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+Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Some Objections To Socialism
+       From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures
+
+Author: Charles Bradlaugh
+
+Release Date: May 29, 2011 [EBook #36272]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM.
+
+From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures
+
+By Charles Bradlaugh.
+
+
+London: Freethought Publishing Company
+
+63, Fleet Street, E.C.
+
+1884
+
+
+
+SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM
+
+The great evils connected with and resulting from poverty--evils which
+are so prominent and so terrible in old countries, and especially in
+populous cities--have, in our own land compelled the attention, and
+excited the sympathy, of persons in every rank of society. Many remedies
+have been suggested and attempted, and from time to time, during the
+present century, there have been men who, believing that the abolition
+of individual private property would cure the misery abounding, have
+advocated Socialism. Some pure-hearted and well-meaning men and women,
+as Robert Owen, Abram Combe, and Frances Wright, have spent large
+fortunes, and devoted much of their lives in the essay to test their
+theories by experiments. As communities, none of these attempts have
+been permanently successful, though they have doubtless, by encouraging
+and suggesting co-operative effort in England, done something to modify
+the fierceness of the life struggle, in which too often the strongest
+and most unscrupulous succeeded by destroying his weaker brother. Some
+Socialistic associations in the United States,* as the Shakers and
+the Oneida community, have been held together in limited numbers as
+religious societies, but only even apparently successful, while the
+numbers of each community remained comparatively few. Some communities
+have for many years bravely endured the burden of debt, penury, and
+discomfort, to be loyal to the memory of their founder, as in the case
+at Icaria of the followers of Cabet. But in none of these was the sense
+of private property entirely lost; the numbers were relatively so small
+that all increase of comfort was appreciable, and in nearly all the
+communities there was option of the withdrawal of the individual, and
+with him of a proportion of the property he had helped to create or
+increase.
+
+     * Particulars of all existing Socialistic communities in the
+     United States are given in the works of Mr. Hinds and Mr.
+     Nordhoff.
+
+During the past generation, Socialistic theory has been specially
+urged in Germany, and the Socialist leaders there have acquired greater
+influence because of the poverty of the people, and because too of the
+cruel persecution to which Social Reformers, as well as Socialists, have
+been subjected by Prince Bismarck's despotic government.
+
+A difficulty arising from the repressive measures resorted to in
+Germany has been that German emigrants to the United States and to
+Great Britain, speak and write as if precisely the same wrongs had to be
+assailed in the lands of their adoption as in the land of their birth.
+
+Very recently in England--and largely at the instance of
+foreigners--there has been a revival of Socialist propaganda, though
+only on a small scale compared with fifty years ago, by persons claiming
+to be "Scientific Socialists," who declare that such Socialists
+as Robert Owen and his friends were Utopian in thinking that any
+communities could be successfully founded while ordinary society exists.
+These Scientific Socialists--mostly middle-class men--declare their
+intense hatred of the _bourgeoisie_, and affirm that the Social State
+they desire to create can only be established on the ruins of the
+present society, by a revolution which they say must come in any event,
+but which they strive to accelerate. These Scientific Socialists deny
+that they ought to be required to propound any social scheme, and they
+contemptuously refuse to discuss any of the details connected with the
+future of the new Social State, to make way for which the present is
+to be cleared away. Most of the points touched on in this lecture were
+raised in the discussion on Socialism between myself and Mr. Hyndman
+recently held in St. James's Hall. Others of the questions have been
+raised in my articles in _Our Corner_, and in the reply there by Mr.
+Joynes.
+
+The Socialists of the Democratic Federation say that "Socialism is an
+endeavor to substitute an organised co-operation for existence" for
+the present strife, but they refuse to be precise as to the method
+or character of the organisation, or the lines upon which it is to be
+carried out. Their reason is, probably, that they have not even made the
+slightest effort to frame any plan, but would be content to try first to
+destroy all existing government. I suggest that this want and avoidance
+of foresight is, in the honest, folly, and in the wise, criminality.
+They mix up some desirable objects which are not all Socialistic
+with others that are not necessarily Socialistic, and add to these
+declarations which are either so vague as to be meaningless, or else in
+the highest degree Socialistic and revolutionary.
+
+Whilst Mr. Hyndman, one of the prominent members of the Democratic
+Federation, thus speaks of Socialism as endeavoring "to substitute an
+organised co-operation," Mr. E. Belfort Bax, another prominent member
+and co-signatory of the manifesto, emphatically says, "no 'scientific'
+socialist pretends to have any 'scheme' or detailed plan of
+organisation." When organisation can be spoken of as possible without
+any scheme or detailed plan, it shows that words are used without regard
+to serious meaning.
+
+These Socialists declare that there must be "organisation of
+agricultural and industrial armies under State control," and that the
+exchange of all production must be controlled by the workers; but they
+decline to explain how this control is to be exercised, and on what
+principles. We agree that there are often too many concerned in the
+distribution of the necessaries of life, and that the cost to the
+consumer is often outrageously augmented; but we suggest that this may
+be reformed gradually and in detail by individual effort through local
+societies, and that it ought not to be any part of the work of the
+State. We point to the fact that there are now in Great Britain--all
+established during the present reign--nearly one thousand distributive
+co-operative societies, with more than half a million members, with over
+seventeen and three-quarter millions of pounds of yearly sales, with two
+and a half millions of stock-in-trade, with five and a quarter millions
+of working capital, and dividing one and a half millions of annual
+profit; and that these societies, each keeping its own property,
+still further co-operate with one another to reduce loss in exchange by
+havings a wholesale co-operative society in England, with sales in
+1882 exceeding three and a half millions sterling, and another similar
+wholesale society in Scotland, with transactions in the same year
+to nearly one million sterling. We say the way to render the cost of
+exchange of products less onerous to the laborer is by the extension and
+perfection of this organisation of co-operative distribution, and that
+this may be and is being done successfully and usefully, ameliorating
+gradually the condition and developing the self-reliance of the
+individual workers who take part in such co-operative stores, and thus
+inciting and inducing other individuals to join the societies already
+founded, or to establish others, and so educating individual after
+individual to better habits of exchange. We say that this is more
+useful than to denounce as idlers and robbers "the shopkeepers and their
+hangers on," as is done by the present teachers of Socialism. We object
+that the organisation of all industry under State control must paralyse
+industrial energy and discourage and neutralise individual effort.
+
+The Socialists claim that there shall be "collective ownership of land,
+capital, machinery and credit by the complete ownership of the people,"
+and yet they object that they are misrepresented when told that
+they want to take the private economies of millions of industrious
+wage-earners in this kingdom for the benefit of those who may have
+neither been thrifty nor industrious. The truth is that, if language
+is to have any meaning, the definitions must stand given by me and
+unchallenged by my opponent in the St. James's Hall debate, viz.: (1)
+"Socialism denies all individual private property, and affirms that
+society, organised as the state, should own all wealth, direct all
+labor, and compel the equal distribution of all produce." (2) "A
+Socialistic State would be a State in which everything would be held
+in common, in which the labor of each individual would be directed
+and controlled by the State, to which would belong all results of such
+labor." The realisation of a Socialistic State in this country would, as
+I then urged, require (1) a physical force revolution, in which all the
+present property owners unwilling to surrender their private properties
+to the common fund would be forcibly dispossessed. This revolution would
+be in the highest degree difficult, if not impossible, for property
+holders are the enormous majority.
+
+Mr. Joynes, in an article published in _Our Corner_, does challenge my
+definition, and says that the immediate aim of Socialism "is not the
+abolition of private property, but its establishment by means of the
+emancipation of labor on the only sound basis. It is private capital
+we attack, the power to hire laborers at starvation wages, and not
+the independent enjoyment of the fruits of labor by the individual who
+produces them." And he refers me to a paragraph previously dealt with
+by me as an illustration of contradictory statement, in which he and his
+cosignatories write: "Do any say we attack private property? We deny it.
+We only attack that private property for a few thousand loiterers and
+slave-drivers, which renders all property in the fruits of their own
+labor impossible for millions. We challenge that private property which
+renders poverty at once a necessity and a crime." But surely this
+flatly contradicts the declaration by Mr. Hyndman in the debate, of
+"the collective ownership of land, capital, machinery, and credit." I
+am afraid that Mr. Joynes has in his mind some other unexplained meaning
+for the words "capital" and "property." To me it seems impossible that
+if everything be owned collectively, anything can be owned individually,
+separately, and privately.
+
+Mr. Joynes, however, apparently concedes that it is true that the
+private property of "a few thousand loiterers and slave-drivers"
+is attacked. Though he does not in his reply explain who these "few
+thousand" are, I find in "The Summary of the Principles of Socialism,"
+signed by Mr. Joynes, that they are "the capitalist class, the factory
+owners, the farmers, the bankers, the brokers, the shopkeepers, and
+their hangers-on, the landlords." But these make much more than a "few
+thousand." The census returns for England and Wales alone show under the
+headings professional classes, 647,075; commercial classes, 980,128 (and
+these do not include the ordinary shopkeepers); farmers and graziers,
+249,907; and unoccupied males over twenty, 182,282. Add to these
+proportional figures for Scotland and Ireland, and it is at once seen
+how misleading it is to speak of these as a "few thousand." Mr. Joynes
+disapproves of my "small army of statistics." I object that he and his
+friends never examine or verify the figures on which they found their
+allegations. Mr. Joynes says that it is not private property, the fruits
+of labor, that is attacked by the Socialists, but "private capital, the
+power to hire laborers." Does that mean that £30 saved by an artisan
+would not be attacked so long as he kept it useless, but that if he
+deposited it with a banker who used it in industrial enterprise, or if
+he invested it in railway shares, it would be forfeited? If an artisan
+may, out of the fruits of his labor, buy for £3 and keep as his own
+a silver watch, why is the £3 to be confiscated when it gets into the
+hands of the Cheapside or Corn-hill watch dealer?
+
+A property owner is not only a Rothschild, a Baring, or an Overstone, he
+is that person who has anything whatever beyond that which is necessary
+for actual existence at the moment. Thus, all savings however moderate;
+all household furniture, books, indeed everything but the simplest
+clothing are property, and the property owners belong to all classes.
+The wage-earning classes, being largely property owners, viz., not only
+by their household goods, but by their investments, building societies,
+their small deposits in savings banks, their periodical payments to
+their trade societies and friendly societies, they would naturally
+and wisely defend these against confiscation. If the physical force
+revolution were possible, because of the desperate energy of those
+owning nothing, its success would be achieved with serious immediate
+crime, and would be attended with consequent social mischief and
+terrible demoralisation extending over a long period.
+
+Mr. Hyndman has written that "force, or fear of force, is,
+unfortunately, the only reasoning which can appeal to a dominant estate,
+or will ever induce them to surrender any portion of their property." I
+read these words to him in the debate, and he made no reply to them. I
+object that a Socialistic State to be realised by force can only be so
+realised after a period of civil war shocking to contemplate, and one in
+which the wisest would go near madness.
+
+But a Socialistic State, even if achieved, could not be maintained
+without a second (mental) revolution, in which the present ideas and
+forms of expression concerning property would have to be effaced,
+and the habit of life (resulting from long-continued teachings and
+long-enduring traditions) would have to be broken. The words "my house,"
+"my coat," "my horse," "my watch," "my book," are all affirmations of
+private property which would have to be unlearned. The whole current of
+human thought would have to be changed.
+
+In a Socialistic State there would be no inducement to thrift, no
+encouragement to individual saving, no protection for individual
+accumulation, no check upon, no discouragement to waste.
+
+Nor, if such a Socialistic State be established, is it easy to conceive
+how free expression of individual opinion, either by press or platform,
+can be preserved and maintained. All means of publicity will belong
+to, and be controlled by, the State. But what will this mean? Will a
+Socialistic government furnish halls to its adversaries, print books for
+its opponents, organise costly journals for those who are hostile to it?
+If not, there must come utter stagnation of opinion.
+
+And what could the organisation and controlling of all labor by the
+State mean? In what could it end? By whom, and in what manner, would the
+selection of each individual for the pursuit, profession, or handicraft
+for which he was fittest be determined?
+
+I object that the Socialistic advocates exaggerate and distort real
+evils, and thus do mischief to those who are seeking to effect social
+reforms. For example, they declare that the whole of the land of
+the country is held by "a handful of marauders," who ought to be
+dispossessed, and when told that there are 852,438 persons owning on
+an average less than one fifth of an acre each, holding probably in
+the neighborhood of towns, and that more than half a million of these
+persons are members of building societies, paying for their small
+properties out of their wage-earnings, they only say: "Do you suppose
+those who hold building allotments will be dispossessed?" But if they
+are not dispossessed, if their private property is left to them, then
+"collective ownership" must have a new meaning. Pressed with the fact
+that there are 205,358 owning on an average fifteen acres each, they
+make no other answer. Yet this 1,037,896, representing with their
+families more than four millions of human beings, are clearly not a
+"handful," nor is there any evidence offered that they are "marauders."
+My complaint is that the possibility of early Land Law Reform is injured
+and retarded by such rashness. It is an undoubted evil that in this
+crowded kingdom so few as 2,238 persons should own 39,924,232 acres of
+land, and that the enormous holdings should be inadequately taxed, but
+we need the influence of the one million small landowners to enable
+us legally to reform and modify those obnoxious land laws which have
+facilitated the accumulation of such vast estates in so few hands. In
+the debate with myself, Mr. Hyndman spoke very contemptuously of the
+"small ownerships" and "paltry building allotments," yet he ought to
+know that the holders of these houses are law-abiding, peace-promoting
+citizens, who are encouraged by these slight possessions, which give
+promise of comfort in life, to strive so that the comfort shall be
+extended and secured.
+
+A sample of the wild and extraordinary exaggeration indulged in by
+the Democratic Federation may be found on p. 48 of the "Summary of the
+Principles of Socialism," where it is gravely declared that the "idlers
+who eat enormously and produce not at all form the majority of the
+population," and this may be fairly contrasted with another statement
+by the same persons that the present conditions of labor have "brought
+luxury for the few, misery and degradation for the many." If the latter
+be accurate, the former must be a perversion.
+
+The Socialists say that there are a few thousand persons who own the
+National Debt, and they recommend its extinction; usually leaving it
+in doubt as to whether this is to be by wholesale or by partial
+repudiation. When reminded that there are an enormous number of small
+depositors (at least 4,500,000 accounts in one year) owning through the
+ordinary savings banks £45,403,569, and through the Post Office Sayings
+Bank, £36,194,495, they neither explain the allegation as to the few
+thousands, nor do they condescend to offer the slightest explanation as
+to how any savings have been possible if all the wealth created by labor
+has been "devoured only by the rich and their hangers-on." Repudiation
+of the National Debt would ruin the whole of these. The Socialist leader
+says that the small ownership of land and these small savings do not
+really benefit the working classes, for that in times of depression the
+savings are soon used up. That may often be true, but if there were no
+savings then it must be starvation, pauperism, or crime; at least the
+saving mitigates the suffering. When told that there are 2,300,000
+members of friendly societies, who must represent at least 9,000,000
+of the inhabitants of this country, and that these, amongst other
+investments, have £1,397,730 in the National Debt, we are answered that
+these are mere details. On this point I think Mr. Joynes a little fails
+in candor. He takes one set of my figures, and says "the share of each
+individual is on the average a little more than £3 3s., and the dividend
+which annually accrues to each of these propertied persons is slightly
+over 2s. It does not require a very high standard of intelligence to
+enable a man to perceive that Socialists who intend to deprive him of
+these 2s., and at the same time to secure him the full value of his
+work, are proposing not to diminish his income, but to raise it in a
+very high degree." Let me first say that the friendly society represents
+to each artisan investor, not the 2s. per year, but his possible sick
+money, gratuity on disablement, allowance whilst unemployed, etc.;
+next, that here Mr. Joynes does in this actually admit an attack on
+the private property of the laborer, and does propose to take away the
+accumulated "fruits of labor" from the independent enjoyment of the
+individual who earned it. And the working-man's house? and his savings
+in the savings-bank, or in the co-operative store? Are these to be taken
+too? If not, why not? and if yes, of how much of the fruits of his labor
+is the laborer to be left by the Socialists in "independent
+enjoyment"? When pressed that the confiscation of the railways "without
+compensation," would bankrupt every life assurance company, and thus
+destroy the provision made for hundreds of thousands of families,
+because in addition to about' £5,262,000 in the Funds, and about
+£75,000,000 invested on mortgages of houses and land, the life insurance
+companies are extensive holders of railway securities--the advocates
+of Socialism only condescend to say: "Who are the shareholders in the
+railways? Do they ever do any good in the world? They are simply using
+the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the living." But
+is this true? The shareholders originally found the means to plan,
+legalise, and construct the railway, to buy the land, to pay the laborer
+day by day his wage, whilst yet the railway could bring no profit, to
+buy the materials for the permanent way, to purchase and maintain the
+rolling stock. Many hundreds of shareholders in unsuccessful lines have
+never received back one farthing of what they paid to the laborer. No
+laborer worked on those unsuccessful lines without wage. Some railway
+shareholders have got too much, but there are thousands of comparatively
+poor shareholders who are to be ruined by the seizure of their shares
+without compensation. It is not at all true that railway shareholders
+use "the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the living." On
+the contrary, during the last few years the tendency on lines like the
+Midland, has been to afford the widest facilities, and the greatest
+possible comfort consistent with cheapness, to working-folk travelling
+for need or pleasure. That all railway managers are not equally
+far-seeing is true, that much more might be done in this direction is
+certain, that some managing directors are over-greedy is clear, but that
+the change has been for the better during the past twenty years
+none would deny who had any regard for truth. That railway porters,
+pointsmen, guards, firemen, and drivers are, as Mr. Joynes well urges,
+often badly paid, and nearly always overworked, is true, but making the
+railways State property would not necessarily improve this. The Post
+Office is controlled by the State for the State, and the letter-carriers
+and sorters are as a body disgracefully remunerated.
+
+Mr. Joynes complains that I have not met the question of the "surplus
+value" of labor, which he says "is the keystone of the Socialistic
+argument." He does not explain upon what basis the alleged surplus
+value is calculated, but shelters himself behind a vague, and I submit
+incorrect, reference to a declaration by Mr. Hoyle, the well-known
+earnest temperance advocate. Mr. Joynes says that in one and
+a-half hours the laborer earns enough for subsistence. Mr. Hoyle's
+often-repeated declaration is in substance to the effect, that if the
+whole drink traffic of the country were abolished, and neither wines,
+beers, nor spirits drunk by any of the industrial classes, then that the
+working men could earn enough for comfort in very much less time than
+they now do. Mr. Joynes here entirely overlooks the substance of Mr.
+Hoyle's declaration, which is, in effect, that the working men do now
+receive, and then spend wastefully, what would keep them. I have always
+contended that in nearly every department of industry labor has been
+insufficiently paid, in some cases horribly paid, and I have claimed
+for the laborer higher wages, and tried to help to teach him, through
+trades' unions and otherwise, how to get these higher wages; but if Mr.
+Joynes and his friends mean anything, wages are to disappear altogether,
+and the State is to apportion to each a sort of equal subsistence,
+without regard to the skill or industry of the individual laborer,
+so that the skilled engineer, the unskilled hod-carrier, the street
+sweeper, the ploughman, and the physician, would each, in the
+Socialistic State, have neither less nor more than the other.
+
+The Socialists say "the laborers on the average replace the value of
+their wages for the capitalist class in the first few hours of their
+day's work; the exchange value of the goods produced in the remaining
+hours of the day's work constitutes so much embodied labor which is
+unpaid; and this unpaid labor so embodied in articles of utility, the
+capitalist class, the factory owners, the farmers, the bankers, the
+brokers, the shopkeepers, and their hangers-on, the landlords, divide
+amongst themselves in the shape of profits, interests, discounts,
+commissions, rent, etc." But without the capitalist where would be
+the workshop, the plant, or the raw material? It would be better if
+in co-operative production workmen would be their own capitalists, but
+surely the owner of capital is entitled to some reward? If not how is he
+to be persuaded to put it into fixed capital as factory and plant?
+Why should he beforehand purchase raw material on which labor may be
+employed, subsist labor while so employed, and take the risk of loss as
+well as profit in exchanging the article produced? And why is not the
+farmer to be sustained by the laborers if that farmer grows the food the
+laborer requires? Why should not the shopkeeper be rewarded for bringing
+ready to the laborer articles which would be otherwise in the highest
+degree difficult to procure? If the laborer procured his own raw
+material, fashioned it into an exchangeable commodity, and then went
+and exchanged it, there are many to whom the raw material would be
+inaccessible, and more who would lose much of the profits of their
+labor in fruitless efforts to exchange. The vague declarations by the
+Socialist that production and exchange are to be organised are
+delusive without clear statement of the methods and principles of
+the organisation. Robert Owen is called "Utopian" by these Democratic
+Federation Socialists, but at least he did try to reduce to practice his
+theories of production and exchange. The Democratic Federation say that
+"surplus value" is produced by "labor applied to natural objects under
+the control of the capitalist class." I object that but for capital,
+fixed and circulating, there are many natural objects which would be
+utterly inaccessible to labor; many more which could only be reached
+and dealt with on a very limited scale. That but for capital the laborer
+would often be unable to exist until the object had exchangeable
+value, or until some one was found with an equivalent article ready to
+exchange, and I submit that the banker, the shopkeeper, the broker may
+and do facilitate the progress of labor, and would and could not do so
+without the incentive of profit.
+
+We agree that "wage" is often much too low, and we urge the workers in
+each trade to join the unions already existing, and to form new unions,
+so that the combined knowledge and protection of the general body of
+workers as to the demand for, and value of, the labor, may be at
+the service of the weakest and most ignorant. We would advocate the
+establishment of labor bureaux, as in Massachusetts, so that careful and
+reliable statistics of the value of labor and cost of life may be
+easily accessible. We would urge the more thorough experiment on, and
+establishment of, cooperative productive societies in every branch of
+manufacture, so that the laborers furnishing their own capital and their
+own industry, may not only increase the profit result of labor to the
+laborer, but also afford at least a reasonable indication as to the
+possible profit realised by capitalists engaged in the same industries.
+We would increase wage (if not in amount, at any rate in its purchasing
+power), by diminishing the national and local expenditure, and thus also
+decreasing the cost of the necessaries of life. We would try to shift
+the pressing burden of taxation more on to land, and to the very large
+accumulation of wealth.
+
+We contend that he or she who lives by the sale of labor should, with
+the purchase money, be able to buy life, not only for the worker, but
+for those for whom that worker is fairly bread-winner. And life means
+not only healthy food, reasonable clothing, cleanly, healthy shelter,
+education for the children until they are so sufficiently grown that
+labor shall not mean the crippling of after life--but also leisure.
+Leisure for some enjoyment, leisure for some stroll in the green fields,
+leisure for some look into the galleries of paintings and sculpture,
+leisure for some listening to the singer, the actor, the teacher;
+leisure that the sunshine of beauty may now and then gild the dull round
+of work-a-day life; and we assert that in any country where the price of
+honest earnest industry will not buy this, then that if there are any in
+that country who are very wealthy, there is social wrong to be reformed.
+But this is the distinction between those with whom I stand and the
+Socialists.
+
+We want reform, gradual, sure, and helpful. They ask for revolution,
+and know not its morrow. Revolution may be the only remedy in a country
+where there is no free press, no free speech, no association of workers,
+no representative institutions, and where the limits of despotic outrage
+are only marked by the personal fear of the despot. But in a country
+like our own, where the political power is gradually passing into the
+hands of the whole people, where, if the press is not entirely free
+it is in advance of almost every European country, and every shade of
+opinion may find its exponent, here revolution which required physical
+force to effect it would be a blunder as well as a crime. Here, where
+our workmen can organise and meet, we can claim reforms and win them.
+The wage-winners of Durham and Northumberland, under the guidance of
+able and earnest leaders, have won many ameliorations during the past
+twenty years. Each year the workers' Parliament meets in Trades Union
+Congress, to discuss and plan more complete success, and to note the
+gains of the year. Every twelve months, in the Co-operative Congresses,
+working men and women delegates gather together to consult and advise.
+Each annual period shows some progress, some advantage secured, and
+though there is much sore evil yet, much misery yet, much crime yet,
+much--far too much--poverty yet, to-day's progress from yesterday shows
+day-gleam for the people's morrow.
+
+
+Printed by Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, at 63, Fleet Street,
+London, E.O.--1884.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh
+
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+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="iso-8859-1"?>
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+   "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" >
+
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en">
+  <head>
+    <title>
+      Some Objections to Socialism by Charles Bradlaugh.
+    </title>
+    <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve">
+    
+    body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify}
+    P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; }
+    H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; }
+    hr  { width: 50%; text-align: center;}
+    .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; }
+    blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;}
+    .mynote    {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;}
+    .toc       { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;}
+    .toc2      { margin-left: 20%;}
+    div.fig    { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; }
+    div.middle { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; }
+    .figleft   {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;}
+    .figright  {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;}
+    .pagenum   {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal;
+               margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%;
+               text-align: right;}
+    pre        { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;}
+    
+</style>
+  </head>
+  <body>
+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+
+Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Some Objections To Socialism
+       From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures
+
+Author: Charles Bradlaugh
+
+Release Date: May 29, 2011 [EBook #36272]
+Last Updated: January 26, 2013
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+    <p>
+      <br /><br />
+    </p>
+    <h1>
+      SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM.
+    </h1>
+    <h3>
+      From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures
+    </h3>
+    <p>
+      <br />
+    </p>
+    <h2>
+      By Charles Bradlaugh.
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <br />
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      London: Freethought Publishing Company <br /> 63, Fleet Street, E.C. <br /><br />
+      1884
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      <br /> <br />
+    </p>
+    <hr />
+    <p>
+      <br /> <br />
+    </p>
+    <h1>
+      SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM
+    </h1>
+    <p>
+      The great evils connected with and resulting from poverty&mdash;evils
+      which are so prominent and so terrible in old countries, and especially in
+      populous cities&mdash;have, in our own land compelled the attention, and
+      excited the sympathy, of persons in every rank of society. Many remedies
+      have been suggested and attempted, and from time to time, during the
+      present century, there have been men who, believing that the abolition of
+      individual private property would cure the misery abounding, have
+      advocated Socialism. Some pure-hearted and well-meaning men and women, as
+      Robert Owen, Abram Combe, and Frances Wright, have spent large fortunes,
+      and devoted much of their lives in the essay to test their theories by
+      experiments. As communities, none of these attempts have been permanently
+      successful, though they have doubtless, by encouraging and suggesting
+      co-operative effort in England, done something to modify the fierceness of
+      the life struggle, in which too often the strongest and most unscrupulous
+      succeeded by destroying his weaker brother. Some Socialistic associations
+      in the United States,* as the Shakers and the Oneida community, have been
+      held together in limited numbers as religious societies, but only even
+      apparently successful, while the numbers of each community remained
+      comparatively few. Some communities have for many years bravely endured
+      the burden of debt, penury, and discomfort, to be loyal to the memory of
+      their founder, as in the case at Icaria of the followers of Cabet. But in
+      none of these was the sense of private property entirely lost; the numbers
+      were relatively so small that all increase of comfort was appreciable, and
+      in nearly all the communities there was option of the withdrawal of the
+      individual, and with him of a proportion of the property he had helped to
+      create or increase.
+    </p>
+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+     * Particulars of all existing Socialistic communities in the
+     United States are given in the works of Mr. Hinds and Mr.
+     Nordhoff.
+</pre>
+    <p>
+      During the past generation, Socialistic theory has been specially urged in
+      Germany, and the Socialist leaders there have acquired greater influence
+      because of the poverty of the people, and because too of the cruel
+      persecution to which Social Reformers, as well as Socialists, have been
+      subjected by Prince Bismarck's despotic government.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A difficulty arising from the repressive measures resorted to in Germany
+      has been that German emigrants to the United States and to Great Britain,
+      speak and write as if precisely the same wrongs had to be assailed in the
+      lands of their adoption as in the land of their birth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Very recently in England&mdash;and largely at the instance of foreigners&mdash;there
+      has been a revival of Socialist propaganda, though only on a small scale
+      compared with fifty years ago, by persons claiming to be "Scientific
+      Socialists," who declare that such Socialists as Robert Owen and his
+      friends were Utopian in thinking that any communities could be
+      successfully founded while ordinary society exists. These Scientific
+      Socialists&mdash;mostly middle-class men&mdash;declare their intense
+      hatred of the <i>bourgeoisie</i>, and affirm that the Social State they
+      desire to create can only be established on the ruins of the present
+      society, by a revolution which they say must come in any event, but which
+      they strive to accelerate. These Scientific Socialists deny that they
+      ought to be required to propound any social scheme, and they
+      contemptuously refuse to discuss any of the details connected with the
+      future of the new Social State, to make way for which the present is to be
+      cleared away. Most of the points touched on in this lecture were raised in
+      the discussion on Socialism between myself and Mr. Hyndman recently held
+      in St. James's Hall. Others of the questions have been raised in my
+      articles in <i>Our Corner</i>, and in the reply there by Mr. Joynes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Socialists of the Democratic Federation say that "Socialism is an
+      endeavor to substitute an organised co-operation for existence" for the
+      present strife, but they refuse to be precise as to the method or
+      character of the organisation, or the lines upon which it is to be carried
+      out. Their reason is, probably, that they have not even made the slightest
+      effort to frame any plan, but would be content to try first to destroy all
+      existing government. I suggest that this want and avoidance of foresight
+      is, in the honest, folly, and in the wise, criminality. They mix up some
+      desirable objects which are not all Socialistic with others that are not
+      necessarily Socialistic, and add to these declarations which are either so
+      vague as to be meaningless, or else in the highest degree Socialistic and
+      revolutionary.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Whilst Mr. Hyndman, one of the prominent members of the Democratic
+      Federation, thus speaks of Socialism as endeavoring "to substitute an
+      organised co-operation," Mr. E. Belfort Bax, another prominent member and
+      co-signatory of the manifesto, emphatically says, "no 'scientific'
+      socialist pretends to have any 'scheme' or detailed plan of organisation."
+      When organisation can be spoken of as possible without any scheme or
+      detailed plan, it shows that words are used without regard to serious
+      meaning.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These Socialists declare that there must be "organisation of agricultural
+      and industrial armies under State control," and that the exchange of all
+      production must be controlled by the workers; but they decline to explain
+      how this control is to be exercised, and on what principles. We agree that
+      there are often too many concerned in the distribution of the necessaries
+      of life, and that the cost to the consumer is often outrageously
+      augmented; but we suggest that this may be reformed gradually and in
+      detail by individual effort through local societies, and that it ought not
+      to be any part of the work of the State. We point to the fact that there
+      are now in Great Britain&mdash;all established during the present reign&mdash;nearly
+      one thousand distributive co-operative societies, with more than half a
+      million members, with over seventeen and three-quarter millions of pounds
+      of yearly sales, with two and a half millions of stock-in-trade, with five
+      and a quarter millions of working capital, and dividing one and a half
+      millions of annual profit; and that these societies, each keeping its own
+      property, still further co-operate with one another to reduce loss in
+      exchange by havings a wholesale co-operative society in England, with
+      sales in 1882 exceeding three and a half millions sterling, and another
+      similar wholesale society in Scotland, with transactions in the same year
+      to nearly one million sterling. We say the way to render the cost of
+      exchange of products less onerous to the laborer is by the extension and
+      perfection of this organisation of co-operative distribution, and that
+      this may be and is being done successfully and usefully, ameliorating
+      gradually the condition and developing the self-reliance of the individual
+      workers who take part in such co-operative stores, and thus inciting and
+      inducing other individuals to join the societies already founded, or to
+      establish others, and so educating individual after individual to better
+      habits of exchange. We say that this is more useful than to denounce as
+      idlers and robbers "the shopkeepers and their hangers on," as is done by
+      the present teachers of Socialism. We object that the organisation of all
+      industry under State control must paralyse industrial energy and
+      discourage and neutralise individual effort.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Socialists claim that there shall be "collective ownership of land,
+      capital, machinery and credit by the complete ownership of the people,"
+      and yet they object that they are misrepresented when told that they want
+      to take the private economies of millions of industrious wage-earners in
+      this kingdom for the benefit of those who may have neither been thrifty
+      nor industrious. The truth is that, if language is to have any meaning,
+      the definitions must stand given by me and unchallenged by my opponent in
+      the St. James's Hall debate, viz.: (1) "Socialism denies all individual
+      private property, and affirms that society, organised as the state, should
+      own all wealth, direct all labor, and compel the equal distribution of all
+      produce." (2) "A Socialistic State would be a State in which everything
+      would be held in common, in which the labor of each individual would be
+      directed and controlled by the State, to which would belong all results of
+      such labor." The realisation of a Socialistic State in this country would,
+      as I then urged, require (1) a physical force revolution, in which all the
+      present property owners unwilling to surrender their private properties to
+      the common fund would be forcibly dispossessed. This revolution would be
+      in the highest degree difficult, if not impossible, for property holders
+      are the enormous majority.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Mr. Joynes, in an article published in <i>Our Corner</i>, does challenge
+      my definition, and says that the immediate aim of Socialism "is not the
+      abolition of private property, but its establishment by means of the
+      emancipation of labor on the only sound basis. It is private capital we
+      attack, the power to hire laborers at starvation wages, and not the
+      independent enjoyment of the fruits of labor by the individual who
+      produces them." And he refers me to a paragraph previously dealt with by
+      me as an illustration of contradictory statement, in which he and his
+      cosignatories write: "Do any say we attack private property? We deny it.
+      We only attack that private property for a few thousand loiterers and
+      slave-drivers, which renders all property in the fruits of their own labor
+      impossible for millions. We challenge that private property which renders
+      poverty at once a necessity and a crime." But surely this flatly
+      contradicts the declaration by Mr. Hyndman in the debate, of "the
+      collective ownership of land, capital, machinery, and credit." I am afraid
+      that Mr. Joynes has in his mind some other unexplained meaning for the
+      words "capital" and "property." To me it seems impossible that if
+      everything be owned collectively, anything can be owned individually,
+      separately, and privately.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Mr. Joynes, however, apparently concedes that it is true that the private
+      property of "a few thousand loiterers and slave-drivers" is attacked.
+      Though he does not in his reply explain who these "few thousand" are, I
+      find in "The Summary of the Principles of Socialism," signed by Mr.
+      Joynes, that they are "the capitalist class, the factory owners, the
+      farmers, the bankers, the brokers, the shopkeepers, and their hangers-on,
+      the landlords." But these make much more than a "few thousand." The census
+      returns for England and Wales alone show under the headings professional
+      classes, 647,075; commercial classes, 980,128 (and these do not include
+      the ordinary shopkeepers); farmers and graziers, 249,907; and unoccupied
+      males over twenty, 182,282. Add to these proportional figures for Scotland
+      and Ireland, and it is at once seen how misleading it is to speak of these
+      as a "few thousand." Mr. Joynes disapproves of my "small army of
+      statistics." I object that he and his friends never examine or verify the
+      figures on which they found their allegations. Mr. Joynes says that it is
+      not private property, the fruits of labor, that is attacked by the
+      Socialists, but "private capital, the power to hire laborers." Does that
+      mean that £30 saved by an artisan would not be attacked so long as he kept
+      it useless, but that if he deposited it with a banker who used it in
+      industrial enterprise, or if he invested it in railway shares, it would be
+      forfeited? If an artisan may, out of the fruits of his labor, buy for £3
+      and keep as his own a silver watch, why is the £3 to be confiscated when
+      it gets into the hands of the Cheapside or Corn-hill watch dealer?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A property owner is not only a Rothschild, a Baring, or an Overstone, he
+      is that person who has anything whatever beyond that which is necessary
+      for actual existence at the moment. Thus, all savings however moderate;
+      all household furniture, books, indeed everything but the simplest
+      clothing are property, and the property owners belong to all classes. The
+      wage-earning classes, being largely property owners, viz., not only by
+      their household goods, but by their investments, building societies, their
+      small deposits in savings banks, their periodical payments to their trade
+      societies and friendly societies, they would naturally and wisely defend
+      these against confiscation. If the physical force revolution were
+      possible, because of the desperate energy of those owning nothing, its
+      success would be achieved with serious immediate crime, and would be
+      attended with consequent social mischief and terrible demoralisation
+      extending over a long period.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Mr. Hyndman has written that "force, or fear of force, is, unfortunately,
+      the only reasoning which can appeal to a dominant estate, or will ever
+      induce them to surrender any portion of their property." I read these
+      words to him in the debate, and he made no reply to them. I object that a
+      Socialistic State to be realised by force can only be so realised after a
+      period of civil war shocking to contemplate, and one in which the wisest
+      would go near madness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But a Socialistic State, even if achieved, could not be maintained without
+      a second (mental) revolution, in which the present ideas and forms of
+      expression concerning property would have to be effaced, and the habit of
+      life (resulting from long-continued teachings and long-enduring
+      traditions) would have to be broken. The words "my house," "my coat," "my
+      horse," "my watch," "my book," are all affirmations of private property
+      which would have to be unlearned. The whole current of human thought would
+      have to be changed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In a Socialistic State there would be no inducement to thrift, no
+      encouragement to individual saving, no protection for individual
+      accumulation, no check upon, no discouragement to waste.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nor, if such a Socialistic State be established, is it easy to conceive
+      how free expression of individual opinion, either by press or platform,
+      can be preserved and maintained. All means of publicity will belong to,
+      and be controlled by, the State. But what will this mean? Will a
+      Socialistic government furnish halls to its adversaries, print books for
+      its opponents, organise costly journals for those who are hostile to it?
+      If not, there must come utter stagnation of opinion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And what could the organisation and controlling of all labor by the State
+      mean? In what could it end? By whom, and in what manner, would the
+      selection of each individual for the pursuit, profession, or handicraft
+      for which he was fittest be determined?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I object that the Socialistic advocates exaggerate and distort real evils,
+      and thus do mischief to those who are seeking to effect social reforms.
+      For example, they declare that the whole of the land of the country is
+      held by "a handful of marauders," who ought to be dispossessed, and when
+      told that there are 852,438 persons owning on an average less than one
+      fifth of an acre each, holding probably in the neighborhood of towns, and
+      that more than half a million of these persons are members of building
+      societies, paying for their small properties out of their wage-earnings,
+      they only say: "Do you suppose those who hold building allotments will be
+      dispossessed?" But if they are not dispossessed, if their private property
+      is left to them, then "collective ownership" must have a new meaning.
+      Pressed with the fact that there are 205,358 owning on an average fifteen
+      acres each, they make no other answer. Yet this 1,037,896, representing
+      with their families more than four millions of human beings, are clearly
+      not a "handful," nor is there any evidence offered that they are
+      "marauders." My complaint is that the possibility of early Land Law Reform
+      is injured and retarded by such rashness. It is an undoubted evil that in
+      this crowded kingdom so few as 2,238 persons should own 39,924,232 acres
+      of land, and that the enormous holdings should be inadequately taxed, but
+      we need the influence of the one million small landowners to enable us
+      legally to reform and modify those obnoxious land laws which have
+      facilitated the accumulation of such vast estates in so few hands. In the
+      debate with myself, Mr. Hyndman spoke very contemptuously of the "small
+      ownerships" and "paltry building allotments," yet he ought to know that
+      the holders of these houses are law-abiding, peace-promoting citizens, who
+      are encouraged by these slight possessions, which give promise of comfort
+      in life, to strive so that the comfort shall be extended and secured.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A sample of the wild and extraordinary exaggeration indulged in by the
+      Democratic Federation may be found on p. 48 of the "Summary of the
+      Principles of Socialism," where it is gravely declared that the "idlers
+      who eat enormously and produce not at all form the majority of the
+      population," and this may be fairly contrasted with another statement by
+      the same persons that the present conditions of labor have "brought luxury
+      for the few, misery and degradation for the many." If the latter be
+      accurate, the former must be a perversion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Socialists say that there are a few thousand persons who own the
+      National Debt, and they recommend its extinction; usually leaving it in
+      doubt as to whether this is to be by wholesale or by partial repudiation.
+      When reminded that there are an enormous number of small depositors (at
+      least 4,500,000 accounts in one year) owning through the ordinary savings
+      banks £45,403,569, and through the Post Office Sayings Bank, £36,194,495,
+      they neither explain the allegation as to the few thousands, nor do they
+      condescend to offer the slightest explanation as to how any savings have
+      been possible if all the wealth created by labor has been "devoured only
+      by the rich and their hangers-on." Repudiation of the National Debt would
+      ruin the whole of these. The Socialist leader says that the small
+      ownership of land and these small savings do not really benefit the
+      working classes, for that in times of depression the savings are soon used
+      up. That may often be true, but if there were no savings then it must be
+      starvation, pauperism, or crime; at least the saving mitigates the
+      suffering. When told that there are 2,300,000 members of friendly
+      societies, who must represent at least 9,000,000 of the inhabitants of
+      this country, and that these, amongst other investments, have £1,397,730
+      in the National Debt, we are answered that these are mere details. On this
+      point I think Mr. Joynes a little fails in candor. He takes one set of my
+      figures, and says "the share of each individual is on the average a little
+      more than £3 3s., and the dividend which annually accrues to each of these
+      propertied persons is slightly over 2s. It does not require a very high
+      standard of intelligence to enable a man to perceive that Socialists who
+      intend to deprive him of these 2s., and at the same time to secure him the
+      full value of his work, are proposing not to diminish his income, but to
+      raise it in a very high degree." Let me first say that the friendly
+      society represents to each artisan investor, not the 2s. per year, but his
+      possible sick money, gratuity on disablement, allowance whilst unemployed,
+      etc.; next, that here Mr. Joynes does in this actually admit an attack on
+      the private property of the laborer, and does propose to take away the
+      accumulated "fruits of labor" from the independent enjoyment of the
+      individual who earned it. And the working-man's house? and his savings in
+      the savings-bank, or in the co-operative store? Are these to be taken too?
+      If not, why not? and if yes, of how much of the fruits of his labor is the
+      laborer to be left by the Socialists in "independent enjoyment"? When
+      pressed that the confiscation of the railways "without compensation,"
+      would bankrupt every life assurance company, and thus destroy the
+      provision made for hundreds of thousands of families, because in addition
+      to about' £5,262,000 in the Funds, and about £75,000,000 invested on
+      mortgages of houses and land, the life insurance companies are extensive
+      holders of railway securities&mdash;the advocates of Socialism only
+      condescend to say: "Who are the shareholders in the railways? Do they ever
+      do any good in the world? They are simply using the labor of the dead in
+      order to get the labor of the living." But is this true? The shareholders
+      originally found the means to plan, legalise, and construct the railway,
+      to buy the land, to pay the laborer day by day his wage, whilst yet the
+      railway could bring no profit, to buy the materials for the permanent way,
+      to purchase and maintain the rolling stock. Many hundreds of shareholders
+      in unsuccessful lines have never received back one farthing of what they
+      paid to the laborer. No laborer worked on those unsuccessful lines without
+      wage. Some railway shareholders have got too much, but there are thousands
+      of comparatively poor shareholders who are to be ruined by the seizure of
+      their shares without compensation. It is not at all true that railway
+      shareholders use "the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the
+      living." On the contrary, during the last few years the tendency on lines
+      like the Midland, has been to afford the widest facilities, and the
+      greatest possible comfort consistent with cheapness, to working-folk
+      travelling for need or pleasure. That all railway managers are not equally
+      far-seeing is true, that much more might be done in this direction is
+      certain, that some managing directors are over-greedy is clear, but that
+      the change has been for the better during the past twenty years none would
+      deny who had any regard for truth. That railway porters, pointsmen,
+      guards, firemen, and drivers are, as Mr. Joynes well urges, often badly
+      paid, and nearly always overworked, is true, but making the railways State
+      property would not necessarily improve this. The Post Office is controlled
+      by the State for the State, and the letter-carriers and sorters are as a
+      body disgracefully remunerated.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Mr. Joynes complains that I have not met the question of the "surplus
+      value" of labor, which he says "is the keystone of the Socialistic
+      argument." He does not explain upon what basis the alleged surplus value
+      is calculated, but shelters himself behind a vague, and I submit
+      incorrect, reference to a declaration by Mr. Hoyle, the well-known earnest
+      temperance advocate. Mr. Joynes says that in one and a-half hours the
+      laborer earns enough for subsistence. Mr. Hoyle's often-repeated
+      declaration is in substance to the effect, that if the whole drink traffic
+      of the country were abolished, and neither wines, beers, nor spirits drunk
+      by any of the industrial classes, then that the working men could earn
+      enough for comfort in very much less time than they now do. Mr. Joynes
+      here entirely overlooks the substance of Mr. Hoyle's declaration, which
+      is, in effect, that the working men do now receive, and then spend
+      wastefully, what would keep them. I have always contended that in nearly
+      every department of industry labor has been insufficiently paid, in some
+      cases horribly paid, and I have claimed for the laborer higher wages, and
+      tried to help to teach him, through trades' unions and otherwise, how to
+      get these higher wages; but if Mr. Joynes and his friends mean anything,
+      wages are to disappear altogether, and the State is to apportion to each a
+      sort of equal subsistence, without regard to the skill or industry of the
+      individual laborer, so that the skilled engineer, the unskilled
+      hod-carrier, the street sweeper, the ploughman, and the physician, would
+      each, in the Socialistic State, have neither less nor more than the other.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Socialists say "the laborers on the average replace the value of their
+      wages for the capitalist class in the first few hours of their day's work;
+      the exchange value of the goods produced in the remaining hours of the
+      day's work constitutes so much embodied labor which is unpaid; and this
+      unpaid labor so embodied in articles of utility, the capitalist class, the
+      factory owners, the farmers, the bankers, the brokers, the shopkeepers,
+      and their hangers-on, the landlords, divide amongst themselves in the
+      shape of profits, interests, discounts, commissions, rent, etc." But
+      without the capitalist where would be the workshop, the plant, or the raw
+      material? It would be better if in co-operative production workmen would
+      be their own capitalists, but surely the owner of capital is entitled to
+      some reward? If not how is he to be persuaded to put it into fixed capital
+      as factory and plant? Why should he beforehand purchase raw material on
+      which labor may be employed, subsist labor while so employed, and take the
+      risk of loss as well as profit in exchanging the article produced? And why
+      is not the farmer to be sustained by the laborers if that farmer grows the
+      food the laborer requires? Why should not the shopkeeper be rewarded for
+      bringing ready to the laborer articles which would be otherwise in the
+      highest degree difficult to procure? If the laborer procured his own raw
+      material, fashioned it into an exchangeable commodity, and then went and
+      exchanged it, there are many to whom the raw material would be
+      inaccessible, and more who would lose much of the profits of their labor
+      in fruitless efforts to exchange. The vague declarations by the Socialist
+      that production and exchange are to be organised are delusive without
+      clear statement of the methods and principles of the organisation. Robert
+      Owen is called "Utopian" by these Democratic Federation Socialists, but at
+      least he did try to reduce to practice his theories of production and
+      exchange. The Democratic Federation say that "surplus value" is produced
+      by "labor applied to natural objects under the control of the capitalist
+      class." I object that but for capital, fixed and circulating, there are
+      many natural objects which would be utterly inaccessible to labor; many
+      more which could only be reached and dealt with on a very limited scale.
+      That but for capital the laborer would often be unable to exist until the
+      object had exchangeable value, or until some one was found with an
+      equivalent article ready to exchange, and I submit that the banker, the
+      shopkeeper, the broker may and do facilitate the progress of labor, and
+      would and could not do so without the incentive of profit.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We agree that "wage" is often much too low, and we urge the workers in
+      each trade to join the unions already existing, and to form new unions, so
+      that the combined knowledge and protection of the general body of workers
+      as to the demand for, and value of, the labor, may be at the service of
+      the weakest and most ignorant. We would advocate the establishment of
+      labor bureaux, as in Massachusetts, so that careful and reliable
+      statistics of the value of labor and cost of life may be easily
+      accessible. We would urge the more thorough experiment on, and
+      establishment of, cooperative productive societies in every branch of
+      manufacture, so that the laborers furnishing their own capital and their
+      own industry, may not only increase the profit result of labor to the
+      laborer, but also afford at least a reasonable indication as to the
+      possible profit realised by capitalists engaged in the same industries. We
+      would increase wage (if not in amount, at any rate in its purchasing
+      power), by diminishing the national and local expenditure, and thus also
+      decreasing the cost of the necessaries of life. We would try to shift the
+      pressing burden of taxation more on to land, and to the very large
+      accumulation of wealth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We contend that he or she who lives by the sale of labor should, with the
+      purchase money, be able to buy life, not only for the worker, but for
+      those for whom that worker is fairly bread-winner. And life means not only
+      healthy food, reasonable clothing, cleanly, healthy shelter, education for
+      the children until they are so sufficiently grown that labor shall not
+      mean the crippling of after life&mdash;but also leisure. Leisure for some
+      enjoyment, leisure for some stroll in the green fields, leisure for some
+      look into the galleries of paintings and sculpture, leisure for some
+      listening to the singer, the actor, the teacher; leisure that the sunshine
+      of beauty may now and then gild the dull round of work-a-day life; and we
+      assert that in any country where the price of honest earnest industry will
+      not buy this, then that if there are any in that country who are very
+      wealthy, there is social wrong to be reformed. But this is the distinction
+      between those with whom I stand and the Socialists.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We want reform, gradual, sure, and helpful. They ask for revolution, and
+      know not its morrow. Revolution may be the only remedy in a country where
+      there is no free press, no free speech, no association of workers, no
+      representative institutions, and where the limits of despotic outrage are
+      only marked by the personal fear of the despot. But in a country like our
+      own, where the political power is gradually passing into the hands of the
+      whole people, where, if the press is not entirely free it is in advance of
+      almost every European country, and every shade of opinion may find its
+      exponent, here revolution which required physical force to effect it would
+      be a blunder as well as a crime. Here, where our workmen can organise and
+      meet, we can claim reforms and win them. The wage-winners of Durham and
+      Northumberland, under the guidance of able and earnest leaders, have won
+      many ameliorations during the past twenty years. Each year the workers'
+      Parliament meets in Trades Union Congress, to discuss and plan more
+      complete success, and to note the gains of the year. Every twelve months,
+      in the Co-operative Congresses, working men and women delegates gather
+      together to consult and advise. Each annual period shows some progress,
+      some advantage secured, and though there is much sore evil yet, much
+      misery yet, much crime yet, much&mdash;far too much&mdash;poverty yet,
+      to-day's progress from yesterday shows day-gleam for the people's morrow.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Printed by Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, at 63, Fleet Street,
+      London, E.O.&mdash;1884.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <br /><br />
+    </p>
+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh
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+</pre>
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+</html>
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+Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Some Objections To Socialism
+       From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures
+
+Author: Charles Bradlaugh
+
+Release Date: May 29, 2011 [EBook #36272]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM.
+
+From "The Atheistic Platform", Twelve Lectures
+
+By Charles Bradlaugh.
+
+
+London: Freethought Publishing Company
+
+63, Fleet Street, E.C.
+
+1884
+
+
+
+SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM
+
+The great evils connected with and resulting from poverty--evils which
+are so prominent and so terrible in old countries, and especially in
+populous cities--have, in our own land compelled the attention, and
+excited the sympathy, of persons in every rank of society. Many remedies
+have been suggested and attempted, and from time to time, during the
+present century, there have been men who, believing that the abolition
+of individual private property would cure the misery abounding, have
+advocated Socialism. Some pure-hearted and well-meaning men and women,
+as Robert Owen, Abram Combe, and Frances Wright, have spent large
+fortunes, and devoted much of their lives in the essay to test their
+theories by experiments. As communities, none of these attempts have
+been permanently successful, though they have doubtless, by encouraging
+and suggesting co-operative effort in England, done something to modify
+the fierceness of the life struggle, in which too often the strongest
+and most unscrupulous succeeded by destroying his weaker brother. Some
+Socialistic associations in the United States,* as the Shakers and
+the Oneida community, have been held together in limited numbers as
+religious societies, but only even apparently successful, while the
+numbers of each community remained comparatively few. Some communities
+have for many years bravely endured the burden of debt, penury, and
+discomfort, to be loyal to the memory of their founder, as in the case
+at Icaria of the followers of Cabet. But in none of these was the sense
+of private property entirely lost; the numbers were relatively so small
+that all increase of comfort was appreciable, and in nearly all the
+communities there was option of the withdrawal of the individual, and
+with him of a proportion of the property he had helped to create or
+increase.
+
+     * Particulars of all existing Socialistic communities in the
+     United States are given in the works of Mr. Hinds and Mr.
+     Nordhoff.
+
+During the past generation, Socialistic theory has been specially
+urged in Germany, and the Socialist leaders there have acquired greater
+influence because of the poverty of the people, and because too of the
+cruel persecution to which Social Reformers, as well as Socialists, have
+been subjected by Prince Bismarck's despotic government.
+
+A difficulty arising from the repressive measures resorted to in
+Germany has been that German emigrants to the United States and to
+Great Britain, speak and write as if precisely the same wrongs had to be
+assailed in the lands of their adoption as in the land of their birth.
+
+Very recently in England--and largely at the instance of
+foreigners--there has been a revival of Socialist propaganda, though
+only on a small scale compared with fifty years ago, by persons claiming
+to be "Scientific Socialists," who declare that such Socialists
+as Robert Owen and his friends were Utopian in thinking that any
+communities could be successfully founded while ordinary society exists.
+These Scientific Socialists--mostly middle-class men--declare their
+intense hatred of the _bourgeoisie_, and affirm that the Social State
+they desire to create can only be established on the ruins of the
+present society, by a revolution which they say must come in any event,
+but which they strive to accelerate. These Scientific Socialists deny
+that they ought to be required to propound any social scheme, and they
+contemptuously refuse to discuss any of the details connected with the
+future of the new Social State, to make way for which the present is
+to be cleared away. Most of the points touched on in this lecture were
+raised in the discussion on Socialism between myself and Mr. Hyndman
+recently held in St. James's Hall. Others of the questions have been
+raised in my articles in _Our Corner_, and in the reply there by Mr.
+Joynes.
+
+The Socialists of the Democratic Federation say that "Socialism is an
+endeavor to substitute an organised co-operation for existence" for
+the present strife, but they refuse to be precise as to the method
+or character of the organisation, or the lines upon which it is to be
+carried out. Their reason is, probably, that they have not even made the
+slightest effort to frame any plan, but would be content to try first to
+destroy all existing government. I suggest that this want and avoidance
+of foresight is, in the honest, folly, and in the wise, criminality.
+They mix up some desirable objects which are not all Socialistic
+with others that are not necessarily Socialistic, and add to these
+declarations which are either so vague as to be meaningless, or else in
+the highest degree Socialistic and revolutionary.
+
+Whilst Mr. Hyndman, one of the prominent members of the Democratic
+Federation, thus speaks of Socialism as endeavoring "to substitute an
+organised co-operation," Mr. E. Belfort Bax, another prominent member
+and co-signatory of the manifesto, emphatically says, "no 'scientific'
+socialist pretends to have any 'scheme' or detailed plan of
+organisation." When organisation can be spoken of as possible without
+any scheme or detailed plan, it shows that words are used without regard
+to serious meaning.
+
+These Socialists declare that there must be "organisation of
+agricultural and industrial armies under State control," and that the
+exchange of all production must be controlled by the workers; but they
+decline to explain how this control is to be exercised, and on what
+principles. We agree that there are often too many concerned in the
+distribution of the necessaries of life, and that the cost to the
+consumer is often outrageously augmented; but we suggest that this may
+be reformed gradually and in detail by individual effort through local
+societies, and that it ought not to be any part of the work of the
+State. We point to the fact that there are now in Great Britain--all
+established during the present reign--nearly one thousand distributive
+co-operative societies, with more than half a million members, with over
+seventeen and three-quarter millions of pounds of yearly sales, with two
+and a half millions of stock-in-trade, with five and a quarter millions
+of working capital, and dividing one and a half millions of annual
+profit; and that these societies, each keeping its own property,
+still further co-operate with one another to reduce loss in exchange by
+havings a wholesale co-operative society in England, with sales in
+1882 exceeding three and a half millions sterling, and another similar
+wholesale society in Scotland, with transactions in the same year
+to nearly one million sterling. We say the way to render the cost of
+exchange of products less onerous to the laborer is by the extension and
+perfection of this organisation of co-operative distribution, and that
+this may be and is being done successfully and usefully, ameliorating
+gradually the condition and developing the self-reliance of the
+individual workers who take part in such co-operative stores, and thus
+inciting and inducing other individuals to join the societies already
+founded, or to establish others, and so educating individual after
+individual to better habits of exchange. We say that this is more
+useful than to denounce as idlers and robbers "the shopkeepers and their
+hangers on," as is done by the present teachers of Socialism. We object
+that the organisation of all industry under State control must paralyse
+industrial energy and discourage and neutralise individual effort.
+
+The Socialists claim that there shall be "collective ownership of land,
+capital, machinery and credit by the complete ownership of the people,"
+and yet they object that they are misrepresented when told that
+they want to take the private economies of millions of industrious
+wage-earners in this kingdom for the benefit of those who may have
+neither been thrifty nor industrious. The truth is that, if language
+is to have any meaning, the definitions must stand given by me and
+unchallenged by my opponent in the St. James's Hall debate, viz.: (1)
+"Socialism denies all individual private property, and affirms that
+society, organised as the state, should own all wealth, direct all
+labor, and compel the equal distribution of all produce." (2) "A
+Socialistic State would be a State in which everything would be held
+in common, in which the labor of each individual would be directed
+and controlled by the State, to which would belong all results of such
+labor." The realisation of a Socialistic State in this country would, as
+I then urged, require (1) a physical force revolution, in which all the
+present property owners unwilling to surrender their private properties
+to the common fund would be forcibly dispossessed. This revolution would
+be in the highest degree difficult, if not impossible, for property
+holders are the enormous majority.
+
+Mr. Joynes, in an article published in _Our Corner_, does challenge my
+definition, and says that the immediate aim of Socialism "is not the
+abolition of private property, but its establishment by means of the
+emancipation of labor on the only sound basis. It is private capital
+we attack, the power to hire laborers at starvation wages, and not
+the independent enjoyment of the fruits of labor by the individual who
+produces them." And he refers me to a paragraph previously dealt with
+by me as an illustration of contradictory statement, in which he and his
+cosignatories write: "Do any say we attack private property? We deny it.
+We only attack that private property for a few thousand loiterers and
+slave-drivers, which renders all property in the fruits of their own
+labor impossible for millions. We challenge that private property which
+renders poverty at once a necessity and a crime." But surely this
+flatly contradicts the declaration by Mr. Hyndman in the debate, of
+"the collective ownership of land, capital, machinery, and credit." I
+am afraid that Mr. Joynes has in his mind some other unexplained meaning
+for the words "capital" and "property." To me it seems impossible that
+if everything be owned collectively, anything can be owned individually,
+separately, and privately.
+
+Mr. Joynes, however, apparently concedes that it is true that the
+private property of "a few thousand loiterers and slave-drivers"
+is attacked. Though he does not in his reply explain who these "few
+thousand" are, I find in "The Summary of the Principles of Socialism,"
+signed by Mr. Joynes, that they are "the capitalist class, the factory
+owners, the farmers, the bankers, the brokers, the shopkeepers, and
+their hangers-on, the landlords." But these make much more than a "few
+thousand." The census returns for England and Wales alone show under the
+headings professional classes, 647,075; commercial classes, 980,128 (and
+these do not include the ordinary shopkeepers); farmers and graziers,
+249,907; and unoccupied males over twenty, 182,282. Add to these
+proportional figures for Scotland and Ireland, and it is at once seen
+how misleading it is to speak of these as a "few thousand." Mr. Joynes
+disapproves of my "small army of statistics." I object that he and his
+friends never examine or verify the figures on which they found their
+allegations. Mr. Joynes says that it is not private property, the fruits
+of labor, that is attacked by the Socialists, but "private capital, the
+power to hire laborers." Does that mean that L30 saved by an artisan
+would not be attacked so long as he kept it useless, but that if he
+deposited it with a banker who used it in industrial enterprise, or if
+he invested it in railway shares, it would be forfeited? If an artisan
+may, out of the fruits of his labor, buy for L3 and keep as his own
+a silver watch, why is the L3 to be confiscated when it gets into the
+hands of the Cheapside or Corn-hill watch dealer?
+
+A property owner is not only a Rothschild, a Baring, or an Overstone, he
+is that person who has anything whatever beyond that which is necessary
+for actual existence at the moment. Thus, all savings however moderate;
+all household furniture, books, indeed everything but the simplest
+clothing are property, and the property owners belong to all classes.
+The wage-earning classes, being largely property owners, viz., not only
+by their household goods, but by their investments, building societies,
+their small deposits in savings banks, their periodical payments to
+their trade societies and friendly societies, they would naturally
+and wisely defend these against confiscation. If the physical force
+revolution were possible, because of the desperate energy of those
+owning nothing, its success would be achieved with serious immediate
+crime, and would be attended with consequent social mischief and
+terrible demoralisation extending over a long period.
+
+Mr. Hyndman has written that "force, or fear of force, is,
+unfortunately, the only reasoning which can appeal to a dominant estate,
+or will ever induce them to surrender any portion of their property." I
+read these words to him in the debate, and he made no reply to them. I
+object that a Socialistic State to be realised by force can only be so
+realised after a period of civil war shocking to contemplate, and one in
+which the wisest would go near madness.
+
+But a Socialistic State, even if achieved, could not be maintained
+without a second (mental) revolution, in which the present ideas and
+forms of expression concerning property would have to be effaced,
+and the habit of life (resulting from long-continued teachings and
+long-enduring traditions) would have to be broken. The words "my house,"
+"my coat," "my horse," "my watch," "my book," are all affirmations of
+private property which would have to be unlearned. The whole current of
+human thought would have to be changed.
+
+In a Socialistic State there would be no inducement to thrift, no
+encouragement to individual saving, no protection for individual
+accumulation, no check upon, no discouragement to waste.
+
+Nor, if such a Socialistic State be established, is it easy to conceive
+how free expression of individual opinion, either by press or platform,
+can be preserved and maintained. All means of publicity will belong
+to, and be controlled by, the State. But what will this mean? Will a
+Socialistic government furnish halls to its adversaries, print books for
+its opponents, organise costly journals for those who are hostile to it?
+If not, there must come utter stagnation of opinion.
+
+And what could the organisation and controlling of all labor by the
+State mean? In what could it end? By whom, and in what manner, would the
+selection of each individual for the pursuit, profession, or handicraft
+for which he was fittest be determined?
+
+I object that the Socialistic advocates exaggerate and distort real
+evils, and thus do mischief to those who are seeking to effect social
+reforms. For example, they declare that the whole of the land of
+the country is held by "a handful of marauders," who ought to be
+dispossessed, and when told that there are 852,438 persons owning on
+an average less than one fifth of an acre each, holding probably in
+the neighborhood of towns, and that more than half a million of these
+persons are members of building societies, paying for their small
+properties out of their wage-earnings, they only say: "Do you suppose
+those who hold building allotments will be dispossessed?" But if they
+are not dispossessed, if their private property is left to them, then
+"collective ownership" must have a new meaning. Pressed with the fact
+that there are 205,358 owning on an average fifteen acres each, they
+make no other answer. Yet this 1,037,896, representing with their
+families more than four millions of human beings, are clearly not a
+"handful," nor is there any evidence offered that they are "marauders."
+My complaint is that the possibility of early Land Law Reform is injured
+and retarded by such rashness. It is an undoubted evil that in this
+crowded kingdom so few as 2,238 persons should own 39,924,232 acres of
+land, and that the enormous holdings should be inadequately taxed, but
+we need the influence of the one million small landowners to enable
+us legally to reform and modify those obnoxious land laws which have
+facilitated the accumulation of such vast estates in so few hands. In
+the debate with myself, Mr. Hyndman spoke very contemptuously of the
+"small ownerships" and "paltry building allotments," yet he ought to
+know that the holders of these houses are law-abiding, peace-promoting
+citizens, who are encouraged by these slight possessions, which give
+promise of comfort in life, to strive so that the comfort shall be
+extended and secured.
+
+A sample of the wild and extraordinary exaggeration indulged in by
+the Democratic Federation may be found on p. 48 of the "Summary of the
+Principles of Socialism," where it is gravely declared that the "idlers
+who eat enormously and produce not at all form the majority of the
+population," and this may be fairly contrasted with another statement
+by the same persons that the present conditions of labor have "brought
+luxury for the few, misery and degradation for the many." If the latter
+be accurate, the former must be a perversion.
+
+The Socialists say that there are a few thousand persons who own the
+National Debt, and they recommend its extinction; usually leaving it
+in doubt as to whether this is to be by wholesale or by partial
+repudiation. When reminded that there are an enormous number of small
+depositors (at least 4,500,000 accounts in one year) owning through the
+ordinary savings banks L45,403,569, and through the Post Office Sayings
+Bank, L36,194,495, they neither explain the allegation as to the few
+thousands, nor do they condescend to offer the slightest explanation as
+to how any savings have been possible if all the wealth created by labor
+has been "devoured only by the rich and their hangers-on." Repudiation
+of the National Debt would ruin the whole of these. The Socialist leader
+says that the small ownership of land and these small savings do not
+really benefit the working classes, for that in times of depression the
+savings are soon used up. That may often be true, but if there were no
+savings then it must be starvation, pauperism, or crime; at least the
+saving mitigates the suffering. When told that there are 2,300,000
+members of friendly societies, who must represent at least 9,000,000
+of the inhabitants of this country, and that these, amongst other
+investments, have L1,397,730 in the National Debt, we are answered that
+these are mere details. On this point I think Mr. Joynes a little fails
+in candor. He takes one set of my figures, and says "the share of each
+individual is on the average a little more than L3 3s., and the dividend
+which annually accrues to each of these propertied persons is slightly
+over 2s. It does not require a very high standard of intelligence to
+enable a man to perceive that Socialists who intend to deprive him of
+these 2s., and at the same time to secure him the full value of his
+work, are proposing not to diminish his income, but to raise it in a
+very high degree." Let me first say that the friendly society represents
+to each artisan investor, not the 2s. per year, but his possible sick
+money, gratuity on disablement, allowance whilst unemployed, etc.;
+next, that here Mr. Joynes does in this actually admit an attack on
+the private property of the laborer, and does propose to take away the
+accumulated "fruits of labor" from the independent enjoyment of the
+individual who earned it. And the working-man's house? and his savings
+in the savings-bank, or in the co-operative store? Are these to be taken
+too? If not, why not? and if yes, of how much of the fruits of his labor
+is the laborer to be left by the Socialists in "independent
+enjoyment"? When pressed that the confiscation of the railways "without
+compensation," would bankrupt every life assurance company, and thus
+destroy the provision made for hundreds of thousands of families,
+because in addition to about' L5,262,000 in the Funds, and about
+L75,000,000 invested on mortgages of houses and land, the life insurance
+companies are extensive holders of railway securities--the advocates
+of Socialism only condescend to say: "Who are the shareholders in the
+railways? Do they ever do any good in the world? They are simply using
+the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the living." But
+is this true? The shareholders originally found the means to plan,
+legalise, and construct the railway, to buy the land, to pay the laborer
+day by day his wage, whilst yet the railway could bring no profit, to
+buy the materials for the permanent way, to purchase and maintain the
+rolling stock. Many hundreds of shareholders in unsuccessful lines have
+never received back one farthing of what they paid to the laborer. No
+laborer worked on those unsuccessful lines without wage. Some railway
+shareholders have got too much, but there are thousands of comparatively
+poor shareholders who are to be ruined by the seizure of their shares
+without compensation. It is not at all true that railway shareholders
+use "the labor of the dead in order to get the labor of the living." On
+the contrary, during the last few years the tendency on lines like the
+Midland, has been to afford the widest facilities, and the greatest
+possible comfort consistent with cheapness, to working-folk travelling
+for need or pleasure. That all railway managers are not equally
+far-seeing is true, that much more might be done in this direction is
+certain, that some managing directors are over-greedy is clear, but that
+the change has been for the better during the past twenty years
+none would deny who had any regard for truth. That railway porters,
+pointsmen, guards, firemen, and drivers are, as Mr. Joynes well urges,
+often badly paid, and nearly always overworked, is true, but making the
+railways State property would not necessarily improve this. The Post
+Office is controlled by the State for the State, and the letter-carriers
+and sorters are as a body disgracefully remunerated.
+
+Mr. Joynes complains that I have not met the question of the "surplus
+value" of labor, which he says "is the keystone of the Socialistic
+argument." He does not explain upon what basis the alleged surplus
+value is calculated, but shelters himself behind a vague, and I submit
+incorrect, reference to a declaration by Mr. Hoyle, the well-known
+earnest temperance advocate. Mr. Joynes says that in one and
+a-half hours the laborer earns enough for subsistence. Mr. Hoyle's
+often-repeated declaration is in substance to the effect, that if the
+whole drink traffic of the country were abolished, and neither wines,
+beers, nor spirits drunk by any of the industrial classes, then that the
+working men could earn enough for comfort in very much less time than
+they now do. Mr. Joynes here entirely overlooks the substance of Mr.
+Hoyle's declaration, which is, in effect, that the working men do now
+receive, and then spend wastefully, what would keep them. I have always
+contended that in nearly every department of industry labor has been
+insufficiently paid, in some cases horribly paid, and I have claimed
+for the laborer higher wages, and tried to help to teach him, through
+trades' unions and otherwise, how to get these higher wages; but if Mr.
+Joynes and his friends mean anything, wages are to disappear altogether,
+and the State is to apportion to each a sort of equal subsistence,
+without regard to the skill or industry of the individual laborer,
+so that the skilled engineer, the unskilled hod-carrier, the street
+sweeper, the ploughman, and the physician, would each, in the
+Socialistic State, have neither less nor more than the other.
+
+The Socialists say "the laborers on the average replace the value of
+their wages for the capitalist class in the first few hours of their
+day's work; the exchange value of the goods produced in the remaining
+hours of the day's work constitutes so much embodied labor which is
+unpaid; and this unpaid labor so embodied in articles of utility, the
+capitalist class, the factory owners, the farmers, the bankers, the
+brokers, the shopkeepers, and their hangers-on, the landlords, divide
+amongst themselves in the shape of profits, interests, discounts,
+commissions, rent, etc." But without the capitalist where would be
+the workshop, the plant, or the raw material? It would be better if
+in co-operative production workmen would be their own capitalists, but
+surely the owner of capital is entitled to some reward? If not how is he
+to be persuaded to put it into fixed capital as factory and plant?
+Why should he beforehand purchase raw material on which labor may be
+employed, subsist labor while so employed, and take the risk of loss as
+well as profit in exchanging the article produced? And why is not the
+farmer to be sustained by the laborers if that farmer grows the food the
+laborer requires? Why should not the shopkeeper be rewarded for bringing
+ready to the laborer articles which would be otherwise in the highest
+degree difficult to procure? If the laborer procured his own raw
+material, fashioned it into an exchangeable commodity, and then went
+and exchanged it, there are many to whom the raw material would be
+inaccessible, and more who would lose much of the profits of their
+labor in fruitless efforts to exchange. The vague declarations by the
+Socialist that production and exchange are to be organised are
+delusive without clear statement of the methods and principles of
+the organisation. Robert Owen is called "Utopian" by these Democratic
+Federation Socialists, but at least he did try to reduce to practice his
+theories of production and exchange. The Democratic Federation say that
+"surplus value" is produced by "labor applied to natural objects under
+the control of the capitalist class." I object that but for capital,
+fixed and circulating, there are many natural objects which would be
+utterly inaccessible to labor; many more which could only be reached
+and dealt with on a very limited scale. That but for capital the laborer
+would often be unable to exist until the object had exchangeable
+value, or until some one was found with an equivalent article ready to
+exchange, and I submit that the banker, the shopkeeper, the broker may
+and do facilitate the progress of labor, and would and could not do so
+without the incentive of profit.
+
+We agree that "wage" is often much too low, and we urge the workers in
+each trade to join the unions already existing, and to form new unions,
+so that the combined knowledge and protection of the general body of
+workers as to the demand for, and value of, the labor, may be at
+the service of the weakest and most ignorant. We would advocate the
+establishment of labor bureaux, as in Massachusetts, so that careful and
+reliable statistics of the value of labor and cost of life may be
+easily accessible. We would urge the more thorough experiment on, and
+establishment of, cooperative productive societies in every branch of
+manufacture, so that the laborers furnishing their own capital and their
+own industry, may not only increase the profit result of labor to the
+laborer, but also afford at least a reasonable indication as to the
+possible profit realised by capitalists engaged in the same industries.
+We would increase wage (if not in amount, at any rate in its purchasing
+power), by diminishing the national and local expenditure, and thus also
+decreasing the cost of the necessaries of life. We would try to shift
+the pressing burden of taxation more on to land, and to the very large
+accumulation of wealth.
+
+We contend that he or she who lives by the sale of labor should, with
+the purchase money, be able to buy life, not only for the worker, but
+for those for whom that worker is fairly bread-winner. And life means
+not only healthy food, reasonable clothing, cleanly, healthy shelter,
+education for the children until they are so sufficiently grown that
+labor shall not mean the crippling of after life--but also leisure.
+Leisure for some enjoyment, leisure for some stroll in the green fields,
+leisure for some look into the galleries of paintings and sculpture,
+leisure for some listening to the singer, the actor, the teacher;
+leisure that the sunshine of beauty may now and then gild the dull round
+of work-a-day life; and we assert that in any country where the price of
+honest earnest industry will not buy this, then that if there are any in
+that country who are very wealthy, there is social wrong to be reformed.
+But this is the distinction between those with whom I stand and the
+Socialists.
+
+We want reform, gradual, sure, and helpful. They ask for revolution,
+and know not its morrow. Revolution may be the only remedy in a country
+where there is no free press, no free speech, no association of workers,
+no representative institutions, and where the limits of despotic outrage
+are only marked by the personal fear of the despot. But in a country
+like our own, where the political power is gradually passing into the
+hands of the whole people, where, if the press is not entirely free
+it is in advance of almost every European country, and every shade of
+opinion may find its exponent, here revolution which required physical
+force to effect it would be a blunder as well as a crime. Here, where
+our workmen can organise and meet, we can claim reforms and win them.
+The wage-winners of Durham and Northumberland, under the guidance of
+able and earnest leaders, have won many ameliorations during the past
+twenty years. Each year the workers' Parliament meets in Trades Union
+Congress, to discuss and plan more complete success, and to note the
+gains of the year. Every twelve months, in the Co-operative Congresses,
+working men and women delegates gather together to consult and advise.
+Each annual period shows some progress, some advantage secured, and
+though there is much sore evil yet, much misery yet, much crime yet,
+much--far too much--poverty yet, to-day's progress from yesterday shows
+day-gleam for the people's morrow.
+
+
+Printed by Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, at 63, Fleet Street,
+London, E.O.--1884.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's Some Objections To Socialism, by Charles Bradlaugh
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