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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/36201-8.txt b/36201-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..040d7cf --- /dev/null +++ b/36201-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2924 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California Indians, +1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Francis Drake and the California Indians, 1579 + +Author: Robert F. Heizer + +Release Date: May 24, 2011 [EBook #36201] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + + + + +[Illustration: Francis Drake being "crowned" by the natives of New +Albion (California) in June, 1579. (From Arnoldus Montanus, _Die +unbekante neue Welt_; the Dapper issue, Amsterdam, 1673.)] + + + + + FRANCIS DRAKE AND + THE CALIFORNIA + INDIANS, 1579 + + BY + + ROBERT F. HEIZER + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS + BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES + 1947 + + + + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS + IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY + EDITORS (LOS ANGELES): + RALPH L. BEALS, FRANKLIN FEARING, HARRY HOIJER + + Volume 42, No. 3, pp. 251-302, + plates 18-21, 1 figure in text, 2 illus. + Submitted by editors February 27, 1946 + Issued March 20, 1947 + Price, cloth, $2.00; paper, $1.25 + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS + BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES + CALIFORNIA + + CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS + LONDON, ENGLAND + + PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + General Background 251 + + The Trinidad Bay Landfall Theory 255 + + The Arguments for the Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay Landfall 258 + + Analysis of the _World Encompassed_ Account 259 + + Additional Ethnographic Items in the Richard Madox and + John Drake Accounts 273 + + Supposed Indian Traditions of Drake's Visit 276 + + Recapitulation and Conclusion 277 + + APPENDIX + + I. The Sources 280 + + II. Excerpt from _The World Encompassed by + Sir Francis Drake_ 283 + + Plates 293 + + + + + FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE CALIFORNIA + INDIANS, 1579 + + BY + + ROBERT F. HEIZER + + + GENERAL BACKGROUND + +For nearly a century, historians, geographers, and anthropologists have +attempted to solve the problem of locating Francis Drake's anchorage in +California, but the opinion of no one investigator has been universally +accepted. Indeed, it seems likely that the problem will forever remain +insoluble in detail, although it may well be reduced to the possibility +that one of two bays, either Drake's or Bodega, was the scene of Drake's +stay in California. + +Historically and ethnographically, Drake's California visit is +exceedingly important. He was the first Englishman to see and describe +the Indians of Upper California, and the third Caucasian to mention +them. The account of the voyage given in _The World Encompassed by Sir +Francis Drake_ (London, 1628) (of uncertain authorship but usually +attributed to Francis Fletcher) gives the earliest detailed description +of California Indian life, including such particulars of native culture +as ceremonial behavior and linguistic terms. This account is reproduced +in Appendix II, below. + +Historians and geographers have long since stated their reasons and +qualifications for presenting certain conclusions about the location of +Drake's anchorage, but anthropologists have never insisted vigorously +enough that their contribution might be the most decisive of all in +solving the problem. If it can be shown that the Indian language and +culture described in the accounts of Drake's voyage to California are +clearly those of one or another of the coastal Indian tribes, there will +then be definite and unequivocal reasons for believing that in 1579 +Drake landed on a part of the California coast inhabited by that tribe. +Preliminary attempts at this type of solution have already been made, +first by the greatest authority on the California Indians, Professor A. +L. Kroeber,[1] and more recently by William W. Elmendorf and myself.[2] + +In order to establish the background for the present study, it will be +advisable to recapitulate the various opinions and claims. They may be +listed under the headings: geographical, historical, and +anthropological. + +_Geographical._--George C. Davidson, eminent and versatile scientist, +first approached the problem of the location of Drake's California +anchorage in 1858.[3] In the following years, as his familiarity with +literary and cartographical sources expanded, he published other +works,[4] and in 1908[5] he made his final statement. Davidson first +thought that Drake's landfall had been in San Francisco Bay, but after +more careful study he concluded that Drake's Bay was the anchorage (see +pl. 20). Davidson's views have been carefully and critically reviewed by +Henry R. Wagner[6] and J. W. Robertson.[7] Among other contributions +relating to the problem of Drake's anchorage should be mentioned the +works of Hubert Howe Bancroft[8] and the studies of Edward E. Hale,[9] +as well as the searching analysis of Alexander G. McAdie and a more +recent but similar paper by R. P. Bishop.[10] + +_Historical._--Although the trail was blazed by Davidson, it is Wagner +who first claims our attention. He has concluded, after an exhaustive +study of all available evidence, that Drake anchored first in Trinidad +Bay and later in Bodega Bay. The harbor now called Drake's Bay was not, +according to Wagner, the site of Drake's landfall in 1579. Robertson, +next mentioned above, is the author of a critical review of previous +"arguments advanced by certain historians in their selection of 'The +Harbor of St. Francis.'" + +_Anthropological._--Wagner's major work on Drake bears abundant evidence +that this historian, at least, is cognizant of the value of the +ethnographic check method. However, he has not utilized all available +documentary or ethnographic data to the fullest extent--a procedure of +the utmost importance. + +Davidson used the ethnographic method of solving the problem when he +identified the Limantour Estero shellmound site with the Indian village +depicted on the border map _Portus Novae Albionis_ of the Jodocus +Hondius map _Vera totius expeditionis nauticae_ (Amsterdam, 1590?)[11] +and cited as evidence a tradition of the Nicasio Indians. In his day, +many Coast Miwok Indians from Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay must have been +still living. If at that time he had obtained from them the information +which can no longer be found, owing to the extinction of the tribe, he +would have performed an inestimable service. + +In 1908, S. A. Barrett published his important work on Pomo +ethnogeography in which he reproduced the California data on the voyage +of Drake and made a brief evaluation.[12] After attempting a linguistic +check with the word _Hioh_ and directing attention to the +feather-decorated baskets as Pomo-like, Barrett concludes that "these +facts therefore point further to the tenability of the belief that +Drake's landing was somewhere north of San Francisco bay, possibly even +north of Point Reyes, though Pomo of the Southern and Southwestern +dialectic area may have journeyed down to Drake's bay bringing their +boat-shaped and ornamented baskets...."[13] + +In Professor Kroeber's _Handbook of the Indians of California_ there is +an ethnographical analysis of a paraphrased version of _The World +Encompassed_, together with an inquiry (more searching than that of +Barrett's in 1908) into the identification of the words, such as _Hioh_, +_Patah_, _Tobah_, and _Gnaah_, which appear in the Fletcher account.[14] +Kroeber summarizes: "The ethnologist thus can only conclude that Drake +summered on some piece of the coast not many miles north of San +Francisco, and probably in the lagoon to which his name now attaches. He +is assured that the recent native culture in this stretch existed in +substantially the same form more than 300 years ago, and he has +tolerable reason to believe that the Indians with whom the great +explorer mingled were direct ancestors of the Coast Miwok."[15] + +A verification of Kroeber's view has recently been presented in a short +paper written by Heizer and Elmendorf[16] on the identification of the +Indian words in the sixteenth-century accounts of Francis Fletcher and +Richard Madox.[17] (Madox's account is reproduced in App. I, below.) In +this paper it is shown that Drake must have landed in territory occupied +by the Coast Miwok-speaking natives (fig. 1), but the exact location of +his landing is not positively indicated since there are four bays along +Coast Miwok territory in which Drake might conceivably have +anchored.[18] Of these four bays, Bolinas, Drake's, Tomales, and Bodega, +only two, Drake's and Bodega, can be considered seriously. + +[Illustration: Fig. 1. Location of west-central California Indian +linguistic groups. A, Bodega Bay; B, Tomales Bay; C, Drake's Bay; D, +Bolinas Bay; E, San Francisco Bay.] + +A final piece of evidence, this time archaeological, has recently come +to light in the plate of brass left by Drake in 1579. This plate was +originally found at Laguna Ranch (pl. 21) on Drake's Bay in 1934 +(?),[19] was moved elsewhere, and was rediscovered in 1936.[20] Although +some skeptics have questioned the genuineness of the plate of +brass,[21] they have not altered the facts establishing the plate's +authenticity as shown by the investigations of such scholars as Allen +Chickering,[22] Professor Herbert E. Bolton,[23] and Drs. Fink and +Polushkin.[24] Consequently, the problem of Drake's anchorage is nearer +solution. Although the plate is a portable object, it was probably not +carried far. It could have been carried to Drake's Bay from Bodega Bay; +but, on the other hand, it could always have been at Drake's Bay. In the +absence of evidence that it was moved early in its history, it may not +be claiming overmuch to assume that the post with the plate of brass was +originally erected in Drake's Bay. + +So much, then, for an abbreviated review of the opinions on the location +of Francis Drake's California anchorage. Arguments have been advanced, +by other students, that Drake anchored in Trinidad, Bodega, or Drake's +Bay. It is my purpose here to analyze, as carefully as possible, the +ethnographic data contained in Francis Fletcher's account in _The World +Encompassed_, with the hope of determining in which of these bays Drake +actually stayed in June, 1579. The Trinidad Bay landfall theory will +first be investigated, in an attempt to determine whether the Indians +mentioned in Fletcher's account are identifiable with the Yurok tribe +which, in historic times, occupied this territory. + + + THE TRINIDAD BAY LANDFALL THEORY + +Henry R. Wagner is the chief proponent of the Trinidad Bay theory, and +bases his conclusion upon two lines of evidence, (1) cartographical and +(2) ethnographical.[25] The Jodocus Hondius map, with a small inset of +the _Portus Novae Albionis_, does resemble Trinidad Harbor, but since +all admit that the Hondius "Portus" is imperfectly drawn, and only +generally impressionistic, it can hardly be maintained that it resembles +less the outline of Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay. Wagner points out that +there was a Yurok village near the spot indicated on the Hondius map as +occupied by an Indian town.[26] But in Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay, the +outlines of which also resemble that of the _Portus Novae Albionis_, +there are also Indian shellmounds in about the same relative position as +the village shown on the Hondius map. + +Fletcher's reference to a "canow" has led Wagner to identify this with +the Yurok dugout log canoe. If Fletcher's "canow" were described in any +detail, it would settle the problem of whether it meant a Yurok dugout +log canoe or a Coast Miwok tule _balsa_ such as was used in Drake's or +Bodega Bay. Kroeber has also commented upon this unenlightening word, +saying, "Either custom changed after Drake's day, or his canoe is a +loose term for the tule _balsa_ which was often boat-shaped, with raised +sides, especially when intended for navigation." Wagner says in answer, +"To this it may be objected that ... tule _balsas_ were in use in +Drake's Bay in 1595 and were so recognized without difficulty." They +were recognized indeed, _but by a Spanish sailor already familiar with +the type_. Fletcher in his offhand manner dismissed the native boat with +a word which _he_ was familiar with. Perhaps the strongest argument in +favor of identifying Fletcher's "canow" as a tule _balsa_ lies in the +fact that he states that a single person came out to the _Golden Hinde_. +If it had been a Yurok dugout, and particularly in the open bay of +Trinidad, one man could not have managed the canoe. For example, the +Bruno de Hezeta account of Trinidad Bay in 1775 states: "Before they +[the Spaniards] drew near the land to drop anchor four canoes carrying +twenty-four men came out to receive them. They drew near the ships and +were given food and beads, with which they went away without +fear...."[27] It might also be worth noting that Fletcher states that +the person in the canoe remained "at a reasonable distance staying +himself," and would accept only a hat, "refusing vtterly to meddle with +any other thing...." One other account may be cited to support the +identification of the "canow" with the _balsa_. Sebastián Cermeño, in +1595 at Drake's Bay, wrote, "... many Indians appeared on the beach and +soon _one of them_ got into a small craft which they employ, like a +çacate of the lake of Mexico."[28] + +By inference, the native house described by Fletcher has been identified +as a Yurok house. I do not think this claim will hold, since the house +in Fletcher's account is described as semisubterranean, circular, +conical-roofed, covered with earth, and with a roof entrance, whereas +the Yurok dwelling (_not_ the sweathouse), built wholly of planks, is +rectangular, is a surface structure except for an interior rectangular +pit, has a round door entering just above the ground and through the +side wall, and bears a double-ridged roof with two slopes.[29] Thus, the +house described by Fletcher cannot be a Yurok house of Trinidad Bay. On +the other hand, as will be shown in detail later, the house described by +Fletcher is the central California earth-covered dwelling, typical of +the Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay. + +Wagner, in his attempt to show that Drake landed at Trinidad Bay, makes +a further point. He says: "An additional indication that Drake was in +this bay [Trinidad] may be gleaned from the finding there of knives in +1775 by Bruno Heceta.... It seems probable, then, that the knives found +at Trinidad by Heceta were relics of Drake's expedition."[30] It is +scarcely credible that numbers of iron knives, sword blades, and such +implements could have been preserved through two centuries of use. Since +the wooden-sheathed knives were expressly stated to be ill-made, and in +view of Fray Miguel de la Campa's statement in 1775 that "one of them +[i.e., one of the Indians] made his [knife] from a nail which he had +found in a piece of wreckage and had beaten out with a stone,"[31] it is +more than likely that the Trinidad Indians' knives were pounded out of +pieces of iron found imbedded in local sea-borne wreckage.[32] Logic and +probability lead inevitably to the conclusion that there is nothing in +the fact that knives were found at Trinidad Bay in 1775 from which to +suspect or to postulate Drake's presence in that place two centuries +earlier. + +Now for a brief comparison of some specific Indian culture elements and +examples of the language, as reported in _The World Encompassed_ and in +Richard Madox's narrative, with those of Yurok Indian culture. Madox was +chaplain on Edward Fenton's expedition of 1582, and in his diary are +some notes on California which he jotted down after conversation with +some members of the crew which had sailed with Drake two years earlier. + +The flat shell disk beads of the account are not an element of Yurok +material culture. The standard Yurok shell bead is the hollow tusk shell +(_Dentalia indianorum_), which is long, cylindrical, and of small +diameter. The feathered net caps may possibly find cognates in the +flicker headbands of the Yurok, though these bands were known over the +whole of interior and coastal California (cf. pl. 18, _a_). The +feathered baskets, however, cannot possibly be Yurok, since their +manufacture and use is restricted to the Pomo-Miwok-Wappo tribes which +lived far to the south of the Yurok. The "canow" of Fletcher, as had +been pointed out, can hardly be equated with the heavy Yurok river- and +ocean-going dugout canoe. This brief comparison should be convincing +evidence that Drake's chronicler did not describe the Trinidad Bay +Yurok; but there is added evidence in the word forms of the Madox +vocabulary. Madox gives "bread" as _Cheepe_, which the Yurok render +_pop-sho_. "Sing" is given as _Gnaah_ in _The World Encompassed_, the +Yurok word being _wer-o-rur_. "Chief" is given by Fletcher and Madox as +_Hioh_ or _Hioghe_, the Yurok word being _si-at-lau_. + +The decision of whether or not Drake entered Trinidad Bay, which is not +convenient as a port, and is, moreover, rock-studded,[33] must rest in +part upon a study of the Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_, of which, +Wagner says, "... perhaps a very close approximation to the actual +configuration of the bay [in which Drake anchored] cannot be expected." +Certainly the native customs, houses, and language do not offer the +slightest support to the theory that Drake observed the Yurok +Indians.[34] + + + THE ARGUMENTS FOR THE BODEGA BAY OR DRAKE'S BAY LANDFALL + +Wagner, then, has attempted to prove that Drake landed in Bodega Bay; +Davidson and McAdie, that he anchored in Drake's Bay; whereas Kroeber, +Heizer and Elmendorf, Barrett, and Bancroft failed to reach a decision +on which bay gave anchorage to the _Golden Hinde_. + +In the following pages I shall analyze by comparative ethnographic +technique the cultural data relating to the California Indians as given +in the several accounts of the Drake visit in 1579. These sources are: + + 1. The _World Encompassed_ account, which I judge to be the + fullest and most reliable.[35] + + 2. The _Famous Voyage_ account, which is abbreviated and + therefore less complete in detail.[36] + + 3. The second declaration of John Drake (1582), a brief + independent account of the occurrences in California (see + below, App. I).[37] + + 4. Richard Madox's notes on "Ships Land" (New Albion), which + contain a revealing vocabulary of the Indian language.[38] + +An exhaustive ethnography of the Coast Miwok has never been published. +The main sources of Coast Miwok ethnography used in this paper may be +enumerated as follows: + + 1. Data contained in various historical accounts. These are, + for the most part, incidental data and are not, even in total + amount, extensive. The accounts will be cited at the + appropriate places below. + + 2. Published ethnographic notes such as are given in S. A. + Barrett's _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring + Indians_, A. L. Kroeber's _Handbook of the Indians of + California_, and many others which likewise will be cited + below. + + 3. The extensive manuscript notes on the Coast Miwok in the + possession of Dr. Isabel Kelly. Dr. Kelly has kindly lent her + material for the purpose of checking ethnographic items. + + + ANALYSIS OF THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED ACCOUNT + +On June 17 (Old Style), Drake's ship entered "a conuenient and fit +harborough." The next day, "the people of the countrey shewed +themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow." +On the 21st, the ship was brought near shore, her goods were landed, and +defense works were erected. Numbers of natives made their appearance for +a brief time, then returned to their homes in a near-by village. At the +end of two days (June 23), during which no natives had been seen, there +appeared "a great assembly of men, women, and children." As the narrator +says, the local people seen on the 23d had probably "dispersed +themselues into the country, to make knowne the newes...." There follows +in the narrative a long and detailed account of the activities of the +natives who remained assembled near the camp of the English. Finally, +after three more days (the account says June 26), word of the strange +newcomers had spread even further, and there "were assembled the +greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably imagine, to dwell +within any conuenient distance round about." Among these were the +"king," the _Hioh_ of the Indians, and "his guard, of about 100 tall and +warlike men." + +This sequence of visits is of some interest. If Drake landed at Drake's +Bay, the natives seen by him on June 18 and 21 were certainly local +Coast Miwok living close at hand around the bay. The influx of people +on the 23d probably means that they were drawn from relatively near-by +Coast Miwok villages--from near Olema, or from both shores of Tomales +Bay. But even larger crowds of natives came on the 26th, and among them +were the _Hioh_ and his retinue. The group arriving on the 26th probably +came from some distance. If this crowd gathered at Drake's Bay, they +could well have been recruited from Bodega Bay, and possibly included a +number of Southern Pomo neighbors. The elapsed time (i.e., between June +21 and June 26) can be readily accounted for by two factors: (1) time +for communication to be established from Drake's to Bodega Bay and for +the return of the Bodega people, and (2) time for convocation of the +group, decision on a plan of action, and preparation for the elaborate +ceremony performed at the English camp on the 26th. + +If, however, Drake landed in Bodega Bay, the situation would be somewhat +different. The visitors of the 18th and 21st would be Bodega Coast +Miwok. Those arriving on the 23d could have been Tomales Bay or Olema +Coast Miwok, and the arrival on the 26th of the _Hioh_ with his retinue +and followers might mark the presence of Southern Pomo, or, less +probably, Central Pomo who were concentrated in the interior some fifty +miles north of Bodega Bay. + +It is credible, then, that Drake landed in either Drake's Bay or Bodega +Bay, since the native words listed by Fletcher and Madox all belong to +the Coast Miwok language and not to any Pomo dialect.[39] It is +improbable that the ceremonies, customs, and material culture forms +described by Fletcher can be _specifically_ attributed to the Pomo, as +intimated by Wagner,[40] for at least three reasons: (1) Northern Coast +Miwok and Southern Pomo cultures are practically indistinguishable; (2) +the words _Hioh_ and _Gnaah_ seem to be Coast Miwok words rather than +words of Pomo attribution; and (3) if Drake landed in Coast Miwok +territory it is unlikely that the Pomo would be permitted to enter the +territory of their southern neighbors and to perform a ceremony which +the Coast Miwok themselves were as well able to do. + +Following is an examination of the day-by-day account of Fletcher. + +_June 18._--A single man in a "canow" (probably a tule _balsa_) came out +to the ship and delivered an oration. The canoeman also brought with +him, and threw into the ship, a bunch of black feathers tied in a round +bundle, and a small basket filled with an herb ("Tobah"), both of which +were tied to a short stick. + +In 1595, Sebastián Cermeño noted almost exactly the same thing in +Drake's Bay,[41] and something very similar was observed by Francisco +Mourelle in Bodega Bay in 1775.[42] Cermeño says: "On the day on which +the ship anchored in the bay, about four o'clock in the afternoon, many +Indians appeared on the beach and soon one of them got into a small +craft which they employ like a çacate of the lake of Mexico. He came off +to the ship, where he remained quite a time talking in his language, no +one understanding what he said." Mourelle's statement is similar: there +is no mention of a speech by the Indians in "tule canoes," but they +presented the Spanish with plumes of feathers, "bone rosaries" (shell +bead necklaces?), garlands of feathers which they wore around their +heads, and a canister of seeds which tasted like walnuts. + +The feather bundle cannot be specifically identified, but it may be the +ceremonial black feather bundle (pl. 18, _b_) most often associated with +the central California Kuksu cult. Some of these have been illustrated +by Professor Kroeber[43] and R. B. Dixon.[44] The small basket filled +with the herb called _Tobah_ or _Tabah_ has led some students to +identify this herb as tobacco (_Nicotiana_ sp.) John P. Harrington +quotes the sections from _The World Encompassed_ which contain mention +of _Tabah_ or _Tobah_, and assumes that the word has reference to +tobacco (_Nicotiana bigelovii_).[45] Upon what grounds he identifies the +herb mentioned by Fletcher as tobacco is not stated, since the local +words for tobacco are different,[46] nor is it stated in the account +that the herb was smoked. Wagner doubts that the herb called _Tobah_ was +tobacco, and in this he and I are in agreement. It cannot be determined +whether or not a Nicotiana was referred to by Fletcher, nor is it likely +that this question will ever be settled. What does seem clear is that +"Tobah" is not an Indian word, but the name applied to the herb by the +English narrator.[47] This supposition is enhanced by the fact that _The +Famous Voyage_ mentions the herb by the name "tabacco," a word already +known in England before Drake started on his voyage around the +world.[48] It may be concluded that Fletcher's word "Tobah" or "Tabah" +comes from the English word "tabacco," "tobacco," "tabaco," and is not a +California Indian word. In this conclusion I am in agreement with +Professor Kroeber.[49] + +_June 18-21._--There is no mention of Indians between the 18th and the +21st of June. After referring to the man in the "canow," Fletcher +continues, "After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring +at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration." This +would indicate that June 19 and 20 were spent exploring the bay in a +small boat to discover a proper spot for careening the treasure-laden +ship, which had sprung a leak at sea. + +_June 21._--On this day the ship was brought near shore and anchored. +Goods were landed, and some sort of stone fortification was erected for +defense. The Indians made their appearance in increasing numbers until +there was a "great number both of men and women." It is clearly apparent +that the natives were not simply curious, but acted, as Fletcher points +out, "as men rauished in their mindes" and "their errand being rather +with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre +with vs as with mortall men." It would seem that the natives +demonstrated clearly their fear and wonderment at the English, and it is +certain that they behaved as no other natives had done in the experience +of the chronicler. The English gave their visitors shirts and linen +cloth, in return for which (as Fletcher thought) the Indians presented +to Drake and some of the English such things as feathers, net caps, +quivers for arrows, and animal skins which the women wore. Then, having +visited for a time, the natives left for their homes about +three-quarters of a mile away. As soon as they were home, the Indians +began to lament, "extending their voices, in a most miserable and +dolefull manner of shreeking." Inserted between the passages dealing +with the departure of the Indians to their homes and their lamenting is +a description of their houses and dress. The houses are described as +"digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of +the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, +like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with +earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the +most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the +smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in +a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely +with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their +fire in the middest...." The men for the most part were naked, and the +women wore a shredded bulrush (tule? _Scirpus_ sp.) skirt which hung +around the hips. Women also wore a shoulder cape of deerskin with the +hair upon it. + +[Illustration: Another representation of the "crowning" of Francis +Drake. (From an old engraving; provenience not known.)] + +From the foregoing facts some important conclusions can be drawn. +First, the wonderment of the natives is but an extension of attitudes +they had daily shown from the 17th to the 20th; and similar +manifestations continued throughout the long stay of the English.[50] +The English were looked upon as unusual, perhaps supernatural, visitors, +since nothing is more clear than the fact that they were not treated as +ordinary mortals. Kroeber has suggested that the Indians regarded the +English as the returned dead, and there is much to be said for this +view, as will be shown later. The doleful shrieking, weeping, and crying +are evidence _sui generis_ that the presence of the English was in some +way associated with ghosts or the dead.[51] + +The circular semisubterranean house, roofed over with poles and +earth-covered, is also characteristic of a wide area of central +California. The Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay[52] used these +houses, as did the Pomo.[53] It is clearly not a temporary brush-covered +house like those seen in the Bodega-Tomales Bay region.[54] The "caules +of network" undoubtedly refer to the well-known net caps of central +California,[55] a type so widespread that exact localization or +provenience is impossible. + +The Fletcher account is fairly specific on particulars of dress--women +wore shredded bulrush skirts and deerskin shoulder capes, and men were +ordinarily naked. The bulrush or tule-fiber clothing is attested for +Bodega Bay[56] and Drake's Bay,[57] but it is also found generally +throughout central California. Men were generally naked in California, +so Fletcher does not note here a distinctive cultural trait. The wearing +of deerskin capes by the women is not strictly substantiated by the +observations of later explorers, although Cermeño (1595) said that the +women in Drake's Bay "covered their private parts with straw and skins +of animals."[58] Archibald Menzies noted that the women in Tomales Bay +wore a deerskin wrapped around their middle and reaching to the +knees,[59] and Francisco Eliza said that near Bodega Bay "the women +cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins."[60] Colnett +mentions the Indian dress of deerskins in Bodega Bay.[61] + +_June 23._--On this day, after a two-day absence, "a great assembly of +men, women, and children" appeared at the camp of the English. The +Indians stopped at the top of the hill at the bottom of which Drake's +camp was pitched, and one man made "a long and tedious oration: +deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to +the vttermost strength of nature...." At the conclusion of the speech or +oration, all the other Indians reverently bowed their bodies "in a +dreaming manner" (?) and cried "_Oh_" in approbation. Then the men, +leaving their bows, women, and children behind them, came down to the +English with presents and gifts. While the men were gift giving, the +women cried and shrieked piteously, tore their cheeks with their +fingernails until the blood flowed, tore off the single covering from +the upper parts of the body, and, holding their hands high, cast +themselves on the ground with great violence, regardless of +consequences. The English, grieved at this spectacle of sacrifice, +attempted to dissuade the Indians by praying and indicating by signs +that their God lived above. During this "performance" (prayers, singing +Psalms, and reading chapters of the Bible), the Indians "sate very +attentiuely: and obseruing the end of euery pause, with one voice still +cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our exercises." The natives were +watching with great interest what seemed to them a ceremonial +performance (which it actually was, but not in the sense in which the +Indians understood it). The singing of Psalms interested the Indians +most, and whenever the natives came, says Fletcher, their first request +was _Gnaah_, an entreaty that the English should sing. After the Indians +and English had exchanged ceremonial performances of a religious +nature, the Indians again departed, giving back to the English +everything they had received. + +The oration by the man at the top of the hill may perhaps be likened to +a speech that Cermeño made note of, when, in 1595, he was at Drake's +Bay: "... Indians from near by kept coming and the chief talked a long +time."[62] It is not improbable that the speaker mentioned by Fletcher +was a messenger dispatched to announce the later coming of the big +chief.[63] Or, the orator may simply have been a local village chief who +delivered a long address or salutation to the English. The existence, at +least, of such orators is known.[64] The signal of approbation, "Oh," +has already been remarked upon by S. A. Barrett: "The expressions of +assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not +only by the Moqueluman Coast Miwok peoples of this region but by the +Pomo to the north where such expressions as _o_, _yo_, _iyo_, varying +with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the sentiment +expressed by the speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of a +dance."[65] When the preliminaries were over, the men came down the +hill, and the women remained behind, lamenting, and lacerating their +flesh. Crying and tearing the cheeks with the fingernails, as an +ethnographic practice in connection with mourning, is documented for the +Coast Miwok[66] and Pomo.[67] The word _Gnaah_, by which (so Fletcher +states) the Indians asked the English to sing, can possibly be likened +to the Coast Miwok _koyá_, "sing."[68] If it is granted that _Gnaah_ is +equivalent to _koyá_, there is good reason to believe that Coast Miwok +were the main frequenters of Drake's camp, since Fletcher says, "... +whensoever they resorted to vs, their first request was _Gnaah_, by +which they intreated that we would sing." The words for "sing" in +neighboring Indian tongues are so unlike _Gnaah_ that no idea of +connection can be entertained. + +_June 26._--After three days, there "were assembled the greatest number +of people which wee could reasonably imagine to dwell within any +conuenient distance round about." Included in the crowd were the "king" +and his "guard" of about one hundred men. Before the king showed +himself, two "Embassadors or messengers" appeared, to announce his +coming and to ask for a present "as a token that his comming might be in +peace." Drake complied, and soon the "king with all his traine came +forward." The king and his retinue "cryed continually after a singing +manner" as they came, but as they approached nearer they strove to +"behaue themselues with a certaine comelinesse and grauity in all their +actions." In the front of the procession came a man bearing the "Septer +or royall mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, to which +were tied long, looped strings of shell disk beads, and two "crownes," a +larger and a smaller, made of knitwork and covered with a pattern of +colored feathers. Only a few men were seen to wear the disk bead +necklaces ("chaines"). Fletcher observes that in proportion to the +number of "chaines" a man wears, "as some ten, some twelve, some +twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby +knowne to be the more honorable personages." Next to the scepter bearer +was the king (_Hioh_), surrounded by his guard. On his head he wore a +net cap ("cawle") decorated with feathers in the same manner as the +"crownes" described above, "but differing much both in fashion and +perfectness of work." From the king's shoulders hung a waist-length coat +of the skins of "conies." Members of his guard each wore a coat of +similar cut, but of different skins. Some of the guard wore net caps +"stuck with feathers," or covered with a light, downy substance, +probably milkweed down. Only those persons who were close to the king +wore the down-filled or down-covered net caps and feather plumes on +their heads. + +Following the procession of the king and his guard came the "naked sort +of common people." Their long hair was gathered behind into a bunch in +which were stuck plumes of feathers, but in the front were only single +feathers which looked "like hornes." Every Indian had his face painted +in black or white or other colors, and every man brought some sort of +gift. The procession was brought up behind by the women and children. +Each woman carried against her breast a round basket or so, filled with +a number of articles such as bags of _Tobah_; a root called _Petah_, +which was made into meal and either baked into bread or eaten raw; +broiled pilchard-like fishes; and the seed and down of milkweed (?). The +baskets are carefully described by Fletcher as "made in fashion like a +deep boale ... [and] about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of +shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a +place, of the chaines aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were +vessels wholly dedicated to the only vse of the gods they worshipped: +and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red +feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes." + +As the crowd of people came near, they gave a general salutation and +were then silent. The scepter bearer, prompted by another man who +whispered, delivered in a loud voice an oration which lasted half an +hour. When the oration was ended, "there was a common _Amen_, in signe +of approbation giuen by euery person...." Then the company, leaving the +little children behind, came down to the foot of the hill where the +English had their camp. Here the scepter bearer began to sing and danced +in time to the song. The king, his guard, and all the others joined in +the singing and dancing, except the women, who danced but did not sing. +The women had torn faces, their bodies showed bruises and other +lacerations which had been self-inflicted before the Indians had +arrived. After the assembly of natives had concluded their dance, they +indicated by signs that Drake should be seated. This done, the king and +several others delivered orations to Drake, and, concluding with a song, +placed the crown upon his head and hung all the shell disk bead +necklaces around his neck. Many other gifts were tendered to Drake, and +the name _Hioh_ was bestowed upon him. Fletcher interpreted this +ceremony as the giving up of the kingdom to Drake, a thought hardly +ascribable to the Indians. It is quite clear, however, that Drake was +individually and specially honored by the leader of the California +natives, and was invested with a name, _Hioh_. + +After the "crowning" was concluded, the common people, both men and +women, dispersed among the English, "taking a diligent view and survey +of every man." When a native found an Englishman who pleased his fancy, +and the youthful Englishmen were preferred, a personal "sacrifice" in +the form of weeping, moaning, shrieking, and tearing of the face with +the fingernails was offered. As might be expected, such a scene was +embarrassing and uncomfortable to the English, and the strongest efforts +were of no avail in disabusing the Indians of their "idolatry." After a +time the Indians quieted down and began to show to the English "their +griefes and diseases which they carried about with them, some of them +hauing old aches, some shruncke sinewes, some old soares and canckred +vlcers, some wounds more lately receiued, and the like, in most +lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure thereof from vs: making signes +that if we did but blowe vpon their griefes, or but touched the diseased +places, they would be whole." The English applied various unguents to +the affected places, continuing the treatment as the natives resorted to +the camp from time to time. + +Now to analyze the happenings of June 26. The "Embassadors or +messengers" of Fletcher are probably correctly identified, since the +custom of having messengers who announce the coming of a chief and his +party is known to have existed at least among the Pomo[69] and probably +among the Coast Miwok, although there is no specific mention of such a +practice among the latter. Even the custom that messengers should ask +for a present for the "king" (i.e., chief) is known to have been +observed by the Pomo.[70] It is impossible to identify the man who bore +the "scepter" or "mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, +but the scepter itself seems identifiable with the staff known +ethnographically to have been used in the central California Kuksu or +ghost ceremony.[71] + +The assemblage of the black stick with pendant "feathered crowns" and +clamshell disk beads has not been noted by any modern ethnographer, but +the flat, circular, centrally drilled white beads of clamshell are +familiar (pl. 18, _c_). They were made from clamshells dug at Bodega +Bay, the source of these beads for most of the Indians of central +California.[72] It is of some interest to note that in later times the +beads have been very abundant, and that in the last 350 years the +manufacture and use of clamshell disk beads have been much increased. +The net "crownes" covered with a pattern of colored feathers are +described by Fletcher in terms so general that exact identification is +difficult. They may have resembled some of those illustrated by Dixon, +who collected them from the Northern Maidu.[73] At least, net caps with +feather decorations were commonly used in Coast Miwok[74] and Pomo[75] +ceremonies. The king's guard was probably composed of a number of male +initiates of a secret society who naturally would separate themselves +from the women and children when engaged in ceremonial duties.[76] The +net cap of the king or _Hioh_ was different from that of the others, and +it is not improbable that it was one of the flicker-quill headbands so +well known for the area (pl. 18, _a_).[77] This identification is at +best tentative, however, since there was in this area a bewildering +array of types of feather-decorated ceremonial headgear. The king's coat +of conyskins seems to have been distinguished from those of his guard. +The guards' coats may have been made of pocket gopher or mountain beaver +skins, and the king's coat was possibly of woven rabbitskin blankets, +common to both the Pomo and the Coast Miwok.[78] What seems unusual is +that there is no mention in Fletcher's account of the feather cloaks or +skirts used in later times on ceremonial occasions. I have been unable +to find any ethnographic data on a special skin coat for chiefs or +ceremonial leaders. The down-filled head net undoubtedly refers to the +central Californian net cap.[79] The feather plumes mentioned by +Fletcher as worn on the head by persons close to the king may have been +of several of the numerous types used in central California. Examples +are illustrated by Dixon[80] and Kroeber.[81] The repeated mention by +Fletcher of the use of feathers indicates clearly that their ceremonial +use was highly developed at this period. The single feathers resembling +"horns" are an ethnographic feature of the costume of the ghost dancer +among the Pomo,[82] and although there is no documentary evidence that +the Coast Miwok wore feathers in such a manner, it seems likely, in view +of the very close correspondence between Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonial +features, that they did so. The practice of painting the body is an +almost invariable feature of Coast Miwok[83] and Pomo[84] ceremonies. + +The gifts brought by the women in round baskets included bags of _Tobah_ +(already discussed), broiled fish, the seed and down of some plant +(milkweed?),[85] and a root called _Petah_ or _Patah_. Neither the Pomo +nor the Coast Miwok remember today any root or bulb with a name +resembling _Petah_ or _Patah_. Elmendorf and I have agreed with Kroeber +that _Petah_ is probably to be linked with the word "potato" in one or +another of its various forms. Kroeber thinks that the description +indicates the wild onion (_Brodiaea_), called _putcu_ in Coast Miwok, +and this is not improbable. However, soaproot (_Chlorogalum_), which was +sometimes baked into a bread, would also fill the description. It is +called _haka_ by the Coast Miwok, and it is barely possible, though +hardly probable, that _haka_ could have been heard and recorded as +_Patah_ or _Petah_. Since Fletcher speaks of _Petah_ as a root, it +seems improbable that he was describing acorns (called _ümba_ in Coast +Miwok); yet even this remote possibility may be entertained, since Madox +recorded _cheepe_ as bread, and Coast Miwok _tcipa_ means acorn bread. +The word _Petah_, and botanical identification, must remain in limbo +until further data are at hand. + +The feather-decorated baskets offer evidence, as Barrett and Kroeber +have indicated, that Drake landed on the coast immediately north of San +Francisco Bay. The baskets (pl. 19) are described as shaped like a deep +bowl, covered with a matted down of red feathers worked into various +patterns, and further embellished with pendant drops of pearl shell +(_Haliotis_) and two or three disk beads in various places. Such baskets +were made only by the Coast Miwok,[86] Pomo,[87] Lake Miwok, and Wappo. +Kroeber states that these baskets "served as gifts and treasures; and +above all they were destroyed in honor of the dead."[88] It is clear +that, in 1579, feathered baskets similar in manufacture and use to the +native baskets of today were known in this Coast Miwok area. + +The scepter bearer, prompted in a low voice by another man, delivered a +long oration. The Coast Miwok have such orators; among those Indians the +office of speechmaker is a special one.[89] The Pomo have orators,[90] +as do most other central Californians. The _Amen_, or sign of general +approbation, following the oration has already been commented upon. Then +the natives performed a dance to the accompaniment of a song led by the +scepter bearer (or orator)[91] and joined in by the men, while the women +danced but remained silent. Among the Pomo and Coast Miwok each ceremony +has a song in connection with its observance.[92] + +The episode of the crowning has no parallel in native custom or +ceremonial behavior, probably because "crowning" was a unique experience +for the Indians as well as the English. This fact should be kept in mind +in judging and estimating the natives' actions and reactions--they were +as puzzled as the English. Drake was specifically honored by the +Indians, and there is no reason to doubt Fletcher when he states that +the name _Hioh_ was given to him. It has been suggested that _Hioh_ was +a term of salutation or an interjection,[93] but there is no reason to +believe that this was so. The word finds possible equivalents in Coast +Miwok for chief, _hoipu_, _hoipa_, or friend, _oiya_.[94] Since the +Interior Miwok word for chief is _haiapo_, there is a bare possibility +that the _hoi_ of today may have been rendered _hai_ in 1579, though +there is no direct evidence to support this suggestion. It should be +mentioned here that the Madox account independently verifies Fletcher's +remarks on the episode of the crowning, as well as the word for "king" +(chief?), which Madox renders as _Hioghe_.[95] + +The close scrutiny of the English by the Indians following the +"crowning" ceremony indicates that the main business of the day (i.e., +the ceremonial crowning by secret society initiates) was over, and that +the general public could now take part in the festivities. Of great +interest are Fletcher's statements to the effect that the most youthful +Englishmen were repeatedly selected as recipients of personal sacrifice +and adoration which took the form of lamenting, moaning, weeping, +wailing, and self-lacerating. Only one conclusion can be drawn: the +Indians supposed that they were looking upon relatives returned from the +dead, and hence performed the usual mourning observances. + +After all these ceremonies were concluded, the Indians showed the +English their infirmities, aches, sores, and wounds, and it was made +clear that if the English would but blow upon them they would be made +well. This accords fairly well with the curing aspect of certain local +ceremonies. For example, the Kuksu doctor of the Pomo might cure by +blowing "his whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly +those recognized by the patients as the seats of pain."[96] There is no +mention of the use of whistles in connection with the ceremony enacted +by the Indians. Whistles are so commonly used in local ceremonies that +their omission is noteworthy. The detailed nature of the account +indicates that this feature was not so strongly developed in 1579 as it +is today in local native custom. + +_General observations, and occurrences from June 27 to July 23._--The +natives were almost constant visitors, and it is noted that ordinarily +every third day they brought their "sacrifices" (?). From this and other +indications it seems possible that the ceremonial number of the Indians +was three. The ceremonial number of the adjoining Pomo is four.[97] The +Coast Miwok ceremonial number was probably four, though there is no +direct evidence to support this supposition. The Indian bow is spoken of +as weak and "more fit for children than for men," a remark to be +expected from the English, who were even then employing the famous +longbow. The English were impressed with the strength of the natives, +but, for Indians accustomed to transporting everything on their backs, +their feats of strength seem not surprising. It is also noted that the +natives were good at running and that this was the ordinary means of +travel. The English admired the native surf fishing. Kroeber has +interpreted the passage, "if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so +neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without swimming, they +would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it," as signifying diving for +fish in the surf. Since this unusual practice is not otherwise recorded +ethnographically for any coastal Californian tribe, some other +explanation may be in order, and I suggest that Fletcher may have had +reference to surf fishing with a round hand net, a practice known to +have been followed by the Coast Miwok.[98] One gets the impression that +the English found much to admire in their native friends. + +Drake, his gentlemen, and others of the ship's company made an +expedition into the interior to see the native villages and the country +round about. The houses were all of the semisubterranean, circular type +discussed previously. Two animals were seen, as also herds of deer and +great numbers of "conies," a name which, as used by Fletcher, seems to +fit no known animal living today in this coastal area.[99] + +The country was named _Albion_ "in respect of the white bancks and +cliffes, which lie toward the sea ...," and a post was set up with an +engraved brass plate nailed to it. The white cliffs are one of the most +conspicuous features of Drake's Bay.[100] That the plate of brass has +been found at Drake's Bay is a fact of the greatest significance. + +Upon the departure of the English, the Indians were sorrowful, and they +burned a "sacrifice" of a string of disk beads and a bunch of feathers. +The burning of shell beads in memory and honor of the dead, a custom +which Fletcher may have described, is known for the Coast Miwok,[101] +Pomo,[102] and neighboring groups.[103] + +Aside from those actions of the natives which are usually associated +with their attitudes toward the dead (weeping, moaning, self-laceration, +use of feathered baskets, sacrifice of shell beads and feathers in the +fire), there are other evidences that the English were regarded as the +returned spirits of the dead. First is Fletcher's observation that the +Indians were "standing when they drew neere, as men rauished in their +mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard +of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare +to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall +men. Which thing as it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did +it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of +our abode amongst them." Except for the sole occasion, at the conclusion +of the ceremony on June 26, when the Indians embraced the youthful +Englishmen, the natives seem to have avoided touching the whites. This +is most understandable if it is believed that they looked upon the +English as the dead returned,[104] for bodily contact with a dead person +or spirit was certain, in their minds, to have disastrous results. +Further evidence of this may be contained in the statement: "Our General +hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their departure they +restored them all againe; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoeuer +hee had receiued...." There is one more bit of inferential evidence +along this line which comes from the Madox account. This is the phrase +_Nocharo mu_, "touch me not" (i.e., _notcáto mu_, "keep away"). It may +be asked why Madox recorded this particular phrase out of the many his +informant must have heard. The answer is perhaps to be found in the +simple fact that the English heard this phrase uttered a great many +times, and it stuck in their memory. In view of the fact that the +natives held the English in fear as dead people, the phrase "touch me +not" might often have been used toward amorous sailors, or against any +form of bodily contact. + + + ADDITIONAL ETHNOGRAPHIC ITEMS IN THE RICHARD MADOX AND + JOHN DRAKE ACCOUNTS + +In the second deposition of John Drake, cousin to Francis Drake (see +below, App. I), there is no new information. There is, however, +independent corroboration of the weeping and self-laceration referred +to repeatedly in the _World Encompassed_ account. The natives are +mentioned as having bows and arrows and as being naked, both of which +items are mentioned by Fletcher. The Indians' sadness at the departure +of the English, as remarked by John Drake, is a further verification of +Fletcher's observations as presented in some detail in _The World +Encompassed_. + +The brief Madox account is of particular interest since a number of +words in the Indian language, a song, and the episode of the crowning +are mentioned. The linguistic items are given as follows: + + _Cheepe_ bread _Nocharo mu_ tuch me not + _Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe _Hioghe_ a king + +As Elmendorf and I have already pointed out, the vocabulary may be +assigned conclusively to the Coast Miwok language.[105] _Cheepe_, +"bread," is equivalent to modern Coast Miwok _tcipa_, "acorn bread." +This word alone is the clearest possible evidence that Drake's Indian +acquaintances were Coast Miwok. _Huchee kecharoh_, "sit down," probably +is an incorrect translation of the phrase. The closest approximation in +modern Coast Miwok is _atci kotcáto_, "step into the house," and _hoki +kotcádo_, "go into the house" (_tc_ is phonetically equivalent to the +sound _ch_ as in chin). It is possible to explain these differently +stated meanings of these phonetically similar phrases as owing to +incorrect inductions of meaning under specific circumstances. Kelly's +Coast Miwok ethnographic informants stated that, according to old +custom, whenever people came to a house they were asked to walk in and +were offered a seat in the rear of the house, and food was placed before +them. In some such situation, particularly if the English had occasion +to be often in the Indian village, they may have repeatedly heard the +invitation, "step into the house." Likewise, the phrase _Nocharo mu_, +"touch me not," may have been translated by Madox (or his informant) +only vaguely, since it represents a situation rather than a concrete +object, which would be less liable to misinterpretation. Modern Coast +Miwok offers a close parallel in the form of _notcáto mu_, which may be +literally translated "stay over there," or "stay away" (_notca_, +"farther," "yonder"). + +Madox's word for king, _Hioghe_, is similar to that given by Fletcher +(_Hioh_ or _Hyoh_), except that the _ghe_ ending is unusual. From the +words of the Indian song given by Madox (see below), in which _heigh_ +(i.e., _hai_) appears, it might be suspected that the _gh_ is silent; +yet why is the terminal _e_ present? It may be that if _Hioghe_ were +exactly similar phonetically to _Hioh_, there would not be a terminal +_e_ in _Hioghe_. Thus Madox's' _Hioghe_ may indicate a terminal sound +(short or weak _e_?) and therefore be close to modern Coast Miwok +_hoipa_ (and Sierra Miwok _haiapo_). That the _gh_ might be an +indication of the _p_ sound is possible, or, again, it could represent +Madox's attempt to render a weak or indefinite labial sound which was +imperfectly remembered by his informant. Too close a phonetic +transcription of an Indian language by Elizabethan Englishmen should not +be expected--there was little standardization in English spelling[106] +at that time. The foregoing is not advanced as an argument to show that +the terminal "e" was sounded, but is merely presented as a possibility. +Elizabethan English commonly used an unpronounced terminal "e." The song +of the Indians "when they worship god" is given by Madox as _Hodeli oh +heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_. No Coast Miwok or Pomo song on record +accords exactly with that given by Madox, although some are quite +similar. For example, a Coast Miwok _Suya_ song transcribed by Kelly is +a repetitive line _Yo ya he yo he o_. Other examples from the Coast +Miwok are not available, but some Pomo ceremonial songs may be cited. +Stephen Powers[107] gives a Sanel Pomo song: + + _Hel-lel-li-ley + Hel-lel-lo + Hel-lel-lu_ + +E. M. Loeb[108] gives several Pomo songs which are associated with the +Kuksu or ghost ceremony: + + 1. _He yo he yo he yo + He yoha eheya ye + To ya he yo ho ho_ + + 2. _Tali, tali, yo yo weya yo, weya yo, + ha hi he ya he hotsaii ya hi ho._ + + 3. _He ha le me, le lu hi ma humane, hu ..._ + +Other Pomo songs used in ceremonies are given by Loeb:[109] + + 1. _=U =u hulai leli ha ha._ + + 2. _He he la le ha hi hi hi, ya ya ya, hu wa!_ + + 3. _Yo yo hale e he na gagoyá =o he he!_ + + 4. _Ho yu ko, he he, a ha a a. Hi ye ko, lai ye ko, He tsi ye._ + + 5. _Yo ho yo ho yaho, he yo ho waha._ + +These examples show how generally similar are the Coast Miwok[110] and +Pomo ceremonial songs of today to the song of 1579 given by Madox. Here +again an exact correspondence should not be expected, since it is not +known whether the song given by Madox was one associated with a +particular ceremonial occurrence, nor is it known how changeable these +songs are. And again, in the time that has passed and in the changing +course of circumstances since 1579, some exactness has almost inevitably +been sacrificed. Madox's statement that the natives sang "one dauncing +first wh his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people" +verifies Fletcher's description of the singing and dancing at the time +of the great ceremony of June 26. + + + SUPPOSED INDIAN TRADITIONS OF DRAKE'S VISIT + +Professor George Davidson was the second investigator to use an Indian +tradition as evidence of the Drake's Bay location of the 1579 +visit.[111] The source of the tradition is in J. P. Munro-Fraser's +_History of Marin County_,[112] and is stated as follows: + + First of all comes an old Indian legend which comes down + through the Nicasios to the effect that Drake did land at this + place [Drake's Bay]. Although they have been an interior tribe + ever since the occupation by the Spaniards and doubtless were + at that time, it still stands to reason that they would know + all about the matter. If the ship remained in the bay + thirty-six days it is reasonable to suppose that a knowledge of + its presence reached every tribe within an area of one hundred + miles and that the major portion of them paid a visit to the + bay to see the "envoys of the Great Spirit," as they regarded + the white seamen. One of these Indians named Theognis who is + reputed to have been one hundred and thirty years old when he + made the statement, says that Drake presented the Indians with + a dog, some young pigs, and seeds of several species of + grain.... The Indians also state that some of Drake's men + deserted him here, and, making their way into the country, + became amalgamated with the aboriginals to such an extent that + all traces of them were lost, except possibly a few names + [Nicasio, Novato] which are to be found among the Indians. + +Wagner feels that there is no reason or evidence to indicate that the +Nicasio Indian tradition refers to Drake,[113] a conclusion with which I +agree. If any early expedition did leave pigs with the Coast Miwok, it +could have been the Spanish one of 1793, which attempted unsuccessfully +to form a settlement at Bodega Bay. Felipe Goycoechea, in 1793 +specifically mentions seeing some pigs and chickens which the Spanish +had left earlier in the year with the Indians at that place.[114] With +Wagner's statement that, if any credit can be given to the pig episode, +Cermeño may have been the donor,[115] I cannot agree, mainly for the +reason that Cermeño's crew were hungry and would not have given the +Indians any pigs if they had had them. The story of the dog is +interesting since neither the Pomo nor Coast Miwok had dogs in +pre-Spanish times, and the evidence indicates that dogs were introduced +shortly after 1800.[116] Aside from these facts, the supposed Nicasio +tradition does not have a true ring--it is not the type of story that +Indians are accustomed to tell. + +A belief among the Coast Miwok[117] and some Pomo[118] tribes that the +home of the dead is associated with Point Reyes should perhaps be taken +into account. The belief is that this seaward projection is associated +with the dead, who follow a string leading out through the surf to the +land of the dead. It is barely possible that this belief, which is quite +clearly of Coast Miwok origin, is a legendary reminiscence of Drake's +visit which seems to have been, in part at least, interpreted by the +Indians as the return of the dead. It may be superfluous to mention that +no Indian has ever stated his idea of the origin of this legend,[119] or +of its association with the visit of Drake's party; yet there remains +the possibility that the occurrence made an impression so deep that +Point Reyes became in this way associated with the home of the dead in +the west, from which the English were supposed to have come and gone. If +this tradition were associated with Drake, it would, of course, signify +that his anchorage was behind Point Reyes in Drake's Bay. On the other +hand, this remarkable point which juts far out into the ocean is a +prominent feature of Coast Miwok territory, and by reason of its unique +topography might have been associated with local ceremonial +beliefs.[120] + +I may conclude this discussion by saying that no direct evidence of +Drake's visit in 1579 is to be found in recorded local Indian +traditions. In view of the long time that has intervened, no native +legendary evidence is to be expected. Euhemerism is ordinarily rather an +unproductive and hazardous approach for the historian. + + + RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION + +The results of this survey can now be weighed and a solution to the +problem of the location of Drake's California anchorage suggested. + +It has been shown that there is not a scrap of ethnographic evidence to +suggest that Drake landed in Trinidad Bay and saw the Yurok Indians. The +Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_ might apply equally to Bodega Bay or +Drake's Bay, and by itself can only rise to the level of supporting, +rather than primary, evidence. Thus, in reference to the Trinidad Bay +theory, the map cannot alone and unaided prove the point against the +overwhelming evidence to the contrary. + +The ethnographic evidence indicates strongly, indeed almost +conclusively, that Drake landed in territory occupied by Coast Miwok +Indians.[121] Since Pomo culture and Coast Miwok Indian culture were so +similar as to be almost indistinguishable, the culture described by +Fletcher might refer to either Coast Miwok or Pomo, and no solution +would be forthcoming were it not for the additional fact that _all_ the +unquestionably native words (_Hioh_, _Gnaah_, _Huchee kecharo_, _Nocharo +mu_, _Cheepe_) are of Coast Miwok derivation. It may therefore be +concluded that Drake had contact mainly with the Coast Miwok. Any effort +to prove that the customs described point expressly to the Pomo as +Drake's visitors would have to deny the linguistic proofs and rest upon +the unlikely assumption that Pomo and Coast Miwok culture were markedly +divergent in 1579.[122] The Pomo ethnographic data cited here are +therefore to be looked upon not as unique Pomo cultural traits, but as +supplementary, comparative material which is at a premium for the Coast +Miwok. But there are two bays in Coast Miwok territory to which Drake +might have brought his ship. These are Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay. + +No internal evidence points specifically to either Drake's or Bodega +Bay--the accounts lack geographical detail,[123] the ethnographic Coast +Miwok culture was in operation in both bays, and contemporary maps are +so inaccurate and open to variable interpretation that nothing definite +can be ascertained from their inspection. What is needed, therefore, is +some hint or lead which will break this stalemate. There are two such +leads. The first is the plate of brass left by Drake and recently found +at Drake's Bay. Granted the authenticity of the Drake plate, it now does +not rank as an isolated find, however spectacular, but rather as good +supporting evidence of the conclusion based upon my ethnographic +analysis. The second point of evidence is Fletcher's statement that +"this country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called." The _Famous +Voyage_ version says almost the same, except that the country was named +_Nova Albion_, which agrees more closely with the wording of the Drake +plate. Wagner has discussed the white cliffs,[124] but his argument is +unconvincing. There is no good reason to doubt that the cliffs mentioned +were at the bay, since Fletcher implies that the naming took place +before the departure.[125] And it must be remembered that white cliffs +which face toward the sea[126] are at Drake's Bay and _not at Bodega_. + +In June, 1579, then, Drake probably landed in what is now known as +Drake's Bay. He remained there for five weeks repairing his ship, and +found the Indians the most remarkable objects of interest with which he +came in contact. From a comparative analysis of the detailed +descriptions of the native ceremonies, artifacts, and language I +conclude that in the fullest authentic account, _The World Encompassed_, +it is the Coast Miwok Indians that are referred to. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Alfred L. Kroeber, _Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau +of American Ethnology, Bulletin 78 (Washington, D.C., 1925). + +[2] Robert F. Heizer and William W. Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's +California Anchorage in the Light of the Indian Language Spoken There," +_Pacific Historical Review_, XI (1942), 213-217. + +[3] George C. Davidson, "Directory for the Pacific Coast of the United +States," _Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey ... 1858_ +(Washington, D.C., 1859). App. 44, pp. 297-458. + +[4] George C. Davidson, "An Examination of Some of the Early Voyages of +Discovery and Exploration on the Northwest Coast of America from 1539 to +1603," _Report of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey ... June, 1886_ +(Washington, D.C., 1887), App. 7, pp. 155-253; and _Identification of +Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage on the Coast of California in the Year +1579_, California Historical Society Publications (San Francisco, 1890). + +[5] George C. Davidson, "Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast of America +in the Year 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay of San +Francisco," _Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical Society of +the Pacific_, ser. 2, Bull. 5. + +[6] Henry R. Wagner, "George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast +of America," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), +299-320. The idea that Drake entered San Francisco Bay was held by +others than Davidson. See, for example, J. D. B. Stillman, "Did Drake +Discover San Francisco Bay?" _Overland Monthly_, I (1868), 332-337. See +also Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ (San +Francisco, 1926), chaps. vii and viii, and notes on pp. 488-499, esp. +pp. 495-496. + +[7] J. W. Robertson, _The Harbor of St. Francis_ (San Francisco, 1926). + +[8] Hubert Howe Bancroft, _History of California_, Vol. I: _1542-1800_ +(San Francisco, 1884), pp. 81-94. + +[9] Edward Everett Hale, in Justin Winsor, _Narrative and Critical +History of the United States_, Vol. III, pp. 74-78. + +[10] Alexander G. McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," _Proceedings of the +American Antiquarian Society_, n. s., XXVIII (1918), 189-198. R. P. +Bishop, "Drake's Course in the North Pacific," _British Columbia +Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), 151-182. + +[11] F. P. Sprent, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage round the World, +1577-1580, Two Contemporary Maps_ (London, 1927), pp. 10-11, map 2. + +[12] Samuel A. Barrett, _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring +Indians_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 6, No. 1 +(Berkeley, 1908), pp. 28-37. + +[13] _Ibid._, n. 7, pp. 36-37. + +[14] Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 275-278. + +[15] J. W. Robertson (_Francis Drake and Other Early Explorers along the +Pacific Coast_, San Francisco, 1927), in discussing Kroeber's analysis +of the Fletcher account (_op. cit._, p. 177), says: "There seems to be +no proof either that Drake landed at any particular harbor, or that +anything can be adduced so specific as to establish his residence on +this coast." The latter part of this statement cannot be maintained +seriously in the face of Kroeber's presentation of direct evidence to +the contrary. + +[16] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage." + +[17] The words recorded by Fletcher are in _The World Encompassed_. The +Madox vocabulary was printed by E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the +Pacific," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. Madox's +account has been further discussed by Wagner in the _California +Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311. + +[18] See Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, map facing p. 332, and Kroeber, +_Handbook_, fig. 22, p. 274, for the area held by the Coast Miwok. + +[19] For details see _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI +(1937), 192. + +[20] For particulars see _Drake's Plate of Brass: Evidence of His Visit +to California in 1579_, California Historical Society, Special +Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937). + +[21] See R. B. Haselden, "Is the Drake Plate of Brass Genuine?" +_California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 271-274. +Haselden's queries have been answered already. W. Hume-Rotherby (review +of _Drake's Plate of Brass Authenticated_, in _Geographical Journal_, +CXIV [1939], 54-55) points out that the letters engraved on the plate +(B, N, M) are not paralleled by other sixteenth-century inscriptions, +and that the form of the numeral 5 is suspect. These and other problems +which he poses have the effect of creating a smokescreen of doubt +without contributing anything new. Wagner is skeptical of the date on +the plate (June 17) and of the fact that the plate is of brass rather +than lead ("Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts," +_Pacific Historical Review_, VII [1938], 297-326). + +[22] Allen L. Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of +Brass," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 275-281, +and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate," _ibid._, XVIII (1939), 251-253. + +[23] Herbert E. Bolton, "Francis Drake's Plate of Brass," in _Drake's +Plate of Brass_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. +13 (San Francisco, 1937). + +[24] C. G. Fink and E. P. Polushkin, _Drake's Plate of Brass +Authenticated_ ... California Historical Society, Special Publication +No. 14 (San Francisco, 1938). + +[25] Wagner's theory is not stated explicitly in any one place, hence +specific reference is impossible. See his _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage +around the World_ (San Francisco, 1926), pp. 156-158, 169. + +[26] This is shown even more clearly on the Hezeta map of 1775 +reproduced by Herbert E. Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California +by Fray Francisco Palóu_, 4 vols. (Berkeley, 1926), Vol. IV, facing p. +16. George C. Davidson in his _Identification_ (pp. 17-18, 34, 39) made +a similar identification of the Indian village site at the Limantour +Estero in Drake's Bay. + +[27] Bolton, _op. cit._, n. 19. See also L. L. Loud, _Ethnogeography and +Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and +Ethn., Vol. 14, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1918), p. 243. + +[28] H. R. Wagner, _Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America_, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 4 (San Francisco, +1929), p. 158. + +[29] For details see Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 78-79, pl. 9; and Loud, +_Ethnogeography_, pp. 243, 244. + +[30] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 157, 158. + +[31] "Fray Benito de la Sierra's Account of the Hezeta Expedition to the +Northwest Coast in 1775," trans. by A. J. Baker, introd. and notes by H. +R. Wagner, _California Historical Society Quarterly_, IX (1930), 218. + +[32] See T. A. Rickard, "The Use of Iron and Copper by the Indians of +British Columbia," _British Columbia Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), +26-27, where the Hezeta finds are expressly discussed. Rickard's opinion +also differs from Wagner's. + +[33] Francisco Eliza in 1793 said: "The Puerto de Trinidad is quite +small; no vessel can be moored so as to turn with the wind or tide. The +bottom for the most part is rock. The land consists of quite high and +extended hills full of pines and oaks" (H. R. Wagner, "The Last Spanish +Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega +Bay," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, X [1931], 335). For +photographic views of Trinidad Bay see Thomas T. Waterman, _Yurok +Geography_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVI, No. 5 +(Berkeley, 1920), pls. 1, 16. + +[34] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 278, inferentially concurs with this +conclusion. + +[35] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 32-46. + +[36] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 27-30, and by Wagner in +_Drake's Voyage_, pp. 274-277. + +[37] Printed in Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt Society, +ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 50-51. + +[38] As Barrett (_Ethno-Geography_, map at end), Kroeber (_Handbook_, +pp. 272-275), and C. H. Merriam ("Distribution and Classification of the +Mewan Stock in California," _American Anthropologist_, IX [1907], +338-357), show, the Coast Miwok inhabited both Bodega Bay and Drake's +Bay territory. Thus the language (except for minor dialectic +differentiation) and culture are undoubtedly very similar at both bays. +This makes the problem of exclusive selection somewhat difficult. The +Madox vocabulary (see below, p. 282) was first presented in E. G. R. +Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments," _Pacific +Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. + +[39] The Fletcher-Madox vocabulary list does not resemble the Yurok +words for the same items or phrases. + +[40] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 147. B. Aginsky ("Psychopathic Trends +in Culture," _Character and Personality_, VII [1939], 331-343) quotes +Fletcher's description of Indian weeping and self-laceration, and calls +them Pomo, asserting that Drake landed in their territory and that the +ceremonies given in honor of the English exemplify the "Dionysian" phase +of Pomo culture. + +[41] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. + +[42] Don Francisco Mourelle, "Journal of a Voyage in 1775 to explore the +Coast of America, Northward of California ...," in _Miscellanies of the +Honorable Daines Barrington_ (London, 1781), pp. 471*-534*. See also +Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 158. + +[43] Kroeber. _Handbook_, fig. 21. + +[44] Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," _Bulletin of the American +Museum of Natural History_, Vol. XVII, Pt. III (1905), fig. 19. + +[45] John P. Harrington, "Tobacco among the Karuk Indians," Bureau of +American Ethnology, Bull. 94 (1932), 17-18, 40. + +[46] The Coast Miwok word for tobacco is _kaiyau_. For the North, +Central, Eastern, and Northeastern Pomo it is _saxa_, _saka_, _sako_: +for the Southern, Southwestern, and Southeastern Pomo it is _kawa_, +_tom-kawa_ (Roland B. Dixon, "Words for Tobacco in American Indian +Languages," _American Anthropologist_, XXIII [1921], 30). + +[47] See discussion in Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California +Anchorage." + +[48] Berthold Laufer, "Introduction of Tobacco into Europe," Field +Museum of Natural History Anthropological Leaflet No. 19 (1924), pp. 6 +ff. + +[49] _Handbook_, p. 277. + +[50] Compare Fletcher's statements of the attitude of the Indians with +that of Cermeño, who was in Drake's Bay in 1595 and said, "... the other +Indians approached in an humble manner and as if terrorized, and yielded +peacefully" (Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159). + +[51] This custom is a general central Californian cultural feature. See +E. M. Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., +Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 286, 287, 291; R. B. Dixon, "The +Northern Maidu," pp. 242, 252; A. L. Kroeber, _The Patwin and their +Neighbors_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIX, No. 4 +(Berkeley, 1932) p. 272; C. Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their +Makers," _Overland Monthly_, XV (1901), 449. See also below, notes 56 +and 57. + +[52] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. 33. + +[53] Fritz Krause, _Die Kultur der Kalifornischen Indianer_ (Leipzig, +1921), map 4. + +[54] A rather lengthy digression must be made here since the details are +involved. S. A. Barrett ("Pomo Buildings," _Holmes Anniversary Volume_, +Washington, D.C., 1916, p. 7) states that semisubterranean, +earth-covered houses were used about 1900 by men of means (chiefs, good +hunters, lucky gamblers, and medicine men). This house was a small +edition of the larger dance house (described by Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, p. 10). Fletcher's description says that in the +majority of houses the combined roof entrance and smoke hole was +present. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that some +houses had the ground-level tunnel entrance which should be expected in +the area. In historic times the Pomo seem, in large part, to have given +up making these permanent dwellings in favor of less permanent mat- or +grass-covered houses, which were inexpensive and more convenient to +erect. The same process of loss seems to have occurred among the Coast +Miwok, since Dr. Kelly's informants did not remember such houses. +Archaeological sites in the Point Reyes-Drake's Bay region show numerous +circular depressions which are clearly the remains of such houses. A +further indication of their presence at an earlier time can be gained +from "linguistic archaeology." The Sierra (Interior) Miwok use the word +_kotca_ for the earth-covered, underground house with combined roof +entrance and smoke hole (S. A. Barrett and E. W. Gifford, "Miwok +Material Culture," _Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of +Milwaukee_, Vol. II, No. 4 [1933], p. 198). The same word for house +(i.e., dwelling) is present among the Coast Miwok (Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, word no. 64, p. 71), who once had a similar house, as +is shown by archaeological remains, but abandoned it in ethnographic +times. It is not unreasonable on these grounds to assume the presence in +Coast Miwok territory of the type of house described by Fletcher. + +[55] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and +the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay," _California Historical Society +Quarterly_, X (1931), 331. + +[56] Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco +Palóu_, Vol. IV, p. 48. + +[57] I. T. Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." (MS). + +[58] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. J. Broughton, in his _Voyage of +Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean ... in the Years 1795 ... 1798_ +(London, 1804), said that the Drake's Bay Indian men whom he saw were +naked, but that the women were clothed "in some degree." + +[59] "Menzies' California Journal," ed. by Alice Eastwood, _California +Historical Society Quarterly_, II (1924), 302-303. + +[60] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 331. + +[61] James Colnett, _The Journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the +"Argonaut" from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791_, ed. by F. N. Howay, +Champlain Society, Publ. No. 26 (Toronto, 1940), p. 175. + +[62] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159. + +[63] Exact documentation is impossible here, but such an explanation +would fit the facts, and the custom of sending a messenger to announce a +visit was a feature of the whole area (Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 49). + +[64] See E. W. Gifford and A. L. Kroeber. _Culture Element +Distributions, IV: Pomo_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. +XXXVII, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1937), elements nos. 805-807, p. 154. + +[65] Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, p. 415. + +[66] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[67] Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, D.C., 1877), +pp. 165, 169, 170, 181; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 286, 287; Barrett, +"Pomo Buildings," p. 11. See also above, p. 261, n. 42. I can see no +possible relationship between the clear account by Fletcher of +self-laceration and Wagner's discussion of tattooing (_Drake's Voyage_, +p. 494, n. 49). As the comparative notes cited clearly show, the tearing +of the flesh by the California Indians is no "story" which needs an +involved, roundabout, and improbable explanation. + +[68] For the Coast Miwok and Pomo words for "sing" see Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, word no. 265, pp. 67, 79. The Pomo words are totally +unlike _Gnaah_ or _koyá_. See also Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis +Drake's California Anchorage," pp. 214, 216. There is a logical +possibility of a copying error in _Gnaah_ from Fletcher's manuscript +notes. If it had originally been written _Guaah_ or _Gyaah_, it would be +very close indeed to _koyá_. + +[69] E. M. Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. +and Ethn., Vol. XXXIII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932), p. 49, and _Pomo +Folkways_, p. 192; S. A. Barrett, _Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians_, +Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn., Vol. XII, No. 10 (Berkeley, +1917), p. 402, and "Pomo Buildings," p. 11. + +[70] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 403. + +[71] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, pp. +207-208; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 366; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 425. +The Kuksu staff was feathered on the end, whereas that of Calnis was +somewhat shorter and did not have the feather tuft. Kroeber, _Handbook_, +pp. 261-262; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 110, 128. + +[72] They were manufactured chiefly by the Pomo and Northern Coast +Miwok. See E. W. Gifford, _Clear Lake Pomo Society_, Univ. Calif. Publ. +Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 377-388; +Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 248; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Gifford +and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, (pp. 186-187). + +[73] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 29, 30, Pl. XLIX. + +[74] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[75] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 433; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 178. + +[76] Cf. Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 405, 438-439. + +[77] Illustrated in Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 20. See also Gifford and +Kroeber, elements 88, 89; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 432; Kelly, "Coast +Miwok Ethnography." And see Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," Pl. XLVIII, +fig. 25. + +[78] Gifford and Kroeber, element no. 4. Kelly, "Coast Miwok +Ethnography." + +[79] Illustrated and described by Kroeber, _Handbook_, pl. 55, _a_, and +pp. 264, 269, 388, and illustrated by Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. +33. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements nos. 81 ff.; Barrett, +_Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 432; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 200. The +down-filled net cap was used by the Coast Miwok in the Kuksu and other +ceremonial performances. + +[80] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 19-21. + +[81] Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 21. + +[82] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 407, n. 12. + +[83] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, pp. +158, 159 (Drake's Bay). + +[84] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 158; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 433; +Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions: IV, Pomo_, element +no. 96, pp. 207-208. + +[85] I can find no record that the down of milkweed (or of any other +plant) was used. Most ethnographic accounts (see n. 79) above list the +use of eagle down. That Fletcher was probably correct in attributing the +source of the downy substance to a plant is shown by his reference to +the seeds of the same plant. There is also the probability that he saw +the plant itself on the journey into the interior. From my own +observation I know that at least three different plants producing such +down grow on Point Reyes. + +[86] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." Dr. Kelly's informants at Bodega +in describing just such baskets said, "They were just for show"--i.e., +had no practical or utilitarian use. Her San Rafael informant also knew +of such baskets. + +[87] For illustrations and description see J. W. Hudson, "Pomo Basket +Makers," _Overland Monthly_, ser. 2, XXI (1893), 571, and C. Purdy, "The +Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," _ibid._, XV (1901), 438, 446. O. +M. Dalton ("Notes on an Ethnographical Collection from the West Coast of +North America ... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, +1790-1795," _Internationale Archiv für Ethnographie_, Vol. X [Leiden, +1897]), shows (fig. f, p. 232; Pl. XV, fig. 4) several Pomo baskets +which might as well have been the ones described by Fletcher. It seems +possible that these were collected at Bodega Bay, since some of the +Vancouver party visited there, but this is not certain. In Mission times +many Coast Miwok and even some Pomo were brought to San Francisco and +San Jose as neophytes. These individuals might well account for the +Pomo-Coast Miwok type of feathered baskets collected there in the early +nineteenth century by von Langsdorff or Chamisso, both of whom +illustrate such pieces in their published accounts. Barrett, _Pomo +Indian Basketry_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. VII, No. 3 +(Berkeley, 1908), discusses at length (pp. 141-145, 168) feather and +shell materials used in the manufacture of these decorated baskets. A +number of examples are shown in Barrett's plate 21. The same +anthropologist ("Pomo Buildings," pp. 1-17) mentions the use of +feather-decorated baskets among the Pomo as sacrifices to the dead. + +[88] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 245. + +[89] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[90] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, +element no. 807, p. 197, n. + +[91] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 400, mentions a principal singer who +started and led the air of the songs, but does not indicate whether he +might be identifiable with the "scepter bearer." + +[92] See Barrett, _Ceremonies_, _passim_; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_ +and _Pomo Folkways_, _passim_; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography" +_passim_. + +[93] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 492, n. 37. Wagner says that this word +"sounds" to him like an exclamation. To Elmendorf and me it "sounds" +like the Coast Miwok word for chief or friend. The latter proposal rests +upon both phonetic and semantic resemblances. + +[94] For the Coast Miwok words for "chief" and "friend" see Barrett, +_The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians_, words nos. 62, 64, pp. 70, +71. The Pomo words (p. 58) are totally unlike those of the Coast Miwok. +Barrett, _Ceremonies_, mentions a Kuksu curing call, _hyo_, which was +repeated four times. Although the call is phonetically similar, the +context is so unlike, that a correspondence with Fletcher's word for +chief or king is improbable. + +[95] Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369. + +[96] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 412, 431; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu +Cult_, p. 118. + +[97] Kroeber, _Handbook_, table 10, p. 876. + +[98] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[99] The ground squirrel and Point Reyes mountain beaver have been +variously identified as Fletcher's "conies." See Wagner, _Drake's +Voyage_, p. 492-493, n. 42. + +[100] See photograph in McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," fig. 1. + +[101] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[102] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 277. + +[103] These "burnt offerings" are ascribed to the Trinidad Bay Yurok by +Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 157), but there is no need to look so far +afield for parallels when the Coast Miwok-Pomo area fits the case so +well. + +[104] Memorial ceremonies for the dead are a characteristic feature of +central California culture; see Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, p. 117 +(Coast Miwok). + +[105] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage." + +[106] For evidence of this, using the words on Drake's plate of brass, +see Allen Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of Brass" +and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate." + +[107] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 171. Cf. the Huchnom song +facing p. 144. + +[108] Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 103, 127, 128. + +[109] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 374, 392, 393. See also Barrett, +_Ceremonies_, pp. 409, 413. + +[110] Because of the high degree of similarity between all phases of +Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonies, a close correspondence, or even +identity, in the songs connected with these ceremonies may safely be +assumed. + +[111] Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage," p. +35. + +[112] J. P. Munro-Fraser, _History of Marin County_ (San Francisco, +1880), pp. 96-97. + +[113] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 148, 167, 494. + +[114] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 334. + +[115] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 167. + +[116] A. L. Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, XV: Salt, Dogs, +Tobacco_, Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., Vol. VI, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1941), +pp. 6 ff., map 5. + +[117] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[118] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 200. + +[119] Kelly's informant did say that "before steamers used to travel +along the coast" certain occurrences in connection with this belief in +the land of the dead took place. This may be a memory of an incident +which once was more specifically remembered. At best, however, it is +improbable that there would be any tradition of Drake's visit per se. + +[120] Such incidents are not uncommon in California. Note, for example, +the legendary significance of Mount Diablo to the Indian tribes of +central California. + +[121] I disagree with Wagner's statement (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 169): +"The truth probably is that Drake stopped at two or three different +places on the coast [Trinidad Bay, Bodega Bay] and the writer of the +original narrative or the compilers who worked on it embodied in one +description those of all the Indians he met." The part of the _World +Encompassed_ account treated here has shown itself to be a homogeneous +description, interspersed with some naïve interpretation of west-central +California coast Indian culture, and cannot be looked upon as a +composite description. To believe otherwise would seriously distort the +facts. This conclusion I submit as one of the most important results of +the present inquiry. + +[122] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 492-495, does select the Pomo as +having the customs and manners described by Fletcher. In this he was +inevitably guided by the more abundant Pomo data. Kroeber's selection of +Drake's Bay as the site of the anchorage (_Handbook_, p. 278) rests upon +the same grounds as my conclusion. Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 497, n. +10) takes issue with Kroeber and raises several objections without +answering them satisfactorily. + +[123] Wagner is concerned over this fact. He says (_Drake's Voyage_, p. +498, n. 24) that a reference to Drake's Estero should have been included +in the narrative "since the Indian villages were almost entirely located +upon it." In answer it may be observed that the Indian villages of +Drake's time were situated sporadically around the shore of Drake's Bay +as well as on the estero. One might as well ask at the same time why +Fletcher did not mention Tomales Bay if Drake were at Bodega? + +[124] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 151. + +[125] And, significantly, the Drake plate of brass uses the words "Nova +Albion." This is independently attested by John Drake in his first +declaration. + +[126] See Francisco de Bolaños' explicit mention of the white cliffs in +Drake's Bay as prominent landmarks (Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 498, n. +19). See also Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's +Anchorage," p. 31. Richard Madox refers to the California anchorage as +"Ships Land," perhaps the name given to the place by the sailors +themselves. + + + + + APPENDIX I + + THE SOURCES + + +There are in existence at least three useful independent accounts of Sir +Francis Drake's California visit in 1579. These are: (1) the _World +Encompassed_ and the similar _Famous Voyage_ accounts; (2) the second +deposition of John Drake, and (3) the valuable notes of Richard Madox. + +_The Famous Voyage and The World Encompassed._--The _Famous Voyage_, +first printed in 1589, was compiled by Richard Hakluyt from three +sources--John Cooke's manuscript, the _Anonymous Narrative_, and the +Francis Fletcher manuscript.[A-1] _The World Encompassed_, which +probably was in manuscript form a few years after Drake's return to +England, did not appear in print until 1628. The sources of this account +are the Fletcher manuscript, the Edward Cliffe account, and the +relations of Nuño da Silva and López de Vaz.[A-2] It is obvious to any +reader that the _Famous Voyage_ and _World Encompassed_ accounts of the +California Indians are closely similar in wording, the chief difference +between the two being that the latter account is fuller than the +former.[A-3] The richer detail does not indicate literary padding, since +the additional information is ethnographically sound. One gets the +impression that the _Famous Voyage_ version is an abridgement of _The +World Encompassed_ account itself, or perhaps its source, though if this +is so in fact only the bibliographers can tell. Henry R. Wagner has +carefully analyzed the various accounts of the Drake voyage,[A-4] and is +inclined, no doubt with good reason, to treat the _World Encompassed_ +version as "untrustworthy"; yet this characterization hardly holds for +what it tells of the California Indians, which, within limits of +interpretation, is a straightforward, detailed ethnographic record, of +convincing authenticity. + +It is fairly certain that Francis Fletcher's "Notes" was the source of +the description of California Indian manners and customs, since, as +Wagner points out, the descriptions of the Patagonians and Fuegians in +the first half of the Fletcher manuscript (the second half is now lost) +agree very closely in wording with the descriptions of the California +coast Indians.[A-5] + +Of Francis Fletcher, chaplain and diarist of the Drake expedition, O. M. +Dalton says: + + ... it may ... be suggested that Fletcher was not such a + romancer as has sometimes been supposed. There is really a + large amount of information condensed in his few pages,--as + much, or perhaps more, than is to be found in many chapters of + later and more diffuse historians or travellers. That he should + have seen strange and unprecedented occurrences in the light of + his own limited knowledge and of the narrow experience of his + time, was after all a psychological necessity. His narrative, + like the sea-god Glaucus in Plato's Republic, is obscured by + strange incrustations; nevertheless with a little patience the + fictitious shell may be removed and the solid fact discovered + intact beneath it.... It is apparent that the whole passage + describing Drake's interview with the "King," on which some + ridicule has been cast, is chiefly absurd because the narrator + inevitably reads into the social conditions of an uncultured + tribe something of the European etiquette of the day.... It was + only natural that a difficulty should have been experienced by + minds, not scientifically trained, in finding an appropriate + terminology by which to describe unfamiliar objects.... Other + instances might be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show + that Fletcher described scenes that actually passed before his + eyes, while the inferences he drew from them were erroneous. It + is only fair, if small things may be compared with great, that + the humble chronicler of a later day should be accorded the + same liberal method of interpretation which has long been + granted to classical authors.[A-6] + +_John Drake's Second Declaration._--John Drake was the orphan son of +Robert Drake, who was the uncle of Francis Drake. John Drake accompanied +his cousin on the voyage round the world, and subsequently went along on +the Edward Fenton expedition, was shipwrecked in the River Plate (1582), +taken captive by the Indians, and escaped only to fall into the hands of +the Spanish. John Drake was questioned by the authorities, and in his +second deposition there is a brief account of the occurrences in +California, 1579.[A-7] + + There he [Francis Drake] landed and built huts and remained a + month and a half, caulking his vessel. The victuals they found + were mussels and sea-lions. During that time many Indians came + there and when they saw the Englishmen they wept and scratched + their faces with their nails until they drew blood, as though + this were an act of homage or adoration. By signs Captain + Francis told them not to do that, for the Englishmen were not + God. These people were peaceful and did no harm to the English, + but gave them no food. They are of the colour of the Indians + here [Peru] and are comely. They carry bows and arrows and go + naked. The climate is temperate, more cold than hot. To all + appearance it is a very good country. Here he caulked his large + ship and left the ship he had taken in Nicaragua. He departed, + leaving the Indians, to all appearances, sad.[A-8] + +_Richard Madox's Account of California._--In 1932, Miss E. G. R. Taylor +discovered in the diary of Richard Madox, Chaplain aboard Edward +Fenton's ship in 1582, some remarks on Drake's visit on the California +coast in 1579.[A-9] Madox was not a member of the Drake expedition, and +it is safe to assume that his notes consist of information received in +conversation with some of Fenton's crew who had accompanied Drake. These +could have been William Hawkins, John Drake, Thomas Hood, and Thomas +Blackcollar.[A-10] Miss Taylor notes Madox's categorical statement that +"Syr Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north" +together with evidence from other sources, and concludes that "it would +appear that Drake's anchorage must be sought in Oregon rather than in +California, perhaps in Gray's Bay, or at the mouth of the Raft River." +Miss Taylor had hoped to get a clue from the Madox vocabulary, but was +unsuccessful. Henry Wagner has answered Miss Taylor's Oregon claim +effectively,[A-11] and the identification of the Madox vocabulary as +Coast Miwok is further proof that the statement "at 48 degrees" is an +error. The log raft depicted by Madox and discussed by Miss Taylor and +Mr. Wagner is a typical Peruvian sailing raft, as reference to S. K. +Lothrop's detailed paper will demonstrate;[A-12] it has no relation +whatsoever to California. + +The relevant portion of Madox's account is as follows: + + In ships land wh is ye back syde of Labradore and as Mr. Haul + [Christopher Hall] supposeth nye thereunto Syr Frances Drake + graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north. Ye people + ar for feature color apparel diet and holo speach lyke to those + of Labradore and is thowght kyngles for they crowned Syr + Frances Drake. Ther language is thus. + + _Cheepe_ bread + _Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe + _Nocharo mu_ tuch me not + _Hioghe_ a king + + Ther song when they worship god is thus--one dauncing first wh + his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people + _Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_ + + Yt is thowght yt they of Labradore [do] worship ye son and ye + moon but [whether they] do of calphurnia I kno not....[A-13] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[A-1] Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ +(San Francisco, 1926), p. 241. + +[A-2] _Ibid._, pp. 287, 289. + +[A-3] _The World Encompassed_ account of Drake in California is +reprinted in Appendix II, below. It is printed in full in Volume XVI of +the Hakluyt Society publications (ed. W. S. Vaux; London, 1854). The +_Famous Voyage_ is easily accessible in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San +Francisco, 1937), pp. 27-30. + +[A-4] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 229 ff., n. 1. + +[A-5] _Ibid._, pp. 61, 147, 245, 290. + +[A-6] O. M. Dalton, "Notes on an Ethnographical Collection ... Formed +during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795," _Internationale +Archiv für Ethnographie_, Vol. X. (Leiden, 1897), p. 235. A. L. Kroeber +says, "The passage is a somewhat prolix mixture of narration and +depiction...." (_Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau of +American Ethnology, Bull. 78 [Washington, D. C., 1925], pp. 275-276). + +[A-7] For details see Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt +Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 18-23. See also Wagner, +_Drake's Voyage_, pp. 328-334. + +[A-8] Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, pp. 50-51. + +[A-9] For details see E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: +Two Fragments," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. + +[A-10] For details see _ibid._, pp. 363-365; Henry R. Wagner, "George +Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast," _California Historical +Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311; and Nuttall, _New Light on +Drake_, pp. 19-20. + +[A-11] Wagner, "George Davidson," pp. 310-311. + +[A-12] S. K. Lothrop, "Aboriginal Navigation off the West Coast of South +America," _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, LXII (1932), +235-238, figs. 9_a_, 9_b_, 10. + +[A-13] Reprinted from Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369. + + + + + APPENDIX II + + EXTRACT FROM "THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE" + + London: Printed for Nicholas Bovrne, 1628. "Carefully collected + out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher _Preacher in this + employment, and diuers others his followers in the same_." + (Pp. 64-81.)[B-1] + + +In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, and +Iune 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of +Iuly following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the +height of Summer, and so neere the Sunne; yet were wee continually +visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before; insomuch that if +violent exercises of our bodies, and busie imployment about our +necessarie labours, had not sometimes compeld vs to the contrary, we +could very well haue beene contented to haue kept about vs still our +Winter clothes; yea (had not necessities suffered vs) to haue kept our +beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteene dayes together, +find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of Sunne or +starre.... [Omitted here is a lengthy discourse on the weather.] + +The next day after our comming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the +people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great +expedition to vs in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shoare, +and a great way from our ship, spake to vs continually as he came rowing +on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himselfe, he began more +solemnely a long and tedious oration, after his manner: vsing in the +deliuerie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning +his head and body many wayes; and after his oration ended, with great +shew of reuerence and submission, returned back to shoare againe. He +shortly came againe the second time in like manner, and so the third +time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of +feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crow, very neatly and +artificially gathered vpon a string, and drawne together into a round +bundle; being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an +equall proportion one with another; a speciall cognizance (as wee +afterwards obserued) which they that guard their kings person, weare on +their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, +and filled with an herb which they called _Tabah_. Both which being tyed +to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our Generall intended to haue +recompenced him immediately with many good things, he would haue +bestowed vpon him: but entring into the boate to deliuer the same, he +could not be drawne to receiue them by any means: saue one hat, which +being cast into the water out of the ship, he tooke vp (refusing vtterly +to meddle with any other thing, though it were vpon a board put off vnto +him) and so presently made his returne. After which time, our boate +could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the +same with admiration. + +The 3. day following, viz. the 21. our ship hauing receiued a leake at +sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being +landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to preuent any +danger, that might chance against our safety, our generall first of all +landed his men, with all necessary prouision, to build tents and make a +fort for the defence of our selues and goods: and that wee might vnder +the shelter of it, with more safety (what euer should befall) end our +businesse; which when the people of the country perceiued vs doing, as +men set on fire to war, in defence of their countrie, in great hast and +companies, with such weapons as they had, they came downe vnto vs; and +yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt vs: standing when they +drew neare, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such +things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their +errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, +then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing is it +did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more +manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst +them. At this time, being willed by signes to lay from them their bowes +and arrowes, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as +they came more and more by companies vnto them, growing in a little +while, to a great number both of men and women. + +To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselues so +willingly sought, might without any cause of breach thereof, on our part +giuen, be continued; and that wee might with more safety and expedition, +end our businesses in quiet; our Generall with all his company, vsed all +meanes possible, gently to intreate them, bestowing vpon each of them +liberally, good and necessary things to couer their nakednesse, withall +signifying vnto them, we were no Gods but men, and had neede of such +things to couer our owne shame; teaching them to vse them to the same +ends: for which cause also wee did eate and drinke in their presence, +giuing them to vnderstand, that without that wee could not liue, and +therefore were but men as well as they. + +Notwithstanding nothing could perswade them, nor remoue that opinion, +which they had conceiued of vs, that wee should be Gods. + +In recompence of those things which they had receiued of vs, as shirts +linnen cloth, &c. they betsowed vpon our generall, and diuerse of our +company, diuerse things, as feathers, cawles of networke, the quiuers of +their arrowes, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that +their women wore vpon their bodies. Hauing thus had their fill of this +times visiting and beholding of vs, they departed with ioy to their +houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and haue from +the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned +close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: +which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very +warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a +chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like +to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are +the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round +about the house, haue their fire in the middest, which by reason that +the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giueth a maruelous +reflexion to their bodies to heate the same. + +Their men for the most part goe naked, the women take a kinde of +bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hempe, make themselues +thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges +downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that, +which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they weare +also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it. They are very obedient +to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all seruices: yet of +themselues offring to do nothing, without the consents, or being called +of the men. + +As soone as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst +themselues a kind of most lamentable weeping & crying out; which they +continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place +where they left vs (being neere about 3-quarters of an English mile +distant from them) we very plainely, with wonder and admiration did +heare the same; the women especially, extending their voices, in a most +miserable and dolefull manner of shreeking. + +Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselues, and awfull +demeanour vsed towards vs, we thought it no wisedome too farre to trust +them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with vs before, made vs +carefull to prouide against an alteration of their affections, or breach +of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set +vp our tents, and entrenched ourselues with walls of stone: that so +being fortified within ourselues, we might be able to keepe off the +enemie (if they should so proue) from comming amongst vs without our +good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerefully and +securely afterward, about our other businesse. + +Against the end of two daies (during which time they had not againe +beene with vs) there was gathered together a great assembly of men, +women, and children (inuited by the report of them which first saw vs, +who as it seemes, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselues into +the country, to make knowne the newes) who came now the second time vnto +vs, bringing with them as before had beene done, feathers and bagges of +_Tobah_ for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, vpon this +perswasion that we were Gods. + +When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottome whereof wee had +built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their cheife +speaker) wearied both vs his hearers, and himselfe too, with a long and +tedious oration: deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice +being extended to the vttermost strength of nature, and his words +falling so thicke one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch +his breath againe: so soone as he had concluded, all the rest, with a +reuerend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long +producing of the same) cryed _Oh_: thereby giuing their consents, that +all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had vttered their +minde by his mouth vnto vs; which done, the men laying downe their bowes +vpon the hill, and leauing their women and children behinde them, came +downe with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before +a God indeed: thinking themselues happy, that they might haue accesse +vnto our generall, but much more happy, when they sawe that he would +receiue at their hands, those things which they so willingly had +presented: and no doubt, they thought themselues neerest vnto God, when +they sate or stood next to him: In the meane time the women, as if they +had been desperate, vsed vnnaturall violence against themselues, crying +and shreeking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nailes from +their cheekes, in a monstrous manner, the bloode streaming downe along +their brests; besides despoiling the vpper parts of their bodies, of +those single couerings they formerly had, and holding their hands aboue +their heads, that they might not rescue their brests from harme, they +would with furie cast themselues vpon the ground, neuer respecting +whether it were cleane or soft, but dashed themselues in this manner on +hard stones, knobby, hillocks, stocks of wood, and pricking bushes, or +whateuer else lay in their way, itterating the same course againe and +againe: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and +others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strengths failed +them) exercised this cruelty against themselues: A thing more grieuous +for vs to see, or suffer could we haue holpe it, then trouble to them +(as it seemed) to do it. + +This bloudie sacrifice (against our wils) beeing thus performed, our +Generall with his companie in the presence of those strangers fell to +prayers: and by signes in lifting vp our eyes and hands to heauen, +signified vnto them, that that God whom we did serue, and whom they +ought to worship, was aboue: beseeching God if it were his good pleasure +to open by some meanes their blinded eyes; that they might in due time +be called to the knowledge of him the true and euerliuing God, and of +Iesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salutation of the Gentiles. In the +time of such prayers, singing of Psalmes, and reading of certaine +Chapters in the Bible, they sate very attentiuely: and obseruing the end +at euery pause, with one voice still cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our +exercises. Yea they tooke such pleasure in our singing of Psalmes, that +whensoeuer they resorted to vs, their first request was _Gnaah_, by +which they intreated that we would sing. + +Our General hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their +departure they restored them all againe; none carrying with him any +thing of whatsoeuer hee had receiued, thinking themselues sufficiently +enriched and happie, that they had found so free accesse to see vs. + +Against the end of three daies more (the newes hauing the while spread +it selfe farther, and as it seemed a great way vp into the countrie) +were assembled the greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably +imagine, to dwell within any conuenient distance round about. Amongst +the rest, the king himselfe, a man of goodly stature and comely +personage, attended with his guard, of about 100. tall and warlike men, +this day, viz. Iune 26. came downe to see vs. + +Before his coming, were sent two Embassadors or messengers to our +Generall, to signifie that their _Hioh_, that is, their king was comming +and at hand. They in the deliuery of their message the one spake with a +soft and low voice, prompting his fellow; the other pronounced the same +word by words after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their +proclamation (for such it was) about halfe an houre. Which being ended, +they by signes made request to our Generall, to send something by their +hands to their _Hioh_, or king, as a token that his comming might be in +peace. Our Generall willingly satisfied their desire; and they, glad +men, made speedy returne to their _Hioh_: Neither was it long before +their king (making as princely a shew as possibly he could) with all his +traine came forward. + +In their comming forwards they cryed continually after a singing manner +with a lustie courage. And as they drew neerer and neerer towards vs, so +did they more and more striue to behaue themselues with a certaine +comelinesse and grauity in all their actions. + +In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing +the Septer or royall mace (made of a certaine kind of blacke wood, and +in length about a yard and a halfe) before the king. Whereupon hanged +two crownes, a bigger and a lesse, with three chaines of a maruellous +length, and often doubled; besides a bagge of the herbe _Tabah_. The +crownes were made of knitworke, wrought vpon most curiously with +feathers of diuers colours, very artificially placed, and of a formall +fashion: The chaines seemed of a bony substance: every linke or part +thereof being very little, thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole +pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one +chaine, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it is amongst +them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same: and +euen they to whom its lawfull to vse them, yet are stinted what number +they shall vse; as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they +exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby knowne to be the more +honorable personages. + +Next vnto him that bare this Scepter, was the king himselfe with his +guard about him: His attire vpon his head was a cawle of knitworke, +wrought vpon somewhat like the crownes, but differing much both in +fashion and perfectnesse of worke; vpon his shoulders he had on a coate +of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast: His guard also had each +coats of the same shape, but of other skins: some hauing cawles likewise +stucke with feathers, or couered ouer with a certaine downe, which +groweth vp in the country vpon an herbe, much like our lectuce; which +exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed +vpon their cawles by no winds can be remoued: Of such estimation is this +herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, +but of such persons as are about the king (to whom it is permitted to +weare a plume of feathers on their heads, in signe of honour) and the +seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods. After these in +their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose haire +being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of +feathers, but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, euery +one pleasing himselfe in his owne deuice. + +This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all; that euery +one had his face painted, some with white, some with blacke, and some +with other colours, euery man also bringing in his hand one thing or +another for a gift or present: Their traine or last part of their +company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her +breast a round basket or two, hauing within them diuers things, as +bagges of _Tobah_, a roote which they call _Petah_, whereof they make a +kind of meale, and either bake it into bread, or eate it raw, broyled +fishes like a pilchard; the seed and downe aforenamed, with such like: + +Their baskets were made in fashion like a deepe boale, and though the +matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet was it so +cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about +the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and +in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines +aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated +to the onely vse of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they +were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished +into diuers workes and formes. + +In the meane time our Generall hauing assembled his men together (as +forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall out) prepared himselfe +to stand vpon sure ground, that wee might at all times be ready in our +owne defence, if anything should chance otherwise than was looked for or +expected. + +Wherefore euery man being in a warlike readinesse, he marched within his +fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike shew (as he +did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had beene +desperate enemies, they could not haue chosen but haue conceiued terrour +and feare, with discouragement to attempt anything against vs, in +beholding of the same. + +When they were come somewhat neere vnto vs, trooping together, they gaue +vs a common or a generall salutation: obseruing in the meane time a +generall silence. Whereupon he who bare the Scepter before the king, +being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, +pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spake to him +in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at +the least halfe an houre. At the close whereof, there was a common +_Amen_, in signe of approbation giuen by euery person: And the king +himself with the whole number of men and women (the little children +onely remaining behind) came further downe the hill, and as they came +set themselues againe in their former order. + +And being now come to the foot of the hill and neere our fort, the +Scepter bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage began a +song, and answerable thereunto, obserued a kind of measures in a dance: +whom the king with his guard and euery other sort of person following, +did in like manner sing and daunce, sauing onely the women who danced +but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our Generall +perceiuing their plaine and simple meaning, gaue order that they might +freely enter without interruption within our bulwarke: Where after they +had entred they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time: +their women also following them with their wassaile boales in their +hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torne, their dugges, breasts, +and other parts bespotted with bloud, trickling downe from the wounds, +which with their nailes they had made before their comming. + +After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselues in this manner, +they made signes to our Generall to haue him sit down; Vnto whom both +the king and diuers others made seuerall orations, or rather indeed if +wee had vnderstood them, supplications, that hee would take the Prouince +and kingdome into his hand, and become their king and patron: making +signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title in the +whole land and become his vassals in themselues and their posterities: +Which that they might make vs indeed beleeue that it was their true +meaning and intent; the king himselfe with all the rest with one +consent, and with great reueuerence, ioyfully singing a song, set the +crowne vpon his head; inriched his necke with all their chaines; and +offering vnto him many other things, honoured him by the name of _Hyoh_. +Adding thereunto (as it might seeme) a song and dance of triumph; +because they were not onely visited of the gods (for so they still +iudged vs to be) but the great and chiefe god was now become their god, +their king and patron, and themselues were become the onely happie and +blessed people in all the world. + +These things being so freely offered, our Generall thought not meet to +reiect or refuse the same: both for that he would not giue them any +cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the onely place, +wherein at this present, we were of necessitie inforced to seeke reliefe +of many things) and chiefely, for that he knew not to what good end God +had brought this to passe, or what honour and profit it might bring to +our countrie in time to come. + +Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her most excellent majesty, he +tooke the scepter crowne and dignity, of the sayd countrie into his +hand; wishing nothing more, than that it had layen so fitly for her +maiesty to enioy, as it was now her proper owne, and that the riches and +treasures thereof (wherewith in the vpland countries it abounds) might +with as great conueniency be transported, to the enriching of her +kingdome here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and +especially, that so tractable and louing a people, as they shewed +themselues to be, might haue meanes to haue manifested their most +willing obedience the more vnto her, and by her meanes, as a mother and +nurse of the Church of _Christ_, might by the preaching of the Gospell, +be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and +euerliuing God. + +The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiuing of the kingdome being +thus performed, the common sort both of men and women, leauing the king +and his guard about him, with our generall, dispersed themselues among +our people, taking a diligent view or suruey of euery man; and finding +such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of vs) +they presently enclosing them about, offred their sacrifices vnto them, +crying out with lamentable shreekes and moanes, weeping, and scratching, +and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nailes, neither +were it the women alone which did this, but euen old men, roaring and +crying out, were as violent as the women were. + +We groaned in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre preuaile, in +seducing these so harmelesse soules, and laboured by all means, both by +shewing our great dislike, and when that serued not, by violent +with-holding of their hands from that madnesse, directing them (by our +eyes and hands lift vp towards heauen) to the liuing God whom they ought +to serue; but so mad were they vpon their Idolatry, that forcible +with-holding them would not preuaile (for as soone as they could get +liberty to their hands againe, they would be as violent as they were +before) till such time, as they whom they worshipped, were conueyed from +them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselues, they would with +fury and outrage seeke to haue againe. + +After that time had a little qualified their madnes, they then began to +shew and make knowne vnto vs their griefes and diseases which they +carried about them, some of them hauing old aches, some shruncke +sinewes, some old soares and canckred vlcers, some wounds more lately +receiued, and the like, in most lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure +thereof from vs: making signes, that if we did but blow vpon their +griefes, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole. + +Their griefes we could not but take pitty on them, and to our power +desire to helpe them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) +they might vnderstand we were but men and no gods, we vsed ordinary +meanes, as, lotions, emplaisters, and vnguents most fitly (as farre as +our skills could guesse) agreeing to the natures of their griefes, +beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to giue cure to their diseases +by these meanes. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to +vs. + +Few were the dayes, wherein they were absent from vs, during the whole +time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily euery third day, they +brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainely vnderstood +our meaning, that we tooke no pleasure, but were displeased with them: +whereupon their zeale abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to +our good liking ceased; notwithstanding they continued still to make +their resort vnto vs in great abunddance, and in such sort, that they +oft-times forgate, to prouide meate for their owne sustenance: so that +our generall (of whom they made account as of a father) was faine to +performe the office of a father to them, relieuing them with such +victualls, as we had prouided for our selues, as, Muscels, Seales, and +such like, wherein they tooke exceeding much content; and seeing that +their sacrifices were displeasing to vs, yet (hating ingratitude) they +sought to recompence vs, with such things as they had, which they +willingly inforced vpon vs, though it were neuer so necessarie or +needfull for themselues to keepe. + +They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile +or treachery; their bowes and arrowes (their only weapons, and almost +all their wealth) they vse very skillfully, but yet not to do any great +harme with them, being by reason of their weakenesse, more fit for +children then for men, sending the arrow neither farre off, nor with any +great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that, +which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take +vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and +downe hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in +running, and of long continuance; the vse whereof is so familiar with +them, that they seldom goe, but for the most part runne. One thing we +obserued in them with admiration: that if at any time, they chanced to +see a fish, so neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without +swimming, they would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it. + +After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our generall +with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journy vp into the +land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better +acquainted, with the nature and commodities of the country. Their houses +were all such as wee haue formerly described, and being many of them in +one place, made seuerall villages here and there. The inland we found to +be farre different from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitful +soyle, stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: infinite was +the company of very large and fat Deere, which there we sawe by +thousands, as we supposed, in a heard: besides a multitude of a strange +kind of Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their heads and +bodies, in which they resemble other Conies, are but small; his tayle +like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of +a Want or Moale; vnder his chinne, on either side, he hath a bagge, into +which he gathereth his meate, when he hath filled his belly abroade, +that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himselfe, when he +lifts not to trauaile from his burrough: the people eate their bodies, +and make great account of their skinnes, for their kings holidaies coate +was made of them. + +This country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might haue some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called. + +Before we went from thence, our generall caused to be set vp, a monument +of our being there; as also of her maiesties, and successors right and +title to that kingdome, namely; a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a +great and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, and the day +and yeare of our arriuall there, and of the free giuing vp, of the +prouince and kingdome, both by the king and people, into her maiesties +hands: together with her highnesse picture, and armes in a piece of +sixpence currant English monie, shewing it selfe by a hole made of +purpose through the plate: vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of +our generall &c. + +The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, or so much as set a foote in this +country; the vtmost of their discoueries, reaching onely to many degrees +Southward of this place. + +And now, as the time of our departure was perceiued by them to draw +nigh, so did the sorrowes and miseries of this people, seeme to +themselues to increase vpon them; and the more certaine they were of our +going away, the more doubtfull they shewed themselues, what they might +doe; so that we might easily iudge that that ioy (being exceeding great) +wherewith they receiued vs at our first arriuall, was cleane drowned in +their excessiue sorrow for our departing: For they did not onely loose +on a sudden all mirth, ioy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility +of body, familiar reioycing one with another, and all pleasure what euer +flesh and bloud might bee delighted in, but with sighes and sorrowings, +with heauy hearts and grieued minds, they powred out wofull complaints +and moanes, with bitter teares and wringing of their hands, tormenting +themselues. And as men refusing all comfort, they onely accounted +themselues as cast-awayes, and those whom the gods were about to +forsake: So that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of +their so heauy a burthen, or to deliuer them from so desperate a +straite, as our leauing of them did seeme to them that it would cast +them into. + +Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing +vs to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to intreate vs that being +absent, we would yet be mindfull of them, and making signes of their +desires, that in time to come wee would see them againe, they stole vpon +vs a sacrifice, and set it on fire erre we were aware; burning therein a +chaine and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all meanes possible to +withhold or withdraw them but could not preuaile, till at last we fell +to prayers and singing of Psalmes, whereby they were allured +immediately to forget their folly, and leaue their sacrifice vnconsumed, +suffering the fire to go out, and imitating vs in all our actions; they +fell a lifting vp their eyes and hands to heauen as they saw vs do. + +The 23. of Iuly they tooke a sorrowfull farewell of vs, but being loath +to leaue vs, they presently ranne to the tops of the hils to keepe vs in +their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and +on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices +at our departure. + +Not farre without this harborough did lye certain Ilands (we called them +the Ilands of Saint Iames) hauing on them plentifull and great store of +Seales and birds, with one of which wee fell Iuly 24. whereon we found +such prousion as might serue our turne for a while. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[B-1] As printed in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, California Historical +Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937) pp. 32-46. + + + + + PLATES + + + PLATE 18 + +[Illustration _a_: Three California Indians from San Francisco pictured +by Chamisso, 1822.] + +[Illustration _b_: "Feather bundle" of the Pomo Indians, similar to that +described by Fletcher on June 17, 1579.] + +[Illustration _c_: Strings of clamshell disk beads identifiable as the +"chaines" of Fletcher.] + + + PLATE 19 + +[Illustration: Pomo Indian feathered baskets decorated with clamshell +disk beads and abalone shell pendants.] + + + PLATE 20 + +[Illustration: Air photo of the east cape of Point Reyes. The white dot +marks the point selected by George Davidson as the spot where Drake +careened the _Golden Hinde_. The shore line of the bay follows the +course of the curved arrow.] + + +PLATE 21 + +[Illustration: Air photo of the small valley at Drake's Bay, showing the +location (marked near center by white dot) where the Drake plate was +found by William Caldeira in 1934.] + + + + + * * * * * + + +Transcriber's Notes: + +Passages in italics are indicated by _underscores_. + +Small caps have been replaced by ALL CAPS. + +Both "Bruno de Hezeta" and "Bruno Heceta" used in text. Both forms + have been retained. + +Footnote numbers to the appendices are prefixed with "A-" for App. I + or "B-" for App. II. + +Archaic spelling and punctuation retained in quoted texts, except for + rejoining end-of-line hyphenations. Spelling of "betsowed" (page 284) + and "cheife" (page 285) in quoted text retained as printed. + +Verso, "Mardh" changed to "March" (Issued March 20, 1947) + +Page 265 (footnote 67), a superfluous closing parenthesis was + removed (169, 170, 181; Loeb,) + +Page 269 (footnote 84), a full stop has been changed to a comma + (Pomo, element) + +Page 269 (footnote 85), "tto" changed to "to" (reference to the + seeds) + +Page 270 (footnote 87), "Eth." changed to "Ethn." (and Ethn., Vol. VII) + +Page 270 (footnote 90), the note number is missing (element no. 807, + p. 197, n.) + +Page 271, "native's" changed to "natives'" (the natives' actions) + +Page 273, a superfluous comma was removed (Miwok,[101] and) + +Page 275 (E. M. Loeb ... songs), a line break has been added to Line 2; + the comma appears in the original + +Page 275 (Other Pomo songs...): + Line 1, Both "U" and "u" at the beginning of the line have a macron + over them. (U u hulai) + Line 3, the word "o" has a macron above it. (gagoyá he he) + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California +Indians, 1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + +***** This file should be named 36201-8.txt or 36201-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/2/0/36201/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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Heizer</title> + + +<style type="text/css"> + +body {font-size: 1em; text-align: justify; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} + +h1 {font-size: 160%; text-align: center; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h2 {font-size: 130%; text-align: center; margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h3 {font-size: 130%; text-align: center; margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 1em;} +h4 {text-align: center; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;} +h5 {font-size: 120%; text-align: center; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 2em;} + +a:focus, a:active { outline:#ffee66 solid 2px; background-color:#ffee66;} +a:focus img, a:active img {outline: #ffee66 solid 2px; } + +hr {width: 20%; text-align: center;} + +ul {list-style-type: none;} + +table {border-collapse: collapse; table-layout: fixed; + width: 90%; margin-left: 5%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em;} + +p {text-indent: 1em;} +p.no {text-indent: 0em;} +p.noctr {text-indent: 0em; text-align: center; margin-top: 4em;} +p.tn {margin-left: 10%; width: 80%; margin-bottom: 1em;} + +.pagenum {visibility: visible; + position: absolute; right: 0; text-align: right; + font-size: 10px; + font-weight: normal; font-variant: normal; + font-style: normal; letter-spacing: normal; + color: #C0C0C0; background-color: inherit;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps; font-size: 95%;} +.smaller {font-size: smaller;} +.smallest {font-size: xx-small;} + +.add2embelow {margin-bottom: 2em;} + +.min1em {text-indent: -1em;} + +.center {margin: auto; text-align: center;} +.center1 {margin: auto; text-align: center; padding-top: 1em} + +.figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} +.figcenter1 {margin: auto; text-align: center; margin-top: 1em;} + +.td-center {text-align: center;} +.td-right {text-align: right;} +.td-indent {text-indent: 2em;} + +</style> +</head> + + +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California Indians, +1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Francis Drake and the California Indians, 1579 + +Author: Robert F. Heizer + +Release Date: May 24, 2011 [EBook #36201] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/crowning_1.png" width="600" height="463" alt="" title="" /> +<p class="no">Francis Drake being "crowned" by the natives of New +Albion (California) in June, 1579. <br />(From Arnoldus Montanus, <i>Die +unbekante neue Welt</i>; the Dapper issue, Amsterdam, 1673.)</p> +</div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + +<h1>FRANCIS DRAKE AND<br />THE CALIFORNIA<br />INDIANS, 1579<br /><br /> +<span class="smallest">BY</span><br /><span class="smaller">ROBERT F. HEIZER</span></h1> + + +<p class="center1">UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS<br />BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES<br />1947</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p class="center1"> + +<span class="smcap">University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology</span><br /> +<span class="smcap">Editors (Los Angeles): Ralph L. Beals, Franklin Fearing, Harry Hoijer</span><br /> +<br /> +Volume 42, No. 3, pp. 251-302, plates 18-21, 1 figure in text, 2 illus.<br /> +Submitted by editors February 27, 1946<br /> +Issued March 20, 1947<br /> +Price, cloth, $2.00; paper, $1.25 +</p> + + +<div class="center1"> +<p class="add2embelow"> +<span class="smcap">University of California Press<br /> +Berkeley and Los Angeles<br /> +California</span> +</p> + +<p class="add2embelow"> +<span class="smcap">Cambridge University Press<br /> +London, England</span> +</p> +</div> + + +<p class="center1"><span class="smallest"> +PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</span> +</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + + + +<table width="75%" cellpadding="3" summary="Table of Contents"> +<colgroup span="1" class="heading" width="50%" /> +<colgroup span="1" class="td-right" width="10%" /> + <tr> <td> </td> <td>PAGE</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#general_background">General Background</a></td> <td>251</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#trinidad_bay">The Trinidad Bay Landfall Theory</a></td> <td>255</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#bodega_or_drakes">The Arguments for the Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay Landfall</a></td> <td>258</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#world_encompassed">Analysis of the <i>World Encompassed</i> Account</a></td> <td>259</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#ethnographic_items">Additional Ethnographic Items in the Richard Madox and + John Drake Accounts</a></td> <td>273</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#indian_traditions">Supposed Indian Traditions of Drake's Visit</a></td> <td>276</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#recapitulation">Recapitulation and Conclusion</a></td> <td>277</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><span class="smaller">APPENDIX</span></td> <td> </td> + </tr> + <tr> <td class="td-indent"><a href="#app1"> I. The Sources</a></td> <td>280</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td class="td-indent"><a href="#app2">II. Excerpt from <i>The World Encompassed by + Sir Francis Drake</i></a></td> <td>283</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><a href="#PLATES">Plates</a></td> <td>293</td> + </tr> +</table> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2> +FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE CALIFORNIA<br /> +INDIANS, 1579</h2> + +<div class="center"> +<p class="smcap">by</p> +</div> + +<h5>ROBERT F. HEIZER</h5> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="general_background"><span class="smcap">General Background</span></a><br /> +</div> + +<p class="no">For nearly a century, historians, geographers, and anthropologists have +attempted to solve the problem of locating Francis Drake's anchorage in +California, but the opinion of no one investigator has been universally +accepted. Indeed, it seems likely that the problem will forever remain +insoluble in detail, although it may well be reduced to the possibility +that one of two bays, either Drake's or Bodega, was the scene of Drake's +stay in California.</p> + +<p>Historically and ethnographically, Drake's California visit is +exceedingly important. He was the first Englishman to see and describe +the Indians of Upper California, and the third Caucasian to mention +them. The account of the voyage given in <i>The World Encompassed by Sir +Francis Drake</i> (London, 1628) (of uncertain authorship but usually +attributed to Francis Fletcher) gives the earliest detailed description +of California Indian life, including such particulars of native culture +as ceremonial behavior and linguistic terms. This account is reproduced +in <a href="#app2">Appendix II</a>, below.</p> + +<p>Historians and geographers have long since stated their reasons and +qualifications for presenting certain conclusions about the location of +Drake's anchorage, but anthropologists have never insisted vigorously +enough that their contribution might be the most decisive of all in +solving the problem. If it can be shown that the Indian language and +culture described in the accounts of Drake's voyage to California are +clearly those of one or another of the coastal Indian tribes, there will +then be definite and unequivocal reasons for believing that in 1579 +Drake landed on a part of the California coast inhabited by that tribe. +Preliminary attempts at this type of solution have already been made, +first by the greatest authority on the California Indians, Professor A. +L. Kroeber,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and more recently by William W. Elmendorf and myself.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>In order to establish the background for the present study, it will be +advisable to recapitulate the various opinions and claims. They may be +listed under the headings: geographical, historical, and +anthropological.</p> + +<p><i>Geographical.</i>—George C. Davidson, eminent and versatile scientist, +first approached the problem of the location of Drake's California<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> +anchorage in 1858.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In the following years, as his familiarity with +literary and cartographical sources expanded, he published other +works,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and in 1908<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> he made his final statement. Davidson first +thought that Drake's landfall had been in San Francisco Bay, but after +more careful study he concluded that Drake's Bay was the anchorage (<a href="#pl20">see +pl. 20</a>). Davidson's views have been carefully and critically reviewed by +Henry R. Wagner<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and J. W. Robertson.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Among other contributions +relating to the problem of Drake's anchorage should be mentioned the +works of Hubert Howe Bancroft<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and the studies of Edward E. Hale,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> +as well as the searching analysis of Alexander G. McAdie and a more +recent but similar paper by R. P. Bishop.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<p><i>Historical.</i>—Although the trail was blazed by Davidson, it is Wagner +who first claims our attention. He has concluded, after an exhaustive +study of all available evidence, that Drake anchored first in Trinidad +Bay and later in Bodega Bay. The harbor now called Drake's Bay was not, +according to Wagner, the site of Drake's landfall in 1579. Robertson, +next mentioned above, is the author of a critical review of previous +"arguments advanced by certain historians in their selection of 'The +Harbor of St. Francis.'"</p> + +<p><i>Anthropological.</i>—Wagner's major work on Drake bears abundant evidence +that this historian, at least, is cognizant of the value of the +ethnographic check method. However, he has not utilized all available +documentary or ethnographic data to the fullest extent—a procedure of +the utmost importance.</p> + +<p>Davidson used the ethnographic method of solving the problem when he +identified the Limantour Estero shellmound site with the Indian village +depicted on the border map <i>Portus Novae Albionis</i> of the Jodocus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> +Hondius map <i>Vera totius expeditionis nauticae</i> (Amsterdam, 1590?)<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> +and cited as evidence a tradition of the Nicasio Indians. In his day, +many Coast Miwok Indians from Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay must have been +still living. If at that time he had obtained from them the information +which can no longer be found, owing to the extinction of the tribe, he +would have performed an inestimable service.</p> + +<p>In 1908, S. A. Barrett published his important work on Pomo +ethnogeography in which he reproduced the California data on the voyage +of Drake and made a brief evaluation.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> After attempting a linguistic +check with the word <i>Hioh</i> and directing attention to the +feather-decorated baskets as Pomo-like, Barrett concludes that "these +facts therefore point further to the tenability of the belief that +Drake's landing was somewhere north of San Francisco bay, possibly even +north of Point Reyes, though Pomo of the Southern and Southwestern +dialectic area may have journeyed down to Drake's bay bringing their +boat-shaped and ornamented baskets...."<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<p>In Professor Kroeber's <i>Handbook of the Indians of California</i> there is +an ethnographical analysis of a paraphrased version of <i>The World +Encompassed</i>, together with an inquiry (more searching than that of +Barrett's in 1908) into the identification of the words, such as <i>Hioh</i>, +<i>Patah</i>, <i>Tobah</i>, and <i>Gnaah</i>, which appear in the Fletcher account.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +Kroeber summarizes: "The ethnologist thus can only conclude that Drake +summered on some piece of the coast not many miles north of San +Francisco, and probably in the lagoon to which his name now attaches. He +is assured that the recent native culture in this stretch existed in +substantially the same form more than 300 years ago, and he has +tolerable reason to believe that the Indians with whom the great +explorer mingled were direct ancestors of the Coast Miwok."<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>A verification of Kroeber's view has recently been presented in a short +paper written by Heizer and Elmendorf<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> on the identification of the +Indian words in the sixteenth-century accounts of Francis Fletcher and +Richard Madox.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> (Madox's account is reproduced in <a href="#app1">App. I</a>, below.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> In +this paper it is shown that Drake must have landed in territory occupied +by the Coast Miwok-speaking natives (<a href="#fig1">fig. 1</a>), but the exact location of +his landing is not positively indicated since there are four bays along +Coast Miwok territory in which Drake might conceivably have +anchored.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Of these four bays, Bolinas, Drake's, Tomales, and Bodega, +only two, Drake's and Bodega, can be considered seriously.</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="fig1"><img src="images/fig1small.png" width="500" height="507" alt="" title="" /></a> +<p class="no"><span class="smcap">Fig. 1.</span> Location of west-central California Indian +linguistic groups. <br />A, Bodega Bay; B, Tomales Bay; C, Drake's Bay; D, +Bolinas Bay; E, San Francisco Bay.</p> +</div> + +<p>A final piece of evidence, this time archaeological, has recently come +to light in the plate of brass left by Drake in 1579. This plate was +originally found at Laguna Ranch (<a href="#pl21">pl. 21</a>) on Drake's Bay in 1934 +(?),<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> was moved elsewhere, and was rediscovered in 1936.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Although +some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> skeptics have questioned the genuineness of the plate of +brass,<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> they have not altered the facts establishing the plate's +authenticity as shown by the investigations of such scholars as Allen +Chickering,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Professor Herbert E. Bolton,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> and Drs. Fink and +Polushkin.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Consequently, the problem of Drake's anchorage is nearer +solution. Although the plate is a portable object, it was probably not +carried far. It could have been carried to Drake's Bay from Bodega Bay; +but, on the other hand, it could always have been at Drake's Bay. In the +absence of evidence that it was moved early in its history, it may not +be claiming overmuch to assume that the post with the plate of brass was +originally erected in Drake's Bay.</p> + +<p>So much, then, for an abbreviated review of the opinions on the location +of Francis Drake's California anchorage. Arguments have been advanced, +by other students, that Drake anchored in Trinidad, Bodega, or Drake's +Bay. It is my purpose here to analyze, as carefully as possible, the +ethnographic data contained in Francis Fletcher's account in <i>The World +Encompassed</i>, with the hope of determining in which of these bays Drake +actually stayed in June, 1579. The Trinidad Bay landfall theory will +first be investigated, in an attempt to determine whether the Indians +mentioned in Fletcher's account are identifiable with the Yurok tribe +which, in historic times, occupied this territory.</p> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="trinidad_bay"><span class="smcap">The Trinidad Bay Landfall Theory</span></a> +</div> + +<p class="no">Henry R. Wagner is the chief proponent of the Trinidad Bay theory, and +bases his conclusion upon two lines of evidence, (1) cartographical and +(2) ethnographical.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> The Jodocus Hondius map, with a small inset of +the <i>Portus Novae Albionis</i>, does resemble Trinidad Harbor, but since +all admit that the Hondius "Portus" is imperfectly drawn, and only +generally impressionistic, it can hardly be maintained that it resembles +less the outline of Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay. Wagner points out that +there was a Yurok village near the spot indicated on the Hondius map as +occupied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> by an Indian town.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> But in Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay, the +outlines of which also resemble that of the <i>Portus Novae Albionis</i>, +there are also Indian shellmounds in about the same relative position as +the village shown on the Hondius map.</p> + +<p>Fletcher's reference to a "canow" has led Wagner to identify this with +the Yurok dugout log canoe. If Fletcher's "canow" were described in any +detail, it would settle the problem of whether it meant a Yurok dugout +log canoe or a Coast Miwok tule <i>balsa</i> such as was used in Drake's or +Bodega Bay. Kroeber has also commented upon this unenlightening word, +saying, "Either custom changed after Drake's day, or his canoe is a +loose term for the tule <i>balsa</i> which was often boat-shaped, with raised +sides, especially when intended for navigation." Wagner says in answer, +"To this it may be objected that ... tule <i>balsas</i> were in use in +Drake's Bay in 1595 and were so recognized without difficulty." They +were recognized indeed, <i>but by a Spanish sailor already familiar with +the type</i>. Fletcher in his offhand manner dismissed the native boat with +a word which <i>he</i> was familiar with. Perhaps the strongest argument in +favor of identifying Fletcher's "canow" as a tule <i>balsa</i> lies in the +fact that he states that a single person came out to the <i>Golden Hinde</i>. +If it had been a Yurok dugout, and particularly in the open bay of +Trinidad, one man could not have managed the canoe. For example, the +Bruno de Hezeta account of Trinidad Bay in 1775 states: "Before they +[the Spaniards] drew near the land to drop anchor four canoes carrying +twenty-four men came out to receive them. They drew near the ships and +were given food and beads, with which they went away without +fear...."<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> It might also be worth noting that Fletcher states that +the person in the canoe remained "at a reasonable distance staying +himself," and would accept only a hat, "refusing vtterly to meddle with +any other thing...." One other account may be cited to support the +identification of the "canow" with the <i>balsa</i>. Sebastián Cermeño, in +1595 at Drake's Bay, wrote, "... many Indians appeared on the beach and +soon <i>one of them</i> got into a small craft which they employ, like a +çacate of the lake of Mexico."<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>By inference, the native house described by Fletcher has been identified +as a Yurok house. I do not think this claim will hold, since the house +in Fletcher's account is described as semisubterranean, circular, +conical-roofed, covered with earth, and with a roof entrance, whereas +the Yurok<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> dwelling (<i>not</i> the sweathouse), built wholly of planks, is +rectangular, is a surface structure except for an interior rectangular +pit, has a round door entering just above the ground and through the +side wall, and bears a double-ridged roof with two slopes.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Thus, the +house described by Fletcher cannot be a Yurok house of Trinidad Bay. On +the other hand, as will be shown in detail later, the house described by +Fletcher is the central California earth-covered dwelling, typical of +the Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay.</p> + +<p>Wagner, in his attempt to show that Drake landed at Trinidad Bay, makes +a further point. He says: "An additional indication that Drake was in +this bay [Trinidad] may be gleaned from the finding there of knives in +1775 by Bruno Heceta.... It seems probable, then, that the knives found +at Trinidad by Heceta were relics of Drake's expedition."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> It is +scarcely credible that numbers of iron knives, sword blades, and such +implements could have been preserved through two centuries of use. Since +the wooden-sheathed knives were expressly stated to be ill-made, and in +view of Fray Miguel de la Campa's statement in 1775 that "one of them +[i.e., one of the Indians] made his [knife] from a nail which he had +found in a piece of wreckage and had beaten out with a stone,"<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> it is +more than likely that the Trinidad Indians' knives were pounded out of +pieces of iron found imbedded in local sea-borne wreckage.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Logic and +probability lead inevitably to the conclusion that there is nothing in +the fact that knives were found at Trinidad Bay in 1775 from which to +suspect or to postulate Drake's presence in that place two centuries +earlier.</p> + +<p>Now for a brief comparison of some specific Indian culture elements and +examples of the language, as reported in <i>The World Encompassed</i> and in +Richard Madox's narrative, with those of Yurok Indian culture. Madox was +chaplain on Edward Fenton's expedition of 1582, and in his diary are +some notes on California which he jotted down after conversation with +some members of the crew which had sailed with Drake two years earlier.</p> + +<p>The flat shell disk beads of the account are not an element of Yurok +material culture. The standard Yurok shell bead is the hollow tusk shell +(<i>Dentalia indianorum</i>), which is long, cylindrical, and of small +diameter. The feathered net caps may possibly find cognates in the +flicker headbands of the Yurok, though these bands were known over the +whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> +of interior and coastal California (<a href="#pl18">cf. pl. 18, <i>a</i></a>). The +feathered baskets, however, cannot possibly be Yurok, since their +manufacture and use is restricted to the Pomo-Miwok-Wappo tribes which +lived far to the south of the Yurok. The "canow" of Fletcher, as had +been pointed out, can hardly be equated with the heavy Yurok river- and +ocean-going dugout canoe. This brief comparison should be convincing +evidence that Drake's chronicler did not describe the Trinidad Bay +Yurok; but there is added evidence in the word forms of the Madox +vocabulary. Madox gives "bread" as <i>Cheepe</i>, which the Yurok render +<i>pop-sho</i>. "Sing" is given as <i>Gnaah</i> in <i>The World Encompassed</i>, the +Yurok word being <i>wer-o-rur</i>. "Chief" is given by Fletcher and Madox as +<i>Hioh</i> or <i>Hioghe</i>, the Yurok word being <i>si-at-lau</i>.</p> + +<p>The decision of whether or not Drake entered Trinidad Bay, which is not +convenient as a port, and is, moreover, rock-studded,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> must rest in +part upon a study of the Hondius <i>Portus Novae Albionis</i>, of which, +Wagner says, "... perhaps a very close approximation to the actual +configuration of the bay [in which Drake anchored] cannot be expected." +Certainly the native customs, houses, and language do not offer the +slightest support to the theory that Drake observed the Yurok +Indians.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="bodega_or_drakes"><span class="smcap">The Arguments for the Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay Landfall</span></a> +</div> + +<p class="no">Wagner, then, has attempted to prove that Drake landed in Bodega Bay; +Davidson and McAdie, that he anchored in Drake's Bay; whereas Kroeber, +Heizer and Elmendorf, Barrett, and Bancroft failed to reach a decision +on which bay gave anchorage to the <i>Golden Hinde</i>.</p> + +<p>In the following pages I shall analyze by comparative ethnographic +technique the cultural data relating to the California Indians as given +in the several accounts of the Drake visit in 1579. These sources are:</p> + +<blockquote><p>1. The <i>World Encompassed</i> account, which I judge to be the +fullest and most reliable.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>2. The <i>Famous Voyage</i> account, which is abbreviated and +therefore less complete in detail.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>3. The second declaration of John Drake (1582), a brief +independent account of the occurrences in California (<a href="#app1">see +below, App. I</a>).<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> +</p> + +<p>4. Richard Madox's notes on "Ships Land" (New Albion), which +contain a revealing vocabulary of the Indian language.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>An exhaustive ethnography of the Coast Miwok has never been published. +The main sources of Coast Miwok ethnography used in this paper may be +enumerated as follows:</p> + +<blockquote><p>1. Data contained in various historical accounts. These are, +for the most part, incidental data and are not, even in total +amount, extensive. The accounts will be cited at the +appropriate places below.</p> + +<p>2. Published ethnographic notes such as are given in S. A. +Barrett's <i>The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring +Indians</i>, A. L. Kroeber's <i>Handbook of the Indians of +California</i>, and many others which likewise will be cited +below.</p> + +<p>3. The extensive manuscript notes on the Coast Miwok in the +possession of Dr. Isabel Kelly. Dr. Kelly has kindly lent her +material for the purpose of checking ethnographic items.</p></blockquote> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="world_encompassed"><span class="smcap">Analysis of The World Encompassed Account</span></a> +</div> + +<p class="no">On June 17 (Old Style), Drake's ship entered "a conuenient and fit +harborough." The next day, "the people of the countrey shewed +themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow." +On the 21st, the ship was brought near shore, her goods were landed, and +defense works were erected. Numbers of natives made their appearance for +a brief time, then returned to their homes in a near-by village. At the +end of two days (June 23), during which no natives had been seen, there +appeared "a great assembly of men, women, and children." As the narrator +says, the local people seen on the 23d had probably "dispersed +themselues into the country, to make knowne the newes...." There follows +in the narrative a long and detailed account of the activities of the +natives who remained assembled near the camp of the English. Finally, +after three more days (the account says June 26), word of the strange +newcomers had spread even further, and there "were assembled the +greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably imagine, to dwell +within any conuenient distance round about." Among these were the +"king," the <i>Hioh</i> of the Indians, and "his guard, of about 100 tall and +warlike men."</p> + +<p>This sequence of visits is of some interest. If Drake landed at Drake's +Bay, the natives seen by him on June 18 and 21 were certainly local +Coast Miwok living close at hand around the bay. The influx of people<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> +on the 23d probably means that they were drawn from relatively near-by +Coast Miwok villages—from near Olema, or from both shores of Tomales +Bay. But even larger crowds of natives came on the 26th, and among them +were the <i>Hioh</i> and his retinue. The group arriving on the 26th probably +came from some distance. If this crowd gathered at Drake's Bay, they +could well have been recruited from Bodega Bay, and possibly included a +number of Southern Pomo neighbors. The elapsed time (i.e., between June +21 and June 26) can be readily accounted for by two factors: (1) time +for communication to be established from Drake's to Bodega Bay and for +the return of the Bodega people, and (2) time for convocation of the +group, decision on a plan of action, and preparation for the elaborate +ceremony performed at the English camp on the 26th.</p> + +<p>If, however, Drake landed in Bodega Bay, the situation would be somewhat +different. The visitors of the 18th and 21st would be Bodega Coast +Miwok. Those arriving on the 23d could have been Tomales Bay or Olema +Coast Miwok, and the arrival on the 26th of the <i>Hioh</i> with his retinue +and followers might mark the presence of Southern Pomo, or, less +probably, Central Pomo who were concentrated in the interior some fifty +miles north of Bodega Bay.</p> + +<p>It is credible, then, that Drake landed in either Drake's Bay or Bodega +Bay, since the native words listed by Fletcher and Madox all belong to +the Coast Miwok language and not to any Pomo dialect.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> It is +improbable that the ceremonies, customs, and material culture forms +described by Fletcher can be <i>specifically</i> attributed to the Pomo, as +intimated by Wagner,<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> for at least three reasons: (1) Northern Coast +Miwok and Southern Pomo cultures are practically indistinguishable; (2) +the words <i>Hioh</i> and <i>Gnaah</i> seem to be Coast Miwok words rather than +words of Pomo attribution; and (3) if Drake landed in Coast Miwok +territory it is unlikely that the Pomo would be permitted to enter the +territory of their southern neighbors and to perform a ceremony which +the Coast Miwok themselves were as well able to do.</p> + +<p>Following is an examination of the day-by-day account of Fletcher.</p> + +<p><i>June 18.</i>—A single man in a "canow" (probably a tule <i>balsa</i>) came out +to the ship and delivered an oration. The canoeman also brought with +him, and threw into the ship, a bunch of black feathers tied in a round +bundle, and a small basket filled with an herb ("Tobah"), both of which +were tied to a short stick.</p> + +<p>In 1595, Sebastián Cermeño noted almost exactly the same thing in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> +Drake's Bay,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> and something very similar was observed by Francisco +Mourelle in Bodega Bay in 1775.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Cermeño says: "On the day on which +the ship anchored in the bay, about four o'clock in the afternoon, many +Indians appeared on the beach and soon one of them got into a small +craft which they employ like a çacate of the lake of Mexico. He came off +to the ship, where he remained quite a time talking in his language, no +one understanding what he said." Mourelle's statement is similar: there +is no mention of a speech by the Indians in "tule canoes," but they +presented the Spanish with plumes of feathers, "bone rosaries" (shell +bead necklaces?), garlands of feathers which they wore around their +heads, and a canister of seeds which tasted like walnuts.</p> + +<p>The feather bundle cannot be specifically identified, but it may be the +ceremonial black feather bundle (<a href="#pl18">pl. 18, <i>b</i></a>) most often associated with +the central California Kuksu cult. Some of these have been illustrated +by Professor Kroeber<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> and R. B. Dixon.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> The small basket filled +with the herb called <i>Tobah</i> or <i>Tabah</i> has led some students to +identify this herb as tobacco (<i>Nicotiana</i> sp.) John P. Harrington +quotes the sections from <i>The World Encompassed</i> which contain mention +of <i>Tabah</i> or <i>Tobah</i>, and assumes that the word has reference to +tobacco (<i>Nicotiana bigelovii</i>).<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Upon what grounds he identifies the +herb mentioned by Fletcher as tobacco is not stated, since the local +words for tobacco are different,<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> nor is it stated in the account +that the herb was smoked. Wagner doubts that the herb called <i>Tobah</i> was +tobacco, and in this he and I are in agreement. It cannot be determined +whether or not a Nicotiana was referred to by Fletcher, nor is it likely +that this question will ever be settled. What does seem clear is that +"Tobah" is not an Indian word, but the name applied to the herb by the +English narrator.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> This supposition is enhanced by the fact that <i>The +Famous Voyage</i> mentions the herb by the name "tabacco," a word already +known in England before Drake started on his voyage around the +world.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> It may be concluded that Fletcher's word "Tobah" or "Tabah" +comes from the English word "tabacco," "tobacco," "tabaco," and is not a +California<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> Indian word. In this conclusion I am in agreement with +Professor Kroeber.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p><i>June 18-21.</i>—There is no mention of Indians between the 18th and the +21st of June. After referring to the man in the "canow," Fletcher +continues, "After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring +at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration." This +would indicate that June 19 and 20 were spent exploring the bay in a +small boat to discover a proper spot for careening the treasure-laden +ship, which had sprung a leak at sea.</p> + +<p><i>June 21.</i>—On this day the ship was brought near shore and anchored. +Goods were landed, and some sort of stone fortification was erected for +defense. The Indians made their appearance in increasing numbers until +there was a "great number both of men and women." It is clearly apparent +that the natives were not simply curious, but acted, as Fletcher points +out, "as men rauished in their mindes" and "their errand being rather +with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre +with vs as with mortall men." It would seem that the natives +demonstrated clearly their fear and wonderment at the English, and it is +certain that they behaved as no other natives had done in the experience +of the chronicler. The English gave their visitors shirts and linen +cloth, in return for which (as Fletcher thought) the Indians presented +to Drake and some of the English such things as feathers, net caps, +quivers for arrows, and animal skins which the women wore. Then, having +visited for a time, the natives left for their homes about +three-quarters of a mile away. As soon as they were home, the Indians +began to lament, "extending their voices, in a most miserable and +dolefull manner of shreeking." Inserted between the passages dealing +with the departure of the Indians to their homes and their lamenting is +a description of their houses and dress. The houses are described as +"digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of +the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, +like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with +earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the +most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the +smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in +a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely +with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their +fire in the middest...." The men for the most part were naked, and the +women wore a shredded bulrush (tule? <i>Scirpus</i> sp.) skirt which hung +around the hips. Women also wore a shoulder cape of deerskin with the +hair upon it.</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/crowning_2.png" width="600" height="445" alt="" title="" /> + +<p>Another representation of the "crowning" of Francis +Drake. <br />(From an old engraving; provenience not known.)</p> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span></p><p>From the foregoing facts some important conclusions can be drawn. +First, the wonderment of the natives is but an extension of attitudes +they had daily shown from the 17th to the 20th; and similar +manifestations continued throughout the long stay of the English.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> +The English were looked upon as unusual, perhaps supernatural, visitors, +since nothing is more clear than the fact that they were not treated as +ordinary mortals. Kroeber has suggested that the Indians regarded the +English as the returned dead, and there is much to be said for this +view, as will be shown later. The doleful shrieking, weeping, and crying +are evidence <i>sui generis</i> that the presence of the English was in some +way associated with ghosts or the dead.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The circular semisubterranean house, roofed over with poles and +earth-covered, is also characteristic of a wide area of central +California. The Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> used these +houses, as did the Pomo.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> It is clearly not a temporary brush-covered +house like those seen in the Bodega-Tomales Bay region.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> The "caules +of network" undoubtedly refer to the well-known net caps of central +California,<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> a type so widespread that exact localization or +provenience is impossible.</p> + +<p>The Fletcher account is fairly specific on particulars of dress—women +wore shredded bulrush skirts and deerskin shoulder capes, and men were +ordinarily naked. The bulrush or tule-fiber clothing is attested for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> +Bodega Bay<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> and Drake's Bay,<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> but it is also found generally +throughout central California. Men were generally naked in California, +so Fletcher does not note here a distinctive cultural trait. The wearing +of deerskin capes by the women is not strictly substantiated by the +observations of later explorers, although Cermeño (1595) said that the +women in Drake's Bay "covered their private parts with straw and skins +of animals."<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> Archibald Menzies noted that the women in Tomales Bay +wore a deerskin wrapped around their middle and reaching to the +knees,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> and Francisco Eliza said that near Bodega Bay "the women +cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins."<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Colnett +mentions the Indian dress of deerskins in Bodega Bay.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p><i>June 23.</i>—On this day, after a two-day absence, "a great assembly of +men, women, and children" appeared at the camp of the English. The +Indians stopped at the top of the hill at the bottom of which Drake's +camp was pitched, and one man made "a long and tedious oration: +deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to +the vttermost strength of nature...." At the conclusion of the speech or +oration, all the other Indians reverently bowed their bodies "in a +dreaming manner" (?) and cried "<i>Oh</i>" in approbation. Then the men, +leaving their bows, women, and children behind them, came down to the +English with presents and gifts. While the men were gift giving, the +women cried and shrieked piteously, tore their cheeks with their +fingernails until the blood flowed, tore off the single covering from +the upper parts of the body, and, holding their hands high, cast +themselves on the ground with great violence, regardless of +consequences. The English, grieved at this spectacle of sacrifice, +attempted to dissuade the Indians by praying and indicating by signs +that their God lived above. During this "performance" (prayers, singing +Psalms, and reading chapters of the Bible), the Indians "sate very +attentiuely: and obseruing the end of euery pause, with one voice still +cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our exercises." The natives were +watching with great interest what seemed to them a ceremonial +performance (which it actually was, but not in the sense in which the +Indians understood it). The singing of Psalms interested the Indians +most, and whenever the natives came, says Fletcher, their first request +was <i>Gnaah</i>, an entreaty that the English should sing. After the Indians +and English had exchanged ceremonial performances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> of a religious +nature, the Indians again departed, giving back to the English +everything they had received.</p> + +<p>The oration by the man at the top of the hill may perhaps be likened to +a speech that Cermeño made note of, when, in 1595, he was at Drake's +Bay: "... Indians from near by kept coming and the chief talked a long +time."<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> It is not improbable that the speaker mentioned by Fletcher +was a messenger dispatched to announce the later coming of the big +chief.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Or, the orator may simply have been a local village chief who +delivered a long address or salutation to the English. The existence, at +least, of such orators is known.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> The signal of approbation, "Oh," +has already been remarked upon by S. A. Barrett: "The expressions of +assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not +only by the Moqueluman Coast Miwok peoples of this region but by the +Pomo to the north where such expressions as <i>o</i>, <i>yo</i>, <i>iyo</i>, varying +with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the sentiment +expressed by the speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of a +dance."<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> When the preliminaries were over, the men came down the +hill, and the women remained behind, lamenting, and lacerating their +flesh. Crying and tearing the cheeks with the fingernails, as an +ethnographic practice in connection with mourning, is documented for the +Coast Miwok<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> and Pomo.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The word <i>Gnaah</i>, by which (so Fletcher +states) the Indians asked the English to sing, can possibly be likened +to the Coast Miwok <i>koyá</i>, "sing."<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> If it is granted that <i>Gnaah</i> is +equivalent to <i>koyá</i>, there is good reason to believe that Coast Miwok +were the main frequenters of Drake's camp, since Fletcher says, "... +whensoever they resorted to vs, their first request was <i>Gnaah</i>, by +which they intreated that we would sing." The words for "sing" in +neighboring Indian tongues are so unlike <i>Gnaah</i> that no idea of +connection can be entertained.</p> + +<p><i>June 26.</i>—After three days, there "were assembled the greatest number<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> +of people which wee could reasonably imagine to dwell within any +conuenient distance round about." Included in the crowd were the "king" +and his "guard" of about one hundred men. Before the king showed +himself, two "Embassadors or messengers" appeared, to announce his +coming and to ask for a present "as a token that his comming might be in +peace." Drake complied, and soon the "king with all his traine came +forward." The king and his retinue "cryed continually after a singing +manner" as they came, but as they approached nearer they strove to +"behaue themselues with a certaine comelinesse and grauity in all their +actions." In the front of the procession came a man bearing the "Septer +or royall mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, to which +were tied long, looped strings of shell disk beads, and two "crownes," a +larger and a smaller, made of knitwork and covered with a pattern of +colored feathers. Only a few men were seen to wear the disk bead +necklaces ("chaines"). Fletcher observes that in proportion to the +number of "chaines" a man wears, "as some ten, some twelve, some +twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby +knowne to be the more honorable personages." Next to the scepter bearer +was the king (<i>Hioh</i>), surrounded by his guard. On his head he wore a +net cap ("cawle") decorated with feathers in the same manner as the +"crownes" described above, "but differing much both in fashion and +perfectness of work." From the king's shoulders hung a waist-length coat +of the skins of "conies." Members of his guard each wore a coat of +similar cut, but of different skins. Some of the guard wore net caps +"stuck with feathers," or covered with a light, downy substance, +probably milkweed down. Only those persons who were close to the king +wore the down-filled or down-covered net caps and feather plumes on +their heads.</p> + +<p>Following the procession of the king and his guard came the "naked sort +of common people." Their long hair was gathered behind into a bunch in +which were stuck plumes of feathers, but in the front were only single +feathers which looked "like hornes." Every Indian had his face painted +in black or white or other colors, and every man brought some sort of +gift. The procession was brought up behind by the women and children. +Each woman carried against her breast a round basket or so, filled with +a number of articles such as bags of <i>Tobah</i>; a root called <i>Petah</i>, +which was made into meal and either baked into bread or eaten raw; +broiled pilchard-like fishes; and the seed and down of milkweed (?). The +baskets are carefully described by Fletcher as "made in fashion like a +deep boale ... [and] about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of +shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a +place, of the chaines aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were +vessels wholly dedicated to the only vse of the gods they worshipped:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> +and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red +feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes."</p> + +<p>As the crowd of people came near, they gave a general salutation and +were then silent. The scepter bearer, prompted by another man who +whispered, delivered in a loud voice an oration which lasted half an +hour. When the oration was ended, "there was a common <i>Amen</i>, in signe +of approbation giuen by euery person...." Then the company, leaving the +little children behind, came down to the foot of the hill where the +English had their camp. Here the scepter bearer began to sing and danced +in time to the song. The king, his guard, and all the others joined in +the singing and dancing, except the women, who danced but did not sing. +The women had torn faces, their bodies showed bruises and other +lacerations which had been self-inflicted before the Indians had +arrived. After the assembly of natives had concluded their dance, they +indicated by signs that Drake should be seated. This done, the king and +several others delivered orations to Drake, and, concluding with a song, +placed the crown upon his head and hung all the shell disk bead +necklaces around his neck. Many other gifts were tendered to Drake, and +the name <i>Hioh</i> was bestowed upon him. Fletcher interpreted this +ceremony as the giving up of the kingdom to Drake, a thought hardly +ascribable to the Indians. It is quite clear, however, that Drake was +individually and specially honored by the leader of the California +natives, and was invested with a name, <i>Hioh</i>.</p> + +<p>After the "crowning" was concluded, the common people, both men and +women, dispersed among the English, "taking a diligent view and survey +of every man." When a native found an Englishman who pleased his fancy, +and the youthful Englishmen were preferred, a personal "sacrifice" in +the form of weeping, moaning, shrieking, and tearing of the face with +the fingernails was offered. As might be expected, such a scene was +embarrassing and uncomfortable to the English, and the strongest efforts +were of no avail in disabusing the Indians of their "idolatry." After a +time the Indians quieted down and began to show to the English "their +griefes and diseases which they carried about with them, some of them +hauing old aches, some shruncke sinewes, some old soares and canckred +vlcers, some wounds more lately receiued, and the like, in most +lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure thereof from vs: making signes +that if we did but blowe vpon their griefes, or but touched the diseased +places, they would be whole." The English applied various unguents to +the affected places, continuing the treatment as the natives resorted to +the camp from time to time.</p> + +<p>Now to analyze the happenings of June 26. The "Embassadors or +messengers" of Fletcher are probably correctly identified, since the +custom of having messengers who announce the coming of a chief and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> his +party is known to have existed at least among the Pomo<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> and probably +among the Coast Miwok, although there is no specific mention of such a +practice among the latter. Even the custom that messengers should ask +for a present for the "king" (i.e., chief) is known to have been +observed by the Pomo.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> It is impossible to identify the man who bore +the "scepter" or "mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, +but the scepter itself seems identifiable with the staff known +ethnographically to have been used in the central California Kuksu or +ghost ceremony.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>The assemblage of the black stick with pendant "feathered crowns" and +clamshell disk beads has not been noted by any modern ethnographer, but +the flat, circular, centrally drilled white beads of clamshell are +familiar (<a href="#pl18">pl. 18, <i>c</i></a>). They were made from clamshells dug at Bodega +Bay, the source of these beads for most of the Indians of central +California.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> It is of some interest to note that in later times the +beads have been very abundant, and that in the last 350 years the +manufacture and use of clamshell disk beads have been much increased. +The net "crownes" covered with a pattern of colored feathers are +described by Fletcher in terms so general that exact identification is +difficult. They may have resembled some of those illustrated by Dixon, +who collected them from the Northern Maidu.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> At least, net caps with +feather decorations were commonly used in Coast Miwok<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> and Pomo<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> +ceremonies. The king's guard was probably composed of a number of male +initiates of a secret society who naturally would separate themselves +from the women and children when engaged in ceremonial duties.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> The +net cap of the king or <i>Hioh</i> was different from that of the others, and +it is not improbable that it was one of the flicker-quill headbands so +well known for the area (<a href="#pl18">pl. 18, <i>a</i></a>).<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> This identification is at +best tentative, however, since there was in this area a bewildering +array of types of feather-decorated ceremonial headgear. The king's coat +of conyskins seems to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> have been distinguished from those of his guard. +The guards' coats may have been made of pocket gopher or mountain beaver +skins, and the king's coat was possibly of woven rabbitskin blankets, +common to both the Pomo and the Coast Miwok.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> What seems unusual is +that there is no mention in Fletcher's account of the feather cloaks or +skirts used in later times on ceremonial occasions. I have been unable +to find any ethnographic data on a special skin coat for chiefs or +ceremonial leaders. The down-filled head net undoubtedly refers to the +central Californian net cap.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> The feather plumes mentioned by +Fletcher as worn on the head by persons close to the king may have been +of several of the numerous types used in central California. Examples +are illustrated by Dixon<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> and Kroeber.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> The repeated mention by +Fletcher of the use of feathers indicates clearly that their ceremonial +use was highly developed at this period. The single feathers resembling +"horns" are an ethnographic feature of the costume of the ghost dancer +among the Pomo,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> and although there is no documentary evidence that +the Coast Miwok wore feathers in such a manner, it seems likely, in view +of the very close correspondence between Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonial +features, that they did so. The practice of painting the body is an +almost invariable feature of Coast Miwok<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> and Pomo<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> ceremonies.</p> + +<p>The gifts brought by the women in round baskets included bags of <i>Tobah</i> +(already discussed), broiled fish, the seed and down of some plant +(milkweed?),<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> and a root called <i>Petah</i> or <i>Patah</i>. Neither the Pomo +nor the Coast Miwok remember today any root or bulb with a name +resembling <i>Petah</i> or <i>Patah</i>. Elmendorf and I have agreed with Kroeber +that <i>Petah</i> is probably to be linked with the word "potato" in one or +another of its various forms. Kroeber thinks that the description +indicates the wild onion (<i>Brodiaea</i>), called <i>putcu</i> in Coast Miwok, +and this is not improbable. However, soaproot (<i>Chlorogalum</i>), which was +sometimes baked into a bread, would also fill the description. It is +called <i>haka</i> by the Coast Miwok, and it is barely possible, though +hardly probable, that <i>haka</i> could have been heard and recorded as +<i>Patah</i> or <i>Petah</i>. Since<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> Fletcher speaks of <i>Petah</i> as a root, it +seems improbable that he was describing acorns (called <i>ümba</i> in Coast +Miwok); yet even this remote possibility may be entertained, since Madox +recorded <i>cheepe</i> as bread, and Coast Miwok <i>tcipa</i> means acorn bread. +The word <i>Petah</i>, and botanical identification, must remain in limbo +until further data are at hand.</p> + +<p>The feather-decorated baskets offer evidence, as Barrett and Kroeber +have indicated, that Drake landed on the coast immediately north of San +Francisco Bay. The baskets (<a href="#pl19">pl. 19</a>) are described as shaped like a deep +bowl, covered with a matted down of red feathers worked into various +patterns, and further embellished with pendant drops of pearl shell +(<i>Haliotis</i>) and two or three disk beads in various places. Such baskets +were made only by the Coast Miwok,<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> Pomo,<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Lake Miwok, and Wappo. +Kroeber states that these baskets "served as gifts and treasures; and +above all they were destroyed in honor of the dead."<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> It is clear +that, in 1579, feathered baskets similar in manufacture and use to the +native baskets of today were known in this Coast Miwok area.</p> + +<p>The scepter bearer, prompted in a low voice by another man, delivered a +long oration. The Coast Miwok have such orators; among those Indians the +office of speechmaker is a special one.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> The Pomo have orators,<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> +as do most other central Californians. The <i>Amen</i>, or sign of general +approbation, following the oration has already been commented upon. Then +the natives performed a dance to the accompaniment of a song led by the +scepter bearer (or orator)<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> and joined in by the men, while the women +danced but remained silent. Among the Pomo and Coast Miwok each ceremony +has a song in connection with its observance.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a> +<a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> +</p> + +<p>The episode of the crowning has no parallel in native custom or +ceremonial behavior, probably because "crowning" was a unique experience +for the Indians as well as the English. This fact should be kept in mind +in judging and estimating the natives' actions and reactions—they were +as puzzled as the English. Drake was specifically honored by the +Indians, and there is no reason to doubt Fletcher when he states that +the name <i>Hioh</i> was given to him. It has been suggested that <i>Hioh</i> was +a term of salutation or an interjection,<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> but there is no reason to +believe that this was so. The word finds possible equivalents in Coast +Miwok for chief, <i>hoipu</i>, <i>hoipa</i>, or friend, <i>oiya</i>.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Since the +Interior Miwok word for chief is <i>haiapo</i>, there is a bare possibility +that the <i>hoi</i> of today may have been rendered <i>hai</i> in 1579, though +there is no direct evidence to support this suggestion. It should be +mentioned here that the Madox account independently verifies Fletcher's +remarks on the episode of the crowning, as well as the word for "king" +(chief?), which Madox renders as <i>Hioghe</i>.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> + +<p>The close scrutiny of the English by the Indians following the +"crowning" ceremony indicates that the main business of the day (i.e., +the ceremonial crowning by secret society initiates) was over, and that +the general public could now take part in the festivities. Of great +interest are Fletcher's statements to the effect that the most youthful +Englishmen were repeatedly selected as recipients of personal sacrifice +and adoration which took the form of lamenting, moaning, weeping, +wailing, and self-lacerating. Only one conclusion can be drawn: the +Indians supposed that they were looking upon relatives returned from the +dead, and hence performed the usual mourning observances.</p> + +<p>After all these ceremonies were concluded, the Indians showed the +English their infirmities, aches, sores, and wounds, and it was made +clear that if the English would but blow upon them they would be made +well. This accords fairly well with the curing aspect of certain local +ceremonies. For example, the Kuksu doctor of the Pomo might cure by +blowing "his whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly +those recognized by the patients as the seats of pain."<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> There is no +mention of the use of whistles in connection with the ceremony enacted +by the Indians. Whistles are so commonly used in local ceremonies that +their omission is noteworthy. The detailed nature of the account +indicates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> that this feature was not so strongly developed in 1579 as it +is today in local native custom.</p> + +<p><i>General observations, and occurrences from June 27 to July 23.</i>—The +natives were almost constant visitors, and it is noted that ordinarily +every third day they brought their "sacrifices" (?). From this and other +indications it seems possible that the ceremonial number of the Indians +was three. The ceremonial number of the adjoining Pomo is four.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> The +Coast Miwok ceremonial number was probably four, though there is no +direct evidence to support this supposition. The Indian bow is spoken of +as weak and "more fit for children than for men," a remark to be +expected from the English, who were even then employing the famous +longbow. The English were impressed with the strength of the natives, +but, for Indians accustomed to transporting everything on their backs, +their feats of strength seem not surprising. It is also noted that the +natives were good at running and that this was the ordinary means of +travel. The English admired the native surf fishing. Kroeber has +interpreted the passage, "if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so +neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without swimming, they +would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it," as signifying diving for +fish in the surf. Since this unusual practice is not otherwise recorded +ethnographically for any coastal Californian tribe, some other +explanation may be in order, and I suggest that Fletcher may have had +reference to surf fishing with a round hand net, a practice known to +have been followed by the Coast Miwok.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> One gets the impression that +the English found much to admire in their native friends.</p> + +<p>Drake, his gentlemen, and others of the ship's company made an +expedition into the interior to see the native villages and the country +round about. The houses were all of the semisubterranean, circular type +discussed previously. Two animals were seen, as also herds of deer and +great numbers of "conies," a name which, as used by Fletcher, seems to +fit no known animal living today in this coastal area.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> + +<p>The country was named <i>Albion</i> "in respect of the white bancks and +cliffes, which lie toward the sea ...," and a post was set up with an +engraved brass plate nailed to it. The white cliffs are one of the most +conspicuous features of Drake's Bay.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> That the plate of brass has +been found at Drake's Bay is a fact of the greatest significance.</p> + +<p>Upon the departure of the English, the Indians were sorrowful, and they +burned a "sacrifice" of a string of disk beads and a bunch of feathers. +The burning of shell beads in memory and honor of the dead,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> a custom +which Fletcher may have described, is known for the Coast Miwok,<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> +Pomo,<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> and neighboring groups.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>Aside from those actions of the natives which are usually associated +with their attitudes toward the dead (weeping, moaning, self-laceration, +use of feathered baskets, sacrifice of shell beads and feathers in the +fire), there are other evidences that the English were regarded as the +returned spirits of the dead. First is Fletcher's observation that the +Indians were "standing when they drew neere, as men rauished in their +mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard +of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare +to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall +men. Which thing as it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did +it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of +our abode amongst them." Except for the sole occasion, at the conclusion +of the ceremony on June 26, when the Indians embraced the youthful +Englishmen, the natives seem to have avoided touching the whites. This +is most understandable if it is believed that they looked upon the +English as the dead returned,<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> for bodily contact with a dead person +or spirit was certain, in their minds, to have disastrous results. +Further evidence of this may be contained in the statement: "Our General +hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their departure they +restored them all againe; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoeuer +hee had receiued...." There is one more bit of inferential evidence +along this line which comes from the Madox account. This is the phrase +<i>Nocharo mu</i>, "touch me not" (i.e., <i>notcáto mu</i>, "keep away"). It may +be asked why Madox recorded this particular phrase out of the many his +informant must have heard. The answer is perhaps to be found in the +simple fact that the English heard this phrase uttered a great many +times, and it stuck in their memory. In view of the fact that the +natives held the English in fear as dead people, the phrase "touch me +not" might often have been used toward amorous sailors, or against any +form of bodily contact.</p> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="ethnographic_items"><span class="smcap">Additional Ethnographic Items in the Richard Madox and John Drake +Accounts</span></a> +</div> + +<p class="no">In the second deposition of John Drake, cousin to Francis Drake (<a href="#app1">see +below, App. I</a>), there is no new information. There is, however, +independent corroboration of the weeping and self-laceration referred +to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> repeatedly in the <i>World Encompassed</i> account. The natives are +mentioned as having bows and arrows and as being naked, both of which +items are mentioned by Fletcher. The Indians' sadness at the departure +of the English, as remarked by John Drake, is a further verification of +Fletcher's observations as presented in some detail in <i>The World +Encompassed</i>.</p> + +<p>The brief Madox account is of particular interest since a number of +words in the Indian language, a song, and the episode of the crowning +are mentioned. The linguistic items are given as follows:</p> + +<table summary="Madox linguistics"> + <tr> <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Cheepe</i> bread</span></td><td><i>Nocharo mu</i> tuch me not</td> + </tr> + <tr> <td><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Huchee kecharoh</i> sit downe</span></td><td><i>Hioghe</i> a king</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p>As Elmendorf and I have already pointed out, the vocabulary may be +assigned conclusively to the Coast Miwok language.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> <i>Cheepe</i>, +"bread," is equivalent to modern Coast Miwok <i>tcipa</i>, "acorn bread." +This word alone is the clearest possible evidence that Drake's Indian +acquaintances were Coast Miwok. <i>Huchee kecharoh</i>, "sit down," probably +is an incorrect translation of the phrase. The closest approximation in +modern Coast Miwok is <i>atci kotcáto</i>, "step into the house," and <i>hoki +kotcádo</i>, "go into the house" (<i>tc</i> is phonetically equivalent to the +sound <i>ch</i> as in chin). It is possible to explain these differently +stated meanings of these phonetically similar phrases as owing to +incorrect inductions of meaning under specific circumstances. Kelly's +Coast Miwok ethnographic informants stated that, according to old +custom, whenever people came to a house they were asked to walk in and +were offered a seat in the rear of the house, and food was placed before +them. In some such situation, particularly if the English had occasion +to be often in the Indian village, they may have repeatedly heard the +invitation, "step into the house." Likewise, the phrase <i>Nocharo mu</i>, +"touch me not," may have been translated by Madox (or his informant) +only vaguely, since it represents a situation rather than a concrete +object, which would be less liable to misinterpretation. Modern Coast +Miwok offers a close parallel in the form of <i>notcáto mu</i>, which may be +literally translated "stay over there," or "stay away" (<i>notca</i>, +"farther," "yonder").</p> + +<p>Madox's word for king, <i>Hioghe</i>, is similar to that given by Fletcher +(<i>Hioh</i> or <i>Hyoh</i>), except that the <i>ghe</i> ending is unusual. From the +words of the Indian song given by Madox (see below), in which <i>heigh</i> +(i.e., <i>hai</i>) appears, it might be suspected that the <i>gh</i> is silent; +yet why is the terminal <i>e</i> present? It may be that if <i>Hioghe</i> were +exactly similar phonetically to <i>Hioh</i>, there would not be a terminal +<i>e</i> in <i>Hioghe</i>. Thus Madox's' <i>Hioghe</i> may indicate a terminal sound +(short or weak <i>e</i>?) and therefore be close to modern Coast Miwok +<i>hoipa</i> (and Sierra Miwok <i>haiapo</i>).<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> That the <i>gh</i> might be an +indication of the <i>p</i> sound is possible, or, again, it could represent +Madox's attempt to render a weak or indefinite labial sound which was +imperfectly remembered by his informant. Too close a phonetic +transcription of an Indian language by Elizabethan Englishmen should not +be expected—there was little standardization in English spelling<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> +at that time. The foregoing is not advanced as an argument to show that +the terminal "e" was sounded, but is merely presented as a possibility. +Elizabethan English commonly used an unpronounced terminal "e." The song +of the Indians "when they worship god" is given by Madox as <i>Hodeli oh +heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh</i>. No Coast Miwok or Pomo song on record +accords exactly with that given by Madox, although some are quite +similar. For example, a Coast Miwok <i>Suya</i> song transcribed by Kelly is +a repetitive line <i>Yo ya he yo he o</i>. Other examples from the Coast +Miwok are not available, but some Pomo ceremonial songs may be cited. +Stephen Powers<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> gives a Sanel Pomo song:</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2.75em;"><i>Hel-lel-li-ley</i></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.75em;"><i>Hel-lel-lo</i></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.75em;"><i>Hel-lel-lu</i></span><br /> +</p> + +<p class="no">E. M. Loeb<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> gives several Pomo songs which are associated with the +Kuksu or ghost ceremony:</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 1.75em;">1. <i>He yo he yo he yo</i></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.75em;"><i>He yoha eheya ye</i></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.75em;"><i>To ya he yo ho ho</i></span><br /> +</p> +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 1.75em;">2. <i>Tali, tali, yo yo weya yo, weya yo, ha hi he ya he hotsaii ya hi ho.</i></span><br /> +</p> +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 1.75em;">3. <i>He ha le me, le lu hi ma humane, hu ...</i></span><br /> +</p> + +<p class="no">Other Pomo songs used in ceremonies are given by Loeb:<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 1.75em;">1. <i>Ū ū hulai leli ha ha.</i></span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.75em;">2. <i>He he la le ha hi hi hi, ya ya ya, hu wa!</i></span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.75em;">3. <i>Yo yo hale e he na gagoyá ō he he!</i></span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.75em;">4. <i>Ho yu ko, he he, a ha a a. Hi ye ko, lai ye ko, He tsi ye.</i></span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.75em;">5. <i>Yo ho yo ho yaho, he yo ho waha.</i></span><br /> +</p> + +<p>These examples show how generally similar are the Coast Miwok<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> and +Pomo ceremonial songs of today to the song of 1579 given by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> Madox. Here +again an exact correspondence should not be expected, since it is not +known whether the song given by Madox was one associated with a +particular ceremonial occurrence, nor is it known how changeable these +songs are. And again, in the time that has passed and in the changing +course of circumstances since 1579, some exactness has almost inevitably +been sacrificed. Madox's statement that the natives sang "one dauncing +first wh his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people" +verifies Fletcher's description of the singing and dancing at the time +of the great ceremony of June 26.</p> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="indian_traditions"><span class="smcap">Supposed Indian Traditions of Drake's Visit</span></a> +</div> + +<p class="no">Professor George Davidson was the second investigator to use an Indian +tradition as evidence of the Drake's Bay location of the 1579 +visit.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The source of the tradition is in J. P. Munro-Fraser's +<i>History of Marin County</i>,<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> and is stated as follows:</p> + +<blockquote><p>First of all comes an old Indian legend which comes down +through the Nicasios to the effect that Drake did land at this +place [Drake's Bay]. Although they have been an interior tribe +ever since the occupation by the Spaniards and doubtless were +at that time, it still stands to reason that they would know +all about the matter. If the ship remained in the bay +thirty-six days it is reasonable to suppose that a knowledge of +its presence reached every tribe within an area of one hundred +miles and that the major portion of them paid a visit to the +bay to see the "envoys of the Great Spirit," as they regarded +the white seamen. One of these Indians named Theognis who is +reputed to have been one hundred and thirty years old when he +made the statement, says that Drake presented the Indians with +a dog, some young pigs, and seeds of several species of +grain.... The Indians also state that some of Drake's men +deserted him here, and, making their way into the country, +became amalgamated with the aboriginals to such an extent that +all traces of them were lost, except possibly a few names +[Nicasio, Novato] which are to be found among the Indians.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Wagner feels that there is no reason or evidence to indicate that the +Nicasio Indian tradition refers to Drake,<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> a conclusion with which I +agree. If any early expedition did leave pigs with the Coast Miwok, it +could have been the Spanish one of 1793, which attempted unsuccessfully +to form a settlement at Bodega Bay. Felipe Goycoechea, in 1793 +specifically mentions seeing some pigs and chickens which the Spanish +had left earlier in the year with the Indians at that place.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> With +Wagner's statement that, if any credit can be given to the pig episode, +Cermeño may have been the donor,<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> I cannot agree, mainly for the +reason that Cermeño's crew were hungry and would not have given the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> +Indians any pigs if they had had them. The story of the dog is +interesting since neither the Pomo nor Coast Miwok had dogs in +pre-Spanish times, and the evidence indicates that dogs were introduced +shortly after 1800.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Aside from these facts, the supposed Nicasio +tradition does not have a true ring—it is not the type of story that +Indians are accustomed to tell.</p> + +<p>A belief among the Coast Miwok<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> and some Pomo<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> tribes that the +home of the dead is associated with Point Reyes should perhaps be taken +into account. The belief is that this seaward projection is associated +with the dead, who follow a string leading out through the surf to the +land of the dead. It is barely possible that this belief, which is quite +clearly of Coast Miwok origin, is a legendary reminiscence of Drake's +visit which seems to have been, in part at least, interpreted by the +Indians as the return of the dead. It may be superfluous to mention that +no Indian has ever stated his idea of the origin of this legend,<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> or +of its association with the visit of Drake's party; yet there remains +the possibility that the occurrence made an impression so deep that +Point Reyes became in this way associated with the home of the dead in +the west, from which the English were supposed to have come and gone. If +this tradition were associated with Drake, it would, of course, signify +that his anchorage was behind Point Reyes in Drake's Bay. On the other +hand, this remarkable point which juts far out into the ocean is a +prominent feature of Coast Miwok territory, and by reason of its unique +topography might have been associated with local ceremonial +beliefs.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p> + +<p>I may conclude this discussion by saying that no direct evidence of +Drake's visit in 1579 is to be found in recorded local Indian +traditions. In view of the long time that has intervened, no native +legendary evidence is to be expected. Euhemerism is ordinarily rather an +unproductive and hazardous approach for the historian.</p> + + +<div class="center1"> +<a name="recapitulation"><span class="smcap">Recapitulation and Conclusion</span></a> +</div> + +<p class="no">The results of this survey can now be weighed and a solution to the +problem of the location of Drake's California anchorage suggested.</p> + +<p>It has been shown that there is not a scrap of ethnographic evidence to +suggest that Drake landed in Trinidad Bay and saw the Yurok Indians. The +Hondius <i>Portus Novae Albionis</i> might apply equally to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> Bodega Bay or +Drake's Bay, and by itself can only rise to the level of supporting, +rather than primary, evidence. Thus, in reference to the Trinidad Bay +theory, the map cannot alone and unaided prove the point against the +overwhelming evidence to the contrary.</p> + +<p>The ethnographic evidence indicates strongly, indeed almost +conclusively, that Drake landed in territory occupied by Coast Miwok +Indians.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> Since Pomo culture and Coast Miwok Indian culture were so +similar as to be almost indistinguishable, the culture described by +Fletcher might refer to either Coast Miwok or Pomo, and no solution +would be forthcoming were it not for the additional fact that <i>all</i> the +unquestionably native words (<i>Hioh</i>, <i>Gnaah</i>, <i>Huchee kecharo</i>, <i>Nocharo +mu</i>, <i>Cheepe</i>) are of Coast Miwok derivation. It may therefore be +concluded that Drake had contact mainly with the Coast Miwok. Any effort +to prove that the customs described point expressly to the Pomo as +Drake's visitors would have to deny the linguistic proofs and rest upon +the unlikely assumption that Pomo and Coast Miwok culture were markedly +divergent in 1579.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> The Pomo ethnographic data cited here are +therefore to be looked upon not as unique Pomo cultural traits, but as +supplementary, comparative material which is at a premium for the Coast +Miwok. But there are two bays in Coast Miwok territory to which Drake +might have brought his ship. These are Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay.</p> + +<p>No internal evidence points specifically to either Drake's or Bodega +Bay—the accounts lack geographical detail,<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> the ethnographic Coast +Miwok culture was in operation in both bays, and contemporary maps are +so inaccurate and open to variable interpretation that nothing definite +can be ascertained from their inspection. What is needed, therefore, is +some hint or lead which will break this stalemate. There are two such +leads. The first is the plate of brass left by Drake and recently found +at Drake's Bay. Granted the authenticity of the Drake plate, it now does +not rank as an isolated find, however spectacular, but rather as good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> +supporting evidence of the conclusion based upon my ethnographic +analysis. The second point of evidence is Fletcher's statement that +"this country our generall named <i>Albion</i>, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called." The <i>Famous +Voyage</i> version says almost the same, except that the country was named +<i>Nova Albion</i>, which agrees more closely with the wording of the Drake +plate. Wagner has discussed the white cliffs,<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> but his argument is +unconvincing. There is no good reason to doubt that the cliffs mentioned +were at the bay, since Fletcher implies that the naming took place +before the departure.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> And it must be remembered that white cliffs +which face toward the sea<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> are at Drake's Bay and <i>not at Bodega</i>.</p> + +<p>In June, 1579, then, Drake probably landed in what is now known as +Drake's Bay. He remained there for five weeks repairing his ship, and +found the Indians the most remarkable objects of interest with which he +came in contact. From a comparative analysis of the detailed +descriptions of the native ceremonies, artifacts, and language I +conclude that in the fullest authentic account, <i>The World Encompassed</i>, +it is the Coast Miwok Indians that are referred to.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span></p> + + + + +<div class="center1"> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smcap"><a name="app1">Appendix I</a></span></span> +</div> +<div class="center"><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smaller">THE SOURCES</span></span> +</div> + + +<p class="no">There are in existence at least three useful independent accounts of Sir +Francis Drake's California visit in 1579. These are: (1) the <i>World +Encompassed</i> and the similar <i>Famous Voyage</i> accounts; (2) the second +deposition of John Drake, and (3) the valuable notes of Richard Madox.</p> + +<p><i>The Famous Voyage and The World Encompassed.</i>—The <i>Famous Voyage</i>, +first printed in 1589, was compiled by Richard Hakluyt from three +sources—John Cooke's manuscript, the <i>Anonymous Narrative</i>, and the +Francis Fletcher manuscript.<a name="FNanchor_A-1_127" id="FNanchor_A-1_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-1_127" class="fnanchor">[A-1]</a> <i>The World Encompassed</i>, which +probably was in manuscript form a few years after Drake's return to +England, did not appear in print until 1628. The sources of this account +are the Fletcher manuscript, the Edward Cliffe account, and the +relations of Nuño da Silva and López de Vaz.<a name="FNanchor_A-2_128" id="FNanchor_A-2_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-2_128" class="fnanchor">[A-2]</a> It is obvious to any +reader that the <i>Famous Voyage</i> and <i>World Encompassed</i> accounts of the +California Indians are closely similar in wording, the chief difference +between the two being that the latter account is fuller than the +former.<a name="FNanchor_A-3_129" id="FNanchor_A-3_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-3_129" class="fnanchor">[A-3]</a> The richer detail does not indicate literary padding, since +the additional information is ethnographically sound. One gets the +impression that the <i>Famous Voyage</i> version is an abridgement of <i>The +World Encompassed</i> account itself, or perhaps its source, though if this +is so in fact only the bibliographers can tell. Henry R. Wagner has +carefully analyzed the various accounts of the Drake voyage,<a name="FNanchor_A-4_130" id="FNanchor_A-4_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-4_130" class="fnanchor">[A-4]</a> and is +inclined, no doubt with good reason, to treat the <i>World Encompassed</i> +version as "untrustworthy"; yet this characterization hardly holds for +what it tells of the California Indians, which, within limits of +interpretation, is a straightforward, detailed ethnographic record, of +convincing authenticity.</p> + +<p>It is fairly certain that Francis Fletcher's "Notes" was the source of +the description of California Indian manners and customs, since, as +Wagner points out, the descriptions of the Patagonians and Fuegians in +the first half of the Fletcher manuscript (the second half is now lost) +agree very closely in wording with the descriptions of the California +coast Indians.<a name="FNanchor_A-5_131" id="FNanchor_A-5_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-5_131" class="fnanchor">[A-5]</a></p> + +<p>Of Francis Fletcher, chaplain and diarist of the Drake expedition, O. M. +Dalton says:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote><p class="no">... it may ... be suggested that Fletcher was not such a +romancer as has sometimes been supposed. There is really a +large amount of information condensed in his few pages,—as +much, or perhaps more, than is to be found in many chapters of +later and more diffuse historians or travellers. That he should +have seen strange and unprecedented occurrences in the light of +his own limited knowledge and of the narrow experience of his +time, was after all a psychological necessity. His narrative, +like the sea-god Glaucus in Plato's Republic, is obscured by +strange incrustations; nevertheless with a little patience the +fictitious shell may be removed and the solid fact discovered +intact beneath it.... It is apparent that the whole passage +describing Drake's interview with the "King," on which some +ridicule has been cast, is chiefly absurd because the narrator +inevitably reads into the social conditions of an uncultured +tribe something of the European etiquette of the day.... It was +only natural that a difficulty should have been experienced by +minds, not scientifically trained, in finding an appropriate +terminology by which to describe unfamiliar objects.... Other +instances might be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show +that Fletcher described scenes that actually passed before his +eyes, while the inferences he drew from them were erroneous. It +is only fair, if small things may be compared with great, that +the humble chronicler of a later day should be accorded the +same liberal method of interpretation which has long been +granted to classical authors.<a name="FNanchor_A-6_132" id="FNanchor_A-6_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-6_132" class="fnanchor">[A-6]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p><i>John Drake's Second Declaration.</i>—John Drake was the orphan son of +Robert Drake, who was the uncle of Francis Drake. John Drake accompanied +his cousin on the voyage round the world, and subsequently went along on +the Edward Fenton expedition, was shipwrecked in the River Plate (1582), +taken captive by the Indians, and escaped only to fall into the hands of +the Spanish. John Drake was questioned by the authorities, and in his +second deposition there is a brief account of the occurrences in +California, 1579.<a name="FNanchor_A-7_133" id="FNanchor_A-7_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-7_133" class="fnanchor">[A-7]</a></p> + +<blockquote><p class="no">There he [Francis Drake] landed and built huts and remained a +month and a half, caulking his vessel. The victuals they found +were mussels and sea-lions. During that time many Indians came +there and when they saw the Englishmen they wept and scratched +their faces with their nails until they drew blood, as though +this were an act of homage or adoration. By signs Captain +Francis told them not to do that, for the Englishmen were not +God. These people were peaceful and did no harm to the English, +but gave them no food. They are of the colour of the Indians +here [Peru] and are comely. They carry bows and arrows and go +naked. The climate is temperate, more cold than hot. To all +appearance it is a very good country. Here he caulked his large +ship and left<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> the ship he had taken in Nicaragua. He departed, +leaving the Indians, to all appearances, sad.<a name="FNanchor_A-8_134" id="FNanchor_A-8_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-8_134" class="fnanchor">[A-8]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p><i>Richard Madox's Account of California.</i>—In 1932, Miss E. G. R. Taylor +discovered in the diary of Richard Madox, Chaplain aboard Edward +Fenton's ship in 1582, some remarks on Drake's visit on the California +coast in 1579.<a name="FNanchor_A-9_135" id="FNanchor_A-9_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-9_135" class="fnanchor">[A-9]</a> Madox was not a member of the Drake expedition, and +it is safe to assume that his notes consist of information received in +conversation with some of Fenton's crew who had accompanied Drake. These +could have been William Hawkins, John Drake, Thomas Hood, and Thomas +Blackcollar.<a name="FNanchor_A-10_136" id="FNanchor_A-10_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-10_136" class="fnanchor">[A-10]</a> Miss Taylor notes Madox's categorical statement that +"Syr Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north" +together with evidence from other sources, and concludes that "it would +appear that Drake's anchorage must be sought in Oregon rather than in +California, perhaps in Gray's Bay, or at the mouth of the Raft River." +Miss Taylor had hoped to get a clue from the Madox vocabulary, but was +unsuccessful. Henry Wagner has answered Miss Taylor's Oregon claim +effectively,<a name="FNanchor_A-11_137" id="FNanchor_A-11_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-11_137" class="fnanchor">[A-11]</a> and the identification of the Madox vocabulary as +Coast Miwok is further proof that the statement "at 48 degrees" is an +error. The log raft depicted by Madox and discussed by Miss Taylor and +Mr. Wagner is a typical Peruvian sailing raft, as reference to S. K. +Lothrop's detailed paper will demonstrate;<a name="FNanchor_A-12_138" id="FNanchor_A-12_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_A-12_138" class="fnanchor">[A-12]</a> it has no relation +whatsoever to California.</p> + +<p>The relevant portion of Madox's account is as follows:</p> + +<blockquote><p class="no">In ships land wh is ye back syde of Labradore and as Mr. Haul +[Christopher Hall] supposeth nye thereunto Syr Frances Drake +graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north. Ye people +ar for feature color apparel diet and holo speach lyke to those +of Labradore and is thowght kyngles for they crowned Syr +Frances Drake. Ther language is thus.</p> + +<ul> + <li> <i>Cheepe</i> bread</li> + <li> <i>Huchee kecharoh</i> sit downe</li> + <li> <i>Nocharo mu</i> tuch me not</li> + <li> <i>Hioghe</i> a king</li> +</ul> + +<p class="no">Ther song when they worship god is thus—one dauncing first wh +his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people +<i>Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh</i></p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p class="no">Yt is thowght yt they of Labradore [do] worship ye son and ye +moon but [whether they] do of calphurnia I kno not....<a name="FNanchor_A-13_139" id="FNanchor_A-13_139"></a> +<a href="#Footnote_A-13_139" class="fnanchor">[A-13]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span></p> + + + + + + +<div class="center1"> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smcap"><a name="app2">Appendix II</a></span></span> +</div> +<div class="center"><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smaller">EXTRACT FROM "THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE"</span></span> +</div> + +<p class="min1em">London: Printed for Nicholas Bovrne, 1628. "Carefully collected +out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher <i>Preacher in this +employment, and diuers others his followers in the same</i>." +(Pp. 64-81.)<a name="FNanchor_B-1_140" id="FNanchor_B-1_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_B-1_140" class="fnanchor">[B-1]</a></p> + + +<blockquote><p>In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, and +Iune 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of +Iuly following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the +height of Summer, and so neere the Sunne; yet were wee continually +visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before; insomuch that if +violent exercises of our bodies, and busie imployment about our +necessarie labours, had not sometimes compeld vs to the contrary, we +could very well haue beene contented to haue kept about vs still our +Winter clothes; yea (had not necessities suffered vs) to haue kept our +beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteene dayes together, +find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of Sunne or +starre.... [Omitted here is a lengthy discourse on the weather.]</p> + +<p>The next day after our comming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the +people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great +expedition to vs in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shoare, +and a great way from our ship, spake to vs continually as he came rowing +on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himselfe, he began more +solemnely a long and tedious oration, after his manner: vsing in the +deliuerie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning +his head and body many wayes; and after his oration ended, with great +shew of reuerence and submission, returned back to shoare againe. He +shortly came againe the second time in like manner, and so the third +time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of +feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crow, very neatly and +artificially gathered vpon a string, and drawne together into a round +bundle; being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an +equall proportion one with another; a speciall cognizance (as wee +afterwards obserued) which they that guard their kings person, weare on +their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, +and filled with an herb which they called <i>Tabah</i>. Both which being tyed +to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our Generall intended to haue +recompenced him immediately with many good things, he would haue +bestowed vpon him: but entring into the boate to deliuer the same, he +could not be drawne to receiue them by any means: saue one hat, which +being cast into the water out of the ship, he tooke vp (refusing vtterly +to meddle with any other thing, though it were vpon a board put off vnto +him) and so presently made his returne. After which time, our boate +could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the +same with admiration.</p> + +<p>The 3. day following, viz. the 21. our ship hauing receiued a leake at +sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being +landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to preuent any +danger, that might chance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> against our safety, our generall first of all +landed his men, with all necessary prouision, to build tents and make a +fort for the defence of our selues and goods: and that wee might vnder +the shelter of it, with more safety (what euer should befall) end our +businesse; which when the people of the country perceiued vs doing, as +men set on fire to war, in defence of their countrie, in great hast and +companies, with such weapons as they had, they came downe vnto vs; and +yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt vs: standing when they +drew neare, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such +things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their +errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, +then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing is it +did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more +manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst +them. At this time, being willed by signes to lay from them their bowes +and arrowes, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as +they came more and more by companies vnto them, growing in a little +while, to a great number both of men and women.</p> + +<p>To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselues so +willingly sought, might without any cause of breach thereof, on our part +giuen, be continued; and that wee might with more safety and expedition, +end our businesses in quiet; our Generall with all his company, vsed all +meanes possible, gently to intreate them, bestowing vpon each of them +liberally, good and necessary things to couer their nakednesse, withall +signifying vnto them, we were no Gods but men, and had neede of such +things to couer our owne shame; teaching them to vse them to the same +ends: for which cause also wee did eate and drinke in their presence, +giuing them to vnderstand, that without that wee could not liue, and +therefore were but men as well as they.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding nothing could perswade them, nor remoue that opinion, +which they had conceiued of vs, that wee should be Gods.</p> + +<p>In recompence of those things which they had receiued of vs, as shirts +linnen cloth, &c. they betsowed vpon our generall, and diuerse of our +company, diuerse things, as feathers, cawles of networke, the quiuers of +their arrowes, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that +their women wore vpon their bodies. Hauing thus had their fill of this +times visiting and beholding of vs, they departed with ioy to their +houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and haue from +the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned +close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: +which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very +warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a +chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like +to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are +the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round +about the house, haue their fire in the middest, which by reason that +the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giueth a maruelous +reflexion to their bodies to heate the same.</p> + +<p>Their men for the most part goe naked, the women take a kinde of +bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hempe, make themselues +thereof a loose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges +downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that, +which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they weare +also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it. They are very obedient +to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all seruices: yet of +themselues offring to do nothing, without the consents, or being called +of the men.</p> + +<p>As soone as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst +themselues a kind of most lamentable weeping & crying out; which they +continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place +where they left vs (being neere about 3-quarters of an English mile +distant from them) we very plainely, with wonder and admiration did +heare the same; the women especially, extending their voices, in a most +miserable and dolefull manner of shreeking.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselues, and awfull +demeanour vsed towards vs, we thought it no wisedome too farre to trust +them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with vs before, made vs +carefull to prouide against an alteration of their affections, or breach +of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set +vp our tents, and entrenched ourselues with walls of stone: that so +being fortified within ourselues, we might be able to keepe off the +enemie (if they should so proue) from comming amongst vs without our +good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerefully and +securely afterward, about our other businesse.</p> + +<p>Against the end of two daies (during which time they had not againe +beene with vs) there was gathered together a great assembly of men, +women, and children (inuited by the report of them which first saw vs, +who as it seemes, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselues into +the country, to make knowne the newes) who came now the second time vnto +vs, bringing with them as before had beene done, feathers and bagges of +<i>Tobah</i> for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, vpon this +perswasion that we were Gods.</p> + +<p>When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottome whereof wee had +built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their cheife +speaker) wearied both vs his hearers, and himselfe too, with a long and +tedious oration: deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice +being extended to the vttermost strength of nature, and his words +falling so thicke one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch +his breath againe: so soone as he had concluded, all the rest, with a +reuerend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long +producing of the same) cryed <i>Oh</i>: thereby giuing their consents, that +all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had vttered their +minde by his mouth vnto vs; which done, the men laying downe their bowes +vpon the hill, and leauing their women and children behinde them, came +downe with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before +a God indeed: thinking themselues happy, that they might haue accesse +vnto our generall, but much more happy, when they sawe that he would +receiue at their hands, those things which they so willingly had +presented: and no doubt, they thought themselues neerest vnto God, when +they sate or stood next to him: In the meane time the women, as if they +had been desperate, vsed vnnaturall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> violence against themselues, crying +and shreeking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nailes from +their cheekes, in a monstrous manner, the bloode streaming downe along +their brests; besides despoiling the vpper parts of their bodies, of +those single couerings they formerly had, and holding their hands aboue +their heads, that they might not rescue their brests from harme, they +would with furie cast themselues vpon the ground, neuer respecting +whether it were cleane or soft, but dashed themselues in this manner on +hard stones, knobby, hillocks, stocks of wood, and pricking bushes, or +whateuer else lay in their way, itterating the same course againe and +againe: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and +others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strengths failed +them) exercised this cruelty against themselues: A thing more grieuous +for vs to see, or suffer could we haue holpe it, then trouble to them +(as it seemed) to do it.</p> + +<p>This bloudie sacrifice (against our wils) beeing thus performed, our +Generall with his companie in the presence of those strangers fell to +prayers: and by signes in lifting vp our eyes and hands to heauen, +signified vnto them, that that God whom we did serue, and whom they +ought to worship, was aboue: beseeching God if it were his good pleasure +to open by some meanes their blinded eyes; that they might in due time +be called to the knowledge of him the true and euerliuing God, and of +Iesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salutation of the Gentiles. In the +time of such prayers, singing of Psalmes, and reading of certaine +Chapters in the Bible, they sate very attentiuely: and obseruing the end +at euery pause, with one voice still cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our +exercises. Yea they tooke such pleasure in our singing of Psalmes, that +whensoeuer they resorted to vs, their first request was <i>Gnaah</i>, by +which they intreated that we would sing.</p> + +<p>Our General hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their +departure they restored them all againe; none carrying with him any +thing of whatsoeuer hee had receiued, thinking themselues sufficiently +enriched and happie, that they had found so free accesse to see vs.</p> + +<p>Against the end of three daies more (the newes hauing the while spread +it selfe farther, and as it seemed a great way vp into the countrie) +were assembled the greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably +imagine, to dwell within any conuenient distance round about. Amongst +the rest, the king himselfe, a man of goodly stature and comely +personage, attended with his guard, of about 100. tall and warlike men, +this day, viz. Iune 26. came downe to see vs.</p> + +<p>Before his coming, were sent two Embassadors or messengers to our +Generall, to signifie that their <i>Hioh</i>, that is, their king was comming +and at hand. They in the deliuery of their message the one spake with a +soft and low voice, prompting his fellow; the other pronounced the same +word by words after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their +proclamation (for such it was) about halfe an houre. Which being ended, +they by signes made request to our Generall, to send something by their +hands to their <i>Hioh</i>, or king, as a token that his comming might be in +peace. Our Generall willingly satisfied their desire; and they, glad +men, made speedy returne to their <i>Hioh</i>: Neither was it long before +their king (making as princely a shew as possibly he could) with all his +traine came forward.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span></p> + +<p>In their comming forwards they cryed continually after a singing manner +with a lustie courage. And as they drew neerer and neerer towards vs, so +did they more and more striue to behaue themselues with a certaine +comelinesse and grauity in all their actions.</p> + +<p>In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing +the Septer or royall mace (made of a certaine kind of blacke wood, and +in length about a yard and a halfe) before the king. Whereupon hanged +two crownes, a bigger and a lesse, with three chaines of a maruellous +length, and often doubled; besides a bagge of the herbe <i>Tabah</i>. The +crownes were made of knitworke, wrought vpon most curiously with +feathers of diuers colours, very artificially placed, and of a formall +fashion: The chaines seemed of a bony substance: every linke or part +thereof being very little, thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole +pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one +chaine, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it is amongst +them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same: and +euen they to whom its lawfull to vse them, yet are stinted what number +they shall vse; as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they +exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby knowne to be the more +honorable personages.</p> + +<p>Next vnto him that bare this Scepter, was the king himselfe with his +guard about him: His attire vpon his head was a cawle of knitworke, +wrought vpon somewhat like the crownes, but differing much both in +fashion and perfectnesse of worke; vpon his shoulders he had on a coate +of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast: His guard also had each +coats of the same shape, but of other skins: some hauing cawles likewise +stucke with feathers, or couered ouer with a certaine downe, which +groweth vp in the country vpon an herbe, much like our lectuce; which +exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed +vpon their cawles by no winds can be remoued: Of such estimation is this +herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, +but of such persons as are about the king (to whom it is permitted to +weare a plume of feathers on their heads, in signe of honour) and the +seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods. After these in +their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose haire +being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of +feathers, but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, euery +one pleasing himselfe in his owne deuice.</p> + +<p>This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all; that euery +one had his face painted, some with white, some with blacke, and some +with other colours, euery man also bringing in his hand one thing or +another for a gift or present: Their traine or last part of their +company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her +breast a round basket or two, hauing within them diuers things, as +bagges of <i>Tobah</i>, a roote which they call <i>Petah</i>, whereof they make a +kind of meale, and either bake it into bread, or eate it raw, broyled +fishes like a pilchard; the seed and downe aforenamed, with such like:</p> + +<p>Their baskets were made in fashion like a deepe boale, and though the +matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet was it so +cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about +the brimmes they were hanged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> with peeces of the shels of pearles, and +in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines +aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated +to the onely vse of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they +were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished +into diuers workes and formes.</p> + +<p>In the meane time our Generall hauing assembled his men together (as +forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall out) prepared himselfe +to stand vpon sure ground, that wee might at all times be ready in our +owne defence, if anything should chance otherwise than was looked for or +expected.</p> + +<p>Wherefore euery man being in a warlike readinesse, he marched within his +fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike shew (as he +did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had beene +desperate enemies, they could not haue chosen but haue conceiued terrour +and feare, with discouragement to attempt anything against vs, in +beholding of the same.</p> + +<p>When they were come somewhat neere vnto vs, trooping together, they gaue +vs a common or a generall salutation: obseruing in the meane time a +generall silence. Whereupon he who bare the Scepter before the king, +being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, +pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spake to him +in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at +the least halfe an houre. At the close whereof, there was a common +<i>Amen</i>, in signe of approbation giuen by euery person: And the king +himself with the whole number of men and women (the little children +onely remaining behind) came further downe the hill, and as they came +set themselues againe in their former order.</p> + +<p>And being now come to the foot of the hill and neere our fort, the +Scepter bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage began a +song, and answerable thereunto, obserued a kind of measures in a dance: +whom the king with his guard and euery other sort of person following, +did in like manner sing and daunce, sauing onely the women who danced +but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our Generall +perceiuing their plaine and simple meaning, gaue order that they might +freely enter without interruption within our bulwarke: Where after they +had entred they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time: +their women also following them with their wassaile boales in their +hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torne, their dugges, breasts, +and other parts bespotted with bloud, trickling downe from the wounds, +which with their nailes they had made before their comming.</p> + +<p>After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselues in this manner, +they made signes to our Generall to haue him sit down; Vnto whom both +the king and diuers others made seuerall orations, or rather indeed if +wee had vnderstood them, supplications, that hee would take the Prouince +and kingdome into his hand, and become their king and patron: making +signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title in the +whole land and become his vassals in themselues and their posterities: +Which that they might make vs indeed beleeue that it was their true +meaning and intent; the king himselfe with all the rest with one +consent, and with great reueuerence, ioyfully singing a song, set the +crowne vpon his head; inriched his necke with all their chaines; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> +offering vnto him many other things, honoured him by the name of <i>Hyoh</i>. +Adding thereunto (as it might seeme) a song and dance of triumph; +because they were not onely visited of the gods (for so they still +iudged vs to be) but the great and chiefe god was now become their god, +their king and patron, and themselues were become the onely happie and +blessed people in all the world.</p> + +<p>These things being so freely offered, our Generall thought not meet to +reiect or refuse the same: both for that he would not giue them any +cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the onely place, +wherein at this present, we were of necessitie inforced to seeke reliefe +of many things) and chiefely, for that he knew not to what good end God +had brought this to passe, or what honour and profit it might bring to +our countrie in time to come.</p> + +<p>Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her most excellent majesty, he +tooke the scepter crowne and dignity, of the sayd countrie into his +hand; wishing nothing more, than that it had layen so fitly for her +maiesty to enioy, as it was now her proper owne, and that the riches and +treasures thereof (wherewith in the vpland countries it abounds) might +with as great conueniency be transported, to the enriching of her +kingdome here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and +especially, that so tractable and louing a people, as they shewed +themselues to be, might haue meanes to haue manifested their most +willing obedience the more vnto her, and by her meanes, as a mother and +nurse of the Church of <i>Christ</i>, might by the preaching of the Gospell, +be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and +euerliuing God.</p> + +<p>The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiuing of the kingdome being +thus performed, the common sort both of men and women, leauing the king +and his guard about him, with our generall, dispersed themselues among +our people, taking a diligent view or suruey of euery man; and finding +such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of vs) +they presently enclosing them about, offred their sacrifices vnto them, +crying out with lamentable shreekes and moanes, weeping, and scratching, +and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nailes, neither +were it the women alone which did this, but euen old men, roaring and +crying out, were as violent as the women were.</p> + +<p>We groaned in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre preuaile, in +seducing these so harmelesse soules, and laboured by all means, both by +shewing our great dislike, and when that serued not, by violent +with-holding of their hands from that madnesse, directing them (by our +eyes and hands lift vp towards heauen) to the liuing God whom they ought +to serue; but so mad were they vpon their Idolatry, that forcible +with-holding them would not preuaile (for as soone as they could get +liberty to their hands againe, they would be as violent as they were +before) till such time, as they whom they worshipped, were conueyed from +them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselues, they would with +fury and outrage seeke to haue againe.</p> + +<p>After that time had a little qualified their madnes, they then began to +shew and make knowne vnto vs their griefes and diseases which they +carried about them, some of them hauing old aches, some shruncke +sinewes, some old soares and canckred vlcers, some wounds more lately +receiued, and the like, in most lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure +thereof from vs: making signes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> that if we did but blow vpon their +griefes, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole.</p> + +<p>Their griefes we could not but take pitty on them, and to our power +desire to helpe them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) +they might vnderstand we were but men and no gods, we vsed ordinary +meanes, as, lotions, emplaisters, and vnguents most fitly (as farre as +our skills could guesse) agreeing to the natures of their griefes, +beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to giue cure to their diseases +by these meanes. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to +vs.</p> + +<p>Few were the dayes, wherein they were absent from vs, during the whole +time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily euery third day, they +brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainely vnderstood +our meaning, that we tooke no pleasure, but were displeased with them: +whereupon their zeale abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to +our good liking ceased; notwithstanding they continued still to make +their resort vnto vs in great abunddance, and in such sort, that they +oft-times forgate, to prouide meate for their owne sustenance: so that +our generall (of whom they made account as of a father) was faine to +performe the office of a father to them, relieuing them with such +victualls, as we had prouided for our selues, as, Muscels, Seales, and +such like, wherein they tooke exceeding much content; and seeing that +their sacrifices were displeasing to vs, yet (hating ingratitude) they +sought to recompence vs, with such things as they had, which they +willingly inforced vpon vs, though it were neuer so necessarie or +needfull for themselues to keepe.</p> + +<p>They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile +or treachery; their bowes and arrowes (their only weapons, and almost +all their wealth) they vse very skillfully, but yet not to do any great +harme with them, being by reason of their weakenesse, more fit for +children then for men, sending the arrow neither farre off, nor with any +great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that, +which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take +vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and +downe hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in +running, and of long continuance; the vse whereof is so familiar with +them, that they seldom goe, but for the most part runne. One thing we +obserued in them with admiration: that if at any time, they chanced to +see a fish, so neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without +swimming, they would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it.</p> + +<p>After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our generall +with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journy vp into the +land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better +acquainted, with the nature and commodities of the country. Their houses +were all such as wee haue formerly described, and being many of them in +one place, made seuerall villages here and there. The inland we found to +be farre different from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitful +soyle, stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: infinite was +the company of very large and fat Deere, which there we sawe by +thousands, as we supposed, in a heard: besides a multitude of a strange +kind of Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their heads and +bodies, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> which they resemble other Conies, are but small; his tayle +like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of +a Want or Moale; vnder his chinne, on either side, he hath a bagge, into +which he gathereth his meate, when he hath filled his belly abroade, +that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himselfe, when he +lifts not to trauaile from his burrough: the people eate their bodies, +and make great account of their skinnes, for their kings holidaies coate +was made of them.</p> + +<p>This country our generall named <i>Albion</i>, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might haue some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called.</p> + +<p>Before we went from thence, our generall caused to be set vp, a monument +of our being there; as also of her maiesties, and successors right and +title to that kingdome, namely; a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a +great and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, and the day +and yeare of our arriuall there, and of the free giuing vp, of the +prouince and kingdome, both by the king and people, into her maiesties +hands: together with her highnesse picture, and armes in a piece of +sixpence currant English monie, shewing it selfe by a hole made of +purpose through the plate: vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of +our generall &c.</p> + +<p>The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, or so much as set a foote in this +country; the vtmost of their discoueries, reaching onely to many degrees +Southward of this place.</p> + +<p>And now, as the time of our departure was perceiued by them to draw +nigh, so did the sorrowes and miseries of this people, seeme to +themselues to increase vpon them; and the more certaine they were of our +going away, the more doubtfull they shewed themselues, what they might +doe; so that we might easily iudge that that ioy (being exceeding great) +wherewith they receiued vs at our first arriuall, was cleane drowned in +their excessiue sorrow for our departing: For they did not onely loose +on a sudden all mirth, ioy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility +of body, familiar reioycing one with another, and all pleasure what euer +flesh and bloud might bee delighted in, but with sighes and sorrowings, +with heauy hearts and grieued minds, they powred out wofull complaints +and moanes, with bitter teares and wringing of their hands, tormenting +themselues. And as men refusing all comfort, they onely accounted +themselues as cast-awayes, and those whom the gods were about to +forsake: So that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of +their so heauy a burthen, or to deliuer them from so desperate a +straite, as our leauing of them did seeme to them that it would cast +them into.</p> + +<p>Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing +vs to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to intreate vs that being +absent, we would yet be mindfull of them, and making signes of their +desires, that in time to come wee would see them againe, they stole vpon +vs a sacrifice, and set it on fire erre we were aware; burning therein a +chaine and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all meanes possible to +withhold or withdraw them but could not preuaile, till at last we fell +to prayers and singing of Psalmes, whereby they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> were allured +immediately to forget their folly, and leaue their sacrifice vnconsumed, +suffering the fire to go out, and imitating vs in all our actions; they +fell a lifting vp their eyes and hands to heauen as they saw vs do.</p> + +<p>The 23. of Iuly they tooke a sorrowfull farewell of vs, but being loath +to leaue vs, they presently ranne to the tops of the hils to keepe vs in +their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and +on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices +at our departure.</p> + +<p>Not farre without this harborough did lye certain Ilands (we called them +the Ilands of Saint Iames) hauing on them plentifull and great store of +Seales and birds, with one of which wee fell Iuly 24. whereon we found +such prousion as might serue our turne for a while.</p></blockquote> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span></p> + + + +<!-- <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span></p> --> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="PLATES" id="PLATES"></a>PLATES</h2> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span></p> + +<p class="noctr"><a name="pl18">PLATE 18</a><br /> +<i>a</i>. Three California Indians from San Francisco pictured by Chamisso, 1822.<br /> +<i>b</i>. "Feather bundle" of the Pomo Indians, similar to that described by Fletcher on June 17, 1579.<br /> +<i>c</i>. Strings of clamshell disk beads identifiable as the "chaines" of Fletcher.<br /> +</p> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/plate18.jpg" width="370" height="700" alt="" title="" /> +</div> + +<!-- <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span></p> --> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span></p> + +<p class="noctr"><a name="pl19">PLATE 19</a><br /> +Pomo Indian feathered baskets decorated with clamshell disk beads and +abalone shell pendants.</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/plate19.jpg" width="370" height="700" alt="" title="" /> +</div> + +<!-- <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span></p> --> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="noctr"><a name="pl20">PLATE 20</a><br /> +Air photo of the east cape of Point Reyes. The white dot marks the +point selected by George Davidson as the spot where Drake careened the +<i>Golden Hinde</i>. The shore line of the bay follows the course of the +curved arrow.</p> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/plate20.jpg" width="600" height="370" alt="" title="" /> +</div> + +<!-- <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span></p> --> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="noctr"><a name="pl21">PLATE 21</a><br /> +Air photo of the small valley at Drake's Bay, showing the location +(marked near center by white dot) where the Drake plate was found by +William Caldeira in 1934.</p> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/plate21.jpg" width="509" height="700" alt="" title="" /> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h2>FOOTNOTES</h2> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alfred L. Kroeber, <i>Handbook of the Indians of California</i>, +Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 78 (Washington, D.C., 1925).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Robert F. Heizer and William W. Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's +California Anchorage in the Light of the Indian Language Spoken There," +<i>Pacific Historical Review</i>, XI (1942), 213-217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> George C. Davidson, "Directory for the Pacific Coast of the +United States," <i>Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey ... +1858</i> (Washington, D.C., 1859). App. 44, pp. 297-458.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> George C. Davidson, "An Examination of Some of the Early +Voyages of Discovery and Exploration on the Northwest Coast of America +from 1539 to 1603," <i>Report of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey ... +June, 1886</i> (Washington, D.C., 1887), App. 7, pp. 155-253; and +<i>Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage on the Coast of +California in the Year 1579</i>, California Historical Society Publications +(San Francisco, 1890).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> George C. Davidson, "Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast +of America in the Year 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay +of San Francisco," <i>Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical +Society of the Pacific</i>, ser. 2, Bull. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Henry R. Wagner, "George Davidson, Geographer of the +Northwest Coast of America," <i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, +XI (1932), 299-320. The idea that Drake entered San Francisco Bay was +held by others than Davidson. See, for example, J. D. B. Stillman, "Did +Drake Discover San Francisco Bay?" <i>Overland Monthly</i>, I (1868), +332-337. See also Henry R. Wagner, <i>Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around +the World</i> (San Francisco, 1926), chaps. vii and viii, and notes on pp. +488-499, esp. pp. 495-496.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> J. W. Robertson, <i>The Harbor of St. Francis</i> (San +Francisco, 1926).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Hubert Howe Bancroft, <i>History of California</i>, Vol. I: +<i>1542-1800</i> (San Francisco, 1884), pp. 81-94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Edward Everett Hale, in Justin Winsor, <i>Narrative and +Critical History of the United States</i>, Vol. III, pp. 74-78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Alexander G. McAdie, "Nova Albion—1579," <i>Proceedings of +the American Antiquarian Society</i>, n. s., XXVIII (1918), 189-198. R. P. +Bishop, "Drake's Course in the North Pacific," <i>British Columbia +Historical Quarterly</i>, III (1939), 151-182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> F. P. Sprent, <i>Sir Francis Drake's Voyage round the World, +1577-1580, Two Contemporary Maps</i> (London, 1927), pp. 10-11, map 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Samuel A. Barrett, <i>The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and +Neighboring Indians</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 6, +No. 1 (Berkeley, 1908), pp. 28-37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, n. 7, pp. 36-37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, pp. 275-278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> J. W. Robertson (<i>Francis Drake and Other Early Explorers +along the Pacific Coast</i>, San Francisco, 1927), in discussing Kroeber's +analysis of the Fletcher account (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 177), says: "There +seems to be no proof either that Drake landed at any particular harbor, +or that anything can be adduced so specific as to establish his +residence on this coast." The latter part of this statement cannot be +maintained seriously in the face of Kroeber's presentation of direct +evidence to the contrary.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California +Anchorage."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The words recorded by Fletcher are in <i>The World +Encompassed</i>. The Madox vocabulary was printed by E. G. R. Taylor, +"Francis Drake and the Pacific," <i>Pacific Historical Review</i>, I (1932), +360-369. Madox's account has been further discussed by Wagner in the +<i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, XI (1932), 309-311.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> See Barrett, <i>Ethno-Geography</i>, map facing p. 332, and +Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, fig. 22, p. 274, for the area held by the Coast +Miwok.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> For details see <i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, +XVI (1937), 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> For particulars see <i>Drake's Plate of Brass: Evidence of +His Visit to California in 1579</i>, California Historical Society, Special +Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> See R. B. Haselden, "Is the Drake Plate of Brass Genuine?" +<i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, XVI (1937), 271-274. +Haselden's queries have been answered already. W. Hume-Rotherby (review +of <i>Drake's Plate of Brass Authenticated</i>, in <i>Geographical Journal</i>, +CXIV [1939], 54-55) points out that the letters engraved on the plate +(B, N, M) are not paralleled by other sixteenth-century inscriptions, +and that the form of the numeral 5 is suspect. These and other problems +which he poses have the effect of creating a smokescreen of doubt +without contributing anything new. Wagner is skeptical of the date on +the plate (June 17) and of the fact that the plate is of brass rather +than lead ("Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts," +<i>Pacific Historical Review</i>, VII [1938], 297-326).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Allen L. Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's +Plate of Brass," <i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, XVI (1937), +275-281, and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate," <i>ibid.</i>, XVIII (1939), +251-253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Herbert E. Bolton, "Francis Drake's Plate of Brass," in +<i>Drake's Plate of Brass</i>, California Historical Society, Special +Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> C. G. Fink and E. P. Polushkin, <i>Drake's Plate of Brass +Authenticated</i> ... California Historical Society, Special Publication +No. 14 (San Francisco, 1938).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Wagner's theory is not stated explicitly in any one place, +hence specific reference is impossible. See his <i>Sir Francis Drake's +Voyage around the World</i> (San Francisco, 1926), pp. 156-158, 169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> This is shown even more clearly on the Hezeta map of 1775 +reproduced by Herbert E. Bolton, <i>Historical Memoirs of New California +by Fray Francisco Palóu</i>, 4 vols. (Berkeley, 1926), Vol. IV, facing p. +16. George C. Davidson in his <i>Identification</i> (pp. 17-18, 34, 39) made +a similar identification of the Indian village site at the Limantour +Estero in Drake's Bay.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Bolton, <i>op. cit.</i>, n. 19. See also L. L. Loud, +<i>Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory</i>, Univ. Calif. +Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 14, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1918), p. 243.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> H. R. Wagner, <i>Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of +America</i>, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 4 (San +Francisco, 1929), p. 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> For details see Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, pp. 78-79, pl. 9; and +Loud, <i>Ethnogeography</i>, pp. 243, 244.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, pp. 157, 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> "Fray Benito de la Sierra's Account of the Hezeta +Expedition to the Northwest Coast in 1775," trans. by A. J. Baker, +introd. and notes by H. R. Wagner, <i>California Historical Society +Quarterly</i>, IX (1930), 218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> See T. A. Rickard, "The Use of Iron and Copper by the +Indians of British Columbia," <i>British Columbia Historical Quarterly</i>, +III (1939), 26-27, where the Hezeta finds are expressly discussed. +Rickard's opinion also differs from Wagner's.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Francisco Eliza in 1793 said: "The Puerto de Trinidad is +quite small; no vessel can be moored so as to turn with the wind or +tide. The bottom for the most part is rock. The land consists of quite +high and extended hills full of pines and oaks" (H. R. Wagner, "The Last +Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize +Bodega Bay," <i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, X [1931], 335). +For photographic views of Trinidad Bay see Thomas T. Waterman, <i>Yurok +Geography</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVI, No. 5 +(Berkeley, 1920), pls. 1, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, p. 278, inferentially concurs with +this conclusion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Reprinted in <i>Drake's Plate of Brass</i>, pp. 32-46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Reprinted in <i>Drake's Plate of Brass</i>, pp. 27-30, and by +Wagner in <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, pp. 274-277.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Printed in Zelia Nuttall, <i>New Light on Drake</i>, Hakluyt +Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 50-51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> As Barrett (<i>Ethno-Geography</i>, map at end), Kroeber +(<i>Handbook</i>, pp. 272-275), and C. H. Merriam ("Distribution and +Classification of the Mewan Stock in California," <i>American +Anthropologist</i>, IX [1907], 338-357), show, the Coast Miwok inhabited +both Bodega Bay and Drake's Bay territory. Thus the language (except for +minor dialectic differentiation) and culture are undoubtedly very +similar at both bays. This makes the problem of exclusive selection +somewhat difficult. The Madox vocabulary (see below, p. 282) was first +presented in E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two +Fragments," <i>Pacific Historical Review</i>, I (1932), 360-369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The Fletcher-Madox vocabulary list does not resemble the +Yurok words for the same items or phrases.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. 147. B. Aginsky +("Psychopathic Trends in Culture," <i>Character and Personality</i>, VII +[1939], 331-343) quotes Fletcher's description of Indian weeping and +self-laceration, and calls them Pomo, asserting that Drake landed in +their territory and that the ceremonies given in honor of the English +exemplify the "Dionysian" phase of Pomo culture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Spanish Voyages</i>, p. 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Don Francisco Mourelle, "Journal of a Voyage in 1775 to +explore the Coast of America, Northward of California ...," in +<i>Miscellanies of the Honorable Daines Barrington</i> (London, 1781), pp. +471*-534*. See also Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Kroeber. <i>Handbook</i>, fig. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," <i>Bulletin of the +American Museum of Natural History</i>, Vol. XVII, Pt. III (1905), fig. +19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> John P. Harrington, "Tobacco among the Karuk Indians," +Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 94 (1932), 17-18, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> The Coast Miwok word for tobacco is <i>kaiyau</i>. For the +North, Central, Eastern, and Northeastern Pomo it is <i>saxa</i>, <i>saka</i>, +<i>sako</i>: for the Southern, Southwestern, and Southeastern Pomo it is +<i>kawa</i>, <i>tom-kawa</i> (Roland B. Dixon, "Words for Tobacco in American +Indian Languages," <i>American Anthropologist</i>, XXIII [1921], 30).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> See discussion in Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's +California Anchorage."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Berthold Laufer, "Introduction of Tobacco into Europe," +Field Museum of Natural History Anthropological Leaflet No. 19 (1924), +pp. 6 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Handbook</i>, p. 277.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Compare Fletcher's statements of the attitude of the +Indians with that of Cermeño, who was in Drake's Bay in 1595 and said, +"... the other Indians approached in an humble manner and as if +terrorized, and yielded peacefully" (Wagner, <i>Spanish Voyages</i>, p. +159).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> This custom is a general central Californian cultural +feature. See E. M. Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. +and Ethn., Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 286, 287, 291; R. B. +Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," pp. 242, 252; A. L. Kroeber, <i>The Patwin +and their Neighbors</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIX, +No. 4 (Berkeley, 1932) p. 272; C. Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and +Their Makers," <i>Overland Monthly</i>, XV (1901), 449. See also below, notes +<a href="#Footnote_56_56">56</a> and <a href="#Footnote_57_57">57</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Fritz Krause, <i>Die Kultur der Kalifornischen Indianer</i> +(Leipzig, 1921), map 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> A rather lengthy digression must be made here since the +details are involved. S. A. Barrett ("Pomo Buildings," <i>Holmes +Anniversary Volume</i>, Washington, D.C., 1916, p. 7) states that +semisubterranean, earth-covered houses were used about 1900 by men of +means (chiefs, good hunters, lucky gamblers, and medicine men). This +house was a small edition of the larger dance house (described by +Barrett, <i>Ethno-Geography</i>, p. 10). Fletcher's description says that in +the majority of houses the combined roof entrance and smoke hole was +present. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that some +houses had the ground-level tunnel entrance which should be expected in +the area. In historic times the Pomo seem, in large part, to have given +up making these permanent dwellings in favor of less permanent mat- or +grass-covered houses, which were inexpensive and more convenient to +erect. The same process of loss seems to have occurred among the Coast +Miwok, since Dr. Kelly's informants did not remember such houses. +Archaeological sites in the Point Reyes-Drake's Bay region show numerous +circular depressions which are clearly the remains of such houses. A +further indication of their presence at an earlier time can be gained +from "linguistic archaeology." The Sierra (Interior) Miwok use the word +<i>kotca</i> for the earth-covered, underground house with combined roof +entrance and smoke hole (S. A. Barrett and E. W. Gifford, "Miwok +Material Culture," <i>Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of +Milwaukee</i>, Vol. II, No. 4 [1933], p. 198). The same word for house +(i.e., dwelling) is present among the Coast Miwok (Barrett, +<i>Ethno-Geography</i>, word no. 64, p. 71), who once had a similar house, as +is shown by archaeological remains, but abandoned it in ethnographic +times. It is not unreasonable on these grounds to assume the presence in +Coast Miwok territory of the type of house described by Fletcher.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest +Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay," <i>California Historical +Society Quarterly</i>, X (1931), 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Bolton, <i>Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray +Francisco Palóu</i>, Vol. IV, p. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> I. T. Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." (MS).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Spanish Voyages</i>, p. 158. J. Broughton, in his +<i>Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean ... in the Years 1795 +... 1798</i> (London, 1804), said that the Drake's Bay Indian men whom he +saw were naked, but that the women were clothed "in some degree."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> "Menzies' California Journal," ed. by Alice Eastwood, +<i>California Historical Society Quarterly</i>, II (1924), 302-303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> James Colnett, <i>The Journal of Captain James Colnett +aboard the "Argonaut" from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791</i>, ed. by +F. N. Howay, Champlain Society, Publ. No. 26 (Toronto, 1940), p. 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Spanish Voyages</i>, p. 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Exact documentation is impossible here, but such an +explanation would fit the facts, and the custom of sending a messenger +to announce a visit was a feature of the whole area (Loeb, <i>Pomo +Folkways</i>, p. 49).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> See E. W. Gifford and A. L. Kroeber. <i>Culture Element +Distributions, IV: Pomo</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. +XXXVII, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1937), elements nos. 805-807, p. 154.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Barrett, <i>Ethno-Geography</i>, p. 415.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Stephen Powers, <i>Tribes of California</i> (Washington, D.C., +1877), pp. 165, 169, 170, 181; Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, pp. 286, 287; +Barrett, "Pomo Buildings," p. 11. See also above, p. 261, <a href="#Footnote_42_42">n. 42</a>. I can +see no possible relationship between the clear account by Fletcher of +self-laceration and Wagner's discussion of tattooing (<i>Drake's Voyage</i>, +p. 494, n. 49). As the comparative notes cited clearly show, the tearing +of the flesh by the California Indians is no "story" which needs an +involved, roundabout, and improbable explanation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> For the Coast Miwok and Pomo words for "sing" see Barrett, +<i>Ethno-Geography</i>, word no. 265, pp. 67, 79. The Pomo words are totally +unlike <i>Gnaah</i> or <i>koyá</i>. See also Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis +Drake's California Anchorage," pp. 214, 216. There is a logical +possibility of a copying error in <i>Gnaah</i> from Fletcher's manuscript +notes. If it had originally been written <i>Guaah</i> or <i>Gyaah</i>, it would be +very close indeed to <i>koyá</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> E. M. Loeb, <i>The Western Kuksu Cult</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. +Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXXIII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932), p. 49, and +<i>Pomo Folkways</i>, p. 192; S. A. Barrett, <i>Ceremonies of the Pomo +Indians</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn., Vol. XII, No. 10 +(Berkeley, 1917), p. 402, and "Pomo Buildings," p. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, p. 403.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Gifford and Kroeber, <i>Culture Element Distributions, IV: +Pomo</i>, pp. 207-208; Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, p. 366; Barrett, +<i>Ceremonies</i>, p. 425. The Kuksu staff was feathered on the end, whereas +that of Calnis was somewhat shorter and did not have the feather tuft. +Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, pp. 261-262; Loeb, <i>The Western Kuksu Cult</i>, pp. +110, 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> They were manufactured chiefly by the Pomo and Northern +Coast Miwok. See E. W. Gifford, <i>Clear Lake Pomo Society</i>, Univ. Calif. +Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. +377-388; Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, p. 248; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; +Gifford and Kroeber, <i>Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo</i>, (pp. +186-187).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 29, 30, Pl. XLIX.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, p. 433; Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, p. +178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Cf. Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, pp. 405, 438-439.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Illustrated in Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, fig. 20. See also +Gifford and Kroeber, elements 88, 89; Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, p. 432; +Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." And see Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," +Pl. XLVIII, fig. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Gifford and Kroeber, element no. 4. Kelly, "Coast Miwok +Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Illustrated and described by Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, pl. 55, +<i>a</i>, and pp. 264, 269, 388, and illustrated by Dixon, "The Northern +Maidu," fig. 33. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements nos. 81 ff.; +Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, pp. 407, 432; Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, p. 200. The +down-filled net cap was used by the Coast Miwok in the Kuksu and other +ceremonial performances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 19-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, fig. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, p. 407, n. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Wagner, <i>Spanish +Voyages</i>, pp. 158, 159 (Drake's Bay).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, p. 158; Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, pp. +407, 433; Gifford and Kroeber, <i>Culture Element Distributions: IV, +Pomo</i>, element no. 96, pp. 207-208.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> I can find no record that the down of milkweed (or of any +other plant) was used. Most ethnographic accounts (see n. 79) above list +the use of eagle down. That Fletcher was probably correct in attributing +the source of the downy substance to a plant is shown by his reference +to the seeds of the same plant. There is also the probability that he +saw the plant itself on the journey into the interior. From my own +observation I know that at least three different plants producing such +down grow on Point Reyes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." Dr. Kelly's informants +at Bodega in describing just such baskets said, "They were just for +show"—i.e., had no practical or utilitarian use. Her San Rafael +informant also knew of such baskets.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> For illustrations and description see J. W. Hudson, "Pomo +Basket Makers," <i>Overland Monthly</i>, ser. 2, XXI (1893), 571, and C. +Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," <i>ibid.</i>, XV (1901), +438, 446. O. M. Dalton ("Notes on an Ethnographical Collection from the +West Coast of North America ... Formed during the Voyage of Captain +Vancouver, 1790-1795," <i>Internationale Archiv für Ethnographie</i>, Vol. X +[Leiden, 1897]), shows (fig. f, p. 232; Pl. XV, fig. 4) several Pomo +baskets which might as well have been the ones described by Fletcher. It +seems possible that these were collected at Bodega Bay, since some of +the Vancouver party visited there, but this is not certain. In Mission +times many Coast Miwok and even some Pomo were brought to San Francisco +and San Jose as neophytes. These individuals might well account for the +Pomo-Coast Miwok type of feathered baskets collected there in the early +nineteenth century by von Langsdorff or Chamisso, both of whom +illustrate such pieces in their published accounts. Barrett, <i>Pomo +Indian Basketry</i>, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. VII, No. 3 +(Berkeley, 1908), discusses at length (pp. 141-145, 168) feather and +shell materials used in the manufacture of these decorated baskets. A +number of examples are shown in Barrett's plate 21. The same +anthropologist ("Pomo Buildings," pp. 1-17) mentions the use of +feather-decorated baskets among the Pomo as sacrifices to the dead.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, p. 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Gifford and Kroeber, <i>Culture Element Distributions, IV: +Pomo</i>, element no. 807, p. 197, n.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, p. 400, mentions a principal singer +who started and led the air of the songs, but does not indicate whether +he might be identifiable with the "scepter bearer."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> See Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, <i>passim</i>; Loeb, <i>The Western +Kuksu Cult</i> and <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, <i>passim</i>; Kelly, "Coast Miwok +Ethnography" <i>passim</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. 492, n. 37. Wagner says that +this word "sounds" to him like an exclamation. To Elmendorf and me it +"sounds" like the Coast Miwok word for chief or friend. The latter +proposal rests upon both phonetic and semantic resemblances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> For the Coast Miwok words for "chief" and "friend" see +Barrett, <i>The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians</i>, words nos. 62, 64, +pp. 70, 71. The Pomo words (p. 58) are totally unlike those of the Coast +Miwok. Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, mentions a Kuksu curing call, <i>hyo</i>, which +was repeated four times. Although the call is phonetically similar, the +context is so unlike, that a correspondence with Fletcher's word for +chief or king is improbable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Taylor, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, pp. 412, 431; Loeb, <i>The Western +Kuksu Cult</i>, p. 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, table 10, p. 876.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> The ground squirrel and Point Reyes mountain beaver have +been variously identified as Fletcher's "conies." See Wagner, <i>Drake's +Voyage</i>, p. 492-493, n. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> See photograph in McAdie, "Nova Albion—1579," fig. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Kroeber, <i>Handbook</i>, p. 277.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> These "burnt offerings" are ascribed to the Trinidad Bay +Yurok by Wagner (<i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. 157), but there is no need to look +so far afield for parallels when the Coast Miwok-Pomo area fits the case +so well.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Memorial ceremonies for the dead are a characteristic +feature of central California culture; see Loeb, <i>The Western Kuksu +Cult</i>, p. 117 (Coast Miwok).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California +Anchorage."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> For evidence of this, using the words on Drake's plate of +brass, see Allen Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of +Brass" and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Powers, <i>Tribes of California</i>, p. 171. Cf. the Huchnom +song facing p. 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Loeb, <i>The Western Kuksu Cult</i>, pp. 103, 127, 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Loeb, <i>Pomo Folkways</i>, pp. 374, 392, 393. See also +Barrett, <i>Ceremonies</i>, pp. 409, 413.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Because of the high degree of similarity between all +phases of Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonies, a close correspondence, or +even identity, in the songs connected with these ceremonies may safely +be assumed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's +Anchorage," p. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> J. P. Munro-Fraser, <i>History of Marin County</i> (San +Francisco, 1880), pp. 96-97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, pp. 148, 167, 494.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 334.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. 167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> A. L. Kroeber, <i>Culture Element Distributions, XV: Salt, +Dogs, Tobacco</i>, Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., Vol. VI, No. 1 (Berkeley, +1941), pp. 6 ff., map 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Powers, <i>Tribes of California</i>, p. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Kelly's informant did say that "before steamers used to +travel along the coast" certain occurrences in connection with this +belief in the land of the dead took place. This may be a memory of an +incident which once was more specifically remembered. At best, however, +it is improbable that there would be any tradition of Drake's visit per +se.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Such incidents are not uncommon in California. Note, for +example, the legendary significance of Mount Diablo to the Indian tribes +of central California.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> I disagree with Wagner's statement (<i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. +169): "The truth probably is that Drake stopped at two or three +different places on the coast [Trinidad Bay, Bodega Bay] and the writer +of the original narrative or the compilers who worked on it embodied in +one description those of all the Indians he met." The part of the <i>World +Encompassed</i> account treated here has shown itself to be a homogeneous +description, interspersed with some naïve interpretation of west-central +California coast Indian culture, and cannot be looked upon as a +composite description. To believe otherwise would seriously distort the +facts. This conclusion I submit as one of the most important results of +the present inquiry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, pp. 492-495, does select the +Pomo as having the customs and manners described by Fletcher. In this he +was inevitably guided by the more abundant Pomo data. Kroeber's +selection of Drake's Bay as the site of the anchorage (<i>Handbook</i>, p. +278) rests upon the same grounds as my conclusion. Wagner (<i>Drake's +Voyage</i>, p. 497, n. 10) takes issue with Kroeber and raises several +objections without answering them satisfactorily.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Wagner is concerned over this fact. He says (<i>Drake's +Voyage</i>, p. 498, n. 24) that a reference to Drake's Estero should have +been included in the narrative "since the Indian villages were almost +entirely located upon it." In answer it may be observed that the Indian +villages of Drake's time were situated sporadically around the shore of +Drake's Bay as well as on the estero. One might as well ask at the same +time why Fletcher did not mention Tomales Bay if Drake were at Bodega?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, p. 151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> And, significantly, the Drake plate of brass uses the +words "Nova Albion." This is independently attested by John Drake in his +first declaration.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> See Francisco de Bolaños' explicit mention of the white +cliffs in Drake's Bay as prominent landmarks (Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, +p. 498, n. 19). See also Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis +Drake's Anchorage," p. 31. Richard Madox refers to the California +anchorage as "Ships Land," perhaps the name given to the place by the +sailors themselves.</p></div> +<br /> +<p class="no">FOOTNOTES TO APPENDIX I.:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-1_127" id="Footnote_A-1_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-1_127"><span class="label">[A-1]</span></a> Henry R. Wagner, <i>Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the +World</i> (San Francisco, 1926), p. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-2_128" id="Footnote_A-2_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-2_128"><span class="label">[A-2]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 287, 289.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-3_129" id="Footnote_A-3_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-3_129"><span class="label">[A-3]</span></a> <i>The World Encompassed</i> account of Drake in California is +reprinted in <a href="#app2">Appendix II</a>, below. It is printed in full in Volume XVI of +the Hakluyt Society publications (ed. W. S. Vaux; London, 1854). The +<i>Famous Voyage</i> is easily accessible in <i>Drake's Plate of Brass</i>, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San +Francisco, 1937), pp. 27-30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-4_130" id="Footnote_A-4_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-4_130"><span class="label">[A-4]</span></a> Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, pp. 229 ff., n. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-5_131" id="Footnote_A-5_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-5_131"><span class="label">[A-5]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 61, 147, 245, 290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-6_132" id="Footnote_A-6_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-6_132"><span class="label">[A-6]</span></a> O. M. Dalton, "Notes on an Ethnographical Collection ... +Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795," +<i>Internationale Archiv für Ethnographie</i>, Vol. X. (Leiden, 1897), p. +235. A. L. Kroeber says, "The passage is a somewhat prolix mixture of +narration and depiction...." (<i>Handbook of the Indians of California</i>, +Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 78 [Washington, D. C., 1925], pp. +275-276).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-7_133" id="Footnote_A-7_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-7_133"><span class="label">[A-7]</span></a> For details see Zelia Nuttall, <i>New Light on Drake</i>, +Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 18-23. See also +Wagner, <i>Drake's Voyage</i>, pp. 328-334.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-8_134" id="Footnote_A-8_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-8_134"><span class="label">[A-8]</span></a> Nuttall, <i>New Light on Drake</i>, pp. 50-51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-9_135" id="Footnote_A-9_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-9_135"><span class="label">[A-9]</span></a> For details see E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the +Pacific: Two Fragments," <i>Pacific Historical Review</i>, I (1932), +360-369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-10_136" id="Footnote_A-10_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-10_136"><span class="label">[A-10]</span></a> For details see <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 363-365; Henry R. Wagner, +"George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast," <i>California +Historical Society Quarterly</i>, XI (1932), 309-311; and Nuttall, <i>New +Light on Drake</i>, pp. 19-20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-11_137" id="Footnote_A-11_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-11_137"><span class="label">[A-11]</span></a> Wagner, "George Davidson," pp. 310-311.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-12_138" id="Footnote_A-12_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-12_138"><span class="label">[A-12]</span></a> S. K. Lothrop, "Aboriginal Navigation off the West Coast +of South America," <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i>, +LXII (1932), 235-238, figs. 9<i>a</i>, 9<i>b</i>, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A-13_139" id="Footnote_A-13_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A-13_139"><span class="label">[A-13]</span></a> Reprinted from Taylor, <i>loc. cit.</i>, p. 369.</p></div> +<br /> +<p class="no">FOOTNOTES TO APPENDIX II:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_B-1_140" id="Footnote_B-1_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_B-1_140"><span class="label">[B-1]</span></a> As printed in <i>Drake's Plate of Brass</i>, California +Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937) pp. +32-46.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 95%;" /> + + +<div> +<h4>Transcriber's Notes</h4> + + +<p class="tn">Both "Bruno de Hezeta" and "Bruno Heceta" used in text. Both forms have been retained.</p> + +<p class="tn">Footnote numbers to the appendices are prefixed with "A-" for App. I or "B-" for App. II.</p> + +<p class="tn">Archaic spelling and punctuation retained in quoted texts, except for rejoining end-of-line hyphenations. +Spelling of "betsowed" (page 284) and "cheife" (page 285) in quoted text retained as printed.</p> + +<p class="tn">Verso, "Mardh" changed to "March" (Issued March 20, 1947)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 265 (footnote 67), a superfluous closing parenthesis was removed (169, 170, 181; Loeb,)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 269 (footnote 84), a full stop has been changed to a comma (Pomo, element)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 269 (footnote 85), "tto" changed to "to" (reference to the seeds)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 270 (footnote 87), "Eth." changed to "Ethn." (and Ethn., Vol. VII)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 270 (footnote 90), the note number is missing (element no. 807, p. 197, n.)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 271, "native's" changed to "natives'" (the natives' actions)</p> + +<p class="tn">Page 273, a superfluous comma was removed (Miwok,[101] and)</p> +</div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California +Indians, 1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + +***** This file should be named 36201-h.htm or 36201-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/2/0/36201/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. 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Heizer + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Francis Drake and the California Indians, 1579 + +Author: Robert F. Heizer + +Release Date: May 24, 2011 [EBook #36201] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + + + + +[Illustration: Francis Drake being "crowned" by the natives of New +Albion (California) in June, 1579. (From Arnoldus Montanus, _Die +unbekante neue Welt_; the Dapper issue, Amsterdam, 1673.)] + + + + + FRANCIS DRAKE AND + THE CALIFORNIA + INDIANS, 1579 + + BY + + ROBERT F. HEIZER + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS + BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES + 1947 + + + + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS + IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY + EDITORS (LOS ANGELES): + RALPH L. BEALS, FRANKLIN FEARING, HARRY HOIJER + + Volume 42, No. 3, pp. 251-302, + plates 18-21, 1 figure in text, 2 illus. + Submitted by editors February 27, 1946 + Issued March 20, 1947 + Price, cloth, $2.00; paper, $1.25 + + UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS + BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES + CALIFORNIA + + CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS + LONDON, ENGLAND + + PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + General Background 251 + + The Trinidad Bay Landfall Theory 255 + + The Arguments for the Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay Landfall 258 + + Analysis of the _World Encompassed_ Account 259 + + Additional Ethnographic Items in the Richard Madox and + John Drake Accounts 273 + + Supposed Indian Traditions of Drake's Visit 276 + + Recapitulation and Conclusion 277 + + APPENDIX + + I. The Sources 280 + + II. Excerpt from _The World Encompassed by + Sir Francis Drake_ 283 + + Plates 293 + + + + + FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE CALIFORNIA + INDIANS, 1579 + + BY + + ROBERT F. HEIZER + + + GENERAL BACKGROUND + +For nearly a century, historians, geographers, and anthropologists have +attempted to solve the problem of locating Francis Drake's anchorage in +California, but the opinion of no one investigator has been universally +accepted. Indeed, it seems likely that the problem will forever remain +insoluble in detail, although it may well be reduced to the possibility +that one of two bays, either Drake's or Bodega, was the scene of Drake's +stay in California. + +Historically and ethnographically, Drake's California visit is +exceedingly important. He was the first Englishman to see and describe +the Indians of Upper California, and the third Caucasian to mention +them. The account of the voyage given in _The World Encompassed by Sir +Francis Drake_ (London, 1628) (of uncertain authorship but usually +attributed to Francis Fletcher) gives the earliest detailed description +of California Indian life, including such particulars of native culture +as ceremonial behavior and linguistic terms. This account is reproduced +in Appendix II, below. + +Historians and geographers have long since stated their reasons and +qualifications for presenting certain conclusions about the location of +Drake's anchorage, but anthropologists have never insisted vigorously +enough that their contribution might be the most decisive of all in +solving the problem. If it can be shown that the Indian language and +culture described in the accounts of Drake's voyage to California are +clearly those of one or another of the coastal Indian tribes, there will +then be definite and unequivocal reasons for believing that in 1579 +Drake landed on a part of the California coast inhabited by that tribe. +Preliminary attempts at this type of solution have already been made, +first by the greatest authority on the California Indians, Professor A. +L. Kroeber,[1] and more recently by William W. Elmendorf and myself.[2] + +In order to establish the background for the present study, it will be +advisable to recapitulate the various opinions and claims. They may be +listed under the headings: geographical, historical, and +anthropological. + +_Geographical._--George C. Davidson, eminent and versatile scientist, +first approached the problem of the location of Drake's California +anchorage in 1858.[3] In the following years, as his familiarity with +literary and cartographical sources expanded, he published other +works,[4] and in 1908[5] he made his final statement. Davidson first +thought that Drake's landfall had been in San Francisco Bay, but after +more careful study he concluded that Drake's Bay was the anchorage (see +pl. 20). Davidson's views have been carefully and critically reviewed by +Henry R. Wagner[6] and J. W. Robertson.[7] Among other contributions +relating to the problem of Drake's anchorage should be mentioned the +works of Hubert Howe Bancroft[8] and the studies of Edward E. Hale,[9] +as well as the searching analysis of Alexander G. McAdie and a more +recent but similar paper by R. P. Bishop.[10] + +_Historical._--Although the trail was blazed by Davidson, it is Wagner +who first claims our attention. He has concluded, after an exhaustive +study of all available evidence, that Drake anchored first in Trinidad +Bay and later in Bodega Bay. The harbor now called Drake's Bay was not, +according to Wagner, the site of Drake's landfall in 1579. Robertson, +next mentioned above, is the author of a critical review of previous +"arguments advanced by certain historians in their selection of 'The +Harbor of St. Francis.'" + +_Anthropological._--Wagner's major work on Drake bears abundant evidence +that this historian, at least, is cognizant of the value of the +ethnographic check method. However, he has not utilized all available +documentary or ethnographic data to the fullest extent--a procedure of +the utmost importance. + +Davidson used the ethnographic method of solving the problem when he +identified the Limantour Estero shellmound site with the Indian village +depicted on the border map _Portus Novae Albionis_ of the Jodocus +Hondius map _Vera totius expeditionis nauticae_ (Amsterdam, 1590?)[11] +and cited as evidence a tradition of the Nicasio Indians. In his day, +many Coast Miwok Indians from Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay must have been +still living. If at that time he had obtained from them the information +which can no longer be found, owing to the extinction of the tribe, he +would have performed an inestimable service. + +In 1908, S. A. Barrett published his important work on Pomo +ethnogeography in which he reproduced the California data on the voyage +of Drake and made a brief evaluation.[12] After attempting a linguistic +check with the word _Hioh_ and directing attention to the +feather-decorated baskets as Pomo-like, Barrett concludes that "these +facts therefore point further to the tenability of the belief that +Drake's landing was somewhere north of San Francisco bay, possibly even +north of Point Reyes, though Pomo of the Southern and Southwestern +dialectic area may have journeyed down to Drake's bay bringing their +boat-shaped and ornamented baskets...."[13] + +In Professor Kroeber's _Handbook of the Indians of California_ there is +an ethnographical analysis of a paraphrased version of _The World +Encompassed_, together with an inquiry (more searching than that of +Barrett's in 1908) into the identification of the words, such as _Hioh_, +_Patah_, _Tobah_, and _Gnaah_, which appear in the Fletcher account.[14] +Kroeber summarizes: "The ethnologist thus can only conclude that Drake +summered on some piece of the coast not many miles north of San +Francisco, and probably in the lagoon to which his name now attaches. He +is assured that the recent native culture in this stretch existed in +substantially the same form more than 300 years ago, and he has +tolerable reason to believe that the Indians with whom the great +explorer mingled were direct ancestors of the Coast Miwok."[15] + +A verification of Kroeber's view has recently been presented in a short +paper written by Heizer and Elmendorf[16] on the identification of the +Indian words in the sixteenth-century accounts of Francis Fletcher and +Richard Madox.[17] (Madox's account is reproduced in App. I, below.) In +this paper it is shown that Drake must have landed in territory occupied +by the Coast Miwok-speaking natives (fig. 1), but the exact location of +his landing is not positively indicated since there are four bays along +Coast Miwok territory in which Drake might conceivably have +anchored.[18] Of these four bays, Bolinas, Drake's, Tomales, and Bodega, +only two, Drake's and Bodega, can be considered seriously. + +[Illustration: Fig. 1. Location of west-central California Indian +linguistic groups. A, Bodega Bay; B, Tomales Bay; C, Drake's Bay; D, +Bolinas Bay; E, San Francisco Bay.] + +A final piece of evidence, this time archaeological, has recently come +to light in the plate of brass left by Drake in 1579. This plate was +originally found at Laguna Ranch (pl. 21) on Drake's Bay in 1934 +(?),[19] was moved elsewhere, and was rediscovered in 1936.[20] Although +some skeptics have questioned the genuineness of the plate of +brass,[21] they have not altered the facts establishing the plate's +authenticity as shown by the investigations of such scholars as Allen +Chickering,[22] Professor Herbert E. Bolton,[23] and Drs. Fink and +Polushkin.[24] Consequently, the problem of Drake's anchorage is nearer +solution. Although the plate is a portable object, it was probably not +carried far. It could have been carried to Drake's Bay from Bodega Bay; +but, on the other hand, it could always have been at Drake's Bay. In the +absence of evidence that it was moved early in its history, it may not +be claiming overmuch to assume that the post with the plate of brass was +originally erected in Drake's Bay. + +So much, then, for an abbreviated review of the opinions on the location +of Francis Drake's California anchorage. Arguments have been advanced, +by other students, that Drake anchored in Trinidad, Bodega, or Drake's +Bay. It is my purpose here to analyze, as carefully as possible, the +ethnographic data contained in Francis Fletcher's account in _The World +Encompassed_, with the hope of determining in which of these bays Drake +actually stayed in June, 1579. The Trinidad Bay landfall theory will +first be investigated, in an attempt to determine whether the Indians +mentioned in Fletcher's account are identifiable with the Yurok tribe +which, in historic times, occupied this territory. + + + THE TRINIDAD BAY LANDFALL THEORY + +Henry R. Wagner is the chief proponent of the Trinidad Bay theory, and +bases his conclusion upon two lines of evidence, (1) cartographical and +(2) ethnographical.[25] The Jodocus Hondius map, with a small inset of +the _Portus Novae Albionis_, does resemble Trinidad Harbor, but since +all admit that the Hondius "Portus" is imperfectly drawn, and only +generally impressionistic, it can hardly be maintained that it resembles +less the outline of Bodega Bay or Drake's Bay. Wagner points out that +there was a Yurok village near the spot indicated on the Hondius map as +occupied by an Indian town.[26] But in Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay, the +outlines of which also resemble that of the _Portus Novae Albionis_, +there are also Indian shellmounds in about the same relative position as +the village shown on the Hondius map. + +Fletcher's reference to a "canow" has led Wagner to identify this with +the Yurok dugout log canoe. If Fletcher's "canow" were described in any +detail, it would settle the problem of whether it meant a Yurok dugout +log canoe or a Coast Miwok tule _balsa_ such as was used in Drake's or +Bodega Bay. Kroeber has also commented upon this unenlightening word, +saying, "Either custom changed after Drake's day, or his canoe is a +loose term for the tule _balsa_ which was often boat-shaped, with raised +sides, especially when intended for navigation." Wagner says in answer, +"To this it may be objected that ... tule _balsas_ were in use in +Drake's Bay in 1595 and were so recognized without difficulty." They +were recognized indeed, _but by a Spanish sailor already familiar with +the type_. Fletcher in his offhand manner dismissed the native boat with +a word which _he_ was familiar with. Perhaps the strongest argument in +favor of identifying Fletcher's "canow" as a tule _balsa_ lies in the +fact that he states that a single person came out to the _Golden Hinde_. +If it had been a Yurok dugout, and particularly in the open bay of +Trinidad, one man could not have managed the canoe. For example, the +Bruno de Hezeta account of Trinidad Bay in 1775 states: "Before they +[the Spaniards] drew near the land to drop anchor four canoes carrying +twenty-four men came out to receive them. They drew near the ships and +were given food and beads, with which they went away without +fear...."[27] It might also be worth noting that Fletcher states that +the person in the canoe remained "at a reasonable distance staying +himself," and would accept only a hat, "refusing vtterly to meddle with +any other thing...." One other account may be cited to support the +identification of the "canow" with the _balsa_. Sebastian Cermeno, in +1595 at Drake's Bay, wrote, "... many Indians appeared on the beach and +soon _one of them_ got into a small craft which they employ, like a +cacate of the lake of Mexico."[28] + +By inference, the native house described by Fletcher has been identified +as a Yurok house. I do not think this claim will hold, since the house +in Fletcher's account is described as semisubterranean, circular, +conical-roofed, covered with earth, and with a roof entrance, whereas +the Yurok dwelling (_not_ the sweathouse), built wholly of planks, is +rectangular, is a surface structure except for an interior rectangular +pit, has a round door entering just above the ground and through the +side wall, and bears a double-ridged roof with two slopes.[29] Thus, the +house described by Fletcher cannot be a Yurok house of Trinidad Bay. On +the other hand, as will be shown in detail later, the house described by +Fletcher is the central California earth-covered dwelling, typical of +the Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay. + +Wagner, in his attempt to show that Drake landed at Trinidad Bay, makes +a further point. He says: "An additional indication that Drake was in +this bay [Trinidad] may be gleaned from the finding there of knives in +1775 by Bruno Heceta.... It seems probable, then, that the knives found +at Trinidad by Heceta were relics of Drake's expedition."[30] It is +scarcely credible that numbers of iron knives, sword blades, and such +implements could have been preserved through two centuries of use. Since +the wooden-sheathed knives were expressly stated to be ill-made, and in +view of Fray Miguel de la Campa's statement in 1775 that "one of them +[i.e., one of the Indians] made his [knife] from a nail which he had +found in a piece of wreckage and had beaten out with a stone,"[31] it is +more than likely that the Trinidad Indians' knives were pounded out of +pieces of iron found imbedded in local sea-borne wreckage.[32] Logic and +probability lead inevitably to the conclusion that there is nothing in +the fact that knives were found at Trinidad Bay in 1775 from which to +suspect or to postulate Drake's presence in that place two centuries +earlier. + +Now for a brief comparison of some specific Indian culture elements and +examples of the language, as reported in _The World Encompassed_ and in +Richard Madox's narrative, with those of Yurok Indian culture. Madox was +chaplain on Edward Fenton's expedition of 1582, and in his diary are +some notes on California which he jotted down after conversation with +some members of the crew which had sailed with Drake two years earlier. + +The flat shell disk beads of the account are not an element of Yurok +material culture. The standard Yurok shell bead is the hollow tusk shell +(_Dentalia indianorum_), which is long, cylindrical, and of small +diameter. The feathered net caps may possibly find cognates in the +flicker headbands of the Yurok, though these bands were known over the +whole of interior and coastal California (cf. pl. 18, _a_). The +feathered baskets, however, cannot possibly be Yurok, since their +manufacture and use is restricted to the Pomo-Miwok-Wappo tribes which +lived far to the south of the Yurok. The "canow" of Fletcher, as had +been pointed out, can hardly be equated with the heavy Yurok river- and +ocean-going dugout canoe. This brief comparison should be convincing +evidence that Drake's chronicler did not describe the Trinidad Bay +Yurok; but there is added evidence in the word forms of the Madox +vocabulary. Madox gives "bread" as _Cheepe_, which the Yurok render +_pop-sho_. "Sing" is given as _Gnaah_ in _The World Encompassed_, the +Yurok word being _wer-o-rur_. "Chief" is given by Fletcher and Madox as +_Hioh_ or _Hioghe_, the Yurok word being _si-at-lau_. + +The decision of whether or not Drake entered Trinidad Bay, which is not +convenient as a port, and is, moreover, rock-studded,[33] must rest in +part upon a study of the Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_, of which, +Wagner says, "... perhaps a very close approximation to the actual +configuration of the bay [in which Drake anchored] cannot be expected." +Certainly the native customs, houses, and language do not offer the +slightest support to the theory that Drake observed the Yurok +Indians.[34] + + + THE ARGUMENTS FOR THE BODEGA BAY OR DRAKE'S BAY LANDFALL + +Wagner, then, has attempted to prove that Drake landed in Bodega Bay; +Davidson and McAdie, that he anchored in Drake's Bay; whereas Kroeber, +Heizer and Elmendorf, Barrett, and Bancroft failed to reach a decision +on which bay gave anchorage to the _Golden Hinde_. + +In the following pages I shall analyze by comparative ethnographic +technique the cultural data relating to the California Indians as given +in the several accounts of the Drake visit in 1579. These sources are: + + 1. The _World Encompassed_ account, which I judge to be the + fullest and most reliable.[35] + + 2. The _Famous Voyage_ account, which is abbreviated and + therefore less complete in detail.[36] + + 3. The second declaration of John Drake (1582), a brief + independent account of the occurrences in California (see + below, App. I).[37] + + 4. Richard Madox's notes on "Ships Land" (New Albion), which + contain a revealing vocabulary of the Indian language.[38] + +An exhaustive ethnography of the Coast Miwok has never been published. +The main sources of Coast Miwok ethnography used in this paper may be +enumerated as follows: + + 1. Data contained in various historical accounts. These are, + for the most part, incidental data and are not, even in total + amount, extensive. The accounts will be cited at the + appropriate places below. + + 2. Published ethnographic notes such as are given in S. A. + Barrett's _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring + Indians_, A. L. Kroeber's _Handbook of the Indians of + California_, and many others which likewise will be cited + below. + + 3. The extensive manuscript notes on the Coast Miwok in the + possession of Dr. Isabel Kelly. Dr. Kelly has kindly lent her + material for the purpose of checking ethnographic items. + + + ANALYSIS OF THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED ACCOUNT + +On June 17 (Old Style), Drake's ship entered "a conuenient and fit +harborough." The next day, "the people of the countrey shewed +themselues; sending off a man with great expedition to vs in a canow." +On the 21st, the ship was brought near shore, her goods were landed, and +defense works were erected. Numbers of natives made their appearance for +a brief time, then returned to their homes in a near-by village. At the +end of two days (June 23), during which no natives had been seen, there +appeared "a great assembly of men, women, and children." As the narrator +says, the local people seen on the 23d had probably "dispersed +themselues into the country, to make knowne the newes...." There follows +in the narrative a long and detailed account of the activities of the +natives who remained assembled near the camp of the English. Finally, +after three more days (the account says June 26), word of the strange +newcomers had spread even further, and there "were assembled the +greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably imagine, to dwell +within any conuenient distance round about." Among these were the +"king," the _Hioh_ of the Indians, and "his guard, of about 100 tall and +warlike men." + +This sequence of visits is of some interest. If Drake landed at Drake's +Bay, the natives seen by him on June 18 and 21 were certainly local +Coast Miwok living close at hand around the bay. The influx of people +on the 23d probably means that they were drawn from relatively near-by +Coast Miwok villages--from near Olema, or from both shores of Tomales +Bay. But even larger crowds of natives came on the 26th, and among them +were the _Hioh_ and his retinue. The group arriving on the 26th probably +came from some distance. If this crowd gathered at Drake's Bay, they +could well have been recruited from Bodega Bay, and possibly included a +number of Southern Pomo neighbors. The elapsed time (i.e., between June +21 and June 26) can be readily accounted for by two factors: (1) time +for communication to be established from Drake's to Bodega Bay and for +the return of the Bodega people, and (2) time for convocation of the +group, decision on a plan of action, and preparation for the elaborate +ceremony performed at the English camp on the 26th. + +If, however, Drake landed in Bodega Bay, the situation would be somewhat +different. The visitors of the 18th and 21st would be Bodega Coast +Miwok. Those arriving on the 23d could have been Tomales Bay or Olema +Coast Miwok, and the arrival on the 26th of the _Hioh_ with his retinue +and followers might mark the presence of Southern Pomo, or, less +probably, Central Pomo who were concentrated in the interior some fifty +miles north of Bodega Bay. + +It is credible, then, that Drake landed in either Drake's Bay or Bodega +Bay, since the native words listed by Fletcher and Madox all belong to +the Coast Miwok language and not to any Pomo dialect.[39] It is +improbable that the ceremonies, customs, and material culture forms +described by Fletcher can be _specifically_ attributed to the Pomo, as +intimated by Wagner,[40] for at least three reasons: (1) Northern Coast +Miwok and Southern Pomo cultures are practically indistinguishable; (2) +the words _Hioh_ and _Gnaah_ seem to be Coast Miwok words rather than +words of Pomo attribution; and (3) if Drake landed in Coast Miwok +territory it is unlikely that the Pomo would be permitted to enter the +territory of their southern neighbors and to perform a ceremony which +the Coast Miwok themselves were as well able to do. + +Following is an examination of the day-by-day account of Fletcher. + +_June 18._--A single man in a "canow" (probably a tule _balsa_) came out +to the ship and delivered an oration. The canoeman also brought with +him, and threw into the ship, a bunch of black feathers tied in a round +bundle, and a small basket filled with an herb ("Tobah"), both of which +were tied to a short stick. + +In 1595, Sebastian Cermeno noted almost exactly the same thing in +Drake's Bay,[41] and something very similar was observed by Francisco +Mourelle in Bodega Bay in 1775.[42] Cermeno says: "On the day on which +the ship anchored in the bay, about four o'clock in the afternoon, many +Indians appeared on the beach and soon one of them got into a small +craft which they employ like a cacate of the lake of Mexico. He came off +to the ship, where he remained quite a time talking in his language, no +one understanding what he said." Mourelle's statement is similar: there +is no mention of a speech by the Indians in "tule canoes," but they +presented the Spanish with plumes of feathers, "bone rosaries" (shell +bead necklaces?), garlands of feathers which they wore around their +heads, and a canister of seeds which tasted like walnuts. + +The feather bundle cannot be specifically identified, but it may be the +ceremonial black feather bundle (pl. 18, _b_) most often associated with +the central California Kuksu cult. Some of these have been illustrated +by Professor Kroeber[43] and R. B. Dixon.[44] The small basket filled +with the herb called _Tobah_ or _Tabah_ has led some students to +identify this herb as tobacco (_Nicotiana_ sp.) John P. Harrington +quotes the sections from _The World Encompassed_ which contain mention +of _Tabah_ or _Tobah_, and assumes that the word has reference to +tobacco (_Nicotiana bigelovii_).[45] Upon what grounds he identifies the +herb mentioned by Fletcher as tobacco is not stated, since the local +words for tobacco are different,[46] nor is it stated in the account +that the herb was smoked. Wagner doubts that the herb called _Tobah_ was +tobacco, and in this he and I are in agreement. It cannot be determined +whether or not a Nicotiana was referred to by Fletcher, nor is it likely +that this question will ever be settled. What does seem clear is that +"Tobah" is not an Indian word, but the name applied to the herb by the +English narrator.[47] This supposition is enhanced by the fact that _The +Famous Voyage_ mentions the herb by the name "tabacco," a word already +known in England before Drake started on his voyage around the +world.[48] It may be concluded that Fletcher's word "Tobah" or "Tabah" +comes from the English word "tabacco," "tobacco," "tabaco," and is not a +California Indian word. In this conclusion I am in agreement with +Professor Kroeber.[49] + +_June 18-21._--There is no mention of Indians between the 18th and the +21st of June. After referring to the man in the "canow," Fletcher +continues, "After which time, our boate could row no way, but wondring +at vs as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration." This +would indicate that June 19 and 20 were spent exploring the bay in a +small boat to discover a proper spot for careening the treasure-laden +ship, which had sprung a leak at sea. + +_June 21._--On this day the ship was brought near shore and anchored. +Goods were landed, and some sort of stone fortification was erected for +defense. The Indians made their appearance in increasing numbers until +there was a "great number both of men and women." It is clearly apparent +that the natives were not simply curious, but acted, as Fletcher points +out, "as men rauished in their mindes" and "their errand being rather +with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre +with vs as with mortall men." It would seem that the natives +demonstrated clearly their fear and wonderment at the English, and it is +certain that they behaved as no other natives had done in the experience +of the chronicler. The English gave their visitors shirts and linen +cloth, in return for which (as Fletcher thought) the Indians presented +to Drake and some of the English such things as feathers, net caps, +quivers for arrows, and animal skins which the women wore. Then, having +visited for a time, the natives left for their homes about +three-quarters of a mile away. As soon as they were home, the Indians +began to lament, "extending their voices, in a most miserable and +dolefull manner of shreeking." Inserted between the passages dealing +with the departure of the Indians to their homes and their lamenting is +a description of their houses and dress. The houses are described as +"digged round within the earth, and haue from the vppermost brimmes of +the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned close together at the top, +like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being couered with +earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warme, the doore in the +most part of them, performes the office of a chimney, to let out the +smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in +a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, onely +with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round about the house, haue their +fire in the middest...." The men for the most part were naked, and the +women wore a shredded bulrush (tule? _Scirpus_ sp.) skirt which hung +around the hips. Women also wore a shoulder cape of deerskin with the +hair upon it. + +[Illustration: Another representation of the "crowning" of Francis +Drake. (From an old engraving; provenience not known.)] + +From the foregoing facts some important conclusions can be drawn. +First, the wonderment of the natives is but an extension of attitudes +they had daily shown from the 17th to the 20th; and similar +manifestations continued throughout the long stay of the English.[50] +The English were looked upon as unusual, perhaps supernatural, visitors, +since nothing is more clear than the fact that they were not treated as +ordinary mortals. Kroeber has suggested that the Indians regarded the +English as the returned dead, and there is much to be said for this +view, as will be shown later. The doleful shrieking, weeping, and crying +are evidence _sui generis_ that the presence of the English was in some +way associated with ghosts or the dead.[51] + +The circular semisubterranean house, roofed over with poles and +earth-covered, is also characteristic of a wide area of central +California. The Coast Miwok of Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay[52] used these +houses, as did the Pomo.[53] It is clearly not a temporary brush-covered +house like those seen in the Bodega-Tomales Bay region.[54] The "caules +of network" undoubtedly refer to the well-known net caps of central +California,[55] a type so widespread that exact localization or +provenience is impossible. + +The Fletcher account is fairly specific on particulars of dress--women +wore shredded bulrush skirts and deerskin shoulder capes, and men were +ordinarily naked. The bulrush or tule-fiber clothing is attested for +Bodega Bay[56] and Drake's Bay,[57] but it is also found generally +throughout central California. Men were generally naked in California, +so Fletcher does not note here a distinctive cultural trait. The wearing +of deerskin capes by the women is not strictly substantiated by the +observations of later explorers, although Cermeno (1595) said that the +women in Drake's Bay "covered their private parts with straw and skins +of animals."[58] Archibald Menzies noted that the women in Tomales Bay +wore a deerskin wrapped around their middle and reaching to the +knees,[59] and Francisco Eliza said that near Bodega Bay "the women +cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins."[60] Colnett +mentions the Indian dress of deerskins in Bodega Bay.[61] + +_June 23._--On this day, after a two-day absence, "a great assembly of +men, women, and children" appeared at the camp of the English. The +Indians stopped at the top of the hill at the bottom of which Drake's +camp was pitched, and one man made "a long and tedious oration: +deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to +the vttermost strength of nature...." At the conclusion of the speech or +oration, all the other Indians reverently bowed their bodies "in a +dreaming manner" (?) and cried "_Oh_" in approbation. Then the men, +leaving their bows, women, and children behind them, came down to the +English with presents and gifts. While the men were gift giving, the +women cried and shrieked piteously, tore their cheeks with their +fingernails until the blood flowed, tore off the single covering from +the upper parts of the body, and, holding their hands high, cast +themselves on the ground with great violence, regardless of +consequences. The English, grieved at this spectacle of sacrifice, +attempted to dissuade the Indians by praying and indicating by signs +that their God lived above. During this "performance" (prayers, singing +Psalms, and reading chapters of the Bible), the Indians "sate very +attentiuely: and obseruing the end of euery pause, with one voice still +cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our exercises." The natives were +watching with great interest what seemed to them a ceremonial +performance (which it actually was, but not in the sense in which the +Indians understood it). The singing of Psalms interested the Indians +most, and whenever the natives came, says Fletcher, their first request +was _Gnaah_, an entreaty that the English should sing. After the Indians +and English had exchanged ceremonial performances of a religious +nature, the Indians again departed, giving back to the English +everything they had received. + +The oration by the man at the top of the hill may perhaps be likened to +a speech that Cermeno made note of, when, in 1595, he was at Drake's +Bay: "... Indians from near by kept coming and the chief talked a long +time."[62] It is not improbable that the speaker mentioned by Fletcher +was a messenger dispatched to announce the later coming of the big +chief.[63] Or, the orator may simply have been a local village chief who +delivered a long address or salutation to the English. The existence, at +least, of such orators is known.[64] The signal of approbation, "Oh," +has already been remarked upon by S. A. Barrett: "The expressions of +assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not +only by the Moqueluman Coast Miwok peoples of this region but by the +Pomo to the north where such expressions as _o_, _yo_, _iyo_, varying +with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the sentiment +expressed by the speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of a +dance."[65] When the preliminaries were over, the men came down the +hill, and the women remained behind, lamenting, and lacerating their +flesh. Crying and tearing the cheeks with the fingernails, as an +ethnographic practice in connection with mourning, is documented for the +Coast Miwok[66] and Pomo.[67] The word _Gnaah_, by which (so Fletcher +states) the Indians asked the English to sing, can possibly be likened +to the Coast Miwok _koya_, "sing."[68] If it is granted that _Gnaah_ is +equivalent to _koya_, there is good reason to believe that Coast Miwok +were the main frequenters of Drake's camp, since Fletcher says, "... +whensoever they resorted to vs, their first request was _Gnaah_, by +which they intreated that we would sing." The words for "sing" in +neighboring Indian tongues are so unlike _Gnaah_ that no idea of +connection can be entertained. + +_June 26._--After three days, there "were assembled the greatest number +of people which wee could reasonably imagine to dwell within any +conuenient distance round about." Included in the crowd were the "king" +and his "guard" of about one hundred men. Before the king showed +himself, two "Embassadors or messengers" appeared, to announce his +coming and to ask for a present "as a token that his comming might be in +peace." Drake complied, and soon the "king with all his traine came +forward." The king and his retinue "cryed continually after a singing +manner" as they came, but as they approached nearer they strove to +"behaue themselues with a certaine comelinesse and grauity in all their +actions." In the front of the procession came a man bearing the "Septer +or royall mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, to which +were tied long, looped strings of shell disk beads, and two "crownes," a +larger and a smaller, made of knitwork and covered with a pattern of +colored feathers. Only a few men were seen to wear the disk bead +necklaces ("chaines"). Fletcher observes that in proportion to the +number of "chaines" a man wears, "as some ten, some twelve, some +twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby +knowne to be the more honorable personages." Next to the scepter bearer +was the king (_Hioh_), surrounded by his guard. On his head he wore a +net cap ("cawle") decorated with feathers in the same manner as the +"crownes" described above, "but differing much both in fashion and +perfectness of work." From the king's shoulders hung a waist-length coat +of the skins of "conies." Members of his guard each wore a coat of +similar cut, but of different skins. Some of the guard wore net caps +"stuck with feathers," or covered with a light, downy substance, +probably milkweed down. Only those persons who were close to the king +wore the down-filled or down-covered net caps and feather plumes on +their heads. + +Following the procession of the king and his guard came the "naked sort +of common people." Their long hair was gathered behind into a bunch in +which were stuck plumes of feathers, but in the front were only single +feathers which looked "like hornes." Every Indian had his face painted +in black or white or other colors, and every man brought some sort of +gift. The procession was brought up behind by the women and children. +Each woman carried against her breast a round basket or so, filled with +a number of articles such as bags of _Tobah_; a root called _Petah_, +which was made into meal and either baked into bread or eaten raw; +broiled pilchard-like fishes; and the seed and down of milkweed (?). The +baskets are carefully described by Fletcher as "made in fashion like a +deep boale ... [and] about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of +shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a +place, of the chaines aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were +vessels wholly dedicated to the only vse of the gods they worshipped: +and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red +feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes." + +As the crowd of people came near, they gave a general salutation and +were then silent. The scepter bearer, prompted by another man who +whispered, delivered in a loud voice an oration which lasted half an +hour. When the oration was ended, "there was a common _Amen_, in signe +of approbation giuen by euery person...." Then the company, leaving the +little children behind, came down to the foot of the hill where the +English had their camp. Here the scepter bearer began to sing and danced +in time to the song. The king, his guard, and all the others joined in +the singing and dancing, except the women, who danced but did not sing. +The women had torn faces, their bodies showed bruises and other +lacerations which had been self-inflicted before the Indians had +arrived. After the assembly of natives had concluded their dance, they +indicated by signs that Drake should be seated. This done, the king and +several others delivered orations to Drake, and, concluding with a song, +placed the crown upon his head and hung all the shell disk bead +necklaces around his neck. Many other gifts were tendered to Drake, and +the name _Hioh_ was bestowed upon him. Fletcher interpreted this +ceremony as the giving up of the kingdom to Drake, a thought hardly +ascribable to the Indians. It is quite clear, however, that Drake was +individually and specially honored by the leader of the California +natives, and was invested with a name, _Hioh_. + +After the "crowning" was concluded, the common people, both men and +women, dispersed among the English, "taking a diligent view and survey +of every man." When a native found an Englishman who pleased his fancy, +and the youthful Englishmen were preferred, a personal "sacrifice" in +the form of weeping, moaning, shrieking, and tearing of the face with +the fingernails was offered. As might be expected, such a scene was +embarrassing and uncomfortable to the English, and the strongest efforts +were of no avail in disabusing the Indians of their "idolatry." After a +time the Indians quieted down and began to show to the English "their +griefes and diseases which they carried about with them, some of them +hauing old aches, some shruncke sinewes, some old soares and canckred +vlcers, some wounds more lately receiued, and the like, in most +lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure thereof from vs: making signes +that if we did but blowe vpon their griefes, or but touched the diseased +places, they would be whole." The English applied various unguents to +the affected places, continuing the treatment as the natives resorted to +the camp from time to time. + +Now to analyze the happenings of June 26. The "Embassadors or +messengers" of Fletcher are probably correctly identified, since the +custom of having messengers who announce the coming of a chief and his +party is known to have existed at least among the Pomo[69] and probably +among the Coast Miwok, although there is no specific mention of such a +practice among the latter. Even the custom that messengers should ask +for a present for the "king" (i.e., chief) is known to have been +observed by the Pomo.[70] It is impossible to identify the man who bore +the "scepter" or "mace," a black stick about four and a half feet long, +but the scepter itself seems identifiable with the staff known +ethnographically to have been used in the central California Kuksu or +ghost ceremony.[71] + +The assemblage of the black stick with pendant "feathered crowns" and +clamshell disk beads has not been noted by any modern ethnographer, but +the flat, circular, centrally drilled white beads of clamshell are +familiar (pl. 18, _c_). They were made from clamshells dug at Bodega +Bay, the source of these beads for most of the Indians of central +California.[72] It is of some interest to note that in later times the +beads have been very abundant, and that in the last 350 years the +manufacture and use of clamshell disk beads have been much increased. +The net "crownes" covered with a pattern of colored feathers are +described by Fletcher in terms so general that exact identification is +difficult. They may have resembled some of those illustrated by Dixon, +who collected them from the Northern Maidu.[73] At least, net caps with +feather decorations were commonly used in Coast Miwok[74] and Pomo[75] +ceremonies. The king's guard was probably composed of a number of male +initiates of a secret society who naturally would separate themselves +from the women and children when engaged in ceremonial duties.[76] The +net cap of the king or _Hioh_ was different from that of the others, and +it is not improbable that it was one of the flicker-quill headbands so +well known for the area (pl. 18, _a_).[77] This identification is at +best tentative, however, since there was in this area a bewildering +array of types of feather-decorated ceremonial headgear. The king's coat +of conyskins seems to have been distinguished from those of his guard. +The guards' coats may have been made of pocket gopher or mountain beaver +skins, and the king's coat was possibly of woven rabbitskin blankets, +common to both the Pomo and the Coast Miwok.[78] What seems unusual is +that there is no mention in Fletcher's account of the feather cloaks or +skirts used in later times on ceremonial occasions. I have been unable +to find any ethnographic data on a special skin coat for chiefs or +ceremonial leaders. The down-filled head net undoubtedly refers to the +central Californian net cap.[79] The feather plumes mentioned by +Fletcher as worn on the head by persons close to the king may have been +of several of the numerous types used in central California. Examples +are illustrated by Dixon[80] and Kroeber.[81] The repeated mention by +Fletcher of the use of feathers indicates clearly that their ceremonial +use was highly developed at this period. The single feathers resembling +"horns" are an ethnographic feature of the costume of the ghost dancer +among the Pomo,[82] and although there is no documentary evidence that +the Coast Miwok wore feathers in such a manner, it seems likely, in view +of the very close correspondence between Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonial +features, that they did so. The practice of painting the body is an +almost invariable feature of Coast Miwok[83] and Pomo[84] ceremonies. + +The gifts brought by the women in round baskets included bags of _Tobah_ +(already discussed), broiled fish, the seed and down of some plant +(milkweed?),[85] and a root called _Petah_ or _Patah_. Neither the Pomo +nor the Coast Miwok remember today any root or bulb with a name +resembling _Petah_ or _Patah_. Elmendorf and I have agreed with Kroeber +that _Petah_ is probably to be linked with the word "potato" in one or +another of its various forms. Kroeber thinks that the description +indicates the wild onion (_Brodiaea_), called _putcu_ in Coast Miwok, +and this is not improbable. However, soaproot (_Chlorogalum_), which was +sometimes baked into a bread, would also fill the description. It is +called _haka_ by the Coast Miwok, and it is barely possible, though +hardly probable, that _haka_ could have been heard and recorded as +_Patah_ or _Petah_. Since Fletcher speaks of _Petah_ as a root, it +seems improbable that he was describing acorns (called _uemba_ in Coast +Miwok); yet even this remote possibility may be entertained, since Madox +recorded _cheepe_ as bread, and Coast Miwok _tcipa_ means acorn bread. +The word _Petah_, and botanical identification, must remain in limbo +until further data are at hand. + +The feather-decorated baskets offer evidence, as Barrett and Kroeber +have indicated, that Drake landed on the coast immediately north of San +Francisco Bay. The baskets (pl. 19) are described as shaped like a deep +bowl, covered with a matted down of red feathers worked into various +patterns, and further embellished with pendant drops of pearl shell +(_Haliotis_) and two or three disk beads in various places. Such baskets +were made only by the Coast Miwok,[86] Pomo,[87] Lake Miwok, and Wappo. +Kroeber states that these baskets "served as gifts and treasures; and +above all they were destroyed in honor of the dead."[88] It is clear +that, in 1579, feathered baskets similar in manufacture and use to the +native baskets of today were known in this Coast Miwok area. + +The scepter bearer, prompted in a low voice by another man, delivered a +long oration. The Coast Miwok have such orators; among those Indians the +office of speechmaker is a special one.[89] The Pomo have orators,[90] +as do most other central Californians. The _Amen_, or sign of general +approbation, following the oration has already been commented upon. Then +the natives performed a dance to the accompaniment of a song led by the +scepter bearer (or orator)[91] and joined in by the men, while the women +danced but remained silent. Among the Pomo and Coast Miwok each ceremony +has a song in connection with its observance.[92] + +The episode of the crowning has no parallel in native custom or +ceremonial behavior, probably because "crowning" was a unique experience +for the Indians as well as the English. This fact should be kept in mind +in judging and estimating the natives' actions and reactions--they were +as puzzled as the English. Drake was specifically honored by the +Indians, and there is no reason to doubt Fletcher when he states that +the name _Hioh_ was given to him. It has been suggested that _Hioh_ was +a term of salutation or an interjection,[93] but there is no reason to +believe that this was so. The word finds possible equivalents in Coast +Miwok for chief, _hoipu_, _hoipa_, or friend, _oiya_.[94] Since the +Interior Miwok word for chief is _haiapo_, there is a bare possibility +that the _hoi_ of today may have been rendered _hai_ in 1579, though +there is no direct evidence to support this suggestion. It should be +mentioned here that the Madox account independently verifies Fletcher's +remarks on the episode of the crowning, as well as the word for "king" +(chief?), which Madox renders as _Hioghe_.[95] + +The close scrutiny of the English by the Indians following the +"crowning" ceremony indicates that the main business of the day (i.e., +the ceremonial crowning by secret society initiates) was over, and that +the general public could now take part in the festivities. Of great +interest are Fletcher's statements to the effect that the most youthful +Englishmen were repeatedly selected as recipients of personal sacrifice +and adoration which took the form of lamenting, moaning, weeping, +wailing, and self-lacerating. Only one conclusion can be drawn: the +Indians supposed that they were looking upon relatives returned from the +dead, and hence performed the usual mourning observances. + +After all these ceremonies were concluded, the Indians showed the +English their infirmities, aches, sores, and wounds, and it was made +clear that if the English would but blow upon them they would be made +well. This accords fairly well with the curing aspect of certain local +ceremonies. For example, the Kuksu doctor of the Pomo might cure by +blowing "his whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly +those recognized by the patients as the seats of pain."[96] There is no +mention of the use of whistles in connection with the ceremony enacted +by the Indians. Whistles are so commonly used in local ceremonies that +their omission is noteworthy. The detailed nature of the account +indicates that this feature was not so strongly developed in 1579 as it +is today in local native custom. + +_General observations, and occurrences from June 27 to July 23._--The +natives were almost constant visitors, and it is noted that ordinarily +every third day they brought their "sacrifices" (?). From this and other +indications it seems possible that the ceremonial number of the Indians +was three. The ceremonial number of the adjoining Pomo is four.[97] The +Coast Miwok ceremonial number was probably four, though there is no +direct evidence to support this supposition. The Indian bow is spoken of +as weak and "more fit for children than for men," a remark to be +expected from the English, who were even then employing the famous +longbow. The English were impressed with the strength of the natives, +but, for Indians accustomed to transporting everything on their backs, +their feats of strength seem not surprising. It is also noted that the +natives were good at running and that this was the ordinary means of +travel. The English admired the native surf fishing. Kroeber has +interpreted the passage, "if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so +neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without swimming, they +would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it," as signifying diving for +fish in the surf. Since this unusual practice is not otherwise recorded +ethnographically for any coastal Californian tribe, some other +explanation may be in order, and I suggest that Fletcher may have had +reference to surf fishing with a round hand net, a practice known to +have been followed by the Coast Miwok.[98] One gets the impression that +the English found much to admire in their native friends. + +Drake, his gentlemen, and others of the ship's company made an +expedition into the interior to see the native villages and the country +round about. The houses were all of the semisubterranean, circular type +discussed previously. Two animals were seen, as also herds of deer and +great numbers of "conies," a name which, as used by Fletcher, seems to +fit no known animal living today in this coastal area.[99] + +The country was named _Albion_ "in respect of the white bancks and +cliffes, which lie toward the sea ...," and a post was set up with an +engraved brass plate nailed to it. The white cliffs are one of the most +conspicuous features of Drake's Bay.[100] That the plate of brass has +been found at Drake's Bay is a fact of the greatest significance. + +Upon the departure of the English, the Indians were sorrowful, and they +burned a "sacrifice" of a string of disk beads and a bunch of feathers. +The burning of shell beads in memory and honor of the dead, a custom +which Fletcher may have described, is known for the Coast Miwok,[101] +Pomo,[102] and neighboring groups.[103] + +Aside from those actions of the natives which are usually associated +with their attitudes toward the dead (weeping, moaning, self-laceration, +use of feathered baskets, sacrifice of shell beads and feathers in the +fire), there are other evidences that the English were regarded as the +returned spirits of the dead. First is Fletcher's observation that the +Indians were "standing when they drew neere, as men rauished in their +mindes, with the sight of such things as they neuer had seene, or heard +of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare +to worship vs as Gods, then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall +men. Which thing as it did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did +it more and more manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of +our abode amongst them." Except for the sole occasion, at the conclusion +of the ceremony on June 26, when the Indians embraced the youthful +Englishmen, the natives seem to have avoided touching the whites. This +is most understandable if it is believed that they looked upon the +English as the dead returned,[104] for bodily contact with a dead person +or spirit was certain, in their minds, to have disastrous results. +Further evidence of this may be contained in the statement: "Our General +hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their departure they +restored them all againe; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoeuer +hee had receiued...." There is one more bit of inferential evidence +along this line which comes from the Madox account. This is the phrase +_Nocharo mu_, "touch me not" (i.e., _notcato mu_, "keep away"). It may +be asked why Madox recorded this particular phrase out of the many his +informant must have heard. The answer is perhaps to be found in the +simple fact that the English heard this phrase uttered a great many +times, and it stuck in their memory. In view of the fact that the +natives held the English in fear as dead people, the phrase "touch me +not" might often have been used toward amorous sailors, or against any +form of bodily contact. + + + ADDITIONAL ETHNOGRAPHIC ITEMS IN THE RICHARD MADOX AND + JOHN DRAKE ACCOUNTS + +In the second deposition of John Drake, cousin to Francis Drake (see +below, App. I), there is no new information. There is, however, +independent corroboration of the weeping and self-laceration referred +to repeatedly in the _World Encompassed_ account. The natives are +mentioned as having bows and arrows and as being naked, both of which +items are mentioned by Fletcher. The Indians' sadness at the departure +of the English, as remarked by John Drake, is a further verification of +Fletcher's observations as presented in some detail in _The World +Encompassed_. + +The brief Madox account is of particular interest since a number of +words in the Indian language, a song, and the episode of the crowning +are mentioned. The linguistic items are given as follows: + + _Cheepe_ bread _Nocharo mu_ tuch me not + _Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe _Hioghe_ a king + +As Elmendorf and I have already pointed out, the vocabulary may be +assigned conclusively to the Coast Miwok language.[105] _Cheepe_, +"bread," is equivalent to modern Coast Miwok _tcipa_, "acorn bread." +This word alone is the clearest possible evidence that Drake's Indian +acquaintances were Coast Miwok. _Huchee kecharoh_, "sit down," probably +is an incorrect translation of the phrase. The closest approximation in +modern Coast Miwok is _atci kotcato_, "step into the house," and _hoki +kotcado_, "go into the house" (_tc_ is phonetically equivalent to the +sound _ch_ as in chin). It is possible to explain these differently +stated meanings of these phonetically similar phrases as owing to +incorrect inductions of meaning under specific circumstances. Kelly's +Coast Miwok ethnographic informants stated that, according to old +custom, whenever people came to a house they were asked to walk in and +were offered a seat in the rear of the house, and food was placed before +them. In some such situation, particularly if the English had occasion +to be often in the Indian village, they may have repeatedly heard the +invitation, "step into the house." Likewise, the phrase _Nocharo mu_, +"touch me not," may have been translated by Madox (or his informant) +only vaguely, since it represents a situation rather than a concrete +object, which would be less liable to misinterpretation. Modern Coast +Miwok offers a close parallel in the form of _notcato mu_, which may be +literally translated "stay over there," or "stay away" (_notca_, +"farther," "yonder"). + +Madox's word for king, _Hioghe_, is similar to that given by Fletcher +(_Hioh_ or _Hyoh_), except that the _ghe_ ending is unusual. From the +words of the Indian song given by Madox (see below), in which _heigh_ +(i.e., _hai_) appears, it might be suspected that the _gh_ is silent; +yet why is the terminal _e_ present? It may be that if _Hioghe_ were +exactly similar phonetically to _Hioh_, there would not be a terminal +_e_ in _Hioghe_. Thus Madox's' _Hioghe_ may indicate a terminal sound +(short or weak _e_?) and therefore be close to modern Coast Miwok +_hoipa_ (and Sierra Miwok _haiapo_). That the _gh_ might be an +indication of the _p_ sound is possible, or, again, it could represent +Madox's attempt to render a weak or indefinite labial sound which was +imperfectly remembered by his informant. Too close a phonetic +transcription of an Indian language by Elizabethan Englishmen should not +be expected--there was little standardization in English spelling[106] +at that time. The foregoing is not advanced as an argument to show that +the terminal "e" was sounded, but is merely presented as a possibility. +Elizabethan English commonly used an unpronounced terminal "e." The song +of the Indians "when they worship god" is given by Madox as _Hodeli oh +heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_. No Coast Miwok or Pomo song on record +accords exactly with that given by Madox, although some are quite +similar. For example, a Coast Miwok _Suya_ song transcribed by Kelly is +a repetitive line _Yo ya he yo he o_. Other examples from the Coast +Miwok are not available, but some Pomo ceremonial songs may be cited. +Stephen Powers[107] gives a Sanel Pomo song: + + _Hel-lel-li-ley + Hel-lel-lo + Hel-lel-lu_ + +E. M. Loeb[108] gives several Pomo songs which are associated with the +Kuksu or ghost ceremony: + + 1. _He yo he yo he yo + He yoha eheya ye + To ya he yo ho ho_ + + 2. _Tali, tali, yo yo weya yo, weya yo, + ha hi he ya he hotsaii ya hi ho._ + + 3. _He ha le me, le lu hi ma humane, hu ..._ + +Other Pomo songs used in ceremonies are given by Loeb:[109] + + 1. _=U =u hulai leli ha ha._ + + 2. _He he la le ha hi hi hi, ya ya ya, hu wa!_ + + 3. _Yo yo hale e he na gagoya =o he he!_ + + 4. _Ho yu ko, he he, a ha a a. Hi ye ko, lai ye ko, He tsi ye._ + + 5. _Yo ho yo ho yaho, he yo ho waha._ + +These examples show how generally similar are the Coast Miwok[110] and +Pomo ceremonial songs of today to the song of 1579 given by Madox. Here +again an exact correspondence should not be expected, since it is not +known whether the song given by Madox was one associated with a +particular ceremonial occurrence, nor is it known how changeable these +songs are. And again, in the time that has passed and in the changing +course of circumstances since 1579, some exactness has almost inevitably +been sacrificed. Madox's statement that the natives sang "one dauncing +first wh his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people" +verifies Fletcher's description of the singing and dancing at the time +of the great ceremony of June 26. + + + SUPPOSED INDIAN TRADITIONS OF DRAKE'S VISIT + +Professor George Davidson was the second investigator to use an Indian +tradition as evidence of the Drake's Bay location of the 1579 +visit.[111] The source of the tradition is in J. P. Munro-Fraser's +_History of Marin County_,[112] and is stated as follows: + + First of all comes an old Indian legend which comes down + through the Nicasios to the effect that Drake did land at this + place [Drake's Bay]. Although they have been an interior tribe + ever since the occupation by the Spaniards and doubtless were + at that time, it still stands to reason that they would know + all about the matter. If the ship remained in the bay + thirty-six days it is reasonable to suppose that a knowledge of + its presence reached every tribe within an area of one hundred + miles and that the major portion of them paid a visit to the + bay to see the "envoys of the Great Spirit," as they regarded + the white seamen. One of these Indians named Theognis who is + reputed to have been one hundred and thirty years old when he + made the statement, says that Drake presented the Indians with + a dog, some young pigs, and seeds of several species of + grain.... The Indians also state that some of Drake's men + deserted him here, and, making their way into the country, + became amalgamated with the aboriginals to such an extent that + all traces of them were lost, except possibly a few names + [Nicasio, Novato] which are to be found among the Indians. + +Wagner feels that there is no reason or evidence to indicate that the +Nicasio Indian tradition refers to Drake,[113] a conclusion with which I +agree. If any early expedition did leave pigs with the Coast Miwok, it +could have been the Spanish one of 1793, which attempted unsuccessfully +to form a settlement at Bodega Bay. Felipe Goycoechea, in 1793 +specifically mentions seeing some pigs and chickens which the Spanish +had left earlier in the year with the Indians at that place.[114] With +Wagner's statement that, if any credit can be given to the pig episode, +Cermeno may have been the donor,[115] I cannot agree, mainly for the +reason that Cermeno's crew were hungry and would not have given the +Indians any pigs if they had had them. The story of the dog is +interesting since neither the Pomo nor Coast Miwok had dogs in +pre-Spanish times, and the evidence indicates that dogs were introduced +shortly after 1800.[116] Aside from these facts, the supposed Nicasio +tradition does not have a true ring--it is not the type of story that +Indians are accustomed to tell. + +A belief among the Coast Miwok[117] and some Pomo[118] tribes that the +home of the dead is associated with Point Reyes should perhaps be taken +into account. The belief is that this seaward projection is associated +with the dead, who follow a string leading out through the surf to the +land of the dead. It is barely possible that this belief, which is quite +clearly of Coast Miwok origin, is a legendary reminiscence of Drake's +visit which seems to have been, in part at least, interpreted by the +Indians as the return of the dead. It may be superfluous to mention that +no Indian has ever stated his idea of the origin of this legend,[119] or +of its association with the visit of Drake's party; yet there remains +the possibility that the occurrence made an impression so deep that +Point Reyes became in this way associated with the home of the dead in +the west, from which the English were supposed to have come and gone. If +this tradition were associated with Drake, it would, of course, signify +that his anchorage was behind Point Reyes in Drake's Bay. On the other +hand, this remarkable point which juts far out into the ocean is a +prominent feature of Coast Miwok territory, and by reason of its unique +topography might have been associated with local ceremonial +beliefs.[120] + +I may conclude this discussion by saying that no direct evidence of +Drake's visit in 1579 is to be found in recorded local Indian +traditions. In view of the long time that has intervened, no native +legendary evidence is to be expected. Euhemerism is ordinarily rather an +unproductive and hazardous approach for the historian. + + + RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION + +The results of this survey can now be weighed and a solution to the +problem of the location of Drake's California anchorage suggested. + +It has been shown that there is not a scrap of ethnographic evidence to +suggest that Drake landed in Trinidad Bay and saw the Yurok Indians. The +Hondius _Portus Novae Albionis_ might apply equally to Bodega Bay or +Drake's Bay, and by itself can only rise to the level of supporting, +rather than primary, evidence. Thus, in reference to the Trinidad Bay +theory, the map cannot alone and unaided prove the point against the +overwhelming evidence to the contrary. + +The ethnographic evidence indicates strongly, indeed almost +conclusively, that Drake landed in territory occupied by Coast Miwok +Indians.[121] Since Pomo culture and Coast Miwok Indian culture were so +similar as to be almost indistinguishable, the culture described by +Fletcher might refer to either Coast Miwok or Pomo, and no solution +would be forthcoming were it not for the additional fact that _all_ the +unquestionably native words (_Hioh_, _Gnaah_, _Huchee kecharo_, _Nocharo +mu_, _Cheepe_) are of Coast Miwok derivation. It may therefore be +concluded that Drake had contact mainly with the Coast Miwok. Any effort +to prove that the customs described point expressly to the Pomo as +Drake's visitors would have to deny the linguistic proofs and rest upon +the unlikely assumption that Pomo and Coast Miwok culture were markedly +divergent in 1579.[122] The Pomo ethnographic data cited here are +therefore to be looked upon not as unique Pomo cultural traits, but as +supplementary, comparative material which is at a premium for the Coast +Miwok. But there are two bays in Coast Miwok territory to which Drake +might have brought his ship. These are Drake's Bay and Bodega Bay. + +No internal evidence points specifically to either Drake's or Bodega +Bay--the accounts lack geographical detail,[123] the ethnographic Coast +Miwok culture was in operation in both bays, and contemporary maps are +so inaccurate and open to variable interpretation that nothing definite +can be ascertained from their inspection. What is needed, therefore, is +some hint or lead which will break this stalemate. There are two such +leads. The first is the plate of brass left by Drake and recently found +at Drake's Bay. Granted the authenticity of the Drake plate, it now does +not rank as an isolated find, however spectacular, but rather as good +supporting evidence of the conclusion based upon my ethnographic +analysis. The second point of evidence is Fletcher's statement that +"this country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called." The _Famous +Voyage_ version says almost the same, except that the country was named +_Nova Albion_, which agrees more closely with the wording of the Drake +plate. Wagner has discussed the white cliffs,[124] but his argument is +unconvincing. There is no good reason to doubt that the cliffs mentioned +were at the bay, since Fletcher implies that the naming took place +before the departure.[125] And it must be remembered that white cliffs +which face toward the sea[126] are at Drake's Bay and _not at Bodega_. + +In June, 1579, then, Drake probably landed in what is now known as +Drake's Bay. He remained there for five weeks repairing his ship, and +found the Indians the most remarkable objects of interest with which he +came in contact. From a comparative analysis of the detailed +descriptions of the native ceremonies, artifacts, and language I +conclude that in the fullest authentic account, _The World Encompassed_, +it is the Coast Miwok Indians that are referred to. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Alfred L. Kroeber, _Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau +of American Ethnology, Bulletin 78 (Washington, D.C., 1925). + +[2] Robert F. Heizer and William W. Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's +California Anchorage in the Light of the Indian Language Spoken There," +_Pacific Historical Review_, XI (1942), 213-217. + +[3] George C. Davidson, "Directory for the Pacific Coast of the United +States," _Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey ... 1858_ +(Washington, D.C., 1859). App. 44, pp. 297-458. + +[4] George C. Davidson, "An Examination of Some of the Early Voyages of +Discovery and Exploration on the Northwest Coast of America from 1539 to +1603," _Report of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey ... June, 1886_ +(Washington, D.C., 1887), App. 7, pp. 155-253; and _Identification of +Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage on the Coast of California in the Year +1579_, California Historical Society Publications (San Francisco, 1890). + +[5] George C. Davidson, "Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast of America +in the Year 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay of San +Francisco," _Transactions and Proceedings of the Geographical Society of +the Pacific_, ser. 2, Bull. 5. + +[6] Henry R. Wagner, "George Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast +of America," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), +299-320. The idea that Drake entered San Francisco Bay was held by +others than Davidson. See, for example, J. D. B. Stillman, "Did Drake +Discover San Francisco Bay?" _Overland Monthly_, I (1868), 332-337. See +also Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ (San +Francisco, 1926), chaps. vii and viii, and notes on pp. 488-499, esp. +pp. 495-496. + +[7] J. W. Robertson, _The Harbor of St. Francis_ (San Francisco, 1926). + +[8] Hubert Howe Bancroft, _History of California_, Vol. I: _1542-1800_ +(San Francisco, 1884), pp. 81-94. + +[9] Edward Everett Hale, in Justin Winsor, _Narrative and Critical +History of the United States_, Vol. III, pp. 74-78. + +[10] Alexander G. McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," _Proceedings of the +American Antiquarian Society_, n. s., XXVIII (1918), 189-198. R. P. +Bishop, "Drake's Course in the North Pacific," _British Columbia +Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), 151-182. + +[11] F. P. Sprent, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage round the World, +1577-1580, Two Contemporary Maps_ (London, 1927), pp. 10-11, map 2. + +[12] Samuel A. Barrett, _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring +Indians_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 6, No. 1 +(Berkeley, 1908), pp. 28-37. + +[13] _Ibid._, n. 7, pp. 36-37. + +[14] Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 275-278. + +[15] J. W. Robertson (_Francis Drake and Other Early Explorers along the +Pacific Coast_, San Francisco, 1927), in discussing Kroeber's analysis +of the Fletcher account (_op. cit._, p. 177), says: "There seems to be +no proof either that Drake landed at any particular harbor, or that +anything can be adduced so specific as to establish his residence on +this coast." The latter part of this statement cannot be maintained +seriously in the face of Kroeber's presentation of direct evidence to +the contrary. + +[16] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage." + +[17] The words recorded by Fletcher are in _The World Encompassed_. The +Madox vocabulary was printed by E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the +Pacific," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. Madox's +account has been further discussed by Wagner in the _California +Historical Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311. + +[18] See Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, map facing p. 332, and Kroeber, +_Handbook_, fig. 22, p. 274, for the area held by the Coast Miwok. + +[19] For details see _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI +(1937), 192. + +[20] For particulars see _Drake's Plate of Brass: Evidence of His Visit +to California in 1579_, California Historical Society, Special +Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937). + +[21] See R. B. Haselden, "Is the Drake Plate of Brass Genuine?" +_California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 271-274. +Haselden's queries have been answered already. W. Hume-Rotherby (review +of _Drake's Plate of Brass Authenticated_, in _Geographical Journal_, +CXIV [1939], 54-55) points out that the letters engraved on the plate +(B, N, M) are not paralleled by other sixteenth-century inscriptions, +and that the form of the numeral 5 is suspect. These and other problems +which he poses have the effect of creating a smokescreen of doubt +without contributing anything new. Wagner is skeptical of the date on +the plate (June 17) and of the fact that the plate is of brass rather +than lead ("Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts," +_Pacific Historical Review_, VII [1938], 297-326). + +[22] Allen L. Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of +Brass," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, XVI (1937), 275-281, +and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate," _ibid._, XVIII (1939), 251-253. + +[23] Herbert E. Bolton, "Francis Drake's Plate of Brass," in _Drake's +Plate of Brass_, California Historical Society, Special Publication No. +13 (San Francisco, 1937). + +[24] C. G. Fink and E. P. Polushkin, _Drake's Plate of Brass +Authenticated_ ... California Historical Society, Special Publication +No. 14 (San Francisco, 1938). + +[25] Wagner's theory is not stated explicitly in any one place, hence +specific reference is impossible. See his _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage +around the World_ (San Francisco, 1926), pp. 156-158, 169. + +[26] This is shown even more clearly on the Hezeta map of 1775 +reproduced by Herbert E. Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California +by Fray Francisco Palou_, 4 vols. (Berkeley, 1926), Vol. IV, facing p. +16. George C. Davidson in his _Identification_ (pp. 17-18, 34, 39) made +a similar identification of the Indian village site at the Limantour +Estero in Drake's Bay. + +[27] Bolton, _op. cit._, n. 19. See also L. L. Loud, _Ethnogeography and +Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and +Ethn., Vol. 14, No. 3 (Berkeley, 1918), p. 243. + +[28] H. R. Wagner, _Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America_, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 4 (San Francisco, +1929), p. 158. + +[29] For details see Kroeber, _Handbook_, pp. 78-79, pl. 9; and Loud, +_Ethnogeography_, pp. 243, 244. + +[30] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 157, 158. + +[31] "Fray Benito de la Sierra's Account of the Hezeta Expedition to the +Northwest Coast in 1775," trans. by A. J. Baker, introd. and notes by H. +R. Wagner, _California Historical Society Quarterly_, IX (1930), 218. + +[32] See T. A. Rickard, "The Use of Iron and Copper by the Indians of +British Columbia," _British Columbia Historical Quarterly_, III (1939), +26-27, where the Hezeta finds are expressly discussed. Rickard's opinion +also differs from Wagner's. + +[33] Francisco Eliza in 1793 said: "The Puerto de Trinidad is quite +small; no vessel can be moored so as to turn with the wind or tide. The +bottom for the most part is rock. The land consists of quite high and +extended hills full of pines and oaks" (H. R. Wagner, "The Last Spanish +Exploration of the Northwest Coast and the Attempt to Colonize Bodega +Bay," _California Historical Society Quarterly_, X [1931], 335). For +photographic views of Trinidad Bay see Thomas T. Waterman, _Yurok +Geography_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVI, No. 5 +(Berkeley, 1920), pls. 1, 16. + +[34] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 278, inferentially concurs with this +conclusion. + +[35] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 32-46. + +[36] Reprinted in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, pp. 27-30, and by Wagner in +_Drake's Voyage_, pp. 274-277. + +[37] Printed in Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt Society, +ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 50-51. + +[38] As Barrett (_Ethno-Geography_, map at end), Kroeber (_Handbook_, +pp. 272-275), and C. H. Merriam ("Distribution and Classification of the +Mewan Stock in California," _American Anthropologist_, IX [1907], +338-357), show, the Coast Miwok inhabited both Bodega Bay and Drake's +Bay territory. Thus the language (except for minor dialectic +differentiation) and culture are undoubtedly very similar at both bays. +This makes the problem of exclusive selection somewhat difficult. The +Madox vocabulary (see below, p. 282) was first presented in E. G. R. +Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments," _Pacific +Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. + +[39] The Fletcher-Madox vocabulary list does not resemble the Yurok +words for the same items or phrases. + +[40] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 147. B. Aginsky ("Psychopathic Trends +in Culture," _Character and Personality_, VII [1939], 331-343) quotes +Fletcher's description of Indian weeping and self-laceration, and calls +them Pomo, asserting that Drake landed in their territory and that the +ceremonies given in honor of the English exemplify the "Dionysian" phase +of Pomo culture. + +[41] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. + +[42] Don Francisco Mourelle, "Journal of a Voyage in 1775 to explore the +Coast of America, Northward of California ...," in _Miscellanies of the +Honorable Daines Barrington_ (London, 1781), pp. 471*-534*. See also +Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 158. + +[43] Kroeber. _Handbook_, fig. 21. + +[44] Roland B. Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," _Bulletin of the American +Museum of Natural History_, Vol. XVII, Pt. III (1905), fig. 19. + +[45] John P. Harrington, "Tobacco among the Karuk Indians," Bureau of +American Ethnology, Bull. 94 (1932), 17-18, 40. + +[46] The Coast Miwok word for tobacco is _kaiyau_. For the North, +Central, Eastern, and Northeastern Pomo it is _saxa_, _saka_, _sako_: +for the Southern, Southwestern, and Southeastern Pomo it is _kawa_, +_tom-kawa_ (Roland B. Dixon, "Words for Tobacco in American Indian +Languages," _American Anthropologist_, XXIII [1921], 30). + +[47] See discussion in Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California +Anchorage." + +[48] Berthold Laufer, "Introduction of Tobacco into Europe," Field +Museum of Natural History Anthropological Leaflet No. 19 (1924), pp. 6 +ff. + +[49] _Handbook_, p. 277. + +[50] Compare Fletcher's statements of the attitude of the Indians with +that of Cermeno, who was in Drake's Bay in 1595 and said, "... the other +Indians approached in an humble manner and as if terrorized, and yielded +peacefully" (Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159). + +[51] This custom is a general central Californian cultural feature. See +E. M. Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., +Vol. XIX, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 286, 287, 291; R. B. Dixon, "The +Northern Maidu," pp. 242, 252; A. L. Kroeber, _The Patwin and their +Neighbors_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIX, No. 4 +(Berkeley, 1932) p. 272; C. Purdy, "The Pomo Indian Baskets and Their +Makers," _Overland Monthly_, XV (1901), 449. See also below, notes 56 +and 57. + +[52] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. 33. + +[53] Fritz Krause, _Die Kultur der Kalifornischen Indianer_ (Leipzig, +1921), map 4. + +[54] A rather lengthy digression must be made here since the details are +involved. S. A. Barrett ("Pomo Buildings," _Holmes Anniversary Volume_, +Washington, D.C., 1916, p. 7) states that semisubterranean, +earth-covered houses were used about 1900 by men of means (chiefs, good +hunters, lucky gamblers, and medicine men). This house was a small +edition of the larger dance house (described by Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, p. 10). Fletcher's description says that in the +majority of houses the combined roof entrance and smoke hole was +present. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that some +houses had the ground-level tunnel entrance which should be expected in +the area. In historic times the Pomo seem, in large part, to have given +up making these permanent dwellings in favor of less permanent mat- or +grass-covered houses, which were inexpensive and more convenient to +erect. The same process of loss seems to have occurred among the Coast +Miwok, since Dr. Kelly's informants did not remember such houses. +Archaeological sites in the Point Reyes-Drake's Bay region show numerous +circular depressions which are clearly the remains of such houses. A +further indication of their presence at an earlier time can be gained +from "linguistic archaeology." The Sierra (Interior) Miwok use the word +_kotca_ for the earth-covered, underground house with combined roof +entrance and smoke hole (S. A. Barrett and E. W. Gifford, "Miwok +Material Culture," _Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of +Milwaukee_, Vol. II, No. 4 [1933], p. 198). The same word for house +(i.e., dwelling) is present among the Coast Miwok (Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, word no. 64, p. 71), who once had a similar house, as +is shown by archaeological remains, but abandoned it in ethnographic +times. It is not unreasonable on these grounds to assume the presence in +Coast Miwok territory of the type of house described by Fletcher. + +[55] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration of the Northwest Coast and +the Attempt to Colonize Bodega Bay," _California Historical Society +Quarterly_, X (1931), 331. + +[56] Bolton, _Historical Memoirs of New California by Fray Francisco +Palou_, Vol. IV, p. 48. + +[57] I. T. Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." (MS). + +[58] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 158. J. Broughton, in his _Voyage of +Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean ... in the Years 1795 ... 1798_ +(London, 1804), said that the Drake's Bay Indian men whom he saw were +naked, but that the women were clothed "in some degree." + +[59] "Menzies' California Journal," ed. by Alice Eastwood, _California +Historical Society Quarterly_, II (1924), 302-303. + +[60] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 331. + +[61] James Colnett, _The Journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the +"Argonaut" from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791_, ed. by F. N. Howay, +Champlain Society, Publ. No. 26 (Toronto, 1940), p. 175. + +[62] Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, p. 159. + +[63] Exact documentation is impossible here, but such an explanation +would fit the facts, and the custom of sending a messenger to announce a +visit was a feature of the whole area (Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 49). + +[64] See E. W. Gifford and A. L. Kroeber. _Culture Element +Distributions, IV: Pomo_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. +XXXVII, No. 4 (Berkeley, 1937), elements nos. 805-807, p. 154. + +[65] Barrett, _Ethno-Geography_, p. 415. + +[66] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[67] Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, D.C., 1877), +pp. 165, 169, 170, 181; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 286, 287; Barrett, +"Pomo Buildings," p. 11. See also above, p. 261, n. 42. I can see no +possible relationship between the clear account by Fletcher of +self-laceration and Wagner's discussion of tattooing (_Drake's Voyage_, +p. 494, n. 49). As the comparative notes cited clearly show, the tearing +of the flesh by the California Indians is no "story" which needs an +involved, roundabout, and improbable explanation. + +[68] For the Coast Miwok and Pomo words for "sing" see Barrett, +_Ethno-Geography_, word no. 265, pp. 67, 79. The Pomo words are totally +unlike _Gnaah_ or _koya_. See also Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis +Drake's California Anchorage," pp. 214, 216. There is a logical +possibility of a copying error in _Gnaah_ from Fletcher's manuscript +notes. If it had originally been written _Guaah_ or _Gyaah_, it would be +very close indeed to _koya_. + +[69] E. M. Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. +and Ethn., Vol. XXXIII, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1932), p. 49, and _Pomo +Folkways_, p. 192; S. A. Barrett, _Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians_, +Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn., Vol. XII, No. 10 (Berkeley, +1917), p. 402, and "Pomo Buildings," p. 11. + +[70] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 403. + +[71] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, pp. +207-208; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 366; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 425. +The Kuksu staff was feathered on the end, whereas that of Calnis was +somewhat shorter and did not have the feather tuft. Kroeber, _Handbook_, +pp. 261-262; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 110, 128. + +[72] They were manufactured chiefly by the Pomo and Northern Coast +Miwok. See E. W. Gifford, _Clear Lake Pomo Society_, Univ. Calif. Publ. +Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (Berkeley, 1926), pp. 377-388; +Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 248; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Gifford +and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, (pp. 186-187). + +[73] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 29, 30, Pl. XLIX. + +[74] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[75] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 433; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 178. + +[76] Cf. Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 405, 438-439. + +[77] Illustrated in Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 20. See also Gifford and +Kroeber, elements 88, 89; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 432; Kelly, "Coast +Miwok Ethnography." And see Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," Pl. XLVIII, +fig. 25. + +[78] Gifford and Kroeber, element no. 4. Kelly, "Coast Miwok +Ethnography." + +[79] Illustrated and described by Kroeber, _Handbook_, pl. 55, _a_, and +pp. 264, 269, 388, and illustrated by Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," fig. +33. See also Gifford and Kroeber, elements nos. 81 ff.; Barrett, +_Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 432; Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 200. The +down-filled net cap was used by the Coast Miwok in the Kuksu and other +ceremonial performances. + +[80] Dixon, "The Northern Maidu," figs. 19-21. + +[81] Kroeber, _Handbook_, fig. 21. + +[82] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 407, n. 12. + +[83] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography"; Wagner, _Spanish Voyages_, pp. +158, 159 (Drake's Bay). + +[84] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, p. 158; Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 407, 433; +Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions: IV, Pomo_, element +no. 96, pp. 207-208. + +[85] I can find no record that the down of milkweed (or of any other +plant) was used. Most ethnographic accounts (see n. 79) above list the +use of eagle down. That Fletcher was probably correct in attributing the +source of the downy substance to a plant is shown by his reference to +the seeds of the same plant. There is also the probability that he saw +the plant itself on the journey into the interior. From my own +observation I know that at least three different plants producing such +down grow on Point Reyes. + +[86] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." Dr. Kelly's informants at Bodega +in describing just such baskets said, "They were just for show"--i.e., +had no practical or utilitarian use. Her San Rafael informant also knew +of such baskets. + +[87] For illustrations and description see J. W. Hudson, "Pomo Basket +Makers," _Overland Monthly_, ser. 2, XXI (1893), 571, and C. Purdy, "The +Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," _ibid._, XV (1901), 438, 446. O. +M. Dalton ("Notes on an Ethnographical Collection from the West Coast of +North America ... Formed during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, +1790-1795," _Internationale Archiv fuer Ethnographie_, Vol. X [Leiden, +1897]), shows (fig. f, p. 232; Pl. XV, fig. 4) several Pomo baskets +which might as well have been the ones described by Fletcher. It seems +possible that these were collected at Bodega Bay, since some of the +Vancouver party visited there, but this is not certain. In Mission times +many Coast Miwok and even some Pomo were brought to San Francisco and +San Jose as neophytes. These individuals might well account for the +Pomo-Coast Miwok type of feathered baskets collected there in the early +nineteenth century by von Langsdorff or Chamisso, both of whom +illustrate such pieces in their published accounts. Barrett, _Pomo +Indian Basketry_, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. VII, No. 3 +(Berkeley, 1908), discusses at length (pp. 141-145, 168) feather and +shell materials used in the manufacture of these decorated baskets. A +number of examples are shown in Barrett's plate 21. The same +anthropologist ("Pomo Buildings," pp. 1-17) mentions the use of +feather-decorated baskets among the Pomo as sacrifices to the dead. + +[88] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 245. + +[89] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[90] Gifford and Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, IV: Pomo_, +element no. 807, p. 197, n. + +[91] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, p. 400, mentions a principal singer who +started and led the air of the songs, but does not indicate whether he +might be identifiable with the "scepter bearer." + +[92] See Barrett, _Ceremonies_, _passim_; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_ +and _Pomo Folkways_, _passim_; Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography" +_passim_. + +[93] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 492, n. 37. Wagner says that this word +"sounds" to him like an exclamation. To Elmendorf and me it "sounds" +like the Coast Miwok word for chief or friend. The latter proposal rests +upon both phonetic and semantic resemblances. + +[94] For the Coast Miwok words for "chief" and "friend" see Barrett, +_The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians_, words nos. 62, 64, pp. 70, +71. The Pomo words (p. 58) are totally unlike those of the Coast Miwok. +Barrett, _Ceremonies_, mentions a Kuksu curing call, _hyo_, which was +repeated four times. Although the call is phonetically similar, the +context is so unlike, that a correspondence with Fletcher's word for +chief or king is improbable. + +[95] Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369. + +[96] Barrett, _Ceremonies_, pp. 412, 431; Loeb, _The Western Kuksu +Cult_, p. 118. + +[97] Kroeber, _Handbook_, table 10, p. 876. + +[98] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[99] The ground squirrel and Point Reyes mountain beaver have been +variously identified as Fletcher's "conies." See Wagner, _Drake's +Voyage_, p. 492-493, n. 42. + +[100] See photograph in McAdie, "Nova Albion--1579," fig. 1. + +[101] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[102] Kroeber, _Handbook_, p. 277. + +[103] These "burnt offerings" are ascribed to the Trinidad Bay Yurok by +Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 157), but there is no need to look so far +afield for parallels when the Coast Miwok-Pomo area fits the case so +well. + +[104] Memorial ceremonies for the dead are a characteristic feature of +central California culture; see Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, p. 117 +(Coast Miwok). + +[105] Heizer and Elmendorf, "Francis Drake's California Anchorage." + +[106] For evidence of this, using the words on Drake's plate of brass, +see Allen Chickering, "Some Notes with Regard to Drake's Plate of Brass" +and "Further Notes on the Drake Plate." + +[107] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 171. Cf. the Huchnom song +facing p. 144. + +[108] Loeb, _The Western Kuksu Cult_, pp. 103, 127, 128. + +[109] Loeb, _Pomo Folkways_, pp. 374, 392, 393. See also Barrett, +_Ceremonies_, pp. 409, 413. + +[110] Because of the high degree of similarity between all phases of +Pomo and Coast Miwok ceremonies, a close correspondence, or even +identity, in the songs connected with these ceremonies may safely be +assumed. + +[111] Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage," p. +35. + +[112] J. P. Munro-Fraser, _History of Marin County_ (San Francisco, +1880), pp. 96-97. + +[113] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 148, 167, 494. + +[114] Wagner, "The Last Spanish Exploration," p. 334. + +[115] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 167. + +[116] A. L. Kroeber, _Culture Element Distributions, XV: Salt, Dogs, +Tobacco_, Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., Vol. VI, No. 1 (Berkeley, 1941), +pp. 6 ff., map 5. + +[117] Kelly, "Coast Miwok Ethnography." + +[118] Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 200. + +[119] Kelly's informant did say that "before steamers used to travel +along the coast" certain occurrences in connection with this belief in +the land of the dead took place. This may be a memory of an incident +which once was more specifically remembered. At best, however, it is +improbable that there would be any tradition of Drake's visit per se. + +[120] Such incidents are not uncommon in California. Note, for example, +the legendary significance of Mount Diablo to the Indian tribes of +central California. + +[121] I disagree with Wagner's statement (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 169): +"The truth probably is that Drake stopped at two or three different +places on the coast [Trinidad Bay, Bodega Bay] and the writer of the +original narrative or the compilers who worked on it embodied in one +description those of all the Indians he met." The part of the _World +Encompassed_ account treated here has shown itself to be a homogeneous +description, interspersed with some naive interpretation of west-central +California coast Indian culture, and cannot be looked upon as a +composite description. To believe otherwise would seriously distort the +facts. This conclusion I submit as one of the most important results of +the present inquiry. + +[122] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 492-495, does select the Pomo as +having the customs and manners described by Fletcher. In this he was +inevitably guided by the more abundant Pomo data. Kroeber's selection of +Drake's Bay as the site of the anchorage (_Handbook_, p. 278) rests upon +the same grounds as my conclusion. Wagner (_Drake's Voyage_, p. 497, n. +10) takes issue with Kroeber and raises several objections without +answering them satisfactorily. + +[123] Wagner is concerned over this fact. He says (_Drake's Voyage_, p. +498, n. 24) that a reference to Drake's Estero should have been included +in the narrative "since the Indian villages were almost entirely located +upon it." In answer it may be observed that the Indian villages of +Drake's time were situated sporadically around the shore of Drake's Bay +as well as on the estero. One might as well ask at the same time why +Fletcher did not mention Tomales Bay if Drake were at Bodega? + +[124] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 151. + +[125] And, significantly, the Drake plate of brass uses the words "Nova +Albion." This is independently attested by John Drake in his first +declaration. + +[126] See Francisco de Bolanos' explicit mention of the white cliffs in +Drake's Bay as prominent landmarks (Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, p. 498, n. +19). See also Davidson, "Identification of Sir Francis Drake's +Anchorage," p. 31. Richard Madox refers to the California anchorage as +"Ships Land," perhaps the name given to the place by the sailors +themselves. + + + + + APPENDIX I + + THE SOURCES + + +There are in existence at least three useful independent accounts of Sir +Francis Drake's California visit in 1579. These are: (1) the _World +Encompassed_ and the similar _Famous Voyage_ accounts; (2) the second +deposition of John Drake, and (3) the valuable notes of Richard Madox. + +_The Famous Voyage and The World Encompassed._--The _Famous Voyage_, +first printed in 1589, was compiled by Richard Hakluyt from three +sources--John Cooke's manuscript, the _Anonymous Narrative_, and the +Francis Fletcher manuscript.[A-1] _The World Encompassed_, which +probably was in manuscript form a few years after Drake's return to +England, did not appear in print until 1628. The sources of this account +are the Fletcher manuscript, the Edward Cliffe account, and the +relations of Nuno da Silva and Lopez de Vaz.[A-2] It is obvious to any +reader that the _Famous Voyage_ and _World Encompassed_ accounts of the +California Indians are closely similar in wording, the chief difference +between the two being that the latter account is fuller than the +former.[A-3] The richer detail does not indicate literary padding, since +the additional information is ethnographically sound. One gets the +impression that the _Famous Voyage_ version is an abridgement of _The +World Encompassed_ account itself, or perhaps its source, though if this +is so in fact only the bibliographers can tell. Henry R. Wagner has +carefully analyzed the various accounts of the Drake voyage,[A-4] and is +inclined, no doubt with good reason, to treat the _World Encompassed_ +version as "untrustworthy"; yet this characterization hardly holds for +what it tells of the California Indians, which, within limits of +interpretation, is a straightforward, detailed ethnographic record, of +convincing authenticity. + +It is fairly certain that Francis Fletcher's "Notes" was the source of +the description of California Indian manners and customs, since, as +Wagner points out, the descriptions of the Patagonians and Fuegians in +the first half of the Fletcher manuscript (the second half is now lost) +agree very closely in wording with the descriptions of the California +coast Indians.[A-5] + +Of Francis Fletcher, chaplain and diarist of the Drake expedition, O. M. +Dalton says: + + ... it may ... be suggested that Fletcher was not such a + romancer as has sometimes been supposed. There is really a + large amount of information condensed in his few pages,--as + much, or perhaps more, than is to be found in many chapters of + later and more diffuse historians or travellers. That he should + have seen strange and unprecedented occurrences in the light of + his own limited knowledge and of the narrow experience of his + time, was after all a psychological necessity. His narrative, + like the sea-god Glaucus in Plato's Republic, is obscured by + strange incrustations; nevertheless with a little patience the + fictitious shell may be removed and the solid fact discovered + intact beneath it.... It is apparent that the whole passage + describing Drake's interview with the "King," on which some + ridicule has been cast, is chiefly absurd because the narrator + inevitably reads into the social conditions of an uncultured + tribe something of the European etiquette of the day.... It was + only natural that a difficulty should have been experienced by + minds, not scientifically trained, in finding an appropriate + terminology by which to describe unfamiliar objects.... Other + instances might be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show + that Fletcher described scenes that actually passed before his + eyes, while the inferences he drew from them were erroneous. It + is only fair, if small things may be compared with great, that + the humble chronicler of a later day should be accorded the + same liberal method of interpretation which has long been + granted to classical authors.[A-6] + +_John Drake's Second Declaration._--John Drake was the orphan son of +Robert Drake, who was the uncle of Francis Drake. John Drake accompanied +his cousin on the voyage round the world, and subsequently went along on +the Edward Fenton expedition, was shipwrecked in the River Plate (1582), +taken captive by the Indians, and escaped only to fall into the hands of +the Spanish. John Drake was questioned by the authorities, and in his +second deposition there is a brief account of the occurrences in +California, 1579.[A-7] + + There he [Francis Drake] landed and built huts and remained a + month and a half, caulking his vessel. The victuals they found + were mussels and sea-lions. During that time many Indians came + there and when they saw the Englishmen they wept and scratched + their faces with their nails until they drew blood, as though + this were an act of homage or adoration. By signs Captain + Francis told them not to do that, for the Englishmen were not + God. These people were peaceful and did no harm to the English, + but gave them no food. They are of the colour of the Indians + here [Peru] and are comely. They carry bows and arrows and go + naked. The climate is temperate, more cold than hot. To all + appearance it is a very good country. Here he caulked his large + ship and left the ship he had taken in Nicaragua. He departed, + leaving the Indians, to all appearances, sad.[A-8] + +_Richard Madox's Account of California._--In 1932, Miss E. G. R. Taylor +discovered in the diary of Richard Madox, Chaplain aboard Edward +Fenton's ship in 1582, some remarks on Drake's visit on the California +coast in 1579.[A-9] Madox was not a member of the Drake expedition, and +it is safe to assume that his notes consist of information received in +conversation with some of Fenton's crew who had accompanied Drake. These +could have been William Hawkins, John Drake, Thomas Hood, and Thomas +Blackcollar.[A-10] Miss Taylor notes Madox's categorical statement that +"Syr Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north" +together with evidence from other sources, and concludes that "it would +appear that Drake's anchorage must be sought in Oregon rather than in +California, perhaps in Gray's Bay, or at the mouth of the Raft River." +Miss Taylor had hoped to get a clue from the Madox vocabulary, but was +unsuccessful. Henry Wagner has answered Miss Taylor's Oregon claim +effectively,[A-11] and the identification of the Madox vocabulary as +Coast Miwok is further proof that the statement "at 48 degrees" is an +error. The log raft depicted by Madox and discussed by Miss Taylor and +Mr. Wagner is a typical Peruvian sailing raft, as reference to S. K. +Lothrop's detailed paper will demonstrate;[A-12] it has no relation +whatsoever to California. + +The relevant portion of Madox's account is as follows: + + In ships land wh is ye back syde of Labradore and as Mr. Haul + [Christopher Hall] supposeth nye thereunto Syr Frances Drake + graved and bremd his ship at 48 degrees to ye north. Ye people + ar for feature color apparel diet and holo speach lyke to those + of Labradore and is thowght kyngles for they crowned Syr + Frances Drake. Ther language is thus. + + _Cheepe_ bread + _Huchee kecharoh_ sit downe + _Nocharo mu_ tuch me not + _Hioghe_ a king + + Ther song when they worship god is thus--one dauncing first wh + his handes up, and al ye rest after lyke ye prest and people + _Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh_ + + Yt is thowght yt they of Labradore [do] worship ye son and ye + moon but [whether they] do of calphurnia I kno not....[A-13] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[A-1] Henry R. Wagner, _Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the World_ +(San Francisco, 1926), p. 241. + +[A-2] _Ibid._, pp. 287, 289. + +[A-3] _The World Encompassed_ account of Drake in California is +reprinted in Appendix II, below. It is printed in full in Volume XVI of +the Hakluyt Society publications (ed. W. S. Vaux; London, 1854). The +_Famous Voyage_ is easily accessible in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, +California Historical Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San +Francisco, 1937), pp. 27-30. + +[A-4] Wagner, _Drake's Voyage_, pp. 229 ff., n. 1. + +[A-5] _Ibid._, pp. 61, 147, 245, 290. + +[A-6] O. M. Dalton, "Notes on an Ethnographical Collection ... Formed +during the Voyage of Captain Vancouver, 1790-1795," _Internationale +Archiv fuer Ethnographie_, Vol. X. (Leiden, 1897), p. 235. A. L. Kroeber +says, "The passage is a somewhat prolix mixture of narration and +depiction...." (_Handbook of the Indians of California_, Bureau of +American Ethnology, Bull. 78 [Washington, D. C., 1925], pp. 275-276). + +[A-7] For details see Zelia Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, Hakluyt +Society, ser. 2, Vol. 34 (London, 1914), pp. 18-23. See also Wagner, +_Drake's Voyage_, pp. 328-334. + +[A-8] Nuttall, _New Light on Drake_, pp. 50-51. + +[A-9] For details see E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis Drake and the Pacific: +Two Fragments," _Pacific Historical Review_, I (1932), 360-369. + +[A-10] For details see _ibid._, pp. 363-365; Henry R. Wagner, "George +Davidson, Geographer of the Northwest Coast," _California Historical +Society Quarterly_, XI (1932), 309-311; and Nuttall, _New Light on +Drake_, pp. 19-20. + +[A-11] Wagner, "George Davidson," pp. 310-311. + +[A-12] S. K. Lothrop, "Aboriginal Navigation off the West Coast of South +America," _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, LXII (1932), +235-238, figs. 9_a_, 9_b_, 10. + +[A-13] Reprinted from Taylor, _loc. cit._, p. 369. + + + + + APPENDIX II + + EXTRACT FROM "THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE" + + London: Printed for Nicholas Bovrne, 1628. "Carefully collected + out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher _Preacher in this + employment, and diuers others his followers in the same_." + (Pp. 64-81.)[B-1] + + +In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, and +Iune 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of +Iuly following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the +height of Summer, and so neere the Sunne; yet were wee continually +visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before; insomuch that if +violent exercises of our bodies, and busie imployment about our +necessarie labours, had not sometimes compeld vs to the contrary, we +could very well haue beene contented to haue kept about vs still our +Winter clothes; yea (had not necessities suffered vs) to haue kept our +beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteene dayes together, +find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of Sunne or +starre.... [Omitted here is a lengthy discourse on the weather.] + +The next day after our comming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the +people of the countrey shewed themselues; sending off a man with great +expedition to vs in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shoare, +and a great way from our ship, spake to vs continually as he came rowing +on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himselfe, he began more +solemnely a long and tedious oration, after his manner: vsing in the +deliuerie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning +his head and body many wayes; and after his oration ended, with great +shew of reuerence and submission, returned back to shoare againe. He +shortly came againe the second time in like manner, and so the third +time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of +feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crow, very neatly and +artificially gathered vpon a string, and drawne together into a round +bundle; being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an +equall proportion one with another; a speciall cognizance (as wee +afterwards obserued) which they that guard their kings person, weare on +their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, +and filled with an herb which they called _Tabah_. Both which being tyed +to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our Generall intended to haue +recompenced him immediately with many good things, he would haue +bestowed vpon him: but entring into the boate to deliuer the same, he +could not be drawne to receiue them by any means: saue one hat, which +being cast into the water out of the ship, he tooke vp (refusing vtterly +to meddle with any other thing, though it were vpon a board put off vnto +him) and so presently made his returne. After which time, our boate +could row no way, but wondring at vs as at gods, they would follow the +same with admiration. + +The 3. day following, viz. the 21. our ship hauing receiued a leake at +sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being +landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to preuent any +danger, that might chance against our safety, our generall first of all +landed his men, with all necessary prouision, to build tents and make a +fort for the defence of our selues and goods: and that wee might vnder +the shelter of it, with more safety (what euer should befall) end our +businesse; which when the people of the country perceiued vs doing, as +men set on fire to war, in defence of their countrie, in great hast and +companies, with such weapons as they had, they came downe vnto vs; and +yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt vs: standing when they +drew neare, as men rauished in their mindes, with the sight of such +things as they neuer had seene, or heard of before that time: their +errand being rather with submission and feare to worship vs as Gods, +then to haue any warre with vs as with mortall men. Which thing is it +did partly shew it selfe at that instant, so did it more and more +manifest it selfe afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst +them. At this time, being willed by signes to lay from them their bowes +and arrowes, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as +they came more and more by companies vnto them, growing in a little +while, to a great number both of men and women. + +To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselues so +willingly sought, might without any cause of breach thereof, on our part +giuen, be continued; and that wee might with more safety and expedition, +end our businesses in quiet; our Generall with all his company, vsed all +meanes possible, gently to intreate them, bestowing vpon each of them +liberally, good and necessary things to couer their nakednesse, withall +signifying vnto them, we were no Gods but men, and had neede of such +things to couer our owne shame; teaching them to vse them to the same +ends: for which cause also wee did eate and drinke in their presence, +giuing them to vnderstand, that without that wee could not liue, and +therefore were but men as well as they. + +Notwithstanding nothing could perswade them, nor remoue that opinion, +which they had conceiued of vs, that wee should be Gods. + +In recompence of those things which they had receiued of vs, as shirts +linnen cloth, &c. they betsowed vpon our generall, and diuerse of our +company, diuerse things, as feathers, cawles of networke, the quiuers of +their arrowes, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that +their women wore vpon their bodies. Hauing thus had their fill of this +times visiting and beholding of vs, they departed with ioy to their +houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and haue from +the vppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set vp, and ioyned +close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: +which being couered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very +warme, the doore in the most part of them, performes the office of a +chimney, to let out the smoake: its made in bignesse and fashion, like +to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are +the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed vpon it, and lying round +about the house, haue their fire in the middest, which by reason that +the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giueth a maruelous +reflexion to their bodies to heate the same. + +Their men for the most part goe naked, the women take a kinde of +bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hempe, make themselues +thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges +downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that, +which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they weare +also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it. They are very obedient +to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all seruices: yet of +themselues offring to do nothing, without the consents, or being called +of the men. + +As soone as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst +themselues a kind of most lamentable weeping & crying out; which they +continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place +where they left vs (being neere about 3-quarters of an English mile +distant from them) we very plainely, with wonder and admiration did +heare the same; the women especially, extending their voices, in a most +miserable and dolefull manner of shreeking. + +Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselues, and awfull +demeanour vsed towards vs, we thought it no wisedome too farre to trust +them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with vs before, made vs +carefull to prouide against an alteration of their affections, or breach +of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set +vp our tents, and entrenched ourselues with walls of stone: that so +being fortified within ourselues, we might be able to keepe off the +enemie (if they should so proue) from comming amongst vs without our +good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerefully and +securely afterward, about our other businesse. + +Against the end of two daies (during which time they had not againe +beene with vs) there was gathered together a great assembly of men, +women, and children (inuited by the report of them which first saw vs, +who as it seemes, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselues into +the country, to make knowne the newes) who came now the second time vnto +vs, bringing with them as before had beene done, feathers and bagges of +_Tobah_ for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, vpon this +perswasion that we were Gods. + +When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottome whereof wee had +built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their cheife +speaker) wearied both vs his hearers, and himselfe too, with a long and +tedious oration: deliuered with strange and violent gestures, his voice +being extended to the vttermost strength of nature, and his words +falling so thicke one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch +his breath againe: so soone as he had concluded, all the rest, with a +reuerend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long +producing of the same) cryed _Oh_: thereby giuing their consents, that +all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had vttered their +minde by his mouth vnto vs; which done, the men laying downe their bowes +vpon the hill, and leauing their women and children behinde them, came +downe with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before +a God indeed: thinking themselues happy, that they might haue accesse +vnto our generall, but much more happy, when they sawe that he would +receiue at their hands, those things which they so willingly had +presented: and no doubt, they thought themselues neerest vnto God, when +they sate or stood next to him: In the meane time the women, as if they +had been desperate, vsed vnnaturall violence against themselues, crying +and shreeking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nailes from +their cheekes, in a monstrous manner, the bloode streaming downe along +their brests; besides despoiling the vpper parts of their bodies, of +those single couerings they formerly had, and holding their hands aboue +their heads, that they might not rescue their brests from harme, they +would with furie cast themselues vpon the ground, neuer respecting +whether it were cleane or soft, but dashed themselues in this manner on +hard stones, knobby, hillocks, stocks of wood, and pricking bushes, or +whateuer else lay in their way, itterating the same course againe and +againe: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and +others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strengths failed +them) exercised this cruelty against themselues: A thing more grieuous +for vs to see, or suffer could we haue holpe it, then trouble to them +(as it seemed) to do it. + +This bloudie sacrifice (against our wils) beeing thus performed, our +Generall with his companie in the presence of those strangers fell to +prayers: and by signes in lifting vp our eyes and hands to heauen, +signified vnto them, that that God whom we did serue, and whom they +ought to worship, was aboue: beseeching God if it were his good pleasure +to open by some meanes their blinded eyes; that they might in due time +be called to the knowledge of him the true and euerliuing God, and of +Iesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salutation of the Gentiles. In the +time of such prayers, singing of Psalmes, and reading of certaine +Chapters in the Bible, they sate very attentiuely: and obseruing the end +at euery pause, with one voice still cryed, Oh, greatly reioycing in our +exercises. Yea they tooke such pleasure in our singing of Psalmes, that +whensoeuer they resorted to vs, their first request was _Gnaah_, by +which they intreated that we would sing. + +Our General hauing now bestowed vpon them diuers things, at their +departure they restored them all againe; none carrying with him any +thing of whatsoeuer hee had receiued, thinking themselues sufficiently +enriched and happie, that they had found so free accesse to see vs. + +Against the end of three daies more (the newes hauing the while spread +it selfe farther, and as it seemed a great way vp into the countrie) +were assembled the greatest number of people, which wee could reasonably +imagine, to dwell within any conuenient distance round about. Amongst +the rest, the king himselfe, a man of goodly stature and comely +personage, attended with his guard, of about 100. tall and warlike men, +this day, viz. Iune 26. came downe to see vs. + +Before his coming, were sent two Embassadors or messengers to our +Generall, to signifie that their _Hioh_, that is, their king was comming +and at hand. They in the deliuery of their message the one spake with a +soft and low voice, prompting his fellow; the other pronounced the same +word by words after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their +proclamation (for such it was) about halfe an houre. Which being ended, +they by signes made request to our Generall, to send something by their +hands to their _Hioh_, or king, as a token that his comming might be in +peace. Our Generall willingly satisfied their desire; and they, glad +men, made speedy returne to their _Hioh_: Neither was it long before +their king (making as princely a shew as possibly he could) with all his +traine came forward. + +In their comming forwards they cryed continually after a singing manner +with a lustie courage. And as they drew neerer and neerer towards vs, so +did they more and more striue to behaue themselues with a certaine +comelinesse and grauity in all their actions. + +In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing +the Septer or royall mace (made of a certaine kind of blacke wood, and +in length about a yard and a halfe) before the king. Whereupon hanged +two crownes, a bigger and a lesse, with three chaines of a maruellous +length, and often doubled; besides a bagge of the herbe _Tabah_. The +crownes were made of knitworke, wrought vpon most curiously with +feathers of diuers colours, very artificially placed, and of a formall +fashion: The chaines seemed of a bony substance: every linke or part +thereof being very little, thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole +pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one +chaine, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it is amongst +them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same: and +euen they to whom its lawfull to vse them, yet are stinted what number +they shall vse; as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they +exceed in number of chaines, so are they thereby knowne to be the more +honorable personages. + +Next vnto him that bare this Scepter, was the king himselfe with his +guard about him: His attire vpon his head was a cawle of knitworke, +wrought vpon somewhat like the crownes, but differing much both in +fashion and perfectnesse of worke; vpon his shoulders he had on a coate +of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast: His guard also had each +coats of the same shape, but of other skins: some hauing cawles likewise +stucke with feathers, or couered ouer with a certaine downe, which +groweth vp in the country vpon an herbe, much like our lectuce; which +exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed +vpon their cawles by no winds can be remoued: Of such estimation is this +herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, +but of such persons as are about the king (to whom it is permitted to +weare a plume of feathers on their heads, in signe of honour) and the +seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods. After these in +their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose haire +being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of +feathers, but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, euery +one pleasing himselfe in his owne deuice. + +This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all; that euery +one had his face painted, some with white, some with blacke, and some +with other colours, euery man also bringing in his hand one thing or +another for a gift or present: Their traine or last part of their +company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her +breast a round basket or two, hauing within them diuers things, as +bagges of _Tobah_, a roote which they call _Petah_, whereof they make a +kind of meale, and either bake it into bread, or eate it raw, broyled +fishes like a pilchard; the seed and downe aforenamed, with such like: + +Their baskets were made in fashion like a deepe boale, and though the +matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet was it so +cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about +the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and +in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines +aforenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated +to the onely vse of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they +were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished +into diuers workes and formes. + +In the meane time our Generall hauing assembled his men together (as +forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall out) prepared himselfe +to stand vpon sure ground, that wee might at all times be ready in our +owne defence, if anything should chance otherwise than was looked for or +expected. + +Wherefore euery man being in a warlike readinesse, he marched within his +fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike shew (as he +did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had beene +desperate enemies, they could not haue chosen but haue conceiued terrour +and feare, with discouragement to attempt anything against vs, in +beholding of the same. + +When they were come somewhat neere vnto vs, trooping together, they gaue +vs a common or a generall salutation: obseruing in the meane time a +generall silence. Whereupon he who bare the Scepter before the king, +being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, +pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spake to him +in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at +the least halfe an houre. At the close whereof, there was a common +_Amen_, in signe of approbation giuen by euery person: And the king +himself with the whole number of men and women (the little children +onely remaining behind) came further downe the hill, and as they came +set themselues againe in their former order. + +And being now come to the foot of the hill and neere our fort, the +Scepter bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage began a +song, and answerable thereunto, obserued a kind of measures in a dance: +whom the king with his guard and euery other sort of person following, +did in like manner sing and daunce, sauing onely the women who danced +but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our Generall +perceiuing their plaine and simple meaning, gaue order that they might +freely enter without interruption within our bulwarke: Where after they +had entred they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time: +their women also following them with their wassaile boales in their +hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torne, their dugges, breasts, +and other parts bespotted with bloud, trickling downe from the wounds, +which with their nailes they had made before their comming. + +After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselues in this manner, +they made signes to our Generall to haue him sit down; Vnto whom both +the king and diuers others made seuerall orations, or rather indeed if +wee had vnderstood them, supplications, that hee would take the Prouince +and kingdome into his hand, and become their king and patron: making +signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title in the +whole land and become his vassals in themselues and their posterities: +Which that they might make vs indeed beleeue that it was their true +meaning and intent; the king himselfe with all the rest with one +consent, and with great reueuerence, ioyfully singing a song, set the +crowne vpon his head; inriched his necke with all their chaines; and +offering vnto him many other things, honoured him by the name of _Hyoh_. +Adding thereunto (as it might seeme) a song and dance of triumph; +because they were not onely visited of the gods (for so they still +iudged vs to be) but the great and chiefe god was now become their god, +their king and patron, and themselues were become the onely happie and +blessed people in all the world. + +These things being so freely offered, our Generall thought not meet to +reiect or refuse the same: both for that he would not giue them any +cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the onely place, +wherein at this present, we were of necessitie inforced to seeke reliefe +of many things) and chiefely, for that he knew not to what good end God +had brought this to passe, or what honour and profit it might bring to +our countrie in time to come. + +Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her most excellent majesty, he +tooke the scepter crowne and dignity, of the sayd countrie into his +hand; wishing nothing more, than that it had layen so fitly for her +maiesty to enioy, as it was now her proper owne, and that the riches and +treasures thereof (wherewith in the vpland countries it abounds) might +with as great conueniency be transported, to the enriching of her +kingdome here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and +especially, that so tractable and louing a people, as they shewed +themselues to be, might haue meanes to haue manifested their most +willing obedience the more vnto her, and by her meanes, as a mother and +nurse of the Church of _Christ_, might by the preaching of the Gospell, +be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and +euerliuing God. + +The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiuing of the kingdome being +thus performed, the common sort both of men and women, leauing the king +and his guard about him, with our generall, dispersed themselues among +our people, taking a diligent view or suruey of euery man; and finding +such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of vs) +they presently enclosing them about, offred their sacrifices vnto them, +crying out with lamentable shreekes and moanes, weeping, and scratching, +and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nailes, neither +were it the women alone which did this, but euen old men, roaring and +crying out, were as violent as the women were. + +We groaned in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre preuaile, in +seducing these so harmelesse soules, and laboured by all means, both by +shewing our great dislike, and when that serued not, by violent +with-holding of their hands from that madnesse, directing them (by our +eyes and hands lift vp towards heauen) to the liuing God whom they ought +to serue; but so mad were they vpon their Idolatry, that forcible +with-holding them would not preuaile (for as soone as they could get +liberty to their hands againe, they would be as violent as they were +before) till such time, as they whom they worshipped, were conueyed from +them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselues, they would with +fury and outrage seeke to haue againe. + +After that time had a little qualified their madnes, they then began to +shew and make knowne vnto vs their griefes and diseases which they +carried about them, some of them hauing old aches, some shruncke +sinewes, some old soares and canckred vlcers, some wounds more lately +receiued, and the like, in most lamentable manner crauing helpe and cure +thereof from vs: making signes, that if we did but blow vpon their +griefes, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole. + +Their griefes we could not but take pitty on them, and to our power +desire to helpe them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) +they might vnderstand we were but men and no gods, we vsed ordinary +meanes, as, lotions, emplaisters, and vnguents most fitly (as farre as +our skills could guesse) agreeing to the natures of their griefes, +beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to giue cure to their diseases +by these meanes. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to +vs. + +Few were the dayes, wherein they were absent from vs, during the whole +time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily euery third day, they +brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainely vnderstood +our meaning, that we tooke no pleasure, but were displeased with them: +whereupon their zeale abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to +our good liking ceased; notwithstanding they continued still to make +their resort vnto vs in great abunddance, and in such sort, that they +oft-times forgate, to prouide meate for their owne sustenance: so that +our generall (of whom they made account as of a father) was faine to +performe the office of a father to them, relieuing them with such +victualls, as we had prouided for our selues, as, Muscels, Seales, and +such like, wherein they tooke exceeding much content; and seeing that +their sacrifices were displeasing to vs, yet (hating ingratitude) they +sought to recompence vs, with such things as they had, which they +willingly inforced vpon vs, though it were neuer so necessarie or +needfull for themselues to keepe. + +They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile +or treachery; their bowes and arrowes (their only weapons, and almost +all their wealth) they vse very skillfully, but yet not to do any great +harme with them, being by reason of their weakenesse, more fit for +children then for men, sending the arrow neither farre off, nor with any +great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that, +which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take +vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and +downe hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in +running, and of long continuance; the vse whereof is so familiar with +them, that they seldom goe, but for the most part runne. One thing we +obserued in them with admiration: that if at any time, they chanced to +see a fish, so neere the shoare, that they might reach the place without +swimming, they would neuer, or very seldome misse to take it. + +After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our generall +with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journy vp into the +land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better +acquainted, with the nature and commodities of the country. Their houses +were all such as wee haue formerly described, and being many of them in +one place, made seuerall villages here and there. The inland we found to +be farre different from the shoare, a goodly country, and fruitful +soyle, stored with many blessings fit for the vse of man: infinite was +the company of very large and fat Deere, which there we sawe by +thousands, as we supposed, in a heard: besides a multitude of a strange +kind of Conies, by farre exceeding them in number: their heads and +bodies, in which they resemble other Conies, are but small; his tayle +like the tayle of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the pawes of +a Want or Moale; vnder his chinne, on either side, he hath a bagge, into +which he gathereth his meate, when he hath filled his belly abroade, +that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himselfe, when he +lifts not to trauaile from his burrough: the people eate their bodies, +and make great account of their skinnes, for their kings holidaies coate +was made of them. + +This country our generall named _Albion_, and that for two causes; the +one in respect of the white bancks and cliffes, which lie toward the +sea: the other, that it might haue some affinity, euen in name also, +with our owne country, which was sometime so called. + +Before we went from thence, our generall caused to be set vp, a monument +of our being there; as also of her maiesties, and successors right and +title to that kingdome, namely; a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a +great and firme post; whereon is engrauen her graces name, and the day +and yeare of our arriuall there, and of the free giuing vp, of the +prouince and kingdome, both by the king and people, into her maiesties +hands: together with her highnesse picture, and armes in a piece of +sixpence currant English monie, shewing it selfe by a hole made of +purpose through the plate: vnderneath was likewise engrauen the name of +our generall &c. + +The Spaniards neuer had any dealing, or so much as set a foote in this +country; the vtmost of their discoueries, reaching onely to many degrees +Southward of this place. + +And now, as the time of our departure was perceiued by them to draw +nigh, so did the sorrowes and miseries of this people, seeme to +themselues to increase vpon them; and the more certaine they were of our +going away, the more doubtfull they shewed themselues, what they might +doe; so that we might easily iudge that that ioy (being exceeding great) +wherewith they receiued vs at our first arriuall, was cleane drowned in +their excessiue sorrow for our departing: For they did not onely loose +on a sudden all mirth, ioy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility +of body, familiar reioycing one with another, and all pleasure what euer +flesh and bloud might bee delighted in, but with sighes and sorrowings, +with heauy hearts and grieued minds, they powred out wofull complaints +and moanes, with bitter teares and wringing of their hands, tormenting +themselues. And as men refusing all comfort, they onely accounted +themselues as cast-awayes, and those whom the gods were about to +forsake: So that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of +their so heauy a burthen, or to deliuer them from so desperate a +straite, as our leauing of them did seeme to them that it would cast +them into. + +Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing +vs to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to intreate vs that being +absent, we would yet be mindfull of them, and making signes of their +desires, that in time to come wee would see them againe, they stole vpon +vs a sacrifice, and set it on fire erre we were aware; burning therein a +chaine and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all meanes possible to +withhold or withdraw them but could not preuaile, till at last we fell +to prayers and singing of Psalmes, whereby they were allured +immediately to forget their folly, and leaue their sacrifice vnconsumed, +suffering the fire to go out, and imitating vs in all our actions; they +fell a lifting vp their eyes and hands to heauen as they saw vs do. + +The 23. of Iuly they tooke a sorrowfull farewell of vs, but being loath +to leaue vs, they presently ranne to the tops of the hils to keepe vs in +their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and +on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices +at our departure. + +Not farre without this harborough did lye certain Ilands (we called them +the Ilands of Saint Iames) hauing on them plentifull and great store of +Seales and birds, with one of which wee fell Iuly 24. whereon we found +such prousion as might serue our turne for a while. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[B-1] As printed in _Drake's Plate of Brass_, California Historical +Society, Special Publication No. 13 (San Francisco, 1937) pp. 32-46. + + + + + PLATES + + + PLATE 18 + +[Illustration _a_: Three California Indians from San Francisco pictured +by Chamisso, 1822.] + +[Illustration _b_: "Feather bundle" of the Pomo Indians, similar to that +described by Fletcher on June 17, 1579.] + +[Illustration _c_: Strings of clamshell disk beads identifiable as the +"chaines" of Fletcher.] + + + PLATE 19 + +[Illustration: Pomo Indian feathered baskets decorated with clamshell +disk beads and abalone shell pendants.] + + + PLATE 20 + +[Illustration: Air photo of the east cape of Point Reyes. The white dot +marks the point selected by George Davidson as the spot where Drake +careened the _Golden Hinde_. The shore line of the bay follows the +course of the curved arrow.] + + +PLATE 21 + +[Illustration: Air photo of the small valley at Drake's Bay, showing the +location (marked near center by white dot) where the Drake plate was +found by William Caldeira in 1934.] + + + + + * * * * * + + +Transcriber's Notes: + +Passages in italics are indicated by _underscores_. + +Small caps have been replaced by ALL CAPS. + +Both "Bruno de Hezeta" and "Bruno Heceta" used in text. Both forms + have been retained. + +Footnote numbers to the appendices are prefixed with "A-" for App. I + or "B-" for App. II. + +Archaic spelling and punctuation retained in quoted texts, except for + rejoining end-of-line hyphenations. Spelling of "betsowed" (page 284) + and "cheife" (page 285) in quoted text retained as printed. + +Verso, "Mardh" changed to "March" (Issued March 20, 1947) + +Page 265 (footnote 67), a superfluous closing parenthesis was + removed (169, 170, 181; Loeb,) + +Page 269 (footnote 84), a full stop has been changed to a comma + (Pomo, element) + +Page 269 (footnote 85), "tto" changed to "to" (reference to the + seeds) + +Page 270 (footnote 87), "Eth." changed to "Ethn." (and Ethn., Vol. VII) + +Page 270 (footnote 90), the note number is missing (element no. 807, + p. 197, n.) + +Page 271, "native's" changed to "natives'" (the natives' actions) + +Page 273, a superfluous comma was removed (Miwok,[101] and) + +Page 275 (E. M. Loeb ... songs), a line break has been added to Line 2; + the comma appears in the original + +Page 275 (Other Pomo songs...): + Line 1, Both "U" and "u" at the beginning of the line have a macron + over them. (U u hulai) + Line 3, the word "o" has a macron above it. (gagoya he he) + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Francis Drake and the California +Indians, 1579, by Robert F. Heizer + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCIS DRAKE AND THE *** + +***** This file should be named 36201.txt or 36201.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/2/0/36201/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, C. S. Beers, Joseph Cooper and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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