Duchess of, _see_ Elizabeth
+
+Suffolk, Duke and Duchess, 53, 54; received Margaret of Anjou at
+Ewelme, 78
+
+Suffolk, Duke of, at Richard's coronation bearing the sceptre, 109,
+143; king's brother-in-law, 110
+
+Supersedeas, _see_ Parliament
+
+Surrey, Earl of, son married to Anne daughter of Edward IV., 86 _n._;
+at Richard's coronation bearing the sword of state in the scabbard,
+109, 127, 143; Knight of the Garter, 146; at Bosworth for King Richard,
+151, 252
+
+Sutton Cheney, 152; king's army formed near, 154
+
+
+Tadcaster, 26, 27, 46
+
+Talbot, Sir Gilbert, his treason, 148; at Bosworth, 154
+
+Talbots, 148
+
+Talboys, Sir William, at Towton for Henry, 24; beheaded at York, 34
+
+Tattershall Castle, built of brick by Lord Bourchier, 107
+
+Taunton, 70
+
+Temple, John Paston's chambers in, _see_ Paston, John
+
+Tewkesbury, 72; battle, 74-75, King Richard at, 128, 129; contemporary
+accounts, Warkworth, Croyland Monk, Comines, 189; Stories of Fabyan,
+190; Polydore Virgil, 190; Grafton, Hall, Holinshed, Habington, 190;
+silence of Morton and Rous, 191, 192; Mr. Gairdner's view, 286, 287,
+288; executions after the battle, 76, 77, 288; pardons, 77
+
+Throgmorton, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Tickhill Castle, 107
+
+Tipton, Lord, _see_ Worcester, Earl of
+
+Titchfield, Henry VI. and Margaret of Anjou married at, 54
+
+'Titulus Regius,' a State Paper explaining King Richard's title to the
+crown, 101; became an Act of Parliament, 134, 218; attempt of Henry
+VII. to destroy all copies, 218, 250, 279
+
+Townshend, Rodger, Judge of the King's Bench, 145, 146
+
+Towton, battle of, numbers, 25, 31; distances, 25; description of the
+surrounding country, 26; formation of the Lancastrian line, 31; battle,
+32, 33.  _See_ Fauconberg, Edward IV., Horne
+
+Tremayne, Thomas, King's Serjeant, 146
+
+Tresham, Speaker, 104
+
+Trollope, Sir Andrew, Lancastrian chief of the staff at Wakefield, 14,
+16; at Towton, 25; his antecedents, 25; in the centre, 31, 106; slain,
+33
+
+Tudor, Edmund, created Earl of Richmond, but forfeited by attainder, 38
+
+Tudor, Henry, 109, 125; not Earl of Richmond, 38; came across the
+Channel but afraid to land, 131; traitor, 133 _n._, claim to the crown,
+140, 141 _n._; family and origin, 140; lands at Milford Haven, 142;
+interviews with the Stanleys, 149, 153; encamped at White Moors, 153;
+in the rear of the battle of Bosworth, 154; contrast between Richard
+III. and Henry VII., 160 _n._  _See_ Henry VII.
+
+Tudor, Jasper, 70; levies in Wales, 70, 71; traitor, 133 _n._, 140;
+came with his nephew, 148; at Bosworth, 154; formerly Earl of Pembroke,
+but attainted, 133 _n._
+
+Tudors in Wales, 10, 18; their paid writers, 168; their fables, 183, 187
+
+Tunbridge Castle, Duchess of York and her children prisoners at, 7
+
+Tunstall, Sir Richard, Knight of the Garter, 147
+
+Turner, Sharon, doubted most of Tudor stories, 181
+
+Tuxford, 39
+
+Tweed, river near Bosworth, 152
+
+Tynemouth, 58
+
+Tyrrel, Sir James, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; escorted the Countess
+of Warwick to Middleham, 201, 202; stories after his execution, 258,
+259, 260, 261; betrayal by Bishop Fox, 273; his previous career, 268;
+alleged confession, 263; taken into favour by Henry, 269; his two
+pardons, 269, 270; murder of the princes, 269; rewards from Henry, 272;
+pretext for getting rid of him, 272, 273, 279; Tyrrel's son restored in
+blood, 277
+
+
+Urswick, Dr., 231
+
+Utrecht, Richard and George at, 18, 38
+
+
+Van Borselle, Lord of Walcheren, 44
+
+Vaudemont, Ferry de, 67
+
+Vaughan, Sir Thomas, 88; arrested, 90; beheaded, 100
+
+Vaux, Lady, 74
+
+Vaux, Sir Thomas, slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Vavasour, John, King's Serjeant, 146
+
+Vavasours, of Hazlewood, near Towton, 26
+
+Veere, expedition of Edward IV. fitted out at, 44
+
+Venery, works on, by the second Duke of York, 108; Juliana Berners, 108
+
+Vere, John, _see_ Oxford, Earl of
+
+Vignolle, Francois de, 79
+
+Virgil, _see_ Polydore
+
+
+Wake, Roger, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Walcheren, 44
+
+Walleys pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Wallingford Castle, 79, 197
+
+Walsingham pilgrimages, 119
+
+Warbeck, Perkin, 258, 275
+
+Wardrobe, royal, 111; keeper of the, 145
+
+Wardrobe, the, in Blackfriars, a royal residence in the City, 139
+
+Warkworth, Dr., on Tewkesbury, 189; on the date of Henry's death, 175,
+194, 199
+
+Warwick, 47; King Richard at, 129
+
+Warwick, Countess of, in France, 66, 67; at Beaulieu, 69; joined her
+daughter at Middleham, 82, 84, 201, 202; inheritance, 81, 82
+
+Warwick, Earl of, _see_ Edward
+
+Warwick, Richard Nevill Earl of, 7, 10, 22, 23, 28; gave Richard his
+military training, 40; his treason, 66; conspiracy with Margaret of
+Anjou, 41, 67; outmanoeuvred by Edward, 47, 48; at Barnet, 49, 50;
+slain, 51; buried at Bisham, 51; division of his estates, 80
+
+Watkin, Walter, herald in Richard's time, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, 55; received Richard at Oxford, 129,
+146
+
+Weavers, Flemish, 112
+
+Welch, John, _alias_ Hastings, loyal to the last, 252
+
+Welles, Lord, slain at Towton, 33; buried at Methley, 34; son forgiven,
+36; traitor, 132 _n._; married Princess Cicely, 86 _n._, 271
+
+Wenlock, Sir John, at Towton, 23, 30, 32; created Lord Wenlock, 35;
+joined Margaret of Anjou, 70; slain in the battle of Tewkesbury, 74, 76
+
+Wensleydale, 82
+
+Wentford, Sir Philip, 120
+
+Wentworth, Sir Eustace, slain at Wakefield, 15
+
+Westminster, John Esteney, Abbot of, 114; coronation of Edward IV., 35;
+coronation of Richard III., 126, 127; sanctuary, 91, 136, 241; tower
+built by King Richard at, 161
+
+Westminster school, its antiquity, 116
+
+Westmoreland, Earl of, 109, 143; cousin to the king, 110; not at
+Towton, a mistake of Leland followed by Hall, 29 _n._
+
+Weymouth, 69
+
+'White Hart' Inn, in Southwark, 112, 122
+
+White Moors at Bosworth, 153
+
+Whittingham, Sir R., slain at Tewkesbury, 76
+
+Wigmore Castle, 3
+
+Willoughby, Sir Christopher, created K.B., 147
+
+Willoughby, Sir Robert, 149; sent to Sheriff Hutton to seize Edward and
+Elizabeth, 248
+
+Wilson, John, 120
+
+Wiltshire, Earl of, at Wakefield, 14; at Towton, 24, 31; beheaded, 34;
+brother restored, 36; at Richard's coronation bearing the queen's
+crown, 127, 143
+
+Winchester, Bishop of, _see_ Waynflete _and_ Fox
+
+Winchester School, 116
+
+Windsor, St. George's Chapel, stall plate of Richard III., 38; Edward
+IV. at, 70; present from the wardrobe to the college, 111; Edward IV.
+buried at, 86; Henry VI. buried, 139; nearly finished by Richard III.,
+139, 161; portrait of Richard III. at, 40 _n._, 124
+
+Wodehouse, Sir Edward, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77
+
+Wolesley, Ralph, Baron of the Exchequer, 145
+
+Wolferstone, Sir Roger, at Towton for Edward, 23
+
+Woodville, Elizabeth, _see_ Elizabeth
+
+Woodville faction, their enrichment, 41; bribed by Louis XI., 82; their
+designs, 88; caused the death of Clarence, 88, 95; their conspiracy
+defeated, 88-91, 131; marriages into noble families, 88.  _See_ Rivers
+
+Woodville, Lionel, Bishop of Salisbury, at Richard's coronation, 126,
+235
+
+Wool and cloth fair, 112
+
+Woolley Edge, 13
+
+Worcester, 77, 128
+
+Worcester, Bishop of, _see_ Alcock
+
+Worcester, Tiptoft Earl of, author and statesman, 115; Caxton's lament
+at his death, 115, 116
+
+Wykeham, William of, founder of Winchester School, 116
+
+
+York, flight of Henry VI. from, after Towton, 34, 58; King Edward at,
+34; Prince Richard's beneficial connection with, 84; King Richard at,
+130; loyalty of the citizens, 130; sent 80 men to reinforce the king at
+Bosworth, 151; mourned the death of Richard, 159
+
+York, Archbishop of, _see_ Nevill, Rotherham.
+
+York, Duchess of (_see_ Rose of Raby _and_ Nevill, Lady Cecil), 3;
+twelve children, 3, 6; taken prisoner at Ludlow, 7; refuge in Paston's
+chambers, 7; joined the Duke, 7; last parting with the Duke, 10, 11;
+sent her little sons to Holland, 18, 21; Richard residing with her, 91,
+92; Richard's letter to his mother, 92 _n._; long widowhood and death,
+93 _n._; buried at Fotheringhay, 93 _n._; slanders of Morton and
+Polydore Virgil, 220, 221; in the secret of her son's contract with
+Lady Eleanor Butler, 94; slandered by Morton and Polydore Virgil, 220,
+297
+
+York, Edmund Duke of, rebuilt Fotheringhay, 1, 2, 11
+
+York, Edward Duke of, author of a work on sport, 108
+
+York, Richard Duke of, his great possessions, 3; wife and children, 3,
+6; letter from his sons, 4; cause of his resort to arms, 6, 104; defeat
+of Ludlow, 7; at Baynard's Castle with his family, 9, 10; march north,
+11; at Sandal, 13; betrayed, 11; slain in the battle of Wakefield, 15;
+his head stuck on Micklegate Bar, 17; outrages imputed to Margaret and
+Clifford untrue, 17 _n._; magnificent obsequies at Fotheringhay, 39
+
+'York Records,' edited by Mr. Davies.  Evidence of loyalty to King
+Richard and against alleged deformity, 186; disproves second coronation
+at York, 177, 227, 228; Earl of Warwick a Councillor until May 1485,
+138; children in the king's household, 126; the _supersedeas_ and
+letter to York, 100
+
+Yorkist captains at Wakefield, 10, 15; at Towton, 23
+
+Yorkist kings, nearly of pure English blood, 166
+
+Yorkist princes, the leading sportsmen of England, 108
+
+Yorkists, introduction of printing their chief glory, 113
+
+
+Zouch, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; hurried to the help of
+the king, 151; slain at Bosworth, 155, 157; loyal to the last, 252
+
+Zouch, Sir W., created K.B., 147
+ENDX
+
+
+
+PRINTED BY
+
+SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+
+LONDON
+
+
+
+
+======================================================================
+
+
+
+
+NEW AND FORTHCOMING WORKS.
+
+
+THE 'KNUTSFORD' EDITION OF MRS. GASKELL'S WORKS.
+
+In 8 vols.  Crown 8vo. cut edges, cloth, gilt top, price 4s. 6d. each
+net.  With an Introduction to each Volume, in addition to a
+Biographical Introduction in the First Volume, by DR. A. W. WARD,
+Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge.
+
+The Volumes are being published at Fortnightly intervals, and each will
+contain a PHOTOGRAVURE FRONTISPIECE.  There are also OTHER
+ILLUSTRATIONS.
+
+
+CONTENTS OF THE VOLUMES:
+
+   1.  MARY BARTON, and other Tales.
+   2.  CRANFORD, and other Tales.
+   3.  RUTH, and other Tales, &c.
+   4.  NORTH AND SOUTH.
+   5.  MY LADY LUDLOW, & other Tales.
+   6.  SYLVIA'S LOVERS, &c.
+   7.  COUSIN PHYLLIS, A DARK NIGHT'S WORK, &c.
+   8.  WIVES AND DAUGHTERS.
+
+_TRUTH_.--'Will win the approval of all admirers of her inimitable
+stories, and, it may be hoped, widely extend the circle of her readers.'
+
+_WESTMINSTER GAZETTE_.--'The edition strikes us as excellent, and will
+appeal not only to the very large circle who are admirers of Mrs.
+Gaskell, but, it is to be hoped, to many who will read her books for
+the first time.'
+
+Messrs. SMITH, ELDER, & CO. will be happy to forward a Prospectus of
+the Edition post free on application.
+
+
+SOCIAL SILHOUETTES.  By GEORGE W. E. RUSSELL Author of 'Collections and
+Recollections,' &c.  Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+THE GATE OF DEATH: a Diary.  Large post 8vo.  6s. net.
+
+THE FRIENDS OF VOLTAIRE.  By S. G. TALLENTYRE, Author of 'The Women of
+the Salons,' 'The Life of Voltaire,' &c.  With Portraits.  Small demy
+8vo.  6s. net.
+
+RICHARD III.: his Life and Character reviewed in the Light of Recent
+Research.  By Sir CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Author of 'The
+Life of the Great Lord Fairfax,' 'The Fighting Veres,' &c.  With a
+Portrait of Richard III. and a Map.  Small demy 8vo.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+THE GREAT DAYS OF VERSAILLES: Studies from Court Life in the Later
+Years of Louis XIV.  By G. F. BRADBY, Author of 'The Marquis's Eye,'
+'Dick: a Story without a Plot,' &c.  With Illustrations.  Small demy
+8vo.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+OUR HERITAGE THE SEA.  By FRANK T. BULLEN, F.R.G.S., Author of 'The
+Cruise of the "Cachalot,"' 'The Log of a Sea-Waif,' &c.  With a
+Frontispiece by ARTHUR TWIDLE.  Crown 8vo.  6s.
+
+LETTERS TO YOUNG AND OLD.  By Mrs. C. W. EARLE, Author of 'Pot Pourri
+from a Surrey Garden,' &c.  Large crown 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+
+
+SMITH, ELDER, & CO.'S RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
+
+
+THE VOYAGE OF THE 'DISCOVERY.' By Capt. ROBERT F. SCOTT, C.V.O., R.N.
+SECOND IMPRESSION.  With Illustrations and Photographs by Dr. E. A.
+WILSON and other Members of the Expedition.  2 vols.  royal 8vo.  42s.
+net.  _Capt. Scott's work has received from the press an unanimous
+tribute of praise and appreciation_.
+
+MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY KEPPEL, Admiral of the Fleet.  By the Right Hon.
+Sir ALGERNON WEST, G.C.B., Author of 'Recollections, 1832-1886,' &c.
+With Portraits.  SECOND IMPRESSION.  Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+ON TWO CONTINENTS: Memories of Half-a-Century.  By MARIE HANSEN TAYLOR.
+With the co-operation of LILIAN BAYARD TAYLOR KILIANI, With 8
+Illustrations.  Demy 8vo.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+MODERN GERMANY: Her Political and Economic Problems, her Policy and
+Ambitions, and the Causes of her Success.  By O. ELTZBACHER.  Small
+demy 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+THE LIFE OF VOLTAIRE.  By S. G. TALLENTYRE, Author of 'The Women of the
+Salons.'  New and Cheaper Edition in 1 vol. of 600 pages.  With a
+Photogravure Frontispiece and other Illustrations.  Small demy 8vo.
+10s. 6d. net.
+
+LEAVES FROM THE DIARY OF HENRY GREVILLE.  Fourth Series.  By ALICE,
+COUNTESS OF STRAFFORD.  With an Index to the Four Series.  8vo.  14s.
+NOTE.--The three previous Series are in print and can be supplied,
+price 14s. each.
+
+FIFTY YEARS OF FAILURE: Confessions of an Optimist.  With a
+Frontispiece.  SECOND IMPRESSION.  Small demy 8vo.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+THE UPTON LETTERS.  By ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER BENSON.  With a New Preface.
+EIGHTH IMPRESSION (2nd Edition).  Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+THE SPARROW WITH ONE WHITE FEATHER.  By Lady RIDLEY, Author of 'The
+Story of Aline,' 'Anne Mainwaring,' 'A Daughter of Jael,' &c.  With 16
+Illustrations by Mrs. ADRIAN HOPE.  SECOND IMPRESSION.  Pott 4to. 6s.
+net.
+
+THE POETICAL WORKS OF ROBERT BRIDGES.  Vol. VI.  Small post 8vo. 6s.
+CONTENTS.--The Feast of Bacchus--Second Part of the History of
+Nero--Notes.
+
+THE FOUNDATIONS OF RELIGION.  By JOHN BOYD KINNEAR.  Crown 8vo.  3s. 6d.
+
+THE SOURCE OF THE BLUE NILE.  A Record of a Journey through the Soudan
+to Lake Tsana, in Western Abyssinia, and of the return to Egypt by the
+Valley of the Atbara.  With a Note on the Religions, Customs, &c., of
+Abyssinia.  By ARTHUR J. HAYES, L.S.A.  Lond., Medical Officer,
+Quarantine Office, Suez.  With an Entomological Appendix by K. B.
+POULTON, LL.D., F.R.S., Hope Professor of Zoology in the University of
+Oxford.  With 2 Maps and 32 pages of Illustrations.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+BACK TO SUNNY SEAS.  By FRANK T. BULLEN, F.R.G.S., Author of 'The
+Cruise of the "Cachalot,"' 'The Log of a Sea-Waif, &c.'  With 8
+full-page Illustrations in Colour by A. S. FORREST, R.I.  Crown 8vo.
+6s.
+
+A VISION OF INDIA, AS SEEN DURING THE TOUR OF THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS
+OF WALES.  By SIDNEY LOW.  With 32 Full-page Illustrations.  Small demy
+8vo.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+WESLEY AND HIS CENTURY: a Study in Spiritual Forces.  By W. H.
+FITCHETT, B.A., LL.D., Author of 'Deeds that Won the Empire,' &c.  With
+a Photogravure Frontispiece from the Portrait of John Wesley by GEORGE
+ROMNEY and Four Facsimiles.  Small demy 8vo.  6s. net.
+
+FROM A COLLEGE WINDOW.  By ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER BENSON, Fellow of
+Magdalene College, Cambridge.  SIXTH IMPRESSION (Fourth Edition).
+Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+THE VICTORIAN CHANCELLORS.  Vol. I.  By J. B. ATLAY, Barrister-at-Law,
+Author of 'Sir Henry Wentworth Acland, Bart., K.C.B.: a Memoir,' &c.
+With Portraits and Illustrations.  Demy 8vo.  14s. net.
+
+SEVENTY YEARS' FISHING.  By CHARLES GEORGE BARRINGTON, C.B., formerly
+Assistant Secretary to the Treasury.  With a Portrait.  Small demy 8vo.
+10s. 6d. net.
+
+ELIZABETH BARRETT BROWNING IN HER LETTERS.  By PERCY LUBBOCK.  With a
+Photogravure Portrait of Mrs. Browning from a Chalk Drawing by Mrs.
+Bridell Fox.  Crown 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+ROBERT BROWNING AND ALFRED DOMETT.  Edited by FREDERIC G. KENYON,
+D.Litt., F.B.A.  With Three Portraits.  Crown 8vo.  5s. net.
+
+AUGUSTUS AUSTEN LEIGH, Provost of King's College, Cambridge: a Record
+of College Reform.  By WILLIAM AUSTEN LEIGH, Fellow of King's College,
+Cambridge.  With Portraits.  Small demy 8vo.  8s. 6d. net.
+
+A WOMAN OF WIT AND WISDOM: a Memoir of Mrs. Elizabeth Carter, one of
+the 'Bas Bleu' Society, 1717-1806.  By ALICE C. C. GAUSSEN, Author of
+'A Later Pepys.'  With a Photogravure Frontispiece, a Facsimile, and 9
+Half-tone Illustrations.  Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+WITH MOUNTED INFANTRY IN TIBET.  By Major W. J. OTTLEY.  With 48 pages
+of Illustrations, including Portraits of General Macdonald and Colonel
+Younghusband.  Small demy 8vo.  10s.  6d. net.
+
+A SUMMER RIDE THROUGH WESTERN TIBET.  By Miss JANE E. DUNCAN.  With
+numerous Illustrations and a Map.  Demy 8vo.  12s. 6d. net.
+
+THE SMALL GARDEN BEAUTIFUL, AND HOW TO MAKE IT SO.  By A. C. CURTIS,
+Author of 'A New Trafalgar' &c.  With a Coloured Frontispiece, 16
+Half-tone Illustrations, and several Plans.  Small demy 8vo.  7s. 6d.
+
+HEROES OF EXILE, being certain Rescued Fragments of Submerged Romance.
+By HUGH CLIFFORD, C.M.G., Author of 'Studies in Brown Humanity,'
+'Bush-Whacking,' 'A Free-Lance of To-day,' &c.  Crown 8vo.  6s.
+
+THE BALKAN TRAIL.  By FREDERICK MOORE.  With a Map and 48 pages of
+Illustrations.  Small demy 8vo.  10s. 6d. net.
+
+
+
+NEW AND FORTHCOMING WORKS.
+
+
+SKETCHES IN MAFEKING AND SOUTH AFRICA.  By Major-General R. S. S.
+BADEN-POWELL, C.B., F.R.G.S., Author of 'The Matabele Campaign,' 'Sport
+in War,' &c.  With several Coloured Plates and a large number of
+Half-tone and Line Illustrations.  Oblong 410.  21s. net.
+
+THE ROMANCE OF AN EASTERN CAPITAL.  By F. B. BRADLEY-BIRT, B.A.,
+F.R.G.S., I.C.S., Author of 'Chota Nagpore: a Little-known Province of
+the Empire,' 'The Story of an Indian Upland,' &c.  With 16 Full-page
+Illustrations and a Map.  Demy 8vo.  12s. 6d. net.
+
+THE FUTURE OF RUSSIA.  Translated from the German of Regierungsrat
+Rudolf Martin by Miss HULDA FRIEDERICHS.  Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+THE NEW PHYSICS AND CHEMISTRY: a Series of Popular Essays on Physical
+and Chemical Subjects.  By W. A. SHENSTONE, F.R.S., Senior Science
+Master in Clifton College, Author of 'The Life and Work of Justus von
+Liebig,' &c.  Large post 8vo.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+THE LETTERS of a BETROTHED, 1803-1814.  By the Baroness EDITH VON
+CRAMM.  Translated by LEONARD HUXLEY.  With Portraits.  Large post 8vo.
+6s. net.
+
+THE RISE AND DECLINE of the NETHERLANDS: a Political and Economic
+History and a Study in Practical Statesmanship.  By J. ELLIS BARKER,
+Author of 'Modern Germany: her Political and Economic Problems, her
+Ambitions, and the Causes of her Success.'  Small demy 8vo.  10s. 6d.
+net.
+
+PROVINCIAL LETTERS, and other Papers.  By the Author of 'Pages from a
+Private Diary.'  Crown 8vo.  5s. net.
+
+THE TEACHING OF THE LORD CONTAINED IN THE GOSPELS.  BROUGHT TOGETHER
+UNDER ITS PRINCIPAL HEADS.  By JOHN BOYD KINNEAR, Author of 'The
+Foundations of Religion,' &c.  Crown 8vo.
+
+THE HOUSE OF THE LUCK.  By MARY J. H. SKRINE.  With 8 Full-page
+Illustrations by her Daughter, MARGARET S. SKRINE.  Pott 4to.  6s. net.
+
+THE BOOK OF GILLY: Four Months out of a Life.  By the Hon. EMILY
+LAWLESS, Litt.D., Author of 'Hurrish,' 'With Essex in Ireland,' &c.
+With Illustrations by L. LESLIE BROOKE.  Pott 4to.  7s. 6d. net.
+
+
+NEW IMPRESSION OF THE BROWNING LOVE LETTERS.
+
+THE LETTERS OF ROBERT BROWNING AND ELIZABETH BARRETT BROWNING.  FIFTH
+IMPRESSION.  With 2 Portraits and 2 Facsimile Letters.  2 vols.  Crown
+8vo.  21s.
+
+
+
+London: SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 15 Waterloo Place, S.W.
+
+
+
+
+======================================================================
+
+
+
+Transcriber's notes:
+
+Some chapters had varying page headers.  These have been converted into
+sidenotes and placed where seemed most logical.
+
+The book has several full page tables.  They have been moved so as to
+not split paragraphs.
+
+Page numbers are indicated with curly braces, e.g "{99}".
+
+In the source book, the map of the Battle of Bosworth faced page 328.
+In this ebook, the map has been moved to page 152.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Richard III: His Life & Character, by
+Clements R. Markham
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RICHARD III: HIS LIFE & CHARACTER ***
+
+***** This file should be named 36451.txt or 36451.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/4/5/36451/
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.