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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism + +Author: Gabriel Deville + +Translator: Robert Rives La Monte + +Release Date: April 25, 2011 [EBook #35962] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION, INTERNATIONALISM *** + + + + +Produced by Jeannie Howse, Adrian Mastronardi, Mark C. +Orton and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images +generously made available by The Internet Archive/American +Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<div class="tr"> +<p class="cen" style="font-weight: bold;">Transcriber's Note:</p> +<br /> +<p class="noin">Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has been preserved.</p> +<p class="noin" style="text-align: left;">Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. +For a complete list, please see the <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="#TN">end of this document</a>.</span></p> +</div> + +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<p class="cen">PRICE 10 CENTS</p> + +<div class="ad"> +<p class="cen">Socialism, Revolution<br /> +and Internationalism</p> + +<p class="cen">By GABRIEL DEVILLE</p> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<h1>SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION</h1> +<h4>AND</h4> +<h1>INTERNATIONALISM</h1> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h2>A LECTURE</h2> +<h4>DELIVERED IN PARIS, NOVEMBER 27, 1893, BY</h4> +<h2>GABRIEL DEVILLE</h2> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h4>Translated by<br /> +ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE</h4> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h4>CHICAGO<br /> +CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY<br /> +1907</h4> + +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h4>PRESS OF<br /> +JOHN F. HIGGINS<br /> +CHICAGO</h4> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h1 class="sc">Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism.</h1> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h3>I</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Socialism, revolution, internationalism—these are the three subjects +regarding which I beg your permission to say what—with no pretence of +being infallible—I believe to be the truth. At the risk of telling +you nothing new, I will simply try to speak truth. Those who reproach +the socialists for constantly repeating the same thing, have, no +doubt, the habit of accommodating the truth to suit their taste for +variety. On the other hand, to talk of socialism is to do what +everyone else is doing at this time, but I will speak to you of it +from the standpoint of a socialist, and—unhappily—that is not as yet +equally common.</p> + +<p>The signal and distinctive mark of modern socialism is that it springs +directly from the facts. Far from resting on the imaginary conceptions +of the intellect, from being a more or less utopian vision of an ideal +society, socialism is to-day simply the theoretical expression of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>the +contemporaneous phase of the economic evolution of humanity.</p> + +<p>At this point we are met with two objections.</p> + +<p>On the one hand, because we say that socialism springs from the facts, +we are accused of denying the influence of the Idea and the liberal +defenders of the Idea rise up in revolt; they can calm themselves +again. How could we deny the influence of the Idea, when socialism +itself is as yet, as I have just pointed out, only a theoretical +expression, <i>i.e.</i>, an idea, which we nevertheless believe has a +certain influence?</p> + +<p>We merely assert that a truth, irrevocably established by science as a +valid generalization, does not cease to be a truth when it is applied +to human history and socialism. This truth is the action of the +environment: all living beings are the product of the environment in +which they live. To the environment, in the last analysis, to the +relations necessarily created by the multiple contacts, actions and +reactions of the environment and the environed are due all the +transformations of all organisms and, in consequence, all the +phenomena that emanate from them. Thought is one of these phenomena, +and, just like all the others, it has its source in actual facts. To +say that socialism springs from the facts, is then simply to place the +socialist idea on the same plane with all other ideas. In socialism, +as in all subjects, the idea is the reflex in the brain of the +relations of man with his surroundings, and the greater or less +aptitude of the brain for acquiring, retaining and combining ideas, +constitutes intelligence. The latter, in making various combinations +out of the elements provided by the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>environment, may obviously lose +sight of the reality which serves as its foundation, but our socialism +aims never to depart from the data drawn from unbiased observation of +the facts.</p> + +<p>We are accused, on the other hand, because we believe that the +economic question contains the whole of socialism, of denying the +existence and influence of the intellectual factor, the sentimental +factor, the psychological factor—in short, a whole collection of +factors. Now, as I am going to try to show you, our only error, if it +is an error, is that we wish to put the cart behind the horse, and to +accuse us of wishing to suppress the cart because we refuse to put it +in front or alongside of the horse, proves, at once, the incontestable +desire to find us at fault, and the difficulty of gratifying that +desire.</p> + +<p>Man, as I said just now, is the product of the environment. But, to +the influence of the cosmic or natural environment, which affects all +beings, there was soon joined in his case the influence of the special +environment created by him, an environment resulting from the acquired +means of action, from the material of the tools used, from the +conditions of life added by him to those furnished him by nature, or +else substituted for them, the influence, in a word, of the economic +environment, an influence which has gradually become predominant +because the conditions of life, determining in all orders of society +man's mode of life, have finally become less and less dependent upon +the purely physical capabilities of the cosmic environment, and more +and more dependent upon the means of action acquired by human +exertions, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>upon the artificial capabilities of the economic +environment, upon human thought materialized in various innovations.</p> + +<p>We find at the foundation of everything affecting man the influence of +the natural and economic environments, and, if it is quite true that +we recognize the preponderant influence of the economic environment, +it is passing strange to accuse us of not recognizing the action of +human intelligence, which we assert is the creator of this +environment. Only we do not forget that, at any stage of development +whatever, intelligence does nothing by its creations except to +elaborate the elements which it finds "ready made," as it were, in the +environment.</p> + +<p>Therefore, intelligence can, by working with the elements furnished by +the existing environment, produce a change in this environment. This +new environment thus changed becomes the determining environment of +future intelligence. You see that, far from degrading the role of +intelligence, we attribute to it a considerable importance; we only +refuse to see in it a spontaneous phenomenon.</p> + +<p>Having replied to the reproach of not taking into consideration what +is called intelligence and is paraded as the intellectual factor, it +is scarcely necessary for me to honor with special replies all the +other factors mobilized against us, as they are all merely products of +intelligence. I will remark, however, that if it is true that we do +not deduce our theory from this association of factors, this does not +authorize the conclusion that morality, right, justice, psychology, +and sentiment are for us words devoid of meaning. To refuse to elevate +them to the rank of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>scientific proofs, which is what we do, and all +that we do, is not to deny them; it is simply to avoid employing them +for a use for which they are not and could not be destined. Because, +to uphold our theory, we prefer to have recourse to the observation of +facts and their tendencies, we have never proscribed the conception or +sentiment of justice as motives for adhesion to that very theory, and +we do not hesitate to declare that that which is unfitted to serve as +a scientific proof, may be utilized as a motive for action.</p> + +<p>Moreover, even those who attribute to the "syndicate" of factors a +preponderating power over historical progress do not attribute to +intelligence a greater influence than we recognize as belonging to it. +In fact, the controversy here is not concerning the influence of +ideas. The controversy arises when we attempt to determine which ideas +are influential. On either side it is simply a matter of choosing from +among the products of intelligence. Our opponents insist upon the +claims of the factors in combination, instead of recognizing, as do +we, the predominant influence of the ideas which clothe themselves in +the phenomenal form of acts, such as inventions, etc., which lead to +the modification of the economic environment and consequently, as we +believe, to the modification of man himself, in his mode of life +first, in his habits and methods of thought afterward.</p> + +<p>As soon as it is seen that the transformation of the economic +conditions, of the conditions of life, is the fundamental +transformation, that upon which all the others are more or less +dependent, it will be recognized that to say that socialism is simply +the expression of the contemporaneous phase of economic conditions is +not to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>narrow, in the slightest degree, its field of action, but only +to define more accurately its immediate goal. The affirmation that +there is in progress an evolution of the economic environment implies +necessarily a corresponding evolution of the various branches of human +knowledge, which are all influenced by this environment, just as the +apple-tree implies the apple without its being necessary to speak of +the integral apple-tree.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> If socialism is contained "in a purely +economic formula," it is just as the apple-tree is contained in the +seed. Let us be vigilant to see that this "economic formula" and this +seed are not thwarted in their normal development, and we shall have +all the fruits that may be desired, even if we refrain from heaping +qualifying or complemental adjectives upon the apple-tree and +socialism.</p> + +<p>Some have thought that they have discovered an argument against this +predominance of the economic environment and of the economic question, +in the fact that some events which are not economic in nature—and +they cite, most frequently, the invention of gunpowder and the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>revocation of the edict of Nantes—have had a great influence on human +history. They forget that, if such or such an important event was not +directly in itself an economic phenomenon, it is chiefly by the +consequences that it had from the economic point of view that it +became important; like all human discoveries, all historic events, it +reached a point where it became a modifying element of the economic +environment.</p> + +<p>To recapitulate, if we insist upon the influence of the surroundings, +and, particularly, upon the preponderant influence of the economic +environment—the creation of man—this does not justify representing +us as attributing an exclusive influence to the economic environment +and as holding that this environment itself is created and influenced +only by facts properly classed as economic.</p> + +<p>I return then to my first proposition: socialism must have and has for +its foundation the economic environment, the economic facts. What are +those facts?</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> A word is needed to make the force of this sarcasm clear +to American readers. There was formed around the late Benoît Malon, +the founder of <i>La Revue Socialiste</i>, a small but very intelligent and +influential school of socialists, who loved (and still love) to prate +about the inadequacy of Marxism, its neglect of various "factors," +etc., etc. They regard Marxian economics as being true so far as they +go, but as constituting a very inadequate and incomplete socialism, +which it was reserved for them, by a beneficent Providence, to +complete. Their own socialism they call "integral socialism." We have +their like in America—men who use Marxian ammunition and belittle +Marx.—Tr.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>II.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>In order for man, who can live only on condition that he works, to be +able to perform any sort of work, he must have at his disposition the +instruments and the subject of labor. Now, these tools and this +material, in one word, the means of labor, are, more and more, +becoming the property of the capitalists. Those who are despoiled of +the means of utilizing in work their own labor-power (or physical +capacity for work) are, henceforth, compelled, being unable to live +otherwise, to sell the use of that power to the capitalists who hold +in their possession the things indispensable for labor. Through their +possession of the things indispensable for the functioning of +labor-power, the capitalists are, in fact, masters of all who cannot +utilize their own power themselves, nor live without utilizing it. +From this economic dependence flows the existence of distinct classes, +distinct in spite of the civil and political equality of their +members; and, as the capitalist regime expropriates the Middle Class +more and more, it tends to accentuate the division of society into two +principal classes: on the one hand, those who control the means of +labor; on the other, those for whom the actual use of those means is +the sole possibility of life.</p> + +<p>I will ask you to note that I speak of classes and not of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>orders or +estates, because these last expressions imply a legal demarcation +between the categories of persons which they indicate; while the word +<i>class</i> simply denotes, according to Littré,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the "grades +established among men by the diversity and inequality of their +circumstances." This is the reason that some among us refuse to make +use of the expression "Fourth Estate." There are no longer any +Estates, it is true, but it is not the less true that there still are +classes. As no one among us any longer dares to approve of their +existence, to deny it is the only way to avoid combatting it. And so +it is this denial that is resorted to by those adversaries of +socialism whose only weapons are falsehood and hypocrisy. Socialists +are not the cause of the existence of classes because they recognize +their existence. They limit themselves to establishing that which has +been, that which is and that which is destined to be: the origin of +classes, their present persistence and their approaching +disappearance.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<p>As soon as, thanks to the development of the faculties of man and to +his industrial discoveries, the productivity of labor became great +enough for an individual to be able to produce more than was +indispensable for his maintenance, the division of society into two +great classes, the exploiters and the exploited, was effected. And +this division had its justification, so long as production was not +sufficient to render comfort for all a possibility. But, thanks to +machinery and to scientific appliances which facilitate labor, while +vastly multiplying the supply of articles of consumption, the +exhausting labor of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>masses and the monopolization of comfort by a +minority can henceforth give place, must henceforth give place, and +will give place in a future which no longer seems distant, to the +universalization of labor and its inevitable consequence, the +universalization of comfort and of leisure, that is to say, to social +conditions under which there will be no classes, because their +existence will (as now) serve no useful end as it has done in the +past. We will soon see that our present ruling class, far from being +useful, is already becoming baneful.</p> + +<p>To-day, if the existence of distinct classes has, apparently, lost all +legal sanction, it is just as real a fact as ever. To deny it, one +must have—pardon me the expression, but I can find no other defining +as accurately this state of mind—the desire to play the fool, or the +interest to do so. It is impossible to deny seriously that a part of +the population is, in fact, through the form of the economic +relations, through their material self-interest, through their need of +food, placed in a position of dependence upon another portion of the +population, and that there is an antagonism between those who must +struggle to exist by working and those who can bargain out to them the +means of labor.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>By proclaiming the existence of classes and their antagonism, by +divulging that antagonism, which is not their work, on the political +rostrum, socialists are not creating factitious distinctions, they are +not resuscitating and do <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>not dream of resuscitating any of the social +forms so fortunately and so energetically annihilated by the French +Revolution, they are only adapting themselves to the situation as it +presents itself to them now.</p> + +<p>In fact, modern industry is forcing the workers more and more every +day to comprehend the necessity of association or combination in their +disputes with the possessors of the means of labor, and thus the +interests to be defended have to the workers less and less the false +aspect of individual interests; they appear to them in their naked +reality as class interests. Born of strikes, of coalitions of every +kind imposed upon them by the customs and conditions of life in a +capitalist society, their class activity soon takes an a political +character. To this then are due the working-class agitations resulting +in the recognition of political equality and the establishment of +universal suffrage. In possession of political rights, the workingmen +are obviously led to make use of these rights in behalf of their own +interests. Inevitably, therefore, the political struggle is becoming +more and more a class struggle which cannot end until the political +power, in the hands of the workingmen, shall at last place the State +at the service of the interests of all the exploited, and thus enable +the latter to proceed to the economic reforms which will lead to the +disappearance of classes as a direct consequence.</p> + +<p>Therefore, the Class Struggle is not an invention of the socialists, +but the very substance of the facts and acts of history in the making +that are daily taking place under their eyes.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The French Webster.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "In fact the different classes dove-tail into each other, +and there are always between two classes a multitude of unclassifiable +hybrids, belonging wholly to neither class, in part to both."—Karl +Kautsky.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>III.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>We know that those whose activity is subordinate in its exercise to a +capital which they have not—and these compose the working-class—are +compelled to sell their labor-power to some of the possessors of this +capital who form, on their side, the bourgeois<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> class.</p> + +<p>What is sold by him who has to labor in order to live, and who has not +in his possession the means of labor, to the possessor of those means +is simply labor in the potential state, that is the muscular or +intellectual faculties that must be exerted in the production of +useful things. In fact, on the one hand, before these faculties are +brought into active exercise, labor does not exist and cannot be sold. +Now, the contract is made between the buyer and the seller before any +action takes place and has for its effective cause, so far as the +seller is concerned, the fact that the seller is so situated that he +can not by himself bring his capacity for labor into productive use. +On the other hand, as soon as the action (labor) begins, as soon as +labor manifests itself, it cannot be the property of the laborer, for +it consists in nothing but the incorporation of a thing which the +laborer has just alienated by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>sale—capacity to perform labor—with +other things which are not his—the means of production.</p> + +<p>To sum up, when the labor does not exist, the laborer can not sell +that which he does not possess and which he has not the means of +realizing; when the labor does exist, it can not be sold by the +laborer to whom it does not belong. The only thing which the laborer +can sell is his labor-power, a power distinct from its function, +labor, just as the power of marching is distinct from a parade, just +as any machine is distinct from its operations.</p> + +<p>What is paid under the form of wages by the possessor of the means of +labor, the purchaser of the labor-power to the possessor of that +power, cannot, therefore, be, and is not, the price of the labor +furnished, but is the price of the power made use of, a price that +supply and demand cause to oscillate about and especially below its +value determined, like the value of any other commodity, by the +labor-time socially necessary for its production, or in other words, +in this case by the sum which will normally enable the laborer to +maintain and perpetuate his labor-power under the conditions necessary +for the given kind and stage of production.</p> + +<p>But, even when the laborer gets a value equal to the value of his +power, he furnishes a value greater than that which he receives. The +duration of labor required for a given wage, regularly exceeds the +time necessarily occupied by the laborer in adding to the value of the +means of production consumed, a value equal to that wage; and the +labor thus furnished over and above that which represents the +equivalent of what the laborer gets, constitutes <i>surplus-labor</i>. +<span class="sc">Surplus-labor then is unpaid labor.</span></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>And here let us be clearly understood. When we speak of unpaid labor, +we are stating a simple fact, and do not at all intend to say that +capitalists, in the existing state of things, are personally guilty of +extracting from the laborers labor for which they do not pay them. We +are not of the number of those who think that "the causes of the ills +from which we suffer are to be found in men rather than institutions," +as M. Glasson declared before the members of the Le Play School. We +say exactly the contrary; for us the evil is due to institutions +rather than to men and, in society as it is at present constituted, +things cannot possibly take place in any other or different fashion.</p> + +<p>On the side of the laborer, the thing sold, as I have proved, cannot +be his labor. It is his labor-power. The sum paid cannot be the price +of his labor. It is the price of his labor-power, a price which, in +view of the number of applicants for work, can only very rarely be +equal to its value; but, even in this case, he furnishes a greater +value than he receives. If he does not, his remuneration is not, +strictly speaking, wages, for the furnishing of surplus-labor by the +worker is a condition <i>sine qua non</i> of wages. When his compensation +is split up into wages and supplementary remuneration under the form +of profit-sharing or under any other form, the workingman does not +furnish less surplus-labor, less unpaid labor; quite the contrary, we +may say, for it is clear that this supplementary remuneration, for the +laborer, is a mere delusion, mere supplementary moon-shine. All that +the workingman can hope to achieve, under, I repeat, the existing +organization of society, is <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>the curtailment of his surplus-labor, and +that is the explanation and justification of the struggle for the +reduction of the working-day, of the Eight Hours movement.</p> + +<p>On the side of the capitalist, on account of the fierce war of +competition with low prices as weapons which rages throughout the +field of production, it is financial suicide for the employer to +extract from his work-people less unpaid labor than his competitors +do; and that is why it is necessary to strive to obtain the reduction +of the day by legal enactment. I add that so long as the employer, so +long as the capitalist keeps within the bounds of what may be called +the normal conditions of exploitation, he cannot reasonably be held +responsible for the economic structure which is so advantageous to +him, but which the best of intentions on the part of individuals would +be powerless to modify. On the other hand, if capitalists are +personally powerless to ameliorate the state of affairs, it would be +rash to rush to the conclusion that they are capitalists in the +interest of the workers. We must avoid exaggeration in either +direction.</p> + +<p>Surplus-labor was not invented by the capitalists. Ever since human +societies issued from the state of primitive communism, surplus-labor +has always existed; and it is the method by which it is wrung from the +immediate producers, which differentiates the different economic forms +of society.</p> + +<p>Before man was able to produce in excess of his needs, one portion of +society could not live upon the fruits of the toil of another portion. +How could a man work gratuitously for others when his entire time was +barely <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>sufficient to procure him his own necessary means of +existence? When, in consequence of human progress, labor had acquired +such a degree of productiveness that an individual was enabled to +produce more than what was strictly necessary for his needs, it became +possible for some to subsist upon the toil of others and slavery could +be established.</p> + +<p>That it was established by force is not doubtful; but it must be +confessed that its establishment promoted human evolution. So long as +the productiveness of labor, although sufficient to make surplus-labor +possible, was not sufficient to render participation in directly +useful labor compatible with other occupations or pursuits, the +toilsome drudgery and exploitation of some was the necessary condition +of the leisure of others, and, thereby, of the development of all. +For, if none had had leisure, no progress could have been made in the +sciences, the arts and all the branches of knowledge, the benefits of +which we all enjoy in some degree. And the fact that the thinkers of +antiquity and the greatest among them, Aristotle, excused slavery, is +a proof that the mode of thought is determined by the exigencies of +the economic organization of society. To reproach Aristotle, in +particular, because he did not regard slavery and property as it is +natural for us to regard them, is equivalent to reproaching him for +not having applied the processes of our modern production to ancient +industries.</p> + +<p>Slavery did not appear to lack a rational foundation, and did not +begin to disappear until the external conditions were profoundly +transformed and thus rendered another kind of labor and of +surplus-labor more in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>harmony with the material requirements. +Following upon the economic environment in which slavery was the rule +there came then the economic environment in which serfdom +predominated, and the latter, in its turn, has been superseded by the +economic environment in which the wage-system has become the general +rule. Each of these environments has had or has its own habits and +modes of thought which may be in contradiction with ours, but which +are the natural consequences of the modes of life in vogue in their +respective eras.</p> + +<p>An examination of the aspect of surplus-labor in these three +environments shows that it has the appearance of being all labor in +the first, a larger or smaller fraction of the whole labor in the +second, and apparently falls to zero in the third. In fact, in +slavery, during a part of the day, the slave only replaces the value +of what he consumes and so really works for himself; notwithstanding, +even then his labor appears to be labor for his owner. All his labor +has the appearance of surplus-labor, of labor for others. Under +serfdom or the <i>corvée</i> system, the labor of the serf for himself and +his gratuitous labor for his feudal lord are perfectly distinct, the +one from the other; by the very way in which the labor is performed, +the serf distinguishes the time during which he works for his own +benefit from the time which he is compelled to devote to the +satisfaction of the wants of his lordly superiors. Under the +wage-system, the wage-form, which appears in the guise of direct +payment of labor, wipes out every visible line of demarcation between +paid labor and unpaid labor; when he receives his wages, the laborer +seems to get all the value due to his labor, so that all his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>labor +takes on the form or appearance of paid labor. While, under slavery, +the property-relation conceals the labor of the slave for himself, +under the wage-system the money-relation conceals the gratuitous labor +of the wage-worker for the capitalist. You will readily perceive the +practical importance of this disguised appearance of the real relation +between labor and capital. The latter is deemed to breed or expand by +its own virtue, and the former to receive its full remuneration.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In America where, since 1865, we have had no landed +aristocracy, bourgeois and wealthy are well nigh synonymous.—Tr.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>IV.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Wage-labor as an economic form existed before the actual appearance of +industrial capital which in fact only dates from the day when +production by the aid of wage-labor became general. Capital, in fact, +is not a quality with which the means of production are naturally +endowed, which they have always had and which they are destined always +to have. It is a character which they possess only under definite +social conditions. The means of production are no more naturally +capital than a negro is naturally a slave. And when socialists talk of +suppressing capital and capitalists, those who do not wish to make a +ridiculous confusion, ought to remember that it is simply a question +of taking away from the means of production and those who hold +possession of them a character which they now have, and which can be +taken from them without destroying an atom of their material +substance, just as in suppressing slavery, it is not necessary, in +order to take away the slave-character from the negro, to kill the +negro.</p> + +<p>For a long time capital was known only under the form of merchants' +capital and usurers' capital; for it was only, or almost only, under +those two forms that money bred its like, and it is this possibility +of money's breeding which constitutes capital. This possibility could +not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>exist, except as an exceptional fact, for money invested in the +means of production, so long as industry remained more or less +domestic in character. In order for capital to spread beyond the +domain of commerce in goods and money and appear in the domain of +production, it was necessary for the wealth accumulated in commerce +and usury to effect on a large scale the concentration of the +scattered petty producers and their petty individual tools; the +workshop had to be enlarged; it was necessary to bring together a +large number of workers working at the same time, in the same place, +under the orders of the same "captain of industry," in producing on a +large scale the same kind of commodity, and to find for the disposal +of the latter a sufficiently extended market.</p> + +<p>The money advanced in production can, in fact, realize an appreciable +profit by the sale of the objects produced, only when its possessor is +able to realize a certain quantity of surplus-labor; now, to +accomplish this he must have a certain number of laborers. For it is +the surplus-labor realized, we know, that forms the excess of the +value produced over that of the money laid out in production, or, in +other words, the surplus-value which incessantly swells the capital +and continually increases its power to dominate labor.</p> + +<p>The capitalist mode of production, the mode of production in which the +means of labor function as capital, owes to capital its specific +character, which is its power of making money breed money, of giving +birth to surplus-value. The capitalist purchaser of labor-power has +only one object, viz., to enrich himself by making his money breed or +expand, by the process of making commodities <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>containing more labor +than he pays for, and by selling which he therefore realizes a value +greater than that of the sum of the advances or outlays made.</p> + +<p>If, since the productiveness of labor has made it possible, one part +of society has, under various economic forms, been forced to add to +the labor-time required for its own support, a certain amount of +surplus-labor-time, for which it has received no equivalent and the +benefit of which has been enjoyed by another part of society, it is +likewise true that so long as the aim of production was to enable the +privileged class to appropriate the means of consumption and +enjoyment, the surplus-labor of the immediate producers reached its +limit with the full satisfaction of those needs and desires, as +extensive as they might be, to gratify which was the object of this +appropriation. But as soon as it becomes a question of obtaining, +instead of a certain mass of products, the production at any cost of +surplus-value, the incessant multiplication of money, the possessor of +the means of production strives relentlessly to make those means of +production absorb the greatest possible quantity of surplus-labor.</p> + +<p>If this insatiable thirst for and headlong pursuit of surplus-value +has been for the laborers and their families the cause of an +exploitation of their labor-power, more burdensome than any form of +exploitation previously known, it must be recognized that it has +contributed to the development of the means of production. It is with +capital as with slavery. Both, sources of sufferings for their +victims, they have been, on the whole, sources of progress for +humanity. The history of human progress is far from being an idyl. Our +too forgetful and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>too proud civilization is the result of a long +series of torments and miseries endured by the nameless and forgotten +masses.</p> + +<p>Therefore capital has had its utility, and the era of capitalist +production constitutes a great step forward in the evolution of the +productive powers. Beginning with the enlargement of the small guild +workshop, passing through action in common, the co-operation of a +large number of laborers in the enlarged workshop through the +manufacturing stage, by the division of labor within the workshop, by +the introduction and general adoption of the machine-tool, by the +employment of steam as a motive power, capitalist production has +finally developed into modern mechanical industry which has +revolutionized the mode of production more radically than had any +previous change. It is its continuous and radical alteration of the +technical processes which distinguishes the capitalist period from all +the preceding periods, and prevents it from having the relatively +permanent conservative character which they had.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>V.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>What are the results of these revolutions in industrial methods, and +what are their tendencies?</p> + +<p>Machinery is more and more seizing upon all industries, and, instead +of making use of his tool, the laborer is the servant of the machine. +The relative ease of work of this kind makes it possible to substitute +unskilled labor for skilled labor, women and children for men. By thus +throwing men out of work, the instrument of labor lowers wages and +expropriates the laborer from his means of existence. This machinery, +thanks to which the genius of Aristotle foresaw the possibility of the +emancipation of the slave, has as yet been merely a cause of +enslavement, and just as man is moulded by the economic environment +which is his own work, he is here enslaved by his own product.</p> + +<p>With the extension of the system of mechanical industry, the product +ceases more and more to be the work of an individual. The individual +by himself alone no longer makes a product, but a fraction of a +product, and the owner no longer works with his instrument of labor, +or, in other words, uses his property himself, but turns this task +over to a certain number of laborers, to a group of wage-slaves. Thus, +when the possessor of a hand-saw works with it, the owner uses his +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>own property; with the machine-saw, it is used not by the owner, but +by the laborers, whom he has to employ to operate it. While the +operation of the means of production so largely augmented requires the +common action of a host of workers, the undertakings and +establishments grow to such dimensions that the vast sums of capital +necessary for their conduct are not to be found in the hands of a +single capitalist. Having become too gigantic for a single capitalist, +the title or nominal ownership of these means of production, and along +with it the profits, passes from the individual capitalist to an +association of capitalists, to a company of stockholders. This company +actually has, considered as a collective body, a particular tangible +property; but what does this property represent for each individual +shareholder? A fiction. The individual stockholder cannot lay his +finger upon any particular material object and say: that is mine.</p> + +<p>While the means of production are thus ceasing to be in the strict +sense private property, and require for their actual operation a +collective body of laborers, while the product is becoming a social +product, the owners of the means of production and the products, are +becoming shareholders, and thus ceasing to perform any useful +function, to have any real utility. The success of a business in +former times depended upon the energy and skill of its proprietor, +just as it sometimes does to-day in small manufacturing or mercantile +establishments. Since the introduction of stock companies, the +producing organism is no longer affected by the personal traits of +those who own it; it does not know the shareholder, the present +multiple proprietor, any more than the latter <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>knows his property; it +functions independently of him, and does not feel his influence, so +that even a change of ownership has no effect upon it. The former +functions of the proprietor are at the present time performed by +wage-workers, trained engineers or managers, more or less well paid, +but still wage-workers. In place of the managing proprietor, we have +then a salaried manager, and he is a better manager because he is only +a salaried employee, as M. de Molinari admits, when he writes: "All +that is requisite is for him to possess the ability, knowledge and +character demanded for his functions, and these are all qualities +which are more easily and cheaply obtained on the market, divorced +from capital than united to it."<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>Not only is the proprietary class, "the haves," losing all social +utility, but, more than this, it is becoming baneful through its +exclusive pre-occupation with personal profits. Baneful it is +henceforth for all branches of social production which the mad and +unorganized pursuit of profits subjects to disastrous perturbations, +to periodical crises swamping the market and lasting amid failures and +shut-downs until the outlets for goods once more open up; baneful for +all the workers, worked to utter exhaustion in periods of business +activity and reduced to wretched poverty in periods of industrial +depression, during which they suffer from want of everything, because +there is, relatively to the purchasing power of the people, too much +of everything—(here we see once more the creator dominated by the +creation, the producers by their <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>products, just as in the cases +formerly noticed of the human intelligence and the economic +environment, of the machine and the workman); baneful for all +consumers, who are victims of the adulteration of products begotten by +the mad strife for gain; baneful for the petty capitalists, the small +producers in constant danger of bankruptcy and ruin through the +intensity of the war of competition which always results in the +victory of the great capitalists or the great combinations of capital +(trusts, etc.).</p> + +<p>To recapitulate, our economic movement tends toward labor in common, +since the operation of the means of production is passing from the +working-proprietor to a collective group of laborers, and toward the +elimination of the mode or form of private or individual ownership of +the means of production, since the nominal property in them is passing +from the individual proprietor to a collective body of shareholders +(stock-company or trust). It also tends to leave the proprietary class +no useful role or function, thus making them for the future not only +superfluous, but baneful.</p> + +<p>At the same time that the organization of labor adapted to the present +form and state of the productive forces is escaping from the hands of +the proprietary class and is thus the signal that the close of its +historic career is at hand, it is concentrating and organizing men +everywhere in the same way that it concentrates material wealth. It +brings the laborers together and leads them, through their identity in +position and interests, to combine in groups or unions, it constitutes +them into a class more and more conscious of its situation, +disciplines their masses systematically arranged and graded in each +industrial <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>establishment, and fashions out of their own ranks an +intellectual aristocracy upon which devolves the function of +super-intending and managing all industries.</p> + +<p>And while the individual form of their petty tools or instruments of +labor, and their mode of production which keeps them in independent +isolation, engender in the workers in petty industries ideas too +individualistic and egoistic, wherever modern mechanical industry has +already wrested from the laborer his tool and transformed it into a +mechanical apparatus effacing individuality from the labor-process, +wherever individual labor merges into and blends with collective +labor, wherever the technical processes are such that the task of each +is of service only through the participation (co-operation) of all, +and is itself the condition of the performance of the collective task, +the strictly individualistic tendencies of the producers in the petty +industries are replaced by the spirit of solidarity, which, with the +progress of industrial development, is leading—nay, forcing the +working class every day more and more toward socialist ideas, ideas +which spring from the material necessities which inexorably force +their way into the minds of men.</p> + +<p>These are facts against which our personal preferences are of no +avail. The material and intellectual elements of the collective (or +co-operative) form of production, elaborated by the capitalist regime, +are thus developing more and more every day, and socialism is, you +see, the natural consequence of existent conditions. It is not +something imported from abroad and added to our social movement, +neither is it an article of export good for any sort of economic +environment; it is the rigorous <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>consequence of a certain orderly +sequence of facts, the result of a definite evolution whose progress +it has noted, but which has taken place independently of it; it has +not created it because it has been conscious of its existence.</p> + +<p>And so, as M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu recognizes: "the field of modern +mechanical industry is extending its boundaries more and more, and it +is difficult to see what limits can be set to its possible extension." +Now it is modern industry which lays bare the antagonisms immanent in +capitalist production, and at the same time renders their destruction +possible. The historic role of capital has been the development of the +productive powers, and, in the process of developing them, it has +created the weapons which are destined to kill it. Necessary during a +certain stage of economic development, it is not eternal, but +inevitably comes to an end with a change in the relations of the means +of production to the producers.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> L'Evolution économique, p. 38.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VI.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The preparation and training of the working-class (for their high +functions) by the productive powers, the growing and inevitable +development and crystallization of the collective tendencies of the +latter, the increasing incompatibility between their essential +character and their private ownership, all lead to a new economic +regime in which they will be owned and controlled collectively just as +they are operated collectively, in which they will be conducted by +society and for society. And all the socialism of the socialists +consists of wishing to perpetuate in a fully developed form the +present social character of the material conditions of life.</p> + +<p>I say socialism of the socialists because we have seen flourish in our +day a peculiar socialism, the socialism of those good people who +earnestly wish to remove the inconveniences and injustices of our +present social state, but who also wish a little more earnestly to +preserve the cause of these inconveniences, who wish at once to +suppress or abolish the proletariat and to preserve the capitalist +form of society. It is quite possible for socialism also to have its +converts and even its backsliders; it asks its adherents, not whence +they come, but to go whither it is going, or, at least, to permit it +to proceed upon its road without attempting to turn it aside from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>it. +As one of our adversaries declares, we can say in our turn: 'On one +side are the socialists, on the other those who are not socialists,' +and among the latter may be counted those who accept the name while +rejecting the thing.</p> + +<p>Apart from the socialization of the means of labor which have already +taken on a collective form, there may be and there often is +charlatanry, but there is no real possibility of emancipation, there +is no socialism.</p> + +<p>So long as the means of labor and labor shall not be united in the +same hands, the means of labor will retain the character of capital, +and capital will inevitably exploit the workingman and wring from him +labor for which it will not pay him. The source of the troubles of the +working-class is to be found in their expropriation from the means of +labor; now, the harder they work on the established basis of +expropriation, the more power they give the capitalist class to enrich +themselves and to expropriate those who have not yet entered the inner +circle of capitalism. On the basis of the present gigantic forms of +the instruments of labor, the collective means of labor and labor +itself can be united in the same hands, only by the transformation of +the capitalist ownership of these means of labor into social +ownership, only by the transformation of capitalist production into +social production. The logical consequence of the material facts of +the existing environment, this transformation, the socialization of +the means of production having collective tendencies, is possible, and +it appears as the only practical method of emancipating the laborers, +of emancipating society as a whole.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>Emancipated the laborers will be, since their lives will no longer be +dependent upon the means of labor monopolized by others and they will +be free to make their lives what they will. In fact, they will freely +choose the kind of productive labor they prefer, and all kinds of work +will, in accordance with the law of supply and demand, be reduced in +varying proportions to definite quantities of ordinary labor. After +once deducting from the product of the labor of each a portion which +will take the place of the present taxes, the portion necessary to +replace the means of labor consumed, to provide for the extension of +the scale of production, for insurance against disastrous +contingencies, such, for instance, as floods, lightning, tornadoes, +etc., for the support of those incapable of labor, to meet generously +the expenses of administration and of satisfying the common +requirements of sanitation, education, etc., the producers of both +sexes will distribute the balance among themselves, proportionally to +the quantity of ordinary labor furnished by them severally. The right +of each laborer will be equal, in the sense that for all, without +distinction, the labor furnished will be the measure alike for all, +and this equal right may possibly lead to an unequal distribution, +according to the greater or smaller quantities of labor furnished. The +standard of rights in force in an economic environment cannot be +superior in quality to that environment, but it will go on increasing +in perfection as the environment advances toward perfection, thus +reducing, so far as material conditions shall permit, the inequalities +of natural origin.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>The important point is that, from the dawn of social production, there +will be no more surplus-labor, no more classes, and, therefore, no +more exploitation, as there inevitably is under capitalist production. +Every adult able to work will receive, under one form or another, +partly in articles for personal consumption, partly in social +guarantees, in public services of every kind, the same quantity of +labor that he shall give to society. If goods are rationed out, this +rationing will not be accompanied by exploitation; as rationing can +then be due only to a deficiency in personal or social production, and +not to the spoliation which the wage-system implies, a system under +which overproduction, far from being favorable to the satisfaction of +the demand of the working-class for articles of consumption, results +for them in loss of employment and starvation diet.</p> + +<p>During the capitalist period, it suffices for socialism to establish +the possibility of the emancipation of the working-class and to work +for that emancipation. There is no occasion to waste time in working +out and settling the details of the organization of the future +society. Each epoch has its task. Let us not have the presumption to +lay down rules for those who are to come after us, and let us be +content with present duties. The point upon which socialism trains its +guns at present, though recognizing the utility that it has had in the +past, is the capital-form; but let us not forget that the substance +beneath this form will be every whit preserved. When an office is +taken away from an office-holder, the individual is left without a +hair the less. In the same way, in taking from the means of +production <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>their function as capital, everything that functions +to-day under that form will remain intact. Socialism then attacks the +capital-form, the form only, and it attacks it only in so far as the +economic phenomena authorize such an attack. Everything which +constitutes the substance of capital will be preserved, the +capital-form alone will disappear and along with it that power that it +involves of exploiting the labor of others.</p> + +<p>What will be the fate of the capitalists?</p> + +<p>Capital appears to be a collective power or force, by its origin, +since it springs from the accumulated surplus-labor of a collective +body of laborers, by its functional activity since it also requires a +collective body of laborers to enable it to enter upon its functions, +and by its mode of ownership since, if it is private property, it +tends more and more to be the private property, not of an individual, +but of a collective body, a company or trust. To make public property +of the means of production, which are capital when they are able to +exploit the labor of others and which are capital only on that +condition, is simply to generalize the collective or social character +which they already have.</p> + +<p>Is the holder of a share in a mining or railway company or any sort of +stock-company justified in speaking of "his" property? Where is his +property? In what does it consist? What can he show if someone asks to +see it? A machine? A piece of real estate? No, simply one or several +bits of paper which represent only an infinitesimal fraction of an +undivided whole. Would this shareholder be any the less a +property-owner, if this undivided whole should become an integrant +portion of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>the national property? Would there be such a great +difference between "his" property, as it now is, and his quota or +share in the national property? Just as the capitalists understand +well enough to-day how to avail themselves of the national forests, +for instance, for fresh air, pleasure excursions afoot and awheel, +recreation, etc., so, after the socialization of the material objects +that make up what is at present capital, they would use this newly +nationalized property as means of labor or production.</p> + +<p>This, then, would be a true democratization<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of property. The +process, ordinarily called by this name, the dispersion of shares, +stocks and bonds, is only the process—called legitimate—of +extracting good hard cash from all pockets, even those most scantily +supplied, centralizing it, monopolizing the real possession of it in +exchange for a certificate of nominal ownership, making it breed or +expand, and permitting to flow back in interest, dividends, etc., only +tiny crumbs until the day comes when the poor investors cease to get +even these microscopical returns. This pretended democratization of +property results simply in the formation of a financial aristocracy +creating scandalous fortunes out of the good dollars of the small +investors, and if these dollars, when the paper accepted in their +stead is no longer worth anything, are lost for their former +possessors, they are not lost for everyone. (They have become the +reward of "abstinence."—Translator.)</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>Let the stocks representing part-ownership in a company lose all +value—this is an occurrence that the shareholders and bondholders of +the Panama canal, for example, can tell you is not unknown in our +bourgeois society—and the shareholder finds himself, in this +instance, permitted to enjoy all the blessings of expropriation +without any indemnifying compensation; sometimes even he has the +delicate attention of an invitation from the Receiver or the Courts to +pour some more money into the hole where his former savings +disappeared. Now even in this case the owners of this sort of personal +property do not make too much ado about the matter. Why should they +complain any more bitterly on the day when there will be, as it were, +only a substitution of one kind of stocks or shares for another, when +they will all become stockholders and bondholders of the great society +(the Co-operative Commonwealth), instead of being shareholders and +bondholders in one or several little societies or companies?</p> + +<p>By this transformation they will gain complete assurance against risk +of loss—a real enough danger to-day when, after the actual control of +property passes into the hands of financial magnates, the revenue of +the nominal owners, the stockholders, etc., falls to zero or nearly +zero, thus cutting off their means of existence or enjoyment. They +will lose only one thing: the power of dominating the labor of others +and of appropriating its fruits; while they will have the privilege of +enjoying the common wealth and the advantages springing from its +co-operative employment.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>Healthy adults will take for their own use, provided they work, their +share of the social products. If they are already accustomed to any +kind of work, they will find no hardship in this obligation to perform +useful labor; if they are not accustomed to it, they will acquire the +habit and will find their health greatly improved thereby in every +respect. If they are old and infirm they will be liberally provided +for by society.</p> + +<p>What they can reasonably expect and insist upon having is the +sustenance of life (in a broad sense),<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and this they will have, as +you see, in any case. The socialization will not result in such a +change in the distribution of wealth as is often caused by watering +the stock of a company. It will simply extend to all, those who hold +stocks at present included, those advantages which a minority alone +enjoys to-day, and it will benefit all, but stockholders especially, +by doing away with those risks which capitalist exploitation forces +everyone to run.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<p>Finally, socialism will rob no one. I would ask those who assert the +contrary, what description then should be given to those transactions +in the goods and property of the nobility, the clergy and above all of +the communes, performed by our great radicals in the French +Revolution, by those whose work has become a "compass" for our +guidance. Just as soon as we cease simply substituting one privileged +class for another, just as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>soon as we enable all without exception to +enjoy the same advantages, no one will be robbed or deprived of +anything. Simply, inequality in the enjoyment of privilege will have +been abolished, another privileged class will have vanished from the +stage. Yes, the capitalists will lose, along with their special +privileges or rights over the means of production, that characteristic +or quality that makes them capitalists; but, I repeat, they will have +exactly the same rights as all others to the use and enjoyment of +those means of production, from that time forth the inalienable +property of society. With capital dethroned, the principles of the +Republic will at last be applied with controlling power to the field +of economics, just as they are to the field of politics, and political +democracy will have ceased to be a farce, for it will have developed +into its perfect flower, <span class="sc">Industrial Democracy</span>.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> This is not an English word, but I will take the liberty +of borrowing it from the French.—Tr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "The world owes every man a living," is a common +saying.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VII.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Far from being a material upheaval, the advent of socialism will be +simply the culmination of the economic evolution now going on. Born, +in its contemporaneous form, from the study of facts, socialism sees +in the facts the controlling elements of the modifications to be +effected. It makes no pretence of going in advance of the economic +phenomena, it limits itself to following them, to adapting itself to +conditions which it does not create and which it is not its part to +create. Now, if, in all those cases where the means of production are +already collectively owned by companies or trusts or are concentrated +in the hands of single individuals, they can be placed at the +disposition of <span class="fakesc">ALL</span> only by the substitution of society as a +whole for their present capitalist possessors, in those cases in which +the form of ownership of the means of labor is still truly individual, +<i>i.e.</i>, where they are still in the hands of those who themselves +directly make use of them in actual work, it is not for society to +force itself into the place of the present proprietors. The purpose of +the interference of society, indeed, is to give, in the only form +to-day possible, the means of production to the laborers who have them +not, it is to restore the tools and materials of labor to those who +have been robbed of them. It is not its <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>business, then, to interfere +in those cases where the laborers are still in possession of their +tools and materials. And so the peasant will retain the patch of land +he possesses and tills, the petty tools and implements will continue +to belong to the artisan-manufacturer who himself works with them, +until the facts shall lead them to renounce voluntarily this form of +private ownership, no longer to their advantage, in order to enjoy the +far more fruitful benefits of collective ownership and production.</p> + +<p>Moreover, just as, in the capitalist period, the changes brought about +by the development of machinery re-acted upon even those branches of +production in which machinery had not as yet been introduced, by +developing, for example, in all branches the exploitation of women and +children, in the same way, the advantages of the socialization of the +means of production previously centralized by the capitalists, will +re-act upon the petty proprietors of the means of production not yet +socialized. The petty producer, who remains master of his own +instrument of labor, will, through the simultaneity and propinquity of +the embryonic co-operative commonwealth, get the help he needs. +Notably, he will be freed from the clutches of the financial middlemen +whose victim he is at present; his labor, freed from their +exploitation, will be in its turn emancipated, just as truly, although +in a different way, as will be the labor of those who, exploited +to-day because they lack the means of labor, will have these means, +socialized, placed at their free disposition. The result for all will +thus be the emancipation of labor, in the one case, by placing the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>socialized means of labor at the free disposition of all laborers, in +the other, by leaving to the individual laborer his individual tool. +In both cases, the tools will be owned by those who use them.</p> + +<p>And, though it displeases our opponents, this way of proceeding is +very logical, although it does not conform to their pretended +conception of logic. The logic of the Socialists does not consist in +forcing a solution demanded by a certain set of facts upon other facts +which do not yet require that solution, it does not consist in making +fish live out of the water because that mode of life agrees with men. +It consists in adapting itself in all cases to the environment, to the +facts, in always acting with reference to the facts, instead of +requiring the same kind of action in the face of different +combinations of facts. To those who assert that this position is in +conflict with the "pure dogma of the socialist church," you have only +to reply that there is neither a socialist church nor a socialist +dogma, but that there are far too many bourgeois imbeciles who attempt +to palm off ideas made by themselves out of the whole cloth as the +dogmas of socialism.</p> + +<p>During the sixteen years that our socialist theory has been developing +in France, it has never varied upon the subject of the petty +producers. Those who assert the contrary follow their own imaginations +and not the facts. I defy them to prove that we have not always spoken +in the same way in regard, for example, to the small farms of the +peasants. They now accuse our opinion on this subject of opportunism, +using the word in its political meaning; they could, more correctly, +accuse us <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>of having always professed opportunism, but this time using +the word in the sense implied by its derivation. You know how +necessary it is to avoid the confusion—opportune for some, it is +true—of the political meaning of a word with its true meaning. The +political radicals are far from being radical in the ordinary sense, +and their brothers (nominally opponents) the opportunists, instead of +wishing that which is opportune, find nothing opportune except the +satisfaction of their own appetites and the postponement of all else. +In the true meaning—the time has come to say it—of the word, there +cannot be a party more thoroughly opportunist than the socialist party +which—I will not cease repeating—must simply adapt itself to the +facts and which has no guide, save the facts, to point the way in the +transformation of property.</p> + +<p>When we talk of the transformation of property which is nothing, as they +are obliged to confess, but "a social institution,"<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> our opponents, +with their strange fashion of doing us justice, change our words into +"suppression of property." "Socialists of all schools have decreed the +suppression of property"<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> is the notable affirmation of "a certain +number of young men, strangers hitherto to politics"<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>—this part of +the phrase is not mine, it is, possibly, the least open to criticism of +any part of the work of the young men in question, who have felt +impelled to speak on a question that they confess is foreign <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>to them. +Their confession is superfluous; we would have readily perceived, +unaided, that they spoke of socialism after the fashion of those who +know nothing of it.</p> + +<p>These young men, in founding the "<i>comité d'action de la gauche +libérale</i>,"<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> wrote: "We are partisans of individual liberty and of +individual property." I assume, until proof to the contrary is +forthcoming, that they are not partisans of these things for +themselves and their friends alone. If they advocate them for every +one, I beg them to tell us what they think of the liberty of the man +who has, as his source of livelihood, only his labor-power without the +means of utilizing it.</p> + +<p>Either they recognize that every man ought to have the means of labor +at his disposal, and, in that case, I will ask them how, with the +system of mechanical industry, they hope to put at the disposal of all +these means so necessary to the liberty of all.</p> + +<p>Or, they do not recognize that every man, to be free, must dispose of +the tools and materials of labor, and then I will ask them what +becomes of the liberty of the man to whom the employer can say: if you +do such or such a thing, if you do not accept such or such a thing, +you shall have no work, that is to say, it shall be impossible for you +to eat. And that they may not accuse me of describing hypothetical +cases blacker than nature, I will submit for their meditation the +following fact related by the <i>Temps</i> (Times)<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> at the time of the +strike of Rive-de-Gier.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>"An engine-stoker fell ill. He was replaced, all the time of his +illness, by a common laborer at 50 cents a day. The regular stoker +having gotten well, resumed his duties. He was completely surprised, +at the end of the fortnight, to receive only 50 cents a day, when he +had been paid, before his illness, 80 cents. He protested. 'There it +is. Take it or leave it,' he was told; 'we have found out that a +common laborer at 50 cents does this work just as well as you; we cut +you down to 50 cents. Get out or accept it.' The man had a family, and +choice was forbidden him. He accepted it."</p> + +<p>In the face of such facts, M. Célestin Jonnart has the +assurance—which I will describe, returning one of the epithets he +applies to us, as "villainous"—to assert that the socialists "are +working for conditions which will produce generations of men who will +know nothing but abject submission and will be ready for every +degradation." These generations, sir, are not to be made; they are to +be raised from their degradation, and that is the task at which +socialism is working.</p> + +<p>If I have cited only one fact, this is not because facts of this kind +are rare, it is because the one I have cited has the advantage of +coming from the <i>Temps</i> which may be suspected of anything you like +except socialism. Then, besides proving how free the laborer is in his +choice, this fact shows how the free contract between capitalist and +laborer is concluded. When the stoker resumes his place, he naturally +imagines that he is resuming it upon the former conditions, and no one +undeceives him. On pay-day, which does not come till a fortnight +later, he perceives that he must conclude <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>a new free contract +different from the one he had a right to believe in force, and accept +50 cents instead of the 80 cents expected and agreed upon.</p> + +<p>Are these men free, the stoker and his like? I would gladly have on +this point the opinion of M. Léon Say who not long since posed as the +champion, against the socialists, of "human liberty and dignity." The +truth is that the laborer is free, only when, to the right of being +free, he joins the effective power of being free, only when he has at +his disposition the things necessary to the realization of his labor, +only, in other words, when he does not have to throw himself upon the +mercy of the possessors of those things. Whatever the law may say, the +man who depends upon another for his subsistence is not free. What is +requisite is to furnish means of labor to the laborers who have them +not; now, on the basis of the present form or character of these +means, society can assure possession of them to all, only when these +means shall have been socialized, shall have become social property. +As regards the laborers who still possess their means of labor, they +will retain them, as I explained just above. In fact, only through +socialism can individual liberty be made a reality for all.</p> + +<p>It is the same with individual property as with individual liberty. +From all that I have just stated it is clear that the only property +that socialism wishes to transform, is the property no longer made use +of by the individual owners thereof; it is the property which is +formed by the agglomeration of petty scraps of property wrested from +the immense majority, and which exists <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>only to the detriment of that +very majority.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> And even in this case there will be no suppression, +since the present holders will be granted the use of their transformed +property on the same terms as others.</p> + +<p>What, then, is the property of "those silent multitudes who toil and +struggle so hard for existence and who are in truth the artisans of +our greatness?"<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Is not your capitalist society stripping them more +and more every day of the means of labor and of individually owned +dwellings, and leaving to them in individual ownership only the things +indispensable to the bare support of life? It is the capitalist regime +which, by increasing immeasurably the property of the few, contracts +the limits within which the personal acquirement of property by the +many is possible. It is the socialist regime which will increase this +possibility of the personal acquirement of property, by assuring to +each the share earned by his labor. It is only under the regime of +socialism that individual property will be a reality for all, as this +regime alone will suppress—though suppressing nothing else—the +possibility of using this property to exploit the labor of others.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> M. Célestin Jonnart.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Déclaration du "Comité d'action de la gauche libérale."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Idem.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Committee of action of the Liberal Left.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> March 8, 1893, 2d page.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "Political economy confuses on principle two very +different kinds of private property, of which one rests on the +producers' own labor, the other on the employment of the labor of +others. It forgets that the latter not only is the direct antithesis +of the former, but absolutely grows on its tomb only."—Marx, 1st vol. +of <i>Capital</i>, Humboldt Edition, page 488.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> M. Célestin Jonnart.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VIII.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>It appears that from the moment when it will no longer be possible to +exploit the individual, there will no longer be any individuality. At +least it so appears to the capitalists who deem that which does not +yield them a profit to be non-existent. To the socialists, on the +other hand, the existence of individuality appears dependent upon its +freedom. Now, as it is, as we have just seen, only in the socialist +period that all individuals will be able to have the means necessary +to true freedom, it follows that the triumph of socialism will be the +triumph of the individual, the blossoming of personality.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> In the +socialist period, indeed, all those who shall wish to work will be +able to do so, by choosing freely their favorite kind of socially +useful labor, and all will be able to consume the social products +proportionally to the labor they have furnished. Will it not, +therefore, be to the interest of all to work, and to try to make the +work as little toilsome and as productive as possible? <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>Is there not +here, apart from the joy of serving one's fellows, the most powerful +motive for emulation both as regards the quantity of labor +individually performed and in the invention or discovery of improved +processes tending to procure for each and all the maximum of benefits +in return for the minimum of exertion?</p> + +<p>A certain degree of audacity is required to dare compare the producers +of the future under socialism, with the office-holders of to-day under +capitalism. What interest has the office-holder of to-day to reduce to +the minimum the cost to the State of the services it is his function +to perform? His salary, determined before any labor is performed, is +independent of the quantity and quality of his labor; and so the +office-holder, though full of righteous indignation against the +workingmen who wish to work only eight hours a day, seeks, on his own +part, to work just as little as possible, and he squanders and wastes +as much as possible, because extravagance never costs him a penny and +sometimes brings him in handsome rewards. While under the regime of +socialism, the personal interest of the individual will be in harmony +with the social interest of all, under the present system the personal +interests of the office-holders are in direct conflict with the +interest of the State. Under the regime of socialism, men, all men, +will be producers and not office-holders; they will not be +office-holders any more than are members of a family who, in order to +provide for the satisfaction of the needs of the family, perform +severally various functions.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>In conclusion, the whole question may be summed up thus: Is the spirit +of initiative and personal energy likely to be more broadly +disseminated among the masses, when the latter know that they are +compelled to make their own wretchedness the instrument of the +prosperity of a minority, or when they shall know that their own +prosperity will be whatever they, by their own labor, shall make it, +under a system of absolute equality of privilege? There can be no +doubt as to the answer in the minds of all those who are not too much +wonted to the denial of truth. But, under the regime of socialism, +initiative<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and energy cannot promote personal interests alone; +while being more favorable than ever to those interests, they will +necessarily be advantageous to all. As soon as the material conditions +necessary for the attainment of individual prosperity shall also be +the conditions requisite for social prosperity, we shall see grow out +of this harmony a system of ethics based on the newly acquired +consciousness of social solidarity, and under this new morality the +action of the individual will have not only as its necessary though +indirect result, but also as its guiding principle, motive and goal, +the social or common interest, the greatest good of all.</p> + +<p>It would seem that from this time forth all ought to unite their +efforts in order to hasten the dawn of the realization of a social +environment so advantageous to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>all. In fact, excepting a very small +minority of great financiers and capitalists, all those who work or +have worked with hand or brain, all have an interest in the triumph of +socialism; unfortunately all are not conscious of the undeniable +precariousness of the situation of all under the regime of capitalism, +and so do not see the advantage for all in transforming this regime +along the lines of its social tendencies, and many will stupidly +strive to prolong the state of things which is the cause of their +troubles.</p> + +<p>Socialism repels no one and is open to all those, without regard to +their social position, who comprehend its necessity. But, if it is far +from repelling them—striving indeed to attract them—it cannot count +in advance, generally speaking, on those who too readily become the +dupes of illusions begotten by a more or less privileged social +situation and who are unable to rise above their class prejudices +sufficiently to form a just conception of their own true interests. +While preparing the ground for socialism which is developing wherever +the capitalist mode of production has reached a certain stage, the +economic phenomena at the same time necessitate the economic and +political organization of the industrial<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> laborers, and they are +the class immediately and directly interested in the triumph of +socialism.</p> + +<p>Small industrial employers, artisans, retail merchants and working +owners of small farms have two-fold class-ties. They belong to the +possessing class, and yet they <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>are exploited. When, under the empire +of a naive pride and vain hopes, the man proud of his possessions, the +would-be capitalist, dominates in them, they give heed to the dirty +blackguards who are forever telling them that the common laborer and +the socialist wish to take their little property away from them, and +they show a hostility which, in spite of their conservative +intentions, is aimed against those whom they ought to help if they +wish to be sure of retaining the little property they have. When, +under the lashes of the thong of stern reality they feel themselves +exploited and menaced with expropriation, they applaud the demands of +the socialists and help support—as has often been seen—the strikes +of the laborers. According to circumstances the middle class declares +itself in this way, now on one side, now on the other.</p> + +<p>The industrial workingmen who own nothing but their labor-power and to +whom the possession, even in a dream, of the smallest estate is an +impossibility, cannot possibly conceive the false idea that they have +anything to lose by the victory of socialism. From that to thinking +that they have everything to gain by that victory is not far; for this +all that is needed is for them to be brought into contact with the +socialist propaganda. Therefore the principal mission of socialism is +to instruct and organize the multitudes of industrial laborers; they +must be won over the first of all. This which is, in fact, for the +middle class only a defensive war against the great capitalists +becomes an offensive war for the great majority of the industrial +laborers who have to conquer that which the middle class has only to +preserve.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>Because we say that socialism makes its appeal more particularly to +the industrial laborers, we beg our critics not to represent us as +saying that socialism ought to neglect the members of all other +classes. Socialism struggling for the emancipation—no longer +impossible—of all, combats in every rank or stratum of society all +exploitations and all oppressions, and it is the natural defender of +all the exploited and all the oppressed. Just as, to regard the +economic question as the sum and substance of militant socialism is +not, in our opinion, to restrict its field of action, but is simply, +on the contrary, to pursue directly the only line of conduct by which +it is possible for its efforts to produce broad general effects, so to +devote our attention first of all to the industrial laborers is not to +make light of the wrongs of the other victims of exploitation, but it +is to devote our first efforts to strengthening the active army of +socialism, formed of those who have to blaze out a path for the +movement, but whose success—which will be hastened by the support of +members of other classes—will assure the emancipation of all.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> "In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes +and class antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free +development of each is the condition for the free development of +all."—Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto, page 43, New York, 1898, +published by Nat. Ex. Committee of the Socialist Labor Party.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> This word is used so exclusively in a technical sense by +the Direct Legislation faddists, it may be necessary to say it is here +used to denote originality and independent strength of mind, +etc.—Tr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> "Industrial," as used here, and, indeed, correctly, it +should be noted, does not include agricultural.—Tr.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>IX.</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Socialism and the party which incarnates it are begotten by the +economic transformations which are taking place under our eyes. If it +is impossible to suppress (or eliminate) certain phases of social +development, at a certain stage of development it is possible for men +to facilitate or retard the success of socialism. This depends +sometimes upon men who are not socialists, and nearly always upon +socialist tactics.</p> + +<p>Is socialism inexorably destined to wait for "the natural play +(working) of institutions and laws to bring to pass the triumph of its +aspirations," as M. Charles Dupuy asked in one of his astonishing +addresses? Socialism which is essentially an evolutionary theory +expects its realization to result from the natural working out of the +facts; but, under normal conditions, it can no more rely on the +natural play or action of existing laws, than a republican, eager for +the Republic, could with any show of reason, have relied, in the time +of the Empire, on the natural working of the imperial laws to evolve +the Republic. But in a republic, such as France or the United States, +where universal suffrage makes the People the sole nominal sovereign, +and where by strictly legal action the People may become the +effective, actual sovereign, if socialism cannot rely for its triumph +upon the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>free play and natural working of the laws of evolution, it +can rely upon the ever-growing influence of socialist electors and +officials on political action and legislation—a source of hope that +was forbidden to the republicans under the empire. It may also happen +that its triumph may be brought about by a rupture of <i>de facto</i> +legality, a rupture which under certain contingencies may become +unavoidable, a rupture which may be forced upon them without any +regard to the personal preferences of socialists, as, for example, in +France, on the 4th of September, 1870, such a rupture was forced upon +Jules Simon and other fanatical partisans of legality, and it is a +rupture of this kind which constitutes a revolution.</p> + +<p>Evolution and Revolution are not contradictory terms. Quite the +contrary. When they both take place, the one following and +supplementing the other, the second is the conclusion of the first, +the revolution is only the characteristic crisis which ends and gives +real effect to a period of evolution. Notice what takes place in the +case of the young chick. After having gone through the regular process +of development inside of its shell, the little brute, who is as yet +unable to read the <i>Temps</i>, does not know that it has been decreed +that evolution must take place without any violence; instead of +employing its leisure in gently and legally wearing a hole through its +shell, it breaks its way out without warning or ceremony. Well, then, +socialism which does read the <i>Temps</i>, will act just as though it had +not read it, and, if the emergency arises, will imitate the little +chick; if in the course of events it becomes necessary, it will burst +asunder the mould of legality within which it is <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>developing, and +within which, at the present time, it has simply to continue its +regular and peaceful development.</p> + +<p>The distinctive mark of a revolution, as I have said, is the rupture +of <i>de facto</i> legality—that is the only <i>sine qua non</i>, everything +else is merely incidental. Unfortunately the strong general tendency +is to think that the word, revolution, necessarily implies the +execution of persons and the destruction of property. The latter are +catastrophes that the socialists will make every possible effort to +avoid; for they know that excesses in one direction inevitably provoke +a re-actionary movement in the opposite direction, and they will do +everything they possibly can to keep from thus unconsciously defeating +their own ends.</p> + +<p>At some particular time in the future events may occur that, purely by +the power of circumstances over men, will lead to a rupture of +legality. When and how will this happen, if it does happen? We know +nothing about it, and we are not and will not be the responsible cause +of such an event, because we recognize and point out the possibility +of its occurrence. The interested fears of some will not destroy this +possibility, nor will the too pardonable impatience of others convert +it into a probability. As the <i>Temps</i> said one day, in speaking +incidentally of revolutions: "One does not make them; they make +themselves."<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p>Although we can not indicate the character any more than the period of +this possible rupture of legality, still we have a right to say that +this rupture, or in other <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>words, this revolution, may take place +peacefully, like the one that occurred on the 4th of September, 1870. +The difference in the consequences of the two revolutions makes no +difference from our present point of view. It is true that the +revolution of the 4th of September was purely a political revolution. +But, while the revolution, whose possibility we are considering, is to +usher in a social transformation, as a revolution it is simply a +change of a political character. If the capitalists are as prudent as +were the Bonapartists on the 4th of September, the future rupture of +legality may be just as peaceful as was that in which Senator Jules +Simon took part. It is seen, then, that socialism may burst the mould +of legality while preserving the peace. On the other hand, it may make +use of violence while remaining within the forms of strict legality.</p> + +<p>Whether or not a revolutionary situation is destined to arise, the +duty, the whole duty of socialists consists in educating the masses, +in rendering them conscious of their condition, their task and their +responsibility, of organizing them in readiness for the day when the +political power shall fall into their hands. To win for socialism the +greatest possible number of partisans, that is the task to which +socialist parties must consecrate their efforts, using, for this +purpose, all pacific and legal means, but using such means only. In +ordinary times, such as those in which we live, any sort of action, +except peaceful and legal action with a view to the instruction and +organization of the masses, is sure, whether so intended or not, to +have a deterrent and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>reactionary influence, and to interfere with the +spread of socialist ideas.</p> + +<p>What I am advocating is not the policy of keeping our colors hidden in +our pockets, it is not the policy of mutilating, however slightly, the +theory of socialism, it is the policy of sticking strictly to that +theory without marring or disfiguring it by violences which form no +part of it, by vain predictions which threaten with no certainty of +fulfilment. The truth is that it is impossible to promise in advance +to stick solely to either method—force or legality; and this is true +for all parties. A Radical, M. Sigismund Lacroix, recognized this fact +when he wrote some time ago: "Many people of whom I am one ... would +hesitate to swear to stick, under all circumstances, to legal and +peaceful means. This depends, not on opinions, but on situations. +Revolutionary situations may arise, when to be a revolutionist will be +a duty."<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> + +<p>Even admitting that there must be a revolution—a question which the +events and not the wills of men will decide—this revolution, no +matter what its incidents, will be only one term in the series of +phenomena which are leading us from one social form to another, only +one link in a chain, and is it reasonable, therefore, to hypnotize the +laborers by concentrating their attention on that single link? What is +necessary is to make socialists, to make the masses conscious of the +economic movement in progress, to bring their wills into harmony with +that movement, and thus to lead to the election of more and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>more +socialists to our various elective assemblies, where it will be their +duty and privilege to maintain the forgotten and despised rights of +the people, and to effect, so far as they can, under the +circumstances, the various ameliorations of the conditions and status +of the toiling masses for which socialism is striving. The socialist +party is the only party which pursues these aims in a practical +fashion, by basing its tactics on the economic conditions of the +environment. What is the use, therefore, of talking of anything but +socialism, of expatiating on the nature of the crisis which will +terminate the present phase of evolution and will be the beginning of +a new phase? Why waste time talking about a contingent event that +circumstances may force upon us in the future, but the time or +character of which no man can define or describe to-day? At all +events, if we must talk of revolution, our aim should be to overthrow +the false ideas on this subject industriously circulated by our +opponents with a view to deterring recruits from enlisting in the +socialist army.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Issue of Nov. 14, 1891.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Le Radical</i>, May 30, 1893.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<h3>X.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></h3> +<br /> + +<p>Just as the idea of revolution is identified with the ideas of murder +and destruction, in the same way the internationalism of the workers +is identified with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>anti-patriotism. There is in the latter case as in +the former a fundamental error, and it remains for me to show that, +theoretically and practically, the identification of the +internationalism of labor with anti-patriotism is unjustifiable. And, +to begin with, he who says internationalism says internationalism, and +does not say anti-nationalism; consequently, you see at once that no +one ought—either to approve or condemn it—to use the word, +internationalism, to express what it does not mean and what other +words do mean.</p> + +<p>Instead of allowing ourselves to be led astray by our various +fantastic notions, let us here as elsewhere examine the facts and see +what conclusions they impose upon us. Socialism flows from the facts, +it follows them and does not precede them. This is the truth to which +we must constantly return, which we must never forget. Now, the facts +show us, <i>bon gré mal gré</i>, two things: on the one hand, the existence +of countries (fatherlands); on the other, the existence, in every +social stratum, of an international solidarity.</p> + +<p>It is with countries as with classes; some deny the existence of the +former, others of the latter. Now, in reason it is no more possible to +deny the existence of the country (fatherland) than the existence of +classes in that country. It is all right to look forward to the day +when national patriotism shall be swallowed up in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>world-wide +brotherhood, when classes shall vanish in human solidarity, but while +waiting for the facts to turn this noble ideal into a reality, we +must, in both cases, adapt ourselves to the facts as they actually are +at present. To wish to suppress them (classes, etc.) does not suppress +them, to protest against their existence does not at all prevent them +from existing and, so long as countries and classes shall exist, it +will be necessary for us, not to deny their existence in declamations +in the Bryan-McKinley style, but to adapt our tactics to the facts +which are the consequences of their existence.</p> + +<p>Just as the feeling of national solidarity is added to the feeling of +family solidarity, without destroying the latter, in the same way the +relatively new sentiment of international solidarity is added to the +former which is still retained. A new sentiment springing from a new +situation does not annihilate the older sentiments and emotions as +long as the conditions that gave them birth continue to exist, and +families and nations are still in existence.</p> + +<p>The tendency toward internationalism was inaugurated by capital. In +obedience to its own law of continuous growth, it has, more and more, +substituted international commerce for national trade. It has created +industries whose raw materials come from abroad and whose products +require, for an outlet, the universal or world market. It has thus +developed the reciprocal interdependence of nations, no one of which +to-day can live without the aid of the others.</p> + +<p>Capitalist internationalism, moreover, pursues its ends with stern +remorselessness. In order to lower national <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>wages and gain greater +profits, the capitalist does not hesitate to deprive his +fellow-countrymen of work, and to import, to compete with them on the +labor market, foreigners wonted by greater poverty to a lower standard +of living, and therefore able and willing to work for lower wages. To +prohibit them, not from employing foreigners, but from paying them +less than the national rate of wages is the only effective means of +meeting this evil. On the other hand, provided he sees a goodly profit +in the transaction, the capitalist never hesitates to loan money or +sell military supplies to a foreign country, though he thus increases +its power to wage war against his own.</p> + +<p>This international character, assumed by capital in all its forms, is, +in its effects, co-extensive with the domain of human affairs. And so, +as M. Aulard declared in a lecture about which there has been too much +talk: "There are no national boundaries for reason and science * * * +They are neither French, nor English, nor German, but international +and human." How, therefore, can the workingmen be justly reproached +for taking the road on which everything and everybody has started, and +along which the capitalists have preceded them? Face to face with the +international domination of capital, they have come to understand, in +all civilized nations, the common character, the oneness, of their own +interests. They are everywhere the victims of the same kind of +exploitation, due everywhere to the same cause. The same facts have +suggested to them the same demands, the same means and tactics to +attain the same goal. International exploitation has thus given birth +to an <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>ever growing international solidarity among the workers who +resist its encroachments. And the international concurrence of the +workers is publicly declared by the world-wide celebration of the +First day of May.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the most sincere sentiment of international solidarity +on both sides, the workingmen of two countries may still have to fight +against each other. This is one of the numerous contradictions—and +one of the most horrible—inherent in the capitalist regime, which is +condemned to aspire to peace and to unchain the horrid dogs of war. +While, for example, commerce on the world market requires peace, the +bitterness of competition on that market begets conflicts. * * * *</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<p>To safeguard the little independence left to them as laborers, the +workers have been led by the state of affairs, by actual conditions, +as were the business men before them, to be internationalists; but +they are patriots, and must be patriots only whenever their +country—be it France or America—is menaced by danger from abroad.</p> + +<p>I hope you now see that the internationalism of the workers and the +socialists cannot, by any possibility lead to anti-patriotism. These +are two distinct ideas which cannot be legitimately confounded, no +matter what the object of this confusion. Our internationalism and our +patriotism spring from two wholly distinct categories of facts, and +different facts logically necessitate different solutions, logic +consisting, here and everywhere, in adapting the solution to the facts +and not in applying the same solution indiscriminately to all sorts of +facts.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>To sum up, workingmen and socialists ought to be internationalists in +their relations with their toiling comrades when the interests of +labor are at stake in times of peace, patriots and Frenchmen before +all when France, our country shall be, if it must be, in danger of +war, conscious always of the duty to be performed, conscious, if need +be, especially in victory, of the duty of respecting in the case of +others, especially the conquered, the rights that they claim for +themselves.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<p>I have finished. That is all that socialism means. I have taken pains +to set it forth in its entirety, free from both the attenuations and +the exaggerations by which it is often mutilated or disfigured, but +which seem to me to have no foundation in reality. Its goal is the +socialization of the means of labor which have already manifested +collective tendencies—either in their mode of ownership or in the +mode of their employment as exploiting agencies—and the abolition of +classes. Its means, the transference to the political battlefield of +the Class Struggle, the existence of which it is compelled to +acknowledge. It must, for the time being, be resolved to preserve +legality at home and peace abroad, but equally energetically +determined to tolerate no measure that will make the situation of the +toilers more intolerable, to preserve republican institutions intact +and to defend the national territory against all foreign foes.</p> + +<p class="right">GABRIEL DEVILLE.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<br /> + +<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> In France, where pseudo-patriotism, or jingoism, runs +riot, the argument that international socialism is unpatriotic is much +in vogue with the hireling scribes of capitalism. Hence, this section. +In this country, owing in part to its geographical isolation, but +still more to the almost complete lack of a sense of international +solidarity on the part of the American worker, we seldom have to meet +this argument, and so I will condense and abridge this section.—Tr.</p></div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<h2>PARTNERS WANTED</h2> +<br /> + +<div class="block"><p>The publishing house which issues this book is not owned by a +capitalist nor by a group of capitalists. It is owned by a constantly +growing number of working people (1,640 in February, 1907) who have +each put in ten dollars.</p> + +<p>They get no dividends; what they do get is the privilege of buying +books at half price. Moreover, they make possible in this way the +publication of the real books of International Socialism at prices +within the reach of laborers.</p> + +<p>Whatever profit is made on these books is used to bring out more +books, but our prices are so low that this does not provide more than +a small fraction of the money that is needed.</p> + +<p>That is why we want more partners. A dollar a month for ten months +will give you the privilege of buying books at special rates as soon +as you have made your first payment. But by paying ten dollars at one +time you can get a certain number of books free and special rates on +your first order for other books.</p> + +<p class="cen">Write for particulars.</p> + +<hr style="width: 5%;" /> + +<p class="cen"><span class="sc" style="font-size: 120%;"><b>Charles H. 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