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diff --git a/36201.txt b/36201.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..acb8cd7 --- /dev/null +++ b/36201.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2924 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California Indians, +1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Francis Drake and the California Indians, 1579 + +Author: Robert F. Heizer + +Release Date: May 24, 2011 [EBook #36201] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + + + + +[Illustration: Francis Drake being "crowned" by the natives of New +Albion (California) in June, 1579. (From Arnoldus Montanus, _Die +unbekante neue Welt_; the Dapper issue, Amsterdam, 1673.)] + + + + + FRANCIS DRAKE AND + THE CALIFORNIA + INDIANS, 1579 + + BY + + ROBERT F. HEIZER + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS + BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES + 1947 + + + + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS + IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY + EDITORS (LOS ANGELES): + RALPH L. BEALS, FRANKLIN FEARING, HARRY HOIJER + + Volume 42, No. 3, pp. 251-302, + plates 18-21, 1 figure in text, 2 illus. + Submitted by editors February 27, 1946 + Issued March 20, 1947 + Price, cloth, $2.00; paper, $1.25 + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS + BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES + CALIFORNIA + + CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS + LONDON, ENGLAND + + PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + General Background 251 + + The Trinidad Bay Landfall Theory 255 + + The Arguments for the Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay Landfall 258 + + Analysis of the _World Encompassed_ Account 259 + + Additional Ethnographic Items in the Richard Madox and + John Drake Accounts 273 + + Supposed Indian Traditions of Drake's Visit 276 + + Recapitulation and Conclusion 277 + + APPENDIX + + I. The Sources 280 + + II. Excerpt from _The World Encompassed by + Sir Francis Drake_ 283 + + Plates 293 + + + + + FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE CALIFORNIA + INDIANS, 1579 + + BY + + ROBERT F. HEIZER + + + GENERAL BACKGROUND + +For nearly a century, historians, geographers, and anthropologists have +attempted to solve the problem of locating Francis Drake's anchorage in +California, but the opinion of no one investigator has been universally +accepted. Indeed, it seems likely that the problem will forever remain +insoluble in detail, although it may well be reduced to the possibility +that one of two bays, either Drake's or Bodega, was the scene of Drake's +stay in California. + +Historically and ethnographically, Drake's California visit is +exceedingly important. He was the first Englishman to see and describe +the Indians of Upper California, and the third Caucasian to mention +them. The account of the voyage given in _The World Encompassed by Sir +Francis Drake_ (London, 1628) (of uncertain authorship but usually +attributed to Francis Fletcher) gives the earliest detailed description +of California Indian life, including such particulars of native culture +as ceremonial behavior and linguistic terms. This account is reproduced +in Appendix II, below. + +Historians and geographers have long since stated their reasons and +qualifications for presenting certain conclusions about the location of +Drake's anchorage, but anthropologists have never insisted vigorously +enough that their contribution might be the most decisive of all in +solving the problem. If it can be shown that the Indian language and +culture described in the accounts of Drake's voyage to California are +clearly those of one or another of the coastal Indian tribes, there will +then be definite and unequivocal reasons for believing that in 1579 +Drake landed on a part of the California coast inhabited by that tribe. +Preliminary attempts at this type of solution have already been made, +first by the greatest authority on the California Indians, Professor A. +L. Kroeber,[1] and more recently by William W. Elmendorf and myself.[2] + +In order to establish the background for the present study, it will be +advisable to recapitulate the various opinions and claims. They may be +listed under the headings: geographical, historical, and +anthropological. + +_Geographical._--George C. Davidson, eminent and versatile scientist, +first approached the problem of the location of Drake's California +anchorage in 1858.[3] In the following years, as his familiarity with +literary and cartographical sources expanded, he published other +works,[4] and in 1908[5] he made his final statement. Davidson first +thought that Drake's landfall had been in San Francisco Bay, but after +more careful study he concluded that Drake's Bay was the anchorage (see +pl. 20). Davidson's views have been carefully and critically reviewed by +Henry R. Wagner[6] and J. W. Robertson.[7] Among other contributions +relating to the problem of Drake's anchorage should be mentioned the +works of Hubert Howe Bancroft[8] and the studies of Edward E. Hale,[9] +as well as the searching analysis of Alexander G. McAdie and a more +recent but similar paper by R. P. Bishop.[10] + +_Historical._--Although the trail was blazed by Davidson, it is Wagner +who first claims our attention. He has concluded, after an exhaustive +study of all available evidence, that Drake anchored first in Trinidad +Bay and later in Bodega Bay. The harbor now called Drake's Bay was not, +according to Wagner, the site of Drake's landfall in 1579. Robertson, +next mentioned above, is the author of a critical review of previous +"arguments advanced by certain historians in their selection of 'The +Harbor of St. Francis.'" + +_Anthropological._--Wagner's major work on Drake bears abundant evidence +that this historian, at least, is cognizant of the value of the +ethnographic check method. However, he has not utilized all available +documentary or ethnographic data to the fullest extent--a procedure of +the utmost importance. + +Davidson used the ethnographic method of solving the problem when he +identified the Limantour Estero shellmound site with the Indian village +depicted on the border map _Portus Novae Albionis_ of the Jodocus +Hondius map _Vera totius expeditionis nauticae_ (Amsterdam, 1590?)[11] +and cited as evidence a tradition of the Nicasio Indians. In his day, +many Coast Miwok Indians from Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay must have been +still living. If at that time he had obtained from them the information +which can no longer be found, owing to the extinction of the tribe, he +would have performed an inestimable service. + +In 1908, S. A. Barrett published his important work on Pomo +ethnogeography in which he reproduced the California data on the voyage +of Drake and made a brief evaluation.[12] After attempting a linguistic +check with the word _Hioh_ and directing attention to the +feather-decorated baskets as Pomo-like, Barrett concludes that "these +facts therefore point further to the tenability of the belief that +Drake's landing was somewhere north of San Francisco bay, possibly even +north of Point Reyes, though Pomo of the Southern and Southwestern +dialectic area may have journeyed down to Drake's bay bringing their +boat-shaped and ornamented baskets...."[13] + +In Professor Kroeber's _Handbook of the Indians of California_ there is +an ethnographical analysis of a paraphrased version of _The World +Encompassed_, together with an inquiry (more searching than that of +Barrett's in 1908) into the identification of the words, such as _Hioh_, +_Patah_, _Tobah_, and _Gnaah_, which appear in the Fletcher account.[14] +Kroeber summarizes: "The ethnologist thus can only conclude that Drake +summered on some piece of the coast not many miles north of San +Francisco, and probably in the lagoon to which his name now attaches. He +is assured that the recent native culture in this stretch existed in +substantially the same form more than 300 years ago, and he has +tolerable reason to believe that the Indians with whom the great +explorer mingled were direct ancestors of the Coast Miwok."[15] + +A verification of Kroeber's view has recently been presented in a short +paper written by Heizer and Elmendorf[16] on the identification of the +Indian words in the sixteenth-century accounts of Francis Fletcher and +Richard Madox.[17] (Madox's account is reproduced in App. I, below.) In +this paper it is shown that Drake must have landed in territory occupied +by the Coast Miwok-speaking natives (fig. 1), but the exact location of +his landing is not positively indicated since there are four bays along +Coast Miwok territory in which Drake might conceivably have +anchored.[18] Of these four bays, Bolinas, Drake's, Tomales, and Bodega, +only two, Drake's and Bodega, can be considered seriously. + +[Illustration: Fig. 1. Location of west-central California Indian +linguistic groups. A, Bodega Bay; B, Tomales Bay; C, Drake's Bay; D, +Bolinas Bay; E, San Francisco Bay.] + +A final piece of evidence, this time archaeological, has recently come +to light in the plate of brass left by Drake in 1579. This plate was +originally found at Laguna Ranch (pl. 21) on Drake's Bay in 1934 +(?),[19] was moved elsewhere, and was rediscovered in 1936.[20] Although +some skeptics have questioned the genuineness of the plate of +brass,[21] they have not altered the facts establishing the plate's +authenticity as shown by the investigations of such scholars as Allen +Chickering,[22] Professor Herbert E. Bolton,[23] and Drs. Fink and +Polushkin.[24] Consequently, the problem of Drake's anchorage is nearer +solution. Although the plate is a portable object, it was probably not +carried far. It could have been carried to Drake's Bay from Bodega Bay; +but, on the other hand, it could always have been at Drake's Bay. In the +absence of evidence that it was moved early in its history, it may not +be claiming overmuch to assume that the post with the plate of brass was +originally erected in Drake's Bay. + +So much, then, for an abbreviated review of the opinions on the location +of Francis Drake's California anchorage. Arguments have been advanced, +by other students, that Drake anchored in Trinidad, Bodega, or Drake's +Bay. It is my purpose here to analyze, as carefully as possible, the +ethnographic data contained in Francis Fletcher's account in _The World +Encompassed_, with the hope of determining in which of these bays Drake +actually stayed in June, 1579. The Trinidad Bay landfall theory will +first be investigated, in an attempt to determine whether the Indians +mentioned in Fletcher's account are identifiable with the Yurok tribe +which, in historic times, occupied this territory. + + + THE TRINIDAD BAY LANDFALL THEORY + +Henry R. Wagner is the chief proponent of the Trinidad Bay theory, and +bases his conclusion upon two lines of evidence, (1) cartographical and +(2) ethnographical.[25] The Jodocus Hondius map, with a small inset of +the _Portus Novae Albionis_, does resemble Trinidad Harbor, but since +all admit that the Hondius "Portus" is imperfectly drawn, and only +generally impressionistic, it can hardly be maintained that it resembles +less the outline of Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay. Wagner points out that +there was a Yurok village near the spot indicated on the Hondius map as +occupied by an Indian town.[26] But in Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay, the +outlines of which also resemble that of the _Portus Novae Albionis_, +there are also Indian shellmounds in about the same relative position as +the village shown on the Hondius map. + +Fletcher's reference to a "canow" has led Wagner to identify this with +the Yurok dugout log canoe. If Fletcher's "canow" were described in any +detail, it would settle the problem of whether it meant a Yurok dugout +log canoe or a Coast Miwok tule _balsa_ such as was used in Drake's or +Bodega Bay. Kroeber has also commented upon this unenlightening word, +saying, "Either custom changed after Drake's day, or his canoe is a +loose term for the tule _balsa_ which was often boat-shaped, with raised +sides, especially when intended for navigation." Wagner says in answer, +"To this it may be objected that ... tule _balsas_ were in use in +Drake's Bay in 1595 and were so recognized without difficulty." They +were recognized indeed, _but by a Spanish sailor already familiar with +the type_. Fletcher in his offhand manner dismissed the native boat with +a word which _he_ was familiar with. Perhaps the strongest argument in +favor of identifying Fletcher's "canow" as a tule _balsa_ lies in the +fact that he states that a single person came out to the _Golden Hinde_. +If it had been a Yurok dugout, and particularly in the open bay of +Trinidad, one man could not have managed the canoe. For example, the +Bruno de Hezeta account of Trinidad Bay in 1775 states: "Before they +[the Spaniards] drew near the land to drop anchor four canoes carrying +twenty-four men came out to receive them. They drew near the ships and +were given food and beads, with which they went away without +fear...."[27] It might also be worth noting that Fletcher states that +the person in the canoe remained "at a reasonable distance staying +himself," and would accept only a hat, "refusing vtterly to meddle with +any other thing...." One other account may be cited to support the +identification of the "canow" with the _balsa_. Sebastian Cermeno, in +1595 at Drake's Bay, wrote, "... many Indians appeared on the beach and +soon _one of them_ got into a small craft which they employ, like a +cacate of the lake of Mexico."[28] + +By inference, the native house described by Fletcher has been identified +as a Yurok house. I do not think this claim will hold, since the house +in Fletcher's account is described as semisubterranean, circular, +conical-roofed, covered with earth, and with a roof entrance, whereas +the Yurok dwelling (_not_ the sweathouse), built wholly of planks, is +rectangular, is a surface structure except for an interior rectangular +pit, has a round door entering just above the ground and through the +side wall, and bears a double-ridged roof with two slopes.[29] Thus, the +house described by Fletcher cannot be a Yurok house of Trinidad Bay. On +the other hand, as will be shown in detail later, the house described by +Fletcher is the central California earth-covered dwelling, typical of +the Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay. + +Wagner, in his attempt to show that Drake landed at Trinidad Bay, makes +a further point. He says: "An additional indication that Drake was in +this bay [Trinidad] may be gleaned from the finding there of knives in +1775 by Bruno Heceta.... It seems probable, then, that the knives found +at Trinidad by Heceta were relics of Drake's expedition."[30] It is +scarcely credible that numbers of iron knives, sword blades, and such +implements could have been preserved through two centuries of use. Since +the wooden-sheathed knives were expressly stated to be ill-made, and in +view of Fray Miguel de la Campa's statement in 1775 that "one of them +[i.e., one of the Indians] made his [knife] from a nail which he had +found in a piece of wreckage and had beaten out with a stone,"[31] it is +more than likely that the Trinidad Indians' knives were pounded out of +pieces of iron found imbedded in local sea-borne wreckage.[32] Logic and +probability lead inevitably to the conclusion that there is nothing in +the fact that knives were found at Trinidad Bay in 1775 from which to +suspect or to postulate Drake's presence in that place two centuries +earlier. + +Now for a brief comparison of some specific Indian culture elements and +examples of the language, as reported in _The World Encompassed_ and in +Richard Madox's narrative, with those of Yurok Indian culture. Madox was +chaplain on Edward Fenton's expedition of 1582, and in his diary are +some notes on California which he jotted down after conversation with +some members of the crew which had sailed with Drake two years earlier. + +The flat shell disk beads of the account are not an element of Yurok +material culture. The standard Yurok shell bead is the hollow tusk shell +(_Dentalia indianorum_), which is long, cylindrical, and of small +diameter. The feathered net caps may possibly find cognates in the +flicker headbands of the Yurok, though these bands were known over the +whole of interior and coastal California (cf. pl. 18, _a_). The +feathered baskets, however, cannot possibly be Yurok, since their +manufacture and use is restricted to the Pomo-Miwok-Wappo tribes which +lived far to the south of the Yurok. The "canow" of Fletcher, as had +been pointed out, can hardly be equated with the heavy Yurok river- and +ocean-going dugout canoe. This brief comparison should be convincing +evidence that Drake's chronicler did not describe the Trinidad Bay +Yurok; but there is added evidence in the word forms of the Madox +vocabulary. Madox gives "bread" as _Cheepe_, which the Yurok render +_pop-sho_. "Sing" is given as _Gnaah_ in _The World Encompassed_, the +Yurok word being _wer-o-rur_. "Chief" is given by Fletcher and Madox as +_Hioh_ or _Hioghe_, the Yurok word being _si-at-lau_. + +The decision of whether or not Drake entered Trinidad Bay, which is not +convenient as a port, and is, moreover, rock-studded,[33] must rest in +part upon a study of the Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_, of which, +Wagner says, "... perhaps a very close approximation to the actual +configuration of the bay [in which Drake anchored] cannot be expected." +Certainly the native customs, houses, and language do not offer the +slightest support to the theory that Drake observed the Yurok +Indians.[34] + + + THE ARGUMENTS FOR THE BODEGA BAY OR DRAKE'S BAY LANDFALL + +Wagner, then, has attempted to prove that Drake landed in Bodega Bay; +Davidson and McAdie, that he anchored in Drake's Bay; whereas Kroeber, +Heizer and Elmendorf, Barrett, and Bancroft failed to reach a decision +on which bay gave anchorage to the _Golden Hinde_. + +In the following pages I shall analyze by comparative ethnographic +technique the cultural data relating to the California Indians as given +in the several accounts of the Drake visit in 1579. These sources are: + + 1. The _World Encompassed_ account, which I judge to be the + fullest and most reliable.[35] + + 2. The _Famous Voyage_ account, which is abbreviated and + therefore less complete in detail.[36] + + 3. The second declaration of John Drake (1582), a brief + independent account of the occurrences in California (see + below, App. I).[37] + + 4. Richard Madox's notes on "Ships Land" (New Albion), which + contain a revealing vocabulary of the Indian language.[38] + +An exhaustive ethnography of the Coast Miwok has never been published. +The main sources of Coast Miwok ethnography used in this paper may be +enumerated as follows: + + 1. Data contained in various historical accounts. These are, + for the most part, incidental data and are not, even in total + amount, extensive. The accounts will be cited at the + appropriate places below. + + 2. Published ethnographic notes such as are given in S. A. + Barrett's _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring + Indians_, A. L. Kroeber's _Handbook of the Indians of + California_, and many others which likewise will be cited + below. + + 3. The extensive manuscript notes on the Coast Miwok in the + possession of Dr. Isabel Kelly. Dr. Kelly has kindly lent her + material for the purpose of checking ethnographic items. + + + ANALYSIS OF THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED ACCOUNT + +On June 17 (Old Style), Drake's ship entered "a conuenient and fit +harborough." The next day, "the people of the countrey shewed +themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow." +On the 21st, the ship was brought near shore, her goods were landed, and +defense works were erected. Numbers of natives made their appearance for +a brief time, then returned to their homes in a near-by village. At the +end of two days (June 23), during which no natives had been seen, there +appeared "a great assembly of men, women, and children." As the narrator +says, the local people seen on the 23d had probably "dispersed +themselues into the country, to make knowne the newes...." There follows +in the narrative a long and detailed account of the activities of the +natives who remained assembled near the camp of the English. Finally, +after three more days (the account says June 26), word of the strange +newcomers had spread even further, and there "were assembled the +greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably imagine, to dwell +within any conuenient distance round about." Among these were the +"king," the _Hioh_ of the Indians, and "his guard, of about 100 tall and +warlike men." + +This sequence of visits is of some interest. If Drake landed at Drake's +Bay, the natives seen by him on June 18 and 21 were certainly local +Coast Miwok living close at hand around the bay. The influx of people +on the 23d probably means that they were drawn from relatively near-by +Coast Miwok villages--from near Olema, or from both shores of Tomales +Bay. But even larger crowds of natives came on the 26th, and among them +were the _Hioh_ and his retinue. The group arriving on the 26th probably +came from some distance. If this crowd gathered at Drake's Bay, they +could well have been recruited from Bodega Bay, and possibly included a +number of Southern Pomo neighbors. The elapsed time (i.e., between June +21 and June 26) can be readily accounted for by two factors: (1) time +for communication to be established from Drake's to Bodega Bay and for +the return of the Bodega people, and (2) time for convocation of the +group, decision on a plan of action, and preparation for the elaborate +ceremony performed at the English camp on the 26th. + +If, however, Drake landed in Bodega Bay, the situation would be somewhat +different. The visitors of the 18th and 21st would be Bodega Coast +Miwok. Those arriving on the 23d could have been Tomales Bay or Olema +Coast Miwok, and the arrival on the 26th of the _Hioh_ with his retinue +and followers might mark the presence of Southern Pomo, or, less +probably, Central Pomo who were concentrated in the interior some fifty +miles north of Bodega Bay. + +It is credible, then, that Drake landed in either Drake's Bay or Bodega +Bay, since the native words listed by Fletcher and Madox all belong to +the Coast Miwok language and not to any Pomo dialect.[39] It is +improbable that the ceremonies, customs, and material culture forms +described by Fletcher can be _specifically_ attributed to the Pomo, as +intimated by Wagner,[40] for at least three reasons: (1) Northern Coast +Miwok and Southern Pomo cultures are practically indistinguishable; (2) +the words _Hioh_ and _Gnaah_ seem to be Coast Miwok words rather than +words of Pomo attribution; and (3) if Drake landed in Coast Miwok +territory it is unlikely that the Pomo would be permitted to enter the +territory of their southern neighbors and to perform a ceremony which +the Coast Miwok themselves were as well able to do. + +Following is an examination of the day-by-day account of Fletcher. + +_June 18._--A single man in a "canow" (probably a tule _balsa_) came out +to the ship and delivered an oration. The canoeman also brought with +him, and threw into the ship, a bunch of black feathers tied in a round +bundle, and a small basket filled with an herb ("Tobah"), both of which +were tied to a short stick. + +In 1595, Sebastian Cermeno noted almost exactly the same thing in +Drake's Bay,[41] and something very similar was observed by Francisco +Mourelle in Bodega Bay in 1775.[42] Cermeno says: "On the day on which +the ship anchored in the bay, about four o'clock in the afternoon, many +Indians appeared on the beach and soon one of them got into a small +craft which they employ like a cacate of the lake of Mexico. He came off +to the ship, where he remained quite a time talking in his language, no +one understanding what he said." Mourelle's statement is similar: there +is no mention of a speech by the Indians in "tule canoes," but they +presented the Spanish with plumes of feathers, "bone rosaries" (shell +bead necklaces?), garlands of feathers which they wore around their +heads, and a canister of seeds which tasted like walnuts. + +The feather bundle cannot be specifically identified, but it may be the +ceremonial black feather bundle (pl. 18, _b_) most often associated with +the central California Kuksu cult. Some of these have been illustrated +by Professor Kroeber[43] and R. B. Dixon.[44] The small basket filled +with the herb called _Tobah_ or _Tabah_ has led some students to +identify this herb as tobacco (_Nicotiana_ sp.) John P. Harrington +quotes the sections from _The World Encompassed_ which contain mention +of _Tabah_ or _Tobah_, and assumes that the word has reference to +tobacco (_Nicotiana bigelovii_).[45] Upon what grounds he identifies the +herb mentioned by Fletcher as tobacco is not stated, since the local +words for tobacco are different,[46] nor is it stated in the account +that the herb was smoked. Wagner doubts that the herb called _Tobah_ was +tobacco, and in this he and I are in agreement. It cannot be determined +whether or not a Nicotiana was referred to by Fletcher, nor is it likely +that this question will ever be settled. What does seem clear is that +"Tobah" is not an Indian word, but the name applied to the herb by the +English narrator.[47] This supposition is enhanced by the fact that _The +Famous Voyage_ mentions the herb by the name "tabacco," a word already +known in England before Drake started on his voyage around the +world.[48] It may be concluded that Fletcher's word "Tobah" or "Tabah" +comes from the English word "tabacco," "tobacco," "tabaco," and is not a +California Indian word. In this conclusion I am in agreement with +Professor Kroeber.[49] + +_June 18-21._--There is no mention of Indians between the 18th and the +21st of June. After referring to the man in the "canow," Fletcher +continues, "After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring +at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration." This +would indicate that June 19 and 20 were spent exploring the bay in a +small boat to discover a proper spot for careening the treasure-laden +ship, which had sprung a leak at sea. + +_June 21._--On this day the ship was brought near shore and anchored. +Goods were landed, and some sort of stone fortification was erected for +defense. The Indians made their appearance in increasing numbers until +there was a "great number both of men and women." It is clearly apparent +that the natives were not simply curious, but acted, as Fletcher points +out, "as men rauished in their mindes" and "their errand being rather +with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre +with vs as with mortall men." It would seem that the natives +demonstrated clearly their fear and wonderment at the English, and it is +certain that they behaved as no other natives had done in the experience +of the chronicler. The English gave their visitors shirts and linen +cloth, in return for which (as Fletcher thought) the Indians presented +to Drake and some of the English such things as feathers, net caps, +quivers for arrows, and animal skins which the women wore. Then, having +visited for a time, the natives left for their homes about +three-quarters of a mile away. As soon as they were home, the Indians +began to lament, "extending their voices, in a most miserable and +dolefull manner of shreeking." Inserted between the passages dealing +with the departure of the Indians to their homes and their lamenting is +a description of their houses and dress. The houses are described as +"digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of +the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, +like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with +earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the +most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the +smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in +a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely +with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their +fire in the middest...." The men for the most part were naked, and the +women wore a shredded bulrush (tule? _Scirpus_ sp.) skirt which hung +around the hips. Women also wore a shoulder cape of deerskin with the +hair upon it. + +[Illustration: Another representation of the "crowning" of Francis +Drake. (From an old engraving; provenience not known.)] + +From the foregoing facts some important conclusions can be drawn. +First, the wonderment of the natives is but an extension of attitudes +they had daily shown from the 17th to the 20th; and similar +manifestations continued throughout the long stay of the English.[50] +The English were looked upon as unusual, perhaps supernatural, visitors, +since nothing is more clear than the fact that they were not treated as +ordinary mortals. Kroeber has suggested that the Indians regarded the +English as the returned dead, and there is much to be said for this +view, as will be shown later. The doleful shrieking, weeping, and crying +are evidence _sui generis_ that the presence of the English was in some +way associated with ghosts or the dead.[51] + +The circular semisubterranean house, roofed over with poles and +earth-covered, is also characteristic of a wide area of central +California. The Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay[52] used these +houses, as did the Pomo.[53] It is clearly not a temporary brush-covered +house like those seen in the Bodega-Tomales Bay region.[54] The "caules +of network" undoubtedly refer to the well-known net caps of central +California,[55] a type so widespread that exact localization or +provenience is impossible. + +The Fletcher account is fairly specific on particulars of dress--women +wore shredded bulrush skirts and deerskin shoulder capes, and men were +ordinarily naked. The bulrush or tule-fiber clothing is attested for +Bodega Bay[56] and Drake's Bay,[57] but it is also found generally +throughout central California. Men were generally naked in California, +so Fletcher does not note here a distinctive cultural trait. The wearing +of deerskin capes by the women is not strictly substantiated by the +observations of later explorers, although Cermeno (1595) said that the +women in Drake's Bay "covered their private parts with straw and skins +of animals."[58] Archibald Menzies noted that the women in Tomales Bay +wore a deerskin wrapped around their middle and reaching to the +knees,[59] and Francisco Eliza said that near Bodega Bay "the women +cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins."[60] Colnett +mentions the Indian dress of deerskins in Bodega Bay.[61] + +_June 23._--On this day, after a two-day absence, "a great assembly of +men, women, and children" appeared at the camp of the English. The +Indians stopped at the top of the hill at the bottom of which Drake's +camp was pitched, and one man made "a long and tedious oration: +deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to +the vttermost strength of nature...." At the conclusion of the speech or +oration, all the other Indians reverently bowed their bodies "in a +dreaming manner" (?) and cried "_Oh_" in approbation. Then the men, +leaving their bows, women, and children behind them, came down to the +English with presents and gifts. While the men were gift giving, the +women cried and shrieked piteously, tore their cheeks with their +fingernails until the blood flowed, tore off the single covering from +the upper parts of the body, and, holding their hands high, cast +themselves on the ground with great violence, regardless of +consequences. The English, grieved at this spectacle of sacrifice, +attempted to dissuade the Indians by praying and indicating by signs +that their God lived above. During this "performance" (prayers, singing +Psalms, and reading chapters of the Bible), the Indians "sate very +attentiuely: and obseruing the end of euery pause, with one voice still +cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our exercises." The natives were +watching with great interest what seemed to them a ceremonial +performance (which it actually was, but not in the sense in which the +Indians understood it). The singing of Psalms interested the Indians +most, and whenever the natives came, says Fletcher, their first request +was _Gnaah_, an entreaty that the English should sing. After the Indians +and English had exchanged ceremonial performances of a religious +nature, the Indians again departed, giving back to the English +everything they had received. + +The oration by the man at the top of the hill may perhaps be likened to +a speech that Cermeno made note of, when, in 1595, he was at Drake's +Bay: "... Indians from near by kept coming and the chief talked a long +time."[62] It is not improbable that the speaker mentioned by Fletcher +was a messenger dispatched to announce the later coming of the big +chief.[63] Or, the orator may simply have been a local village chief who +delivered a long address or salutation to the English. The existence, at +least, of such orators is known.[64] The signal of approbation, "Oh," +has already been remarked upon by S. A. Barrett: "The expressions of +assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not +only by the Moqueluman Coast Miwok peoples of this region but by the +Pomo to the north where such expressions as _o_, _yo_, _iyo_, varying +with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the sentiment +expressed by the speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of a +dance."[65] When the preliminaries were over, the men came down the +hill, and the women remained behind, lamenting, and lacerating their +flesh. Crying and tearing the cheeks with the fingernails, as an +ethnographic practice in connection with mourning, is documented for the +Coast Miwok[66] and Pomo.[67] The word _Gnaah_, by which (so Fletcher +states) the Indians asked the English to sing, can possibly be likened +to the Coast Miwok _koya_, "sing."[68] If it is granted that _Gnaah_ is +equivalent to _koya_, there is good reason to believe that Coast Miwok +were the main frequenters of Drake's camp, since Fletcher says, "... +whensoever they resorted to vs, their first request was _Gnaah_, by +which they intreated that we would sing." The words for "sing" in +neighboring Indian tongues are so unlike _Gnaah_ that no idea of +connection can be entertained. + +_June 26._--After three days, there "were assembled the greatest number +of people which wee could reasonably imagine to dwell within any +conuenient distance round about." Included in the crowd were the "king" +and his "guard" of about one hundred men. Before the king showed +himself, two "Embassadors or messengers" appeared, to announce his +coming and to ask for a present "as a token that his comming might be in +peace." Drake complied, and soon the "king with all his traine came +forward." The king and his retinue "cryed continually after a singing +manner" as they came, but as they approached nearer they strove to +"behaue themselues with a certaine comelinesse and grauity in all their +actions." In the front of the procession came a man bearing the "Septer +or royall mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, to which +were tied long, looped strings of shell disk beads, and two "crownes," a +larger and a smaller, made of knitwork and covered with a pattern of +colored feathers. Only a few men were seen to wear the disk bead +necklaces ("chaines"). Fletcher observes that in proportion to the +number of "chaines" a man wears, "as some ten, some twelve, some +twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby +knowne to be the more honorable personages." Next to the scepter bearer +was the king (_Hioh_), surrounded by his guard. On his head he wore a +net cap ("cawle") decorated with feathers in the same manner as the +"crownes" described above, "but differing much both in fashion and +perfectness of work." From the king's shoulders hung a waist-length coat +of the skins of "conies." Members of his guard each wore a coat of +similar cut, but of different skins. Some of the guard wore net caps +"stuck with feathers," or covered with a light, downy substance, +probably milkweed down. Only those persons who were close to the king +wore the down-filled or down-covered net caps and feather plumes on +their heads. + +Following the procession of the king and his guard came the "naked sort +of common people." Their long hair was gathered behind into a bunch in +which were stuck plumes of feathers, but in the front were only single +feathers which looked "like hornes." Every Indian had his face painted +in black or white or other colors, and every man brought some sort of +gift. The procession was brought up behind by the women and children. +Each woman carried against her breast a round basket or so, filled with +a number of articles such as bags of _Tobah_; a root called _Petah_, +which was made into meal and either baked into bread or eaten raw; +broiled pilchard-like fishes; and the seed and down of milkweed (?). The +baskets are carefully described by Fletcher as "made in fashion like a +deep boale ... [and] about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of +shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a +place, of the chaines aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were +vessels wholly dedicated to the only vse of the gods they worshipped: +and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red +feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes." + +As the crowd of people came near, they gave a general salutation and +were then silent. The scepter bearer, prompted by another man who +whispered, delivered in a loud voice an oration which lasted half an +hour. When the oration was ended, "there was a common _Amen_, in signe +of approbation giuen by euery person...." Then the company, leaving the +little children behind, came down to the foot of the hill where the +English had their camp. Here the scepter bearer began to sing and danced +in time to the song. The king, his guard, and all the others joined in +the singing and dancing, except the women, who danced but did not sing. +The women had torn faces, their bodies showed bruises and other +lacerations which had been self-inflicted before the Indians had +arrived. After the assembly of natives had concluded their dance, they +indicated by signs that Drake should be seated. This done, the king and +several others delivered orations to Drake, and, concluding with a song, +placed the crown upon his head and hung all the shell disk bead +necklaces around his neck. Many other gifts were tendered to Drake, and +the name _Hioh_ was bestowed upon him. Fletcher interpreted this +ceremony as the giving up of the kingdom to Drake, a thought hardly +ascribable to the Indians. It is quite clear, however, that Drake was +individually and specially honored by the leader of the California +natives, and was invested with a name, _Hioh_. + +After the "crowning" was concluded, the common people, both men and +women, dispersed among the English, "taking a diligent view and survey +of every man." When a native found an Englishman who pleased his fancy, +and the youthful Englishmen were preferred, a personal "sacrifice" in +the form of weeping, moaning, shrieking, and tearing of the face with +the fingernails was offered. As might be expected, such a scene was +embarrassing and uncomfortable to the English, and the strongest efforts +were of no avail in disabusing the Indians of their "idolatry." After a +time the Indians quieted down and began to show to the English "their +griefes and diseases which they carried about with them, some of them +hauing old aches, some shruncke sinewes, some old soares and canckred +vlcers, some wounds more lately receiued, and the like, in most +lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure thereof from vs: making signes +that if we did but blowe vpon their griefes, or but touched the diseased +places, they would be whole." The English applied various unguents to +the affected places, continuing the treatment as the natives resorted to +the camp from time to time. + +Now to analyze the happenings of June 26. The "Embassadors or +messengers" of Fletcher are probably correctly identified, since the +custom of having messengers who announce the coming of a chief and his +party is known to have existed at least among the Pomo[69] and probably +among the Coast Miwok, although there is no specific mention of such a +practice among the latter. Even the custom that messengers should ask +for a present for the "king" (i.e., chief) is known to have been +observed by the Pomo.[70] It is impossible to identify the man who bore +the "scepter" or "mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, +but the scepter itself seems identifiable with the staff known +ethnographically to have been used in the central California Kuksu or +ghost ceremony.[71] + +The assemblage of the black stick with pendant "feathered crowns" and +clamshell disk beads has not been noted by any modern ethnographer, but +the flat, circular, centrally drilled white beads of clamshell are +familiar (pl. 18, _c_). They were made from clamshells dug at Bodega +Bay, the source of these beads for most of the Indians of central +California.[72] It is of some interest to note that in later times the +beads have been very abundant, and that in the last 350 years the +manufacture and use of clamshell disk beads have been much increased. +The net "crownes" covered with a pattern of colored feathers are +described by Fletcher in terms so general that exact identification is +difficult. They may have resembled some of those illustrated by Dixon, +who collected them from the Northern Maidu.[73] At least, net caps with +feather decorations were commonly used in Coast Miwok[74] and Pomo[75] +ceremonies. The king's guard was probably composed of a number of male +initiates of a secret society who naturally would separate themselves +from the women and children when engaged in ceremonial duties.[76] The +net cap of the king or _Hioh_ was different from that of the others, and +it is not improbable that it was one of the flicker-quill headbands so +well known for the area (pl. 18, _a_).[77] This identification is at +best tentative, however, since there was in this area a bewildering +array of types of feather-decorated ceremonial headgear. The king's coat +of conyskins seems to have been distinguished from those of his guard. +The guards' coats may have been made of pocket gopher or mountain beaver +skins, and the king's coat was possibly of woven rabbitskin blankets, +common to both the Pomo and the Coast Miwok.[78] What seems unusual is +that there is no mention in Fletcher's account of the feather cloaks or +skirts used in later times on ceremonial occasions. I have been unable +to find any ethnographic data on a special skin coat for chiefs or +ceremonial leaders. The down-filled head net undoubtedly refers to the +central Californian net cap.[79] The feather plumes mentioned by +Fletcher as worn on the head by persons close to the king may have been +of several of the numerous types used in central California. Examples +are illustrated by Dixon[80] and Kroeber.[81] The repeated mention by +Fletcher of the use of feathers indicates clearly that their ceremonial +use was highly developed at this period. The single feathers resembling +"horns" are an ethnographic feature of the costume of the ghost dancer +among the Pomo,[82] and although there is no documentary evidence that +the Coast Miwok wore feathers in such a manner, it seems likely, in view +of the very close correspondence between Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonial +features, that they did so. The practice of painting the body is an +almost invariable feature of Coast Miwok[83] and Pomo[84] ceremonies. + +The gifts brought by the women in round baskets included bags of _Tobah_ +(already discussed), broiled fish, the seed and down of some plant +(milkweed?),[85] and a root called _Petah_ or _Patah_. Neither the Pomo +nor the Coast Miwok remember today any root or bulb with a name +resembling _Petah_ or _Patah_. Elmendorf and I have agreed with Kroeber +that _Petah_ is probably to be linked with the word "potato" in one or +another of its various forms. Kroeber thinks that the description +indicates the wild onion (_Brodiaea_), called _putcu_ in Coast Miwok, +and this is not improbable. However, soaproot (_Chlorogalum_), which was +sometimes baked into a bread, would also fill the description. It is +called _haka_ by the Coast Miwok, and it is barely possible, though +hardly probable, that _haka_ could have been heard and recorded as +_Patah_ or _Petah_. Since Fletcher speaks of _Petah_ as a root, it +seems improbable that he was describing acorns (called _uemba_ in Coast +Miwok); yet even this remote possibility may be entertained, since Madox +recorded _cheepe_ as bread, and Coast Miwok _tcipa_ means acorn bread. +The word _Petah_, and botanical identification, must remain in limbo +until further data are at hand. + +The feather-decorated baskets offer evidence, as Barrett and Kroeber +have indicated, that Drake landed on the coast immediately north of San +Francisco Bay. The baskets (pl. 19) are described as shaped like a deep +bowl, covered with a matted down of red feathers worked into various +patterns, and further embellished with pendant drops of pearl shell +(_Haliotis_) and two or three disk beads in various places. Such baskets +were made only by the Coast Miwok,[86] Pomo,[87] Lake Miwok, and Wappo. +Kroeber states that these baskets "served as gifts and treasures; and +above all they were destroyed in honor of the dead."[88] It is clear +that, in 1579, feathered baskets similar in manufacture and use to the +native baskets of today were known in this Coast Miwok area. + +The scepter bearer, prompted in a low voice by another man, delivered a +long oration. The Coast Miwok have such orators; among those Indians the +office of speechmaker is a special one.[89] The Pomo have orators,[90] +as do most other central Californians. The _Amen_, or sign of general +approbation, following the oration has already been commented upon. Then +the natives performed a dance to the accompaniment of a song led by the +scepter bearer (or orator)[91] and joined in by the men, while the women +danced but remained silent. Among the Pomo and Coast Miwok each ceremony +has a song in connection with its observance.[92] + +The episode of the crowning has no parallel in native custom or +ceremonial behavior, probably because "crowning" was a unique experience +for the Indians as well as the English. This fact should be kept in mind +in judging and estimating the natives' actions and reactions--they were +as puzzled as the English. Drake was specifically honored by the +Indians, and there is no reason to doubt Fletcher when he states that +the name _Hioh_ was given to him. It has been suggested that _Hioh_ was +a term of salutation or an interjection,[93] but there is no reason to +believe that this was so. The word finds possible equivalents in Coast +Miwok for chief, _hoipu_, _hoipa_, or friend, _oiya_.[94] Since the +Interior Miwok word for chief is _haiapo_, there is a bare possibility +that the _hoi_ of today may have been rendered _hai_ in 1579, though +there is no direct evidence to support this suggestion. It should be +mentioned here that the Madox account independently verifies Fletcher's +remarks on the episode of the crowning, as well as the word for "king" +(chief?), which Madox renders as _Hioghe_.[95] + +The close scrutiny of the English by the Indians following the +"crowning" ceremony indicates that the main business of the day (i.e., +the ceremonial crowning by secret society initiates) was over, and that +the general public could now take part in the festivities. Of great +interest are Fletcher's statements to the effect that the most youthful +Englishmen were repeatedly selected as recipients of personal sacrifice +and adoration which took the form of lamenting, moaning, weeping, +wailing, and self-lacerating. Only one conclusion can be drawn: the +Indians supposed that they were looking upon relatives returned from the +dead, and hence performed the usual mourning observances. + +After all these ceremonies were concluded, the Indians showed the +English their infirmities, aches, sores, and wounds, and it was made +clear that if the English would but blow upon them they would be made +well. This accords fairly well with the curing aspect of certain local +ceremonies. For example, the Kuksu doctor of the Pomo might cure by +blowing "his whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly +those recognized by the patients as the seats of pain."[96] There is no +mention of the use of whistles in connection with the ceremony enacted +by the Indians. Whistles are so commonly used in local ceremonies that +their omission is noteworthy. The detailed nature of the account +indicates that this feature was not so strongly developed in 1579 as it +is today in local native custom. + +_General observations, and occurrences from June 27 to July 23._--The +natives were almost constant visitors, and it is noted that ordinarily +every third day they brought their "sacrifices" (?). From this and other +indications it seems possible that the ceremonial number of the Indians +was three. The ceremonial number of the adjoining Pomo is four.[97] The +Coast Miwok ceremonial number was probably four, though there is no +direct evidence to support this supposition. The Indian bow is spoken of +as weak and "more fit for children than for men," a remark to be +expected from the English, who were even then employing the famous +longbow. The English were impressed with the strength of the natives, +but, for Indians accustomed to transporting everything on their backs, +their feats of strength seem not surprising. It is also noted that the +natives were good at running and that this was the ordinary means of +travel. The English admired the native surf fishing. Kroeber has +interpreted the passage, "if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so +neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without swimming, they +would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it," as signifying diving for +fish in the surf. Since this unusual practice is not otherwise recorded +ethnographically for any coastal Californian tribe, some other +explanation may be in order, and I suggest that Fletcher may have had +reference to surf fishing with a round hand net, a practice known to +have been followed by the Coast Miwok.[98] One gets the impression that +the English found much to admire in their native friends. + +Drake, his gentlemen, and others of the ship's company made an +expedition into the interior to see the native villages and the country +round about. The houses were all of the semisubterranean, circular type +discussed previously. Two animals were seen, as also herds of deer and +great numbers of "conies," a name which, as used by Fletcher, seems to +fit no known animal living today in this coastal area.[99] + +The country was named _Albion_ "in respect of the white bancks and +cliffes, which lie toward the sea ...," and a post was set up with an +engraved brass plate nailed to it. The white cliffs are one of the most +conspicuous features of Drake's Bay.[100] That the plate of brass has +been found at Drake's Bay is a fact of the greatest significance. + +Upon the departure of the English, the Indians were sorrowful, and they +burned a "sacrifice" of a string of disk beads and a bunch of feathers. +The burning of shell beads in memory and honor of the dead, a custom +which Fletcher may have described, is known for the Coast Miwok,[101] +Pomo,[102] and neighboring groups.[103] + +Aside from those actions of the natives which are usually associated +with their attitudes toward the dead (weeping, moaning, self-laceration, +use of feathered baskets, sacrifice of shell beads and feathers in the +fire), there are other evidences that the English were regarded as the +returned spirits of the dead. First is Fletcher's observation that the +Indians were "standing when they drew neere, as men rauished in their +mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard +of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare +to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall +men. Which thing as it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did +it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of +our abode amongst them." Except for the sole occasion, at the conclusion +of the ceremony on June 26, when the Indians embraced the youthful +Englishmen, the natives seem to have avoided touching the whites. This +is most understandable if it is believed that they looked upon the +English as the dead returned,[104] for bodily contact with a dead person +or spirit was certain, in their minds, to have disastrous results. +Further evidence of this may be contained in the statement: "Our General +hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their departure they +restored them all againe; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoeuer +hee had receiued...." There is one more bit of inferential evidence +along this line which comes from the Madox account. This is the phrase +_Nocharo mu_, "touch me not" (i.e., _notcato mu_, "keep away"). It may +be asked why Madox recorded this particular phrase out of the many his +informant must have heard. The answer is perhaps to be found in the +simple fact that the English heard this phrase uttered a great many +times, and it stuck in their memory. In view of the fact that the +natives held the English in fear as dead people, the phrase "touch me +not" might often have been used toward amorous sailors, or against any +form of bodily contact. + + + ADDITIONAL ETHNOGRAPHIC ITEMS IN THE RICHARD MADOX AND + JOHN DRAKE ACCOUNTS + +In the second deposition of John Drake, cousin to Francis Drake (see +below, App. I), there is no new information. There is, however, +independent corroboration of the weeping and self-laceration referred +to repeatedly in the _World Encompassed_ account. The natives are +mentioned as having bows and arrows and as being naked, both of which +items are mentioned by Fletcher. The Indians' sadness at the departure +of the English, as remarked by John Drake, is a further verification of +Fletcher's observations as presented in some detail in _The World +Encompassed_. + +The brief Madox account is of particular interest since a number of +words in the Indian language, a song, and the episode of the crowning +are mentioned. The linguistic items are given as follows: + + _Cheepe_ bread _Nocharo mu_ tuch me not + _Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe _Hioghe_ a king + +As Elmendorf and I have already pointed out, the vocabulary may be +assigned conclusively to the Coast Miwok language.[105] _Cheepe_, +"bread," is equivalent to modern Coast Miwok _tcipa_, "acorn bread." +This word alone is the clearest possible evidence that Drake's Indian +acquaintances were Coast Miwok. _Huchee kecharoh_, "sit down," probably +is an incorrect translation of the phrase. The closest approximation in +modern Coast Miwok is _atci kotcato_, "step into the house," and _hoki +kotcado_, "go into the house" (_tc_ is phonetically equivalent to the +sound _ch_ as in chin). It is possible to explain these differently +stated meanings of these phonetically similar phrases as owing to +incorrect inductions of meaning under specific circumstances. Kelly's +Coast Miwok ethnographic informants stated that, according to old +custom, whenever people came to a house they were asked to walk in and +were offered a seat in the rear of the house, and food was placed before +them. In some such situation, particularly if the English had occasion +to be often in the Indian village, they may have repeatedly heard the +invitation, "step into the house." Likewise, the phrase _Nocharo mu_, +"touch me not," may have been translated by Madox (or his informant) +only vaguely, since it represents a situation rather than a concrete +object, which would be less liable to misinterpretation. Modern Coast +Miwok offers a close parallel in the form of _notcato mu_, which may be +literally translated "stay over there," or "stay away" (_notca_, +"farther," "yonder"). + +Madox's word for king, _Hioghe_, is similar to that given by Fletcher +(_Hioh_ or _Hyoh_), except that the _ghe_ ending is unusual. From the +words of the Indian song given by Madox (see below), in which _heigh_ +(i.e., _hai_) appears, it might be suspected that the _gh_ is silent; +yet why is the terminal _e_ present? It may be that if _Hioghe_ were +exactly similar phonetically to _Hioh_, there would not be a terminal +_e_ in _Hioghe_. Thus Madox's' _Hioghe_ may indicate a terminal sound +(short or weak _e_?) and therefore be close to modern Coast Miwok +_hoipa_ (and Sierra Miwok _haiapo_). That the _gh_ might be an +indication of the _p_ sound is possible, or, again, it could represent +Madox's attempt to render a weak or indefinite labial sound which was +imperfectly remembered by his informant. Too close a phonetic +transcription of an Indian language by Elizabethan Englishmen should not +be expected--there was little standardization in English spelling[106] +at that time. The foregoing is not advanced as an argument to show that +the terminal "e" was sounded, but is merely presented as a possibility. +Elizabethan English commonly used an unpronounced terminal "e." The song +of the Indians "when they worship god" is given by Madox as _Hodeli oh +heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_. No Coast Miwok or Pomo song on record +accords exactly with that given by Madox, although some are quite +similar. For example, a Coast Miwok _Suya_ song transcribed by Kelly is +a repetitive line _Yo ya he yo he o_. Other examples from the Coast +Miwok are not available, but some Pomo ceremonial songs may be cited. +Stephen Powers[107] gives a Sanel Pomo song: + + _Hel-lel-li-ley + Hel-lel-lo + Hel-lel-lu_ + +E. M. Loeb[108] gives several Pomo songs which are associated with the +Kuksu or ghost ceremony: + + 1. _He yo he yo he yo + He yoha eheya ye + To ya he yo ho ho_ + + 2. _Tali, tali, yo yo weya yo, weya yo, + ha hi he ya he hotsaii ya hi ho._ + + 3. _He ha le me, le lu hi ma humane, hu ..._ + +Other Pomo songs used in ceremonies are given by Loeb:[109] + + 1. _=U =u hulai leli ha ha._ + + 2. _He he la le ha hi hi hi, ya ya ya, hu wa!_ + + 3. _Yo yo hale e he na gagoya =o he he!_ + + 4. _Ho yu ko, he he, a ha a a. Hi ye ko, lai ye ko, He tsi ye._ + + 5. _Yo ho yo ho yaho, he yo ho waha._ + +These examples show how generally similar are the Coast Miwok[110] and +Pomo ceremonial songs of today to the song of 1579 given by Madox. Here +again an exact correspondence should not be expected, since it is not +known whether the song given by Madox was one associated with a +particular ceremonial occurrence, nor is it known how changeable these +songs are. And again, in the time that has passed and in the changing +course of circumstances since 1579, some exactness has almost inevitably +been sacrificed. Madox's statement that the natives sang "one dauncing +first wh his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people" +verifies Fletcher's description of the singing and dancing at the time +of the great ceremony of June 26. + + + SUPPOSED INDIAN TRADITIONS OF DRAKE'S VISIT + +Professor George Davidson was the second investigator to use an Indian +tradition as evidence of the Drake's Bay location of the 1579 +visit.[111] The source of the tradition is in J. P. Munro-Fraser's +_History of Marin County_,[112] and is stated as follows: + + First of all comes an old Indian legend which comes down + through the Nicasios to the effect that Drake did land at this + place [Drake's Bay]. Although they have been an interior tribe + ever since the occupation by the Spaniards and doubtless were + at that time, it still stands to reason that they would know + all about the matter. If the ship remained in the bay + thirty-six days it is reasonable to suppose that a knowledge of + its presence reached every tribe within an area of one hundred + miles and that the major portion of them paid a visit to the + bay to see the "envoys of the Great Spirit," as they regarded + the white seamen. One of these Indians named Theognis who is + reputed to have been one hundred and thirty years old when he + made the statement, says that Drake presented the Indians with + a dog, some young pigs, and seeds of several species of + grain.... The Indians also state that some of Drake's men + deserted him here, and, making their way into the country, + became amalgamated with the aboriginals to such an extent that + all traces of them were lost, except possibly a few names + [Nicasio, Novato] which are to be found among the Indians. + +Wagner feels that there is no reason or evidence to indicate that the +Nicasio Indian tradition refers to Drake,[113] a conclusion with which I +agree. If any early expedition did leave pigs with the Coast Miwok, it +could have been the Spanish one of 1793, which attempted unsuccessfully +to form a settlement at Bodega Bay. Felipe Goycoechea, in 1793 +specifically mentions seeing some pigs and chickens which the Spanish +had left earlier in the year with the Indians at that place.[114] With +Wagner's statement that, if any credit can be given to the pig episode, +Cermeno may have been the donor,[115] I cannot agree, mainly for the +reason that Cermeno's crew were hungry and would not have given the +Indians any pigs if they had had them. The story of the dog is +interesting since neither the Pomo nor Coast Miwok had dogs in +pre-Spanish times, and the evidence indicates that dogs were introduced +shortly after 1800.[116] Aside from these facts, the supposed Nicasio +tradition does not have a true ring--it is not the type of story that +Indians are accustomed to tell. + +A belief among the Coast Miwok[117] and some Pomo[118] tribes that the +home of the dead is associated with Point Reyes should perhaps be taken +into account. The belief is that this seaward projection is associated +with the dead, who follow a string leading out through the surf to the +land of the dead. It is barely possible that this belief, which is quite +clearly of Coast Miwok origin, is a legendary reminiscence of Drake's +visit which seems to have been, in part at least, interpreted by the +Indians as the return of the dead. It may be superfluous to mention that +no Indian has ever stated his idea of the origin of this legend,[119] or +of its association with the visit of Drake's party; yet there remains +the possibility that the occurrence made an impression so deep that +Point Reyes became in this way associated with the home of the dead in +the west, from which the English were supposed to have come and gone. If +this tradition were associated with Drake, it would, of course, signify +that his anchorage was behind Point Reyes in Drake's Bay. On the other +hand, this remarkable point which juts far out into the ocean is a +prominent feature of Coast Miwok territory, and by reason of its unique +topography might have been associated with local ceremonial +beliefs.[120] + +I may conclude this discussion by saying that no direct evidence of +Drake's visit in 1579 is to be found in recorded local Indian +traditions. In view of the long time that has intervened, no native +legendary evidence is to be expected. Euhemerism is ordinarily rather an +unproductive and hazardous approach for the historian. + + + RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION + +The results of this survey can now be weighed and a solution to the +problem of the location of Drake's California anchorage suggested. + +It has been shown that there is not a scrap of ethnographic evidence to +suggest that Drake landed in Trinidad Bay and saw the Yurok Indians. The +Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_ might apply equally to Bodega Bay or +Drake's Bay, and by itself can only rise to the level of supporting, +rather than primary, evidence. Thus, in reference to the Trinidad Bay +theory, the map cannot alone and unaided prove the point against the +overwhelming evidence to the contrary. + +The ethnographic evidence indicates strongly, indeed almost +conclusively, that Drake landed in territory occupied by Coast Miwok +Indians.[121] Since Pomo culture and Coast Miwok Indian culture were so +similar as to be almost indistinguishable, the culture described by +Fletcher might refer to either Coast Miwok or Pomo, and no solution +would be forthcoming were it not for the additional fact that _all_ the +unquestionably native words (_Hioh_, _Gnaah_, _Huchee kecharo_, _Nocharo +mu_, _Cheepe_) are of Coast Miwok derivation. It may therefore be +concluded that Drake had contact mainly with the Coast Miwok. Any effort +to prove that the customs described point expressly to the Pomo as +Drake's visitors would have to deny the linguistic proofs and rest upon +the unlikely assumption that Pomo and Coast Miwok culture were markedly +divergent in 1579.[122] The Pomo ethnographic data cited here are +therefore to be looked upon not as unique Pomo cultural traits, but as +supplementary, comparative material which is at a premium for the Coast +Miwok. But there are two bays in Coast Miwok territory to which Drake +might have brought his ship. These are Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay. + +No internal evidence points specifically to either Drake's or Bodega +Bay--the accounts lack geographical detail,[123] the ethnographic Coast +Miwok culture was in operation in both bays, and contemporary maps are +so inaccurate and open to variable interpretation that nothing definite +can be ascertained from their inspection. What is needed, therefore, is +some hint or lead which will break this stalemate. There are two such +leads. The first is the plate of brass left by Drake and recently found +at Drake's Bay. Granted the authenticity of the Drake plate, it now does +not rank as an isolated find, however spectacular, but rather as good +supporting evidence of the conclusion based upon my ethnographic +analysis. The second point of evidence is Fletcher's statement that +"this country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called." The _Famous +Voyage_ version says almost the same, except that the country was named +_Nova Albion_, which agrees more closely with the wording of the Drake +plate. Wagner has discussed the white cliffs,[124] but his argument is +unconvincing. There is no good reason to doubt that the cliffs mentioned +were at the bay, since Fletcher implies that the naming took place +before the departure.[125] And it must be remembered that white cliffs +which face toward the sea[126] are at Drake's Bay and _not at Bodega_. + +In June, 1579, then, Drake probably landed in what is now known as +Drake's Bay. He remained there for five weeks repairing his ship, and +found the Indians the most remarkable objects of interest with which he +came in contact. From a comparative analysis of the detailed +descriptions of the native ceremonies, artifacts, and language I +conclude that in the fullest authentic account, _The World Encompassed_, +it is the Coast Miwok Indians that are referred to. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Alfred L. Kroeber, _Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau +of American Ethnology, Bulletin 78 (Washington, D.C., 1925). + +[2] Robert F. Heizer and William W. Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's +California Anchorage in the Light of the Indian Language Spoken There," +_Pacific Historical Review_, XI (1942), 213-217. + +[3] George C. Davidson, "Directory for the Pacific Coast of the United +States," _Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey ... 1858_ +(Washington, D.C., 1859). App. 44, pp. 297-458. + +[4] George C. Davidson, "An Examination of Some of the Early Voyages of +Discovery and Exploration on the Northwest Coast of America from 1539 to +1603," _Report of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey ... June, 1886_ +(Washington, D.C., 1887), App. 7, pp. 155-253; and _Identification of +Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage on the Coast of California in the Year +1579_, California Historical Society Publications (San Francisco, 1890). + +[5] George C. Davidson, "Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast of America +in the Year 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay of San +Francisco," _Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical Society of +the Pacific_, ser. 2, Bull. 5. + +[6] Henry R. Wagner, "George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast +of America," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), +299-320. The idea that Drake entered San Francisco Bay was held by +others than Davidson. See, for example, J. D. B. Stillman, "Did Drake +Discover San Francisco Bay?" _Overland Monthly_, I (1868), 332-337. See +also Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ (San +Francisco, 1926), chaps. vii and viii, and notes on pp. 488-499, esp. +pp. 495-496. + +[7] J. W. Robertson, _The Harbor of St. Francis_ (San Francisco, 1926). + +[8] Hubert Howe Bancroft, _History of California_, Vol. I: _1542-1800_ +(San Francisco, 1884), pp. 81-94. + +[9] Edward Everett Hale, in Justin Winsor, _Narrative and Critical +History of the United States_, Vol. III, pp. 74-78. + +[10] Alexander G. McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," _Proceedings of the +American Antiquarian Society_, n. s., XXVIII (1918), 189-198. R. P. +Bishop, "Drake's Course in the North Pacific," _British Columbia +Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), 151-182. + +[11] F. P. Sprent, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage round the World, +1577-1580, Two Contemporary Maps_ (London, 1927), pp. 10-11, map 2. + +[12] Samuel A. Barrett, _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring +Indians_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 6, No. 1 +(Berkeley, 1908), pp. 28-37. + +[13] _Ibid._, n. 7, pp. 36-37. + +[14] Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 275-278. + +[15] J. W. Robertson (_Francis Drake and Other Early Explorers along the +Pacific Coast_, San Francisco, 1927), in discussing Kroeber's analysis +of the Fletcher account (_op. cit._, p. 177), says: "There seems to be +no proof either that Drake landed at any particular harbor, or that +anything can be adduced so specific as to establish his residence on +this coast." The latter part of this statement cannot be maintained +seriously in the face of Kroeber's presentation of direct evidence to +the contrary. + +[16] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage." + +[17] The words recorded by Fletcher are in _The World Encompassed_. The +Madox vocabulary was printed by E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the +Pacific," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. Madox's +account has been further discussed by Wagner in the _California +Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311. + +[18] See Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, map facing p. 332, and Kroeber, +_Handbook_, fig. 22, p. 274, for the area held by the Coast Miwok. + +[19] For details see _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI +(1937), 192. + +[20] For particulars see _Drake's Plate of Brass: Evidence of His Visit +to California in 1579_, California Historical Society, Special +Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937). + +[21] See R. B. Haselden, "Is the Drake Plate of Brass Genuine?" +_California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 271-274. +Haselden's queries have been answered already. W. Hume-Rotherby (review +of _Drake's Plate of Brass Authenticated_, in _Geographical Journal_, +CXIV [1939], 54-55) points out that the letters engraved on the plate +(B, N, M) are not paralleled by other sixteenth-century inscriptions, +and that the form of the numeral 5 is suspect. These and other problems +which he poses have the effect of creating a smokescreen of doubt +without contributing anything new. Wagner is skeptical of the date on +the plate (June 17) and of the fact that the plate is of brass rather +than lead ("Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts," +_Pacific Historical Review_, VII [1938], 297-326). + +[22] Allen L. Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of +Brass," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 275-281, +and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate," _ibid._, XVIII (1939), 251-253. + +[23] Herbert E. Bolton, "Francis Drake's Plate of Brass," in _Drake's +Plate of Brass_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. +13 (San Francisco, 1937). + +[24] C. G. Fink and E. P. Polushkin, _Drake's Plate of Brass +Authenticated_ ... California Historical Society, Special Publication +No. 14 (San Francisco, 1938). + +[25] Wagner's theory is not stated explicitly in any one place, hence +specific reference is impossible. See his _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage +around the World_ (San Francisco, 1926), pp. 156-158, 169. + +[26] This is shown even more clearly on the Hezeta map of 1775 +reproduced by Herbert E. Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California +by Fray Francisco Palou_, 4 vols. (Berkeley, 1926), Vol. IV, facing p. +16. George C. Davidson in his _Identification_ (pp. 17-18, 34, 39) made +a similar identification of the Indian village site at the Limantour +Estero in Drake's Bay. + +[27] Bolton, _op. cit._, n. 19. See also L. L. Loud, _Ethnogeography and +Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and +Ethn., Vol. 14, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1918), p. 243. + +[28] H. R. Wagner, _Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America_, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 4 (San Francisco, +1929), p. 158. + +[29] For details see Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 78-79, pl. 9; and Loud, +_Ethnogeography_, pp. 243, 244. + +[30] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 157, 158. + +[31] "Fray Benito de la Sierra's Account of the Hezeta Expedition to the +Northwest Coast in 1775," trans. by A. J. Baker, introd. and notes by H. +R. Wagner, _California Historical Society Quarterly_, IX (1930), 218. + +[32] See T. A. Rickard, "The Use of Iron and Copper by the Indians of +British Columbia," _British Columbia Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), +26-27, where the Hezeta finds are expressly discussed. Rickard's opinion +also differs from Wagner's. + +[33] Francisco Eliza in 1793 said: "The Puerto de Trinidad is quite +small; no vessel can be moored so as to turn with the wind or tide. The +bottom for the most part is rock. The land consists of quite high and +extended hills full of pines and oaks" (H. R. Wagner, "The Last Spanish +Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega +Bay," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, X [1931], 335). For +photographic views of Trinidad Bay see Thomas T. Waterman, _Yurok +Geography_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVI, No. 5 +(Berkeley, 1920), pls. 1, 16. + +[34] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 278, inferentially concurs with this +conclusion. + +[35] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 32-46. + +[36] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 27-30, and by Wagner in +_Drake's Voyage_, pp. 274-277. + +[37] Printed in Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt Society, +ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 50-51. + +[38] As Barrett (_Ethno-Geography_, map at end), Kroeber (_Handbook_, +pp. 272-275), and C. H. Merriam ("Distribution and Classification of the +Mewan Stock in California," _American Anthropologist_, IX [1907], +338-357), show, the Coast Miwok inhabited both Bodega Bay and Drake's +Bay territory. Thus the language (except for minor dialectic +differentiation) and culture are undoubtedly very similar at both bays. +This makes the problem of exclusive selection somewhat difficult. The +Madox vocabulary (see below, p. 282) was first presented in E. G. R. +Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments," _Pacific +Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. + +[39] The Fletcher-Madox vocabulary list does not resemble the Yurok +words for the same items or phrases. + +[40] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 147. B. Aginsky ("Psychopathic Trends +in Culture," _Character and Personality_, VII [1939], 331-343) quotes +Fletcher's description of Indian weeping and self-laceration, and calls +them Pomo, asserting that Drake landed in their territory and that the +ceremonies given in honor of the English exemplify the "Dionysian" phase +of Pomo culture. + +[41] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. + +[42] Don Francisco Mourelle, "Journal of a Voyage in 1775 to explore the +Coast of America, Northward of California ...," in _Miscellanies of the +Honorable Daines Barrington_ (London, 1781), pp. 471*-534*. See also +Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 158. + +[43] Kroeber. _Handbook_, fig. 21. + +[44] Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," _Bulletin of the American +Museum of Natural History_, Vol. XVII, Pt. III (1905), fig. 19. + +[45] John P. Harrington, "Tobacco among the Karuk Indians," Bureau of +American Ethnology, Bull. 94 (1932), 17-18, 40. + +[46] The Coast Miwok word for tobacco is _kaiyau_. For the North, +Central, Eastern, and Northeastern Pomo it is _saxa_, _saka_, _sako_: +for the Southern, Southwestern, and Southeastern Pomo it is _kawa_, +_tom-kawa_ (Roland B. Dixon, "Words for Tobacco in American Indian +Languages," _American Anthropologist_, XXIII [1921], 30). + +[47] See discussion in Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California +Anchorage." + +[48] Berthold Laufer, "Introduction of Tobacco into Europe," Field +Museum of Natural History Anthropological Leaflet No. 19 (1924), pp. 6 +ff. + +[49] _Handbook_, p. 277. + +[50] Compare Fletcher's statements of the attitude of the Indians with +that of Cermeno, who was in Drake's Bay in 1595 and said, "... the other +Indians approached in an humble manner and as if terrorized, and yielded +peacefully" (Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159). + +[51] This custom is a general central Californian cultural feature. See +E. M. Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., +Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 286, 287, 291; R. B. Dixon, "The +Northern Maidu," pp. 242, 252; A. L. Kroeber, _The Patwin and their +Neighbors_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIX, No. 4 +(Berkeley, 1932) p. 272; C. Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their +Makers," _Overland Monthly_, XV (1901), 449. See also below, notes 56 +and 57. + +[52] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. 33. + +[53] Fritz Krause, _Die Kultur der Kalifornischen Indianer_ (Leipzig, +1921), map 4. + +[54] A rather lengthy digression must be made here since the details are +involved. S. A. Barrett ("Pomo Buildings," _Holmes Anniversary Volume_, +Washington, D.C., 1916, p. 7) states that semisubterranean, +earth-covered houses were used about 1900 by men of means (chiefs, good +hunters, lucky gamblers, and medicine men). This house was a small +edition of the larger dance house (described by Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, p. 10). Fletcher's description says that in the +majority of houses the combined roof entrance and smoke hole was +present. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that some +houses had the ground-level tunnel entrance which should be expected in +the area. In historic times the Pomo seem, in large part, to have given +up making these permanent dwellings in favor of less permanent mat- or +grass-covered houses, which were inexpensive and more convenient to +erect. The same process of loss seems to have occurred among the Coast +Miwok, since Dr. Kelly's informants did not remember such houses. +Archaeological sites in the Point Reyes-Drake's Bay region show numerous +circular depressions which are clearly the remains of such houses. A +further indication of their presence at an earlier time can be gained +from "linguistic archaeology." The Sierra (Interior) Miwok use the word +_kotca_ for the earth-covered, underground house with combined roof +entrance and smoke hole (S. A. Barrett and E. W. Gifford, "Miwok +Material Culture," _Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of +Milwaukee_, Vol. II, No. 4 [1933], p. 198). The same word for house +(i.e., dwelling) is present among the Coast Miwok (Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, word no. 64, p. 71), who once had a similar house, as +is shown by archaeological remains, but abandoned it in ethnographic +times. It is not unreasonable on these grounds to assume the presence in +Coast Miwok territory of the type of house described by Fletcher. + +[55] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and +the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay," _California Historical Society +Quarterly_, X (1931), 331. + +[56] Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco +Palou_, Vol. IV, p. 48. + +[57] I. T. Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." (MS). + +[58] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. J. Broughton, in his _Voyage of +Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean ... in the Years 1795 ... 1798_ +(London, 1804), said that the Drake's Bay Indian men whom he saw were +naked, but that the women were clothed "in some degree." + +[59] "Menzies' California Journal," ed. by Alice Eastwood, _California +Historical Society Quarterly_, II (1924), 302-303. + +[60] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 331. + +[61] James Colnett, _The Journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the +"Argonaut" from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791_, ed. by F. N. Howay, +Champlain Society, Publ. No. 26 (Toronto, 1940), p. 175. + +[62] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159. + +[63] Exact documentation is impossible here, but such an explanation +would fit the facts, and the custom of sending a messenger to announce a +visit was a feature of the whole area (Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 49). + +[64] See E. W. Gifford and A. L. Kroeber. _Culture Element +Distributions, IV: Pomo_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. +XXXVII, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1937), elements nos. 805-807, p. 154. + +[65] Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, p. 415. + +[66] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[67] Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, D.C., 1877), +pp. 165, 169, 170, 181; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 286, 287; Barrett, +"Pomo Buildings," p. 11. See also above, p. 261, n. 42. I can see no +possible relationship between the clear account by Fletcher of +self-laceration and Wagner's discussion of tattooing (_Drake's Voyage_, +p. 494, n. 49). As the comparative notes cited clearly show, the tearing +of the flesh by the California Indians is no "story" which needs an +involved, roundabout, and improbable explanation. + +[68] For the Coast Miwok and Pomo words for "sing" see Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, word no. 265, pp. 67, 79. The Pomo words are totally +unlike _Gnaah_ or _koya_. See also Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis +Drake's California Anchorage," pp. 214, 216. There is a logical +possibility of a copying error in _Gnaah_ from Fletcher's manuscript +notes. If it had originally been written _Guaah_ or _Gyaah_, it would be +very close indeed to _koya_. + +[69] E. M. Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. +and Ethn., Vol. XXXIII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932), p. 49, and _Pomo +Folkways_, p. 192; S. A. Barrett, _Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians_, +Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn., Vol. XII, No. 10 (Berkeley, +1917), p. 402, and "Pomo Buildings," p. 11. + +[70] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 403. + +[71] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, pp. +207-208; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 366; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 425. +The Kuksu staff was feathered on the end, whereas that of Calnis was +somewhat shorter and did not have the feather tuft. Kroeber, _Handbook_, +pp. 261-262; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 110, 128. + +[72] They were manufactured chiefly by the Pomo and Northern Coast +Miwok. See E. W. Gifford, _Clear Lake Pomo Society_, Univ. Calif. Publ. +Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 377-388; +Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 248; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Gifford +and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, (pp. 186-187). + +[73] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 29, 30, Pl. XLIX. + +[74] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[75] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 433; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 178. + +[76] Cf. Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 405, 438-439. + +[77] Illustrated in Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 20. See also Gifford and +Kroeber, elements 88, 89; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 432; Kelly, "Coast +Miwok Ethnography." And see Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," Pl. XLVIII, +fig. 25. + +[78] Gifford and Kroeber, element no. 4. Kelly, "Coast Miwok +Ethnography." + +[79] Illustrated and described by Kroeber, _Handbook_, pl. 55, _a_, and +pp. 264, 269, 388, and illustrated by Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. +33. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements nos. 81 ff.; Barrett, +_Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 432; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 200. The +down-filled net cap was used by the Coast Miwok in the Kuksu and other +ceremonial performances. + +[80] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 19-21. + +[81] Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 21. + +[82] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 407, n. 12. + +[83] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, pp. +158, 159 (Drake's Bay). + +[84] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 158; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 433; +Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions: IV, Pomo_, element +no. 96, pp. 207-208. + +[85] I can find no record that the down of milkweed (or of any other +plant) was used. Most ethnographic accounts (see n. 79) above list the +use of eagle down. That Fletcher was probably correct in attributing the +source of the downy substance to a plant is shown by his reference to +the seeds of the same plant. There is also the probability that he saw +the plant itself on the journey into the interior. From my own +observation I know that at least three different plants producing such +down grow on Point Reyes. + +[86] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." Dr. Kelly's informants at Bodega +in describing just such baskets said, "They were just for show"--i.e., +had no practical or utilitarian use. Her San Rafael informant also knew +of such baskets. + +[87] For illustrations and description see J. W. Hudson, "Pomo Basket +Makers," _Overland Monthly_, ser. 2, XXI (1893), 571, and C. Purdy, "The +Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," _ibid._, XV (1901), 438, 446. O. +M. Dalton ("Notes on an Ethnographical Collection from the West Coast of +North America ... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, +1790-1795," _Internationale Archiv fuer Ethnographie_, Vol. X [Leiden, +1897]), shows (fig. f, p. 232; Pl. XV, fig. 4) several Pomo baskets +which might as well have been the ones described by Fletcher. It seems +possible that these were collected at Bodega Bay, since some of the +Vancouver party visited there, but this is not certain. In Mission times +many Coast Miwok and even some Pomo were brought to San Francisco and +San Jose as neophytes. These individuals might well account for the +Pomo-Coast Miwok type of feathered baskets collected there in the early +nineteenth century by von Langsdorff or Chamisso, both of whom +illustrate such pieces in their published accounts. Barrett, _Pomo +Indian Basketry_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. VII, No. 3 +(Berkeley, 1908), discusses at length (pp. 141-145, 168) feather and +shell materials used in the manufacture of these decorated baskets. A +number of examples are shown in Barrett's plate 21. The same +anthropologist ("Pomo Buildings," pp. 1-17) mentions the use of +feather-decorated baskets among the Pomo as sacrifices to the dead. + +[88] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 245. + +[89] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[90] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, +element no. 807, p. 197, n. + +[91] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 400, mentions a principal singer who +started and led the air of the songs, but does not indicate whether he +might be identifiable with the "scepter bearer." + +[92] See Barrett, _Ceremonies_, _passim_; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_ +and _Pomo Folkways_, _passim_; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography" +_passim_. + +[93] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 492, n. 37. Wagner says that this word +"sounds" to him like an exclamation. To Elmendorf and me it "sounds" +like the Coast Miwok word for chief or friend. The latter proposal rests +upon both phonetic and semantic resemblances. + +[94] For the Coast Miwok words for "chief" and "friend" see Barrett, +_The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians_, words nos. 62, 64, pp. 70, +71. The Pomo words (p. 58) are totally unlike those of the Coast Miwok. +Barrett, _Ceremonies_, mentions a Kuksu curing call, _hyo_, which was +repeated four times. Although the call is phonetically similar, the +context is so unlike, that a correspondence with Fletcher's word for +chief or king is improbable. + +[95] Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369. + +[96] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 412, 431; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu +Cult_, p. 118. + +[97] Kroeber, _Handbook_, table 10, p. 876. + +[98] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[99] The ground squirrel and Point Reyes mountain beaver have been +variously identified as Fletcher's "conies." See Wagner, _Drake's +Voyage_, p. 492-493, n. 42. + +[100] See photograph in McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," fig. 1. + +[101] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[102] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 277. + +[103] These "burnt offerings" are ascribed to the Trinidad Bay Yurok by +Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 157), but there is no need to look so far +afield for parallels when the Coast Miwok-Pomo area fits the case so +well. + +[104] Memorial ceremonies for the dead are a characteristic feature of +central California culture; see Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, p. 117 +(Coast Miwok). + +[105] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage." + +[106] For evidence of this, using the words on Drake's plate of brass, +see Allen Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of Brass" +and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate." + +[107] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 171. Cf. the Huchnom song +facing p. 144. + +[108] Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 103, 127, 128. + +[109] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 374, 392, 393. See also Barrett, +_Ceremonies_, pp. 409, 413. + +[110] Because of the high degree of similarity between all phases of +Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonies, a close correspondence, or even +identity, in the songs connected with these ceremonies may safely be +assumed. + +[111] Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage," p. +35. + +[112] J. P. Munro-Fraser, _History of Marin County_ (San Francisco, +1880), pp. 96-97. + +[113] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 148, 167, 494. + +[114] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 334. + +[115] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 167. + +[116] A. L. Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, XV: Salt, Dogs, +Tobacco_, Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., Vol. VI, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1941), +pp. 6 ff., map 5. + +[117] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[118] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 200. + +[119] Kelly's informant did say that "before steamers used to travel +along the coast" certain occurrences in connection with this belief in +the land of the dead took place. This may be a memory of an incident +which once was more specifically remembered. At best, however, it is +improbable that there would be any tradition of Drake's visit per se. + +[120] Such incidents are not uncommon in California. Note, for example, +the legendary significance of Mount Diablo to the Indian tribes of +central California. + +[121] I disagree with Wagner's statement (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 169): +"The truth probably is that Drake stopped at two or three different +places on the coast [Trinidad Bay, Bodega Bay] and the writer of the +original narrative or the compilers who worked on it embodied in one +description those of all the Indians he met." The part of the _World +Encompassed_ account treated here has shown itself to be a homogeneous +description, interspersed with some naive interpretation of west-central +California coast Indian culture, and cannot be looked upon as a +composite description. To believe otherwise would seriously distort the +facts. This conclusion I submit as one of the most important results of +the present inquiry. + +[122] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 492-495, does select the Pomo as +having the customs and manners described by Fletcher. In this he was +inevitably guided by the more abundant Pomo data. Kroeber's selection of +Drake's Bay as the site of the anchorage (_Handbook_, p. 278) rests upon +the same grounds as my conclusion. Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 497, n. +10) takes issue with Kroeber and raises several objections without +answering them satisfactorily. + +[123] Wagner is concerned over this fact. He says (_Drake's Voyage_, p. +498, n. 24) that a reference to Drake's Estero should have been included +in the narrative "since the Indian villages were almost entirely located +upon it." In answer it may be observed that the Indian villages of +Drake's time were situated sporadically around the shore of Drake's Bay +as well as on the estero. One might as well ask at the same time why +Fletcher did not mention Tomales Bay if Drake were at Bodega? + +[124] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 151. + +[125] And, significantly, the Drake plate of brass uses the words "Nova +Albion." This is independently attested by John Drake in his first +declaration. + +[126] See Francisco de Bolanos' explicit mention of the white cliffs in +Drake's Bay as prominent landmarks (Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 498, n. +19). See also Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's +Anchorage," p. 31. Richard Madox refers to the California anchorage as +"Ships Land," perhaps the name given to the place by the sailors +themselves. + + + + + APPENDIX I + + THE SOURCES + + +There are in existence at least three useful independent accounts of Sir +Francis Drake's California visit in 1579. These are: (1) the _World +Encompassed_ and the similar _Famous Voyage_ accounts; (2) the second +deposition of John Drake, and (3) the valuable notes of Richard Madox. + +_The Famous Voyage and The World Encompassed._--The _Famous Voyage_, +first printed in 1589, was compiled by Richard Hakluyt from three +sources--John Cooke's manuscript, the _Anonymous Narrative_, and the +Francis Fletcher manuscript.[A-1] _The World Encompassed_, which +probably was in manuscript form a few years after Drake's return to +England, did not appear in print until 1628. The sources of this account +are the Fletcher manuscript, the Edward Cliffe account, and the +relations of Nuno da Silva and Lopez de Vaz.[A-2] It is obvious to any +reader that the _Famous Voyage_ and _World Encompassed_ accounts of the +California Indians are closely similar in wording, the chief difference +between the two being that the latter account is fuller than the +former.[A-3] The richer detail does not indicate literary padding, since +the additional information is ethnographically sound. One gets the +impression that the _Famous Voyage_ version is an abridgement of _The +World Encompassed_ account itself, or perhaps its source, though if this +is so in fact only the bibliographers can tell. Henry R. Wagner has +carefully analyzed the various accounts of the Drake voyage,[A-4] and is +inclined, no doubt with good reason, to treat the _World Encompassed_ +version as "untrustworthy"; yet this characterization hardly holds for +what it tells of the California Indians, which, within limits of +interpretation, is a straightforward, detailed ethnographic record, of +convincing authenticity. + +It is fairly certain that Francis Fletcher's "Notes" was the source of +the description of California Indian manners and customs, since, as +Wagner points out, the descriptions of the Patagonians and Fuegians in +the first half of the Fletcher manuscript (the second half is now lost) +agree very closely in wording with the descriptions of the California +coast Indians.[A-5] + +Of Francis Fletcher, chaplain and diarist of the Drake expedition, O. M. +Dalton says: + + ... it may ... be suggested that Fletcher was not such a + romancer as has sometimes been supposed. There is really a + large amount of information condensed in his few pages,--as + much, or perhaps more, than is to be found in many chapters of + later and more diffuse historians or travellers. That he should + have seen strange and unprecedented occurrences in the light of + his own limited knowledge and of the narrow experience of his + time, was after all a psychological necessity. His narrative, + like the sea-god Glaucus in Plato's Republic, is obscured by + strange incrustations; nevertheless with a little patience the + fictitious shell may be removed and the solid fact discovered + intact beneath it.... It is apparent that the whole passage + describing Drake's interview with the "King," on which some + ridicule has been cast, is chiefly absurd because the narrator + inevitably reads into the social conditions of an uncultured + tribe something of the European etiquette of the day.... It was + only natural that a difficulty should have been experienced by + minds, not scientifically trained, in finding an appropriate + terminology by which to describe unfamiliar objects.... Other + instances might be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show + that Fletcher described scenes that actually passed before his + eyes, while the inferences he drew from them were erroneous. It + is only fair, if small things may be compared with great, that + the humble chronicler of a later day should be accorded the + same liberal method of interpretation which has long been + granted to classical authors.[A-6] + +_John Drake's Second Declaration._--John Drake was the orphan son of +Robert Drake, who was the uncle of Francis Drake. John Drake accompanied +his cousin on the voyage round the world, and subsequently went along on +the Edward Fenton expedition, was shipwrecked in the River Plate (1582), +taken captive by the Indians, and escaped only to fall into the hands of +the Spanish. John Drake was questioned by the authorities, and in his +second deposition there is a brief account of the occurrences in +California, 1579.[A-7] + + There he [Francis Drake] landed and built huts and remained a + month and a half, caulking his vessel. The victuals they found + were mussels and sea-lions. During that time many Indians came + there and when they saw the Englishmen they wept and scratched + their faces with their nails until they drew blood, as though + this were an act of homage or adoration. By signs Captain + Francis told them not to do that, for the Englishmen were not + God. These people were peaceful and did no harm to the English, + but gave them no food. They are of the colour of the Indians + here [Peru] and are comely. They carry bows and arrows and go + naked. The climate is temperate, more cold than hot. To all + appearance it is a very good country. Here he caulked his large + ship and left the ship he had taken in Nicaragua. He departed, + leaving the Indians, to all appearances, sad.[A-8] + +_Richard Madox's Account of California._--In 1932, Miss E. G. R. Taylor +discovered in the diary of Richard Madox, Chaplain aboard Edward +Fenton's ship in 1582, some remarks on Drake's visit on the California +coast in 1579.[A-9] Madox was not a member of the Drake expedition, and +it is safe to assume that his notes consist of information received in +conversation with some of Fenton's crew who had accompanied Drake. These +could have been William Hawkins, John Drake, Thomas Hood, and Thomas +Blackcollar.[A-10] Miss Taylor notes Madox's categorical statement that +"Syr Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north" +together with evidence from other sources, and concludes that "it would +appear that Drake's anchorage must be sought in Oregon rather than in +California, perhaps in Gray's Bay, or at the mouth of the Raft River." +Miss Taylor had hoped to get a clue from the Madox vocabulary, but was +unsuccessful. Henry Wagner has answered Miss Taylor's Oregon claim +effectively,[A-11] and the identification of the Madox vocabulary as +Coast Miwok is further proof that the statement "at 48 degrees" is an +error. The log raft depicted by Madox and discussed by Miss Taylor and +Mr. Wagner is a typical Peruvian sailing raft, as reference to S. K. +Lothrop's detailed paper will demonstrate;[A-12] it has no relation +whatsoever to California. + +The relevant portion of Madox's account is as follows: + + In ships land wh is ye back syde of Labradore and as Mr. Haul + [Christopher Hall] supposeth nye thereunto Syr Frances Drake + graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north. Ye people + ar for feature color apparel diet and holo speach lyke to those + of Labradore and is thowght kyngles for they crowned Syr + Frances Drake. Ther language is thus. + + _Cheepe_ bread + _Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe + _Nocharo mu_ tuch me not + _Hioghe_ a king + + Ther song when they worship god is thus--one dauncing first wh + his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people + _Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_ + + Yt is thowght yt they of Labradore [do] worship ye son and ye + moon but [whether they] do of calphurnia I kno not....[A-13] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[A-1] Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ +(San Francisco, 1926), p. 241. + +[A-2] _Ibid._, pp. 287, 289. + +[A-3] _The World Encompassed_ account of Drake in California is +reprinted in Appendix II, below. It is printed in full in Volume XVI of +the Hakluyt Society publications (ed. W. S. Vaux; London, 1854). The +_Famous Voyage_ is easily accessible in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San +Francisco, 1937), pp. 27-30. + +[A-4] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 229 ff., n. 1. + +[A-5] _Ibid._, pp. 61, 147, 245, 290. + +[A-6] O. M. Dalton, "Notes on an Ethnographical Collection ... Formed +during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795," _Internationale +Archiv fuer Ethnographie_, Vol. X. (Leiden, 1897), p. 235. A. L. Kroeber +says, "The passage is a somewhat prolix mixture of narration and +depiction...." (_Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau of +American Ethnology, Bull. 78 [Washington, D. C., 1925], pp. 275-276). + +[A-7] For details see Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt +Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 18-23. See also Wagner, +_Drake's Voyage_, pp. 328-334. + +[A-8] Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, pp. 50-51. + +[A-9] For details see E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: +Two Fragments," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. + +[A-10] For details see _ibid._, pp. 363-365; Henry R. Wagner, "George +Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast," _California Historical +Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311; and Nuttall, _New Light on +Drake_, pp. 19-20. + +[A-11] Wagner, "George Davidson," pp. 310-311. + +[A-12] S. K. Lothrop, "Aboriginal Navigation off the West Coast of South +America," _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, LXII (1932), +235-238, figs. 9_a_, 9_b_, 10. + +[A-13] Reprinted from Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369. + + + + + APPENDIX II + + EXTRACT FROM "THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE" + + London: Printed for Nicholas Bovrne, 1628. "Carefully collected + out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher _Preacher in this + employment, and diuers others his followers in the same_." + (Pp. 64-81.)[B-1] + + +In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, and +Iune 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of +Iuly following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the +height of Summer, and so neere the Sunne; yet were wee continually +visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before; insomuch that if +violent exercises of our bodies, and busie imployment about our +necessarie labours, had not sometimes compeld vs to the contrary, we +could very well haue beene contented to haue kept about vs still our +Winter clothes; yea (had not necessities suffered vs) to haue kept our +beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteene dayes together, +find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of Sunne or +starre.... [Omitted here is a lengthy discourse on the weather.] + +The next day after our comming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the +people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great +expedition to vs in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shoare, +and a great way from our ship, spake to vs continually as he came rowing +on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himselfe, he began more +solemnely a long and tedious oration, after his manner: vsing in the +deliuerie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning +his head and body many wayes; and after his oration ended, with great +shew of reuerence and submission, returned back to shoare againe. He +shortly came againe the second time in like manner, and so the third +time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of +feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crow, very neatly and +artificially gathered vpon a string, and drawne together into a round +bundle; being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an +equall proportion one with another; a speciall cognizance (as wee +afterwards obserued) which they that guard their kings person, weare on +their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, +and filled with an herb which they called _Tabah_. Both which being tyed +to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our Generall intended to haue +recompenced him immediately with many good things, he would haue +bestowed vpon him: but entring into the boate to deliuer the same, he +could not be drawne to receiue them by any means: saue one hat, which +being cast into the water out of the ship, he tooke vp (refusing vtterly +to meddle with any other thing, though it were vpon a board put off vnto +him) and so presently made his returne. After which time, our boate +could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the +same with admiration. + +The 3. day following, viz. the 21. our ship hauing receiued a leake at +sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being +landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to preuent any +danger, that might chance against our safety, our generall first of all +landed his men, with all necessary prouision, to build tents and make a +fort for the defence of our selues and goods: and that wee might vnder +the shelter of it, with more safety (what euer should befall) end our +businesse; which when the people of the country perceiued vs doing, as +men set on fire to war, in defence of their countrie, in great hast and +companies, with such weapons as they had, they came downe vnto vs; and +yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt vs: standing when they +drew neare, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such +things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their +errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, +then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing is it +did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more +manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst +them. At this time, being willed by signes to lay from them their bowes +and arrowes, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as +they came more and more by companies vnto them, growing in a little +while, to a great number both of men and women. + +To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselues so +willingly sought, might without any cause of breach thereof, on our part +giuen, be continued; and that wee might with more safety and expedition, +end our businesses in quiet; our Generall with all his company, vsed all +meanes possible, gently to intreate them, bestowing vpon each of them +liberally, good and necessary things to couer their nakednesse, withall +signifying vnto them, we were no Gods but men, and had neede of such +things to couer our owne shame; teaching them to vse them to the same +ends: for which cause also wee did eate and drinke in their presence, +giuing them to vnderstand, that without that wee could not liue, and +therefore were but men as well as they. + +Notwithstanding nothing could perswade them, nor remoue that opinion, +which they had conceiued of vs, that wee should be Gods. + +In recompence of those things which they had receiued of vs, as shirts +linnen cloth, &c. they betsowed vpon our generall, and diuerse of our +company, diuerse things, as feathers, cawles of networke, the quiuers of +their arrowes, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that +their women wore vpon their bodies. Hauing thus had their fill of this +times visiting and beholding of vs, they departed with ioy to their +houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and haue from +the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned +close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: +which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very +warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a +chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like +to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are +the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round +about the house, haue their fire in the middest, which by reason that +the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giueth a maruelous +reflexion to their bodies to heate the same. + +Their men for the most part goe naked, the women take a kinde of +bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hempe, make themselues +thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges +downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that, +which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they weare +also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it. They are very obedient +to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all seruices: yet of +themselues offring to do nothing, without the consents, or being called +of the men. + +As soone as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst +themselues a kind of most lamentable weeping & crying out; which they +continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place +where they left vs (being neere about 3-quarters of an English mile +distant from them) we very plainely, with wonder and admiration did +heare the same; the women especially, extending their voices, in a most +miserable and dolefull manner of shreeking. + +Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselues, and awfull +demeanour vsed towards vs, we thought it no wisedome too farre to trust +them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with vs before, made vs +carefull to prouide against an alteration of their affections, or breach +of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set +vp our tents, and entrenched ourselues with walls of stone: that so +being fortified within ourselues, we might be able to keepe off the +enemie (if they should so proue) from comming amongst vs without our +good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerefully and +securely afterward, about our other businesse. + +Against the end of two daies (during which time they had not againe +beene with vs) there was gathered together a great assembly of men, +women, and children (inuited by the report of them which first saw vs, +who as it seemes, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselues into +the country, to make knowne the newes) who came now the second time vnto +vs, bringing with them as before had beene done, feathers and bagges of +_Tobah_ for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, vpon this +perswasion that we were Gods. + +When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottome whereof wee had +built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their cheife +speaker) wearied both vs his hearers, and himselfe too, with a long and +tedious oration: deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice +being extended to the vttermost strength of nature, and his words +falling so thicke one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch +his breath againe: so soone as he had concluded, all the rest, with a +reuerend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long +producing of the same) cryed _Oh_: thereby giuing their consents, that +all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had vttered their +minde by his mouth vnto vs; which done, the men laying downe their bowes +vpon the hill, and leauing their women and children behinde them, came +downe with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before +a God indeed: thinking themselues happy, that they might haue accesse +vnto our generall, but much more happy, when they sawe that he would +receiue at their hands, those things which they so willingly had +presented: and no doubt, they thought themselues neerest vnto God, when +they sate or stood next to him: In the meane time the women, as if they +had been desperate, vsed vnnaturall violence against themselues, crying +and shreeking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nailes from +their cheekes, in a monstrous manner, the bloode streaming downe along +their brests; besides despoiling the vpper parts of their bodies, of +those single couerings they formerly had, and holding their hands aboue +their heads, that they might not rescue their brests from harme, they +would with furie cast themselues vpon the ground, neuer respecting +whether it were cleane or soft, but dashed themselues in this manner on +hard stones, knobby, hillocks, stocks of wood, and pricking bushes, or +whateuer else lay in their way, itterating the same course againe and +againe: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and +others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strengths failed +them) exercised this cruelty against themselues: A thing more grieuous +for vs to see, or suffer could we haue holpe it, then trouble to them +(as it seemed) to do it. + +This bloudie sacrifice (against our wils) beeing thus performed, our +Generall with his companie in the presence of those strangers fell to +prayers: and by signes in lifting vp our eyes and hands to heauen, +signified vnto them, that that God whom we did serue, and whom they +ought to worship, was aboue: beseeching God if it were his good pleasure +to open by some meanes their blinded eyes; that they might in due time +be called to the knowledge of him the true and euerliuing God, and of +Iesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salutation of the Gentiles. In the +time of such prayers, singing of Psalmes, and reading of certaine +Chapters in the Bible, they sate very attentiuely: and obseruing the end +at euery pause, with one voice still cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our +exercises. Yea they tooke such pleasure in our singing of Psalmes, that +whensoeuer they resorted to vs, their first request was _Gnaah_, by +which they intreated that we would sing. + +Our General hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their +departure they restored them all againe; none carrying with him any +thing of whatsoeuer hee had receiued, thinking themselues sufficiently +enriched and happie, that they had found so free accesse to see vs. + +Against the end of three daies more (the newes hauing the while spread +it selfe farther, and as it seemed a great way vp into the countrie) +were assembled the greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably +imagine, to dwell within any conuenient distance round about. Amongst +the rest, the king himselfe, a man of goodly stature and comely +personage, attended with his guard, of about 100. tall and warlike men, +this day, viz. Iune 26. came downe to see vs. + +Before his coming, were sent two Embassadors or messengers to our +Generall, to signifie that their _Hioh_, that is, their king was comming +and at hand. They in the deliuery of their message the one spake with a +soft and low voice, prompting his fellow; the other pronounced the same +word by words after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their +proclamation (for such it was) about halfe an houre. Which being ended, +they by signes made request to our Generall, to send something by their +hands to their _Hioh_, or king, as a token that his comming might be in +peace. Our Generall willingly satisfied their desire; and they, glad +men, made speedy returne to their _Hioh_: Neither was it long before +their king (making as princely a shew as possibly he could) with all his +traine came forward. + +In their comming forwards they cryed continually after a singing manner +with a lustie courage. And as they drew neerer and neerer towards vs, so +did they more and more striue to behaue themselues with a certaine +comelinesse and grauity in all their actions. + +In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing +the Septer or royall mace (made of a certaine kind of blacke wood, and +in length about a yard and a halfe) before the king. Whereupon hanged +two crownes, a bigger and a lesse, with three chaines of a maruellous +length, and often doubled; besides a bagge of the herbe _Tabah_. The +crownes were made of knitworke, wrought vpon most curiously with +feathers of diuers colours, very artificially placed, and of a formall +fashion: The chaines seemed of a bony substance: every linke or part +thereof being very little, thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole +pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one +chaine, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it is amongst +them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same: and +euen they to whom its lawfull to vse them, yet are stinted what number +they shall vse; as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they +exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby knowne to be the more +honorable personages. + +Next vnto him that bare this Scepter, was the king himselfe with his +guard about him: His attire vpon his head was a cawle of knitworke, +wrought vpon somewhat like the crownes, but differing much both in +fashion and perfectnesse of worke; vpon his shoulders he had on a coate +of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast: His guard also had each +coats of the same shape, but of other skins: some hauing cawles likewise +stucke with feathers, or couered ouer with a certaine downe, which +groweth vp in the country vpon an herbe, much like our lectuce; which +exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed +vpon their cawles by no winds can be remoued: Of such estimation is this +herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, +but of such persons as are about the king (to whom it is permitted to +weare a plume of feathers on their heads, in signe of honour) and the +seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods. After these in +their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose haire +being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of +feathers, but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, euery +one pleasing himselfe in his owne deuice. + +This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all; that euery +one had his face painted, some with white, some with blacke, and some +with other colours, euery man also bringing in his hand one thing or +another for a gift or present: Their traine or last part of their +company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her +breast a round basket or two, hauing within them diuers things, as +bagges of _Tobah_, a roote which they call _Petah_, whereof they make a +kind of meale, and either bake it into bread, or eate it raw, broyled +fishes like a pilchard; the seed and downe aforenamed, with such like: + +Their baskets were made in fashion like a deepe boale, and though the +matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet was it so +cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about +the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and +in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines +aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated +to the onely vse of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they +were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished +into diuers workes and formes. + +In the meane time our Generall hauing assembled his men together (as +forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall out) prepared himselfe +to stand vpon sure ground, that wee might at all times be ready in our +owne defence, if anything should chance otherwise than was looked for or +expected. + +Wherefore euery man being in a warlike readinesse, he marched within his +fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike shew (as he +did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had beene +desperate enemies, they could not haue chosen but haue conceiued terrour +and feare, with discouragement to attempt anything against vs, in +beholding of the same. + +When they were come somewhat neere vnto vs, trooping together, they gaue +vs a common or a generall salutation: obseruing in the meane time a +generall silence. Whereupon he who bare the Scepter before the king, +being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, +pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spake to him +in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at +the least halfe an houre. At the close whereof, there was a common +_Amen_, in signe of approbation giuen by euery person: And the king +himself with the whole number of men and women (the little children +onely remaining behind) came further downe the hill, and as they came +set themselues againe in their former order. + +And being now come to the foot of the hill and neere our fort, the +Scepter bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage began a +song, and answerable thereunto, obserued a kind of measures in a dance: +whom the king with his guard and euery other sort of person following, +did in like manner sing and daunce, sauing onely the women who danced +but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our Generall +perceiuing their plaine and simple meaning, gaue order that they might +freely enter without interruption within our bulwarke: Where after they +had entred they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time: +their women also following them with their wassaile boales in their +hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torne, their dugges, breasts, +and other parts bespotted with bloud, trickling downe from the wounds, +which with their nailes they had made before their comming. + +After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselues in this manner, +they made signes to our Generall to haue him sit down; Vnto whom both +the king and diuers others made seuerall orations, or rather indeed if +wee had vnderstood them, supplications, that hee would take the Prouince +and kingdome into his hand, and become their king and patron: making +signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title in the +whole land and become his vassals in themselues and their posterities: +Which that they might make vs indeed beleeue that it was their true +meaning and intent; the king himselfe with all the rest with one +consent, and with great reueuerence, ioyfully singing a song, set the +crowne vpon his head; inriched his necke with all their chaines; and +offering vnto him many other things, honoured him by the name of _Hyoh_. +Adding thereunto (as it might seeme) a song and dance of triumph; +because they were not onely visited of the gods (for so they still +iudged vs to be) but the great and chiefe god was now become their god, +their king and patron, and themselues were become the onely happie and +blessed people in all the world. + +These things being so freely offered, our Generall thought not meet to +reiect or refuse the same: both for that he would not giue them any +cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the onely place, +wherein at this present, we were of necessitie inforced to seeke reliefe +of many things) and chiefely, for that he knew not to what good end God +had brought this to passe, or what honour and profit it might bring to +our countrie in time to come. + +Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her most excellent majesty, he +tooke the scepter crowne and dignity, of the sayd countrie into his +hand; wishing nothing more, than that it had layen so fitly for her +maiesty to enioy, as it was now her proper owne, and that the riches and +treasures thereof (wherewith in the vpland countries it abounds) might +with as great conueniency be transported, to the enriching of her +kingdome here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and +especially, that so tractable and louing a people, as they shewed +themselues to be, might haue meanes to haue manifested their most +willing obedience the more vnto her, and by her meanes, as a mother and +nurse of the Church of _Christ_, might by the preaching of the Gospell, +be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and +euerliuing God. + +The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiuing of the kingdome being +thus performed, the common sort both of men and women, leauing the king +and his guard about him, with our generall, dispersed themselues among +our people, taking a diligent view or suruey of euery man; and finding +such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of vs) +they presently enclosing them about, offred their sacrifices vnto them, +crying out with lamentable shreekes and moanes, weeping, and scratching, +and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nailes, neither +were it the women alone which did this, but euen old men, roaring and +crying out, were as violent as the women were. + +We groaned in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre preuaile, in +seducing these so harmelesse soules, and laboured by all means, both by +shewing our great dislike, and when that serued not, by violent +with-holding of their hands from that madnesse, directing them (by our +eyes and hands lift vp towards heauen) to the liuing God whom they ought +to serue; but so mad were they vpon their Idolatry, that forcible +with-holding them would not preuaile (for as soone as they could get +liberty to their hands againe, they would be as violent as they were +before) till such time, as they whom they worshipped, were conueyed from +them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselues, they would with +fury and outrage seeke to haue againe. + +After that time had a little qualified their madnes, they then began to +shew and make knowne vnto vs their griefes and diseases which they +carried about them, some of them hauing old aches, some shruncke +sinewes, some old soares and canckred vlcers, some wounds more lately +receiued, and the like, in most lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure +thereof from vs: making signes, that if we did but blow vpon their +griefes, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole. + +Their griefes we could not but take pitty on them, and to our power +desire to helpe them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) +they might vnderstand we were but men and no gods, we vsed ordinary +meanes, as, lotions, emplaisters, and vnguents most fitly (as farre as +our skills could guesse) agreeing to the natures of their griefes, +beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to giue cure to their diseases +by these meanes. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to +vs. + +Few were the dayes, wherein they were absent from vs, during the whole +time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily euery third day, they +brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainely vnderstood +our meaning, that we tooke no pleasure, but were displeased with them: +whereupon their zeale abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to +our good liking ceased; notwithstanding they continued still to make +their resort vnto vs in great abunddance, and in such sort, that they +oft-times forgate, to prouide meate for their owne sustenance: so that +our generall (of whom they made account as of a father) was faine to +performe the office of a father to them, relieuing them with such +victualls, as we had prouided for our selues, as, Muscels, Seales, and +such like, wherein they tooke exceeding much content; and seeing that +their sacrifices were displeasing to vs, yet (hating ingratitude) they +sought to recompence vs, with such things as they had, which they +willingly inforced vpon vs, though it were neuer so necessarie or +needfull for themselues to keepe. + +They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile +or treachery; their bowes and arrowes (their only weapons, and almost +all their wealth) they vse very skillfully, but yet not to do any great +harme with them, being by reason of their weakenesse, more fit for +children then for men, sending the arrow neither farre off, nor with any +great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that, +which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take +vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and +downe hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in +running, and of long continuance; the vse whereof is so familiar with +them, that they seldom goe, but for the most part runne. One thing we +obserued in them with admiration: that if at any time, they chanced to +see a fish, so neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without +swimming, they would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it. + +After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our generall +with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journy vp into the +land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better +acquainted, with the nature and commodities of the country. Their houses +were all such as wee haue formerly described, and being many of them in +one place, made seuerall villages here and there. The inland we found to +be farre different from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitful +soyle, stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: infinite was +the company of very large and fat Deere, which there we sawe by +thousands, as we supposed, in a heard: besides a multitude of a strange +kind of Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their heads and +bodies, in which they resemble other Conies, are but small; his tayle +like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of +a Want or Moale; vnder his chinne, on either side, he hath a bagge, into +which he gathereth his meate, when he hath filled his belly abroade, +that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himselfe, when he +lifts not to trauaile from his burrough: the people eate their bodies, +and make great account of their skinnes, for their kings holidaies coate +was made of them. + +This country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might haue some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called. + +Before we went from thence, our generall caused to be set vp, a monument +of our being there; as also of her maiesties, and successors right and +title to that kingdome, namely; a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a +great and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, and the day +and yeare of our arriuall there, and of the free giuing vp, of the +prouince and kingdome, both by the king and people, into her maiesties +hands: together with her highnesse picture, and armes in a piece of +sixpence currant English monie, shewing it selfe by a hole made of +purpose through the plate: vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of +our generall &c. + +The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, or so much as set a foote in this +country; the vtmost of their discoueries, reaching onely to many degrees +Southward of this place. + +And now, as the time of our departure was perceiued by them to draw +nigh, so did the sorrowes and miseries of this people, seeme to +themselues to increase vpon them; and the more certaine they were of our +going away, the more doubtfull they shewed themselues, what they might +doe; so that we might easily iudge that that ioy (being exceeding great) +wherewith they receiued vs at our first arriuall, was cleane drowned in +their excessiue sorrow for our departing: For they did not onely loose +on a sudden all mirth, ioy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility +of body, familiar reioycing one with another, and all pleasure what euer +flesh and bloud might bee delighted in, but with sighes and sorrowings, +with heauy hearts and grieued minds, they powred out wofull complaints +and moanes, with bitter teares and wringing of their hands, tormenting +themselues. And as men refusing all comfort, they onely accounted +themselues as cast-awayes, and those whom the gods were about to +forsake: So that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of +their so heauy a burthen, or to deliuer them from so desperate a +straite, as our leauing of them did seeme to them that it would cast +them into. + +Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing +vs to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to intreate vs that being +absent, we would yet be mindfull of them, and making signes of their +desires, that in time to come wee would see them againe, they stole vpon +vs a sacrifice, and set it on fire erre we were aware; burning therein a +chaine and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all meanes possible to +withhold or withdraw them but could not preuaile, till at last we fell +to prayers and singing of Psalmes, whereby they were allured +immediately to forget their folly, and leaue their sacrifice vnconsumed, +suffering the fire to go out, and imitating vs in all our actions; they +fell a lifting vp their eyes and hands to heauen as they saw vs do. + +The 23. of Iuly they tooke a sorrowfull farewell of vs, but being loath +to leaue vs, they presently ranne to the tops of the hils to keepe vs in +their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and +on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices +at our departure. + +Not farre without this harborough did lye certain Ilands (we called them +the Ilands of Saint Iames) hauing on them plentifull and great store of +Seales and birds, with one of which wee fell Iuly 24. whereon we found +such prousion as might serue our turne for a while. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[B-1] As printed in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, California Historical +Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937) pp. 32-46. + + + + + PLATES + + + PLATE 18 + +[Illustration _a_: Three California Indians from San Francisco pictured +by Chamisso, 1822.] + +[Illustration _b_: "Feather bundle" of the Pomo Indians, similar to that +described by Fletcher on June 17, 1579.] + +[Illustration _c_: Strings of clamshell disk beads identifiable as the +"chaines" of Fletcher.] + + + PLATE 19 + +[Illustration: Pomo Indian feathered baskets decorated with clamshell +disk beads and abalone shell pendants.] + + + PLATE 20 + +[Illustration: Air photo of the east cape of Point Reyes. The white dot +marks the point selected by George Davidson as the spot where Drake +careened the _Golden Hinde_. The shore line of the bay follows the +course of the curved arrow.] + + +PLATE 21 + +[Illustration: Air photo of the small valley at Drake's Bay, showing the +location (marked near center by white dot) where the Drake plate was +found by William Caldeira in 1934.] + + + + + * * * * * + + +Transcriber's Notes: + +Passages in italics are indicated by _underscores_. + +Small caps have been replaced by ALL CAPS. + +Both "Bruno de Hezeta" and "Bruno Heceta" used in text. Both forms + have been retained. + +Footnote numbers to the appendices are prefixed with "A-" for App. I + or "B-" for App. II. + +Archaic spelling and punctuation retained in quoted texts, except for + rejoining end-of-line hyphenations. Spelling of "betsowed" (page 284) + and "cheife" (page 285) in quoted text retained as printed. + +Verso, "Mardh" changed to "March" (Issued March 20, 1947) + +Page 265 (footnote 67), a superfluous closing parenthesis was + removed (169, 170, 181; Loeb,) + +Page 269 (footnote 84), a full stop has been changed to a comma + (Pomo, element) + +Page 269 (footnote 85), "tto" changed to "to" (reference to the + seeds) + +Page 270 (footnote 87), "Eth." changed to "Ethn." (and Ethn., Vol. VII) + +Page 270 (footnote 90), the note number is missing (element no. 807, + p. 197, n.) + +Page 271, "native's" changed to "natives'" (the natives' actions) + +Page 273, a superfluous comma was removed (Miwok,[101] and) + +Page 275 (E. M. Loeb ... songs), a line break has been added to Line 2; + the comma appears in the original + +Page 275 (Other Pomo songs...): + Line 1, Both "U" and "u" at the beginning of the line have a macron + over them. (U u hulai) + Line 3, the word "o" has a macron above it. (gagoya he he) + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California +Indians, 1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + +***** This file should be named 36201.txt or 36201.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/2/0/36201/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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