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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism, by 
+Gabriel Deville
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism
+
+Author: Gabriel Deville
+
+Translator: Robert Rives La Monte
+
+Release Date: April 25, 2011 [EBook #35962]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION, INTERNATIONALISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeannie Howse, Adrian Mastronardi, Mark C.
+Orton and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
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+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+    | Transcriber's Note:                                       |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has     |
+    | been preserved.                                           |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For     |
+    | a complete list, please see the end of this document.     |
+    |                                                           |
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+  PRICE 10 CENTS
+
+  Socialism, Revolution
+  and Internationalism
+
+  By GABRIEL DEVILLE
+
+
+
+
+  SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION
+  AND
+  INTERNATIONALISM
+
+
+  A LECTURE
+  DELIVERED IN PARIS, NOVEMBER 27, 1893, BY
+  GABRIEL DEVILLE
+
+
+  Translated by
+  ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE
+
+
+  CHICAGO
+  CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY
+  1907
+
+
+
+
+  PRESS OF
+  JOHN F. HIGGINS
+  CHICAGO
+
+
+
+
+SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION AND INTERNATIONALISM.
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+
+Socialism, revolution, internationalism--these are the three subjects
+regarding which I beg your permission to say what--with no pretence of
+being infallible--I believe to be the truth. At the risk of telling
+you nothing new, I will simply try to speak truth. Those who reproach
+the socialists for constantly repeating the same thing, have, no
+doubt, the habit of accommodating the truth to suit their taste for
+variety. On the other hand, to talk of socialism is to do what
+everyone else is doing at this time, but I will speak to you of it
+from the standpoint of a socialist, and--unhappily--that is not as yet
+equally common.
+
+The signal and distinctive mark of modern socialism is that it springs
+directly from the facts. Far from resting on the imaginary conceptions
+of the intellect, from being a more or less utopian vision of an ideal
+society, socialism is to-day simply the theoretical expression of the
+contemporaneous phase of the economic evolution of humanity.
+
+At this point we are met with two objections.
+
+On the one hand, because we say that socialism springs from the facts,
+we are accused of denying the influence of the Idea and the liberal
+defenders of the Idea rise up in revolt; they can calm themselves
+again. How could we deny the influence of the Idea, when socialism
+itself is as yet, as I have just pointed out, only a theoretical
+expression, _i.e._, an idea, which we nevertheless believe has a
+certain influence?
+
+We merely assert that a truth, irrevocably established by science as a
+valid generalization, does not cease to be a truth when it is applied
+to human history and socialism. This truth is the action of the
+environment: all living beings are the product of the environment in
+which they live. To the environment, in the last analysis, to the
+relations necessarily created by the multiple contacts, actions and
+reactions of the environment and the environed are due all the
+transformations of all organisms and, in consequence, all the
+phenomena that emanate from them. Thought is one of these phenomena,
+and, just like all the others, it has its source in actual facts. To
+say that socialism springs from the facts, is then simply to place the
+socialist idea on the same plane with all other ideas. In socialism,
+as in all subjects, the idea is the reflex in the brain of the
+relations of man with his surroundings, and the greater or less
+aptitude of the brain for acquiring, retaining and combining ideas,
+constitutes intelligence. The latter, in making various combinations
+out of the elements provided by the environment, may obviously lose
+sight of the reality which serves as its foundation, but our socialism
+aims never to depart from the data drawn from unbiased observation of
+the facts.
+
+We are accused, on the other hand, because we believe that the
+economic question contains the whole of socialism, of denying the
+existence and influence of the intellectual factor, the sentimental
+factor, the psychological factor--in short, a whole collection of
+factors. Now, as I am going to try to show you, our only error, if it
+is an error, is that we wish to put the cart behind the horse, and to
+accuse us of wishing to suppress the cart because we refuse to put it
+in front or alongside of the horse, proves, at once, the incontestable
+desire to find us at fault, and the difficulty of gratifying that
+desire.
+
+Man, as I said just now, is the product of the environment. But, to
+the influence of the cosmic or natural environment, which affects all
+beings, there was soon joined in his case the influence of the special
+environment created by him, an environment resulting from the acquired
+means of action, from the material of the tools used, from the
+conditions of life added by him to those furnished him by nature, or
+else substituted for them, the influence, in a word, of the economic
+environment, an influence which has gradually become predominant
+because the conditions of life, determining in all orders of society
+man's mode of life, have finally become less and less dependent upon
+the purely physical capabilities of the cosmic environment, and more
+and more dependent upon the means of action acquired by human
+exertions, upon the artificial capabilities of the economic
+environment, upon human thought materialized in various innovations.
+
+We find at the foundation of everything affecting man the influence of
+the natural and economic environments, and, if it is quite true that
+we recognize the preponderant influence of the economic environment,
+it is passing strange to accuse us of not recognizing the action of
+human intelligence, which we assert is the creator of this
+environment. Only we do not forget that, at any stage of development
+whatever, intelligence does nothing by its creations except to
+elaborate the elements which it finds "ready made," as it were, in the
+environment.
+
+Therefore, intelligence can, by working with the elements furnished by
+the existing environment, produce a change in this environment. This
+new environment thus changed becomes the determining environment of
+future intelligence. You see that, far from degrading the role of
+intelligence, we attribute to it a considerable importance; we only
+refuse to see in it a spontaneous phenomenon.
+
+Having replied to the reproach of not taking into consideration what
+is called intelligence and is paraded as the intellectual factor, it
+is scarcely necessary for me to honor with special replies all the
+other factors mobilized against us, as they are all merely products of
+intelligence. I will remark, however, that if it is true that we do
+not deduce our theory from this association of factors, this does not
+authorize the conclusion that morality, right, justice, psychology,
+and sentiment are for us words devoid of meaning. To refuse to elevate
+them to the rank of scientific proofs, which is what we do, and all
+that we do, is not to deny them; it is simply to avoid employing them
+for a use for which they are not and could not be destined. Because,
+to uphold our theory, we prefer to have recourse to the observation of
+facts and their tendencies, we have never proscribed the conception or
+sentiment of justice as motives for adhesion to that very theory, and
+we do not hesitate to declare that that which is unfitted to serve as
+a scientific proof, may be utilized as a motive for action.
+
+Moreover, even those who attribute to the "syndicate" of factors a
+preponderating power over historical progress do not attribute to
+intelligence a greater influence than we recognize as belonging to it.
+In fact, the controversy here is not concerning the influence of
+ideas. The controversy arises when we attempt to determine which ideas
+are influential. On either side it is simply a matter of choosing from
+among the products of intelligence. Our opponents insist upon the
+claims of the factors in combination, instead of recognizing, as do
+we, the predominant influence of the ideas which clothe themselves in
+the phenomenal form of acts, such as inventions, etc., which lead to
+the modification of the economic environment and consequently, as we
+believe, to the modification of man himself, in his mode of life
+first, in his habits and methods of thought afterward.
+
+As soon as it is seen that the transformation of the economic
+conditions, of the conditions of life, is the fundamental
+transformation, that upon which all the others are more or less
+dependent, it will be recognized that to say that socialism is simply
+the expression of the contemporaneous phase of economic conditions is
+not to narrow, in the slightest degree, its field of action, but only
+to define more accurately its immediate goal. The affirmation that
+there is in progress an evolution of the economic environment implies
+necessarily a corresponding evolution of the various branches of human
+knowledge, which are all influenced by this environment, just as the
+apple-tree implies the apple without its being necessary to speak of
+the integral apple-tree.[1] If socialism is contained "in a purely
+economic formula," it is just as the apple-tree is contained in the
+seed. Let us be vigilant to see that this "economic formula" and this
+seed are not thwarted in their normal development, and we shall have
+all the fruits that may be desired, even if we refrain from heaping
+qualifying or complemental adjectives upon the apple-tree and
+socialism.
+
+Some have thought that they have discovered an argument against this
+predominance of the economic environment and of the economic question,
+in the fact that some events which are not economic in nature--and
+they cite, most frequently, the invention of gunpowder and the
+revocation of the edict of Nantes--have had a great influence on human
+history. They forget that, if such or such an important event was not
+directly in itself an economic phenomenon, it is chiefly by the
+consequences that it had from the economic point of view that it
+became important; like all human discoveries, all historic events, it
+reached a point where it became a modifying element of the economic
+environment.
+
+To recapitulate, if we insist upon the influence of the surroundings,
+and, particularly, upon the preponderant influence of the economic
+environment--the creation of man--this does not justify representing
+us as attributing an exclusive influence to the economic environment
+and as holding that this environment itself is created and influenced
+only by facts properly classed as economic.
+
+I return then to my first proposition: socialism must have and has for
+its foundation the economic environment, the economic facts. What are
+those facts?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] A word is needed to make the force of this sarcasm clear to
+American readers. There was formed around the late Benoît Malon, the
+founder of _La Revue Socialiste_, a small but very intelligent and
+influential school of socialists, who loved (and still love) to prate
+about the inadequacy of Marxism, its neglect of various "factors,"
+etc., etc. They regard Marxian economics as being true so far as they
+go, but as constituting a very inadequate and incomplete socialism,
+which it was reserved for them, by a beneficent Providence, to
+complete. Their own socialism they call "integral socialism." We have
+their like in America--men who use Marxian ammunition and belittle
+Marx.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
+II.
+
+
+In order for man, who can live only on condition that he works, to be
+able to perform any sort of work, he must have at his disposition the
+instruments and the subject of labor. Now, these tools and this
+material, in one word, the means of labor, are, more and more,
+becoming the property of the capitalists. Those who are despoiled of
+the means of utilizing in work their own labor-power (or physical
+capacity for work) are, henceforth, compelled, being unable to live
+otherwise, to sell the use of that power to the capitalists who hold
+in their possession the things indispensable for labor. Through their
+possession of the things indispensable for the functioning of
+labor-power, the capitalists are, in fact, masters of all who cannot
+utilize their own power themselves, nor live without utilizing it.
+From this economic dependence flows the existence of distinct classes,
+distinct in spite of the civil and political equality of their
+members; and, as the capitalist regime expropriates the Middle Class
+more and more, it tends to accentuate the division of society into two
+principal classes: on the one hand, those who control the means of
+labor; on the other, those for whom the actual use of those means is
+the sole possibility of life.
+
+I will ask you to note that I speak of classes and not of orders or
+estates, because these last expressions imply a legal demarcation
+between the categories of persons which they indicate; while the word
+_class_ simply denotes, according to Littré,[2] the "grades
+established among men by the diversity and inequality of their
+circumstances." This is the reason that some among us refuse to make
+use of the expression "Fourth Estate." There are no longer any
+Estates, it is true, but it is not the less true that there still are
+classes. As no one among us any longer dares to approve of their
+existence, to deny it is the only way to avoid combatting it. And so
+it is this denial that is resorted to by those adversaries of
+socialism whose only weapons are falsehood and hypocrisy. Socialists
+are not the cause of the existence of classes because they recognize
+their existence. They limit themselves to establishing that which has
+been, that which is and that which is destined to be: the origin of
+classes, their present persistence and their approaching
+disappearance.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+As soon as, thanks to the development of the faculties of man and to
+his industrial discoveries, the productivity of labor became great
+enough for an individual to be able to produce more than was
+indispensable for his maintenance, the division of society into two
+great classes, the exploiters and the exploited, was effected. And
+this division had its justification, so long as production was not
+sufficient to render comfort for all a possibility. But, thanks to
+machinery and to scientific appliances which facilitate labor, while
+vastly multiplying the supply of articles of consumption, the
+exhausting labor of the masses and the monopolization of comfort by a
+minority can henceforth give place, must henceforth give place, and
+will give place in a future which no longer seems distant, to the
+universalization of labor and its inevitable consequence, the
+universalization of comfort and of leisure, that is to say, to social
+conditions under which there will be no classes, because their
+existence will (as now) serve no useful end as it has done in the
+past. We will soon see that our present ruling class, far from being
+useful, is already becoming baneful.
+
+To-day, if the existence of distinct classes has, apparently, lost all
+legal sanction, it is just as real a fact as ever. To deny it, one
+must have--pardon me the expression, but I can find no other defining
+as accurately this state of mind--the desire to play the fool, or the
+interest to do so. It is impossible to deny seriously that a part of
+the population is, in fact, through the form of the economic
+relations, through their material self-interest, through their need of
+food, placed in a position of dependence upon another portion of the
+population, and that there is an antagonism between those who must
+struggle to exist by working and those who can bargain out to them the
+means of labor.[3]
+
+By proclaiming the existence of classes and their antagonism, by
+divulging that antagonism, which is not their work, on the political
+rostrum, socialists are not creating factitious distinctions, they are
+not resuscitating and do not dream of resuscitating any of the social
+forms so fortunately and so energetically annihilated by the French
+Revolution, they are only adapting themselves to the situation as it
+presents itself to them now.
+
+In fact, modern industry is forcing the workers more and more every
+day to comprehend the necessity of association or combination in their
+disputes with the possessors of the means of labor, and thus the
+interests to be defended have to the workers less and less the false
+aspect of individual interests; they appear to them in their naked
+reality as class interests. Born of strikes, of coalitions of every
+kind imposed upon them by the customs and conditions of life in a
+capitalist society, their class activity soon takes an a political
+character. To this then are due the working-class agitations resulting
+in the recognition of political equality and the establishment of
+universal suffrage. In possession of political rights, the workingmen
+are obviously led to make use of these rights in behalf of their own
+interests. Inevitably, therefore, the political struggle is becoming
+more and more a class struggle which cannot end until the political
+power, in the hands of the workingmen, shall at last place the State
+at the service of the interests of all the exploited, and thus enable
+the latter to proceed to the economic reforms which will lead to the
+disappearance of classes as a direct consequence.
+
+Therefore, the Class Struggle is not an invention of the socialists,
+but the very substance of the facts and acts of history in the making
+that are daily taking place under their eyes.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] The French Webster.
+
+[3] "In fact the different classes dove-tail into each other, and
+there are always between two classes a multitude of unclassifiable
+hybrids, belonging wholly to neither class, in part to both."--Karl
+Kautsky.
+
+
+
+
+III.
+
+
+We know that those whose activity is subordinate in its exercise to a
+capital which they have not--and these compose the working-class--are
+compelled to sell their labor-power to some of the possessors of this
+capital who form, on their side, the bourgeois[4] class.
+
+What is sold by him who has to labor in order to live, and who has not
+in his possession the means of labor, to the possessor of those means
+is simply labor in the potential state, that is the muscular or
+intellectual faculties that must be exerted in the production of
+useful things. In fact, on the one hand, before these faculties are
+brought into active exercise, labor does not exist and cannot be sold.
+Now, the contract is made between the buyer and the seller before any
+action takes place and has for its effective cause, so far as the
+seller is concerned, the fact that the seller is so situated that he
+can not by himself bring his capacity for labor into productive use.
+On the other hand, as soon as the action (labor) begins, as soon as
+labor manifests itself, it cannot be the property of the laborer, for
+it consists in nothing but the incorporation of a thing which the
+laborer has just alienated by sale--capacity to perform labor--with
+other things which are not his--the means of production.
+
+To sum up, when the labor does not exist, the laborer can not sell
+that which he does not possess and which he has not the means of
+realizing; when the labor does exist, it can not be sold by the
+laborer to whom it does not belong. The only thing which the laborer
+can sell is his labor-power, a power distinct from its function,
+labor, just as the power of marching is distinct from a parade, just
+as any machine is distinct from its operations.
+
+What is paid under the form of wages by the possessor of the means of
+labor, the purchaser of the labor-power to the possessor of that
+power, cannot, therefore, be, and is not, the price of the labor
+furnished, but is the price of the power made use of, a price that
+supply and demand cause to oscillate about and especially below its
+value determined, like the value of any other commodity, by the
+labor-time socially necessary for its production, or in other words,
+in this case by the sum which will normally enable the laborer to
+maintain and perpetuate his labor-power under the conditions necessary
+for the given kind and stage of production.
+
+But, even when the laborer gets a value equal to the value of his
+power, he furnishes a value greater than that which he receives. The
+duration of labor required for a given wage, regularly exceeds the
+time necessarily occupied by the laborer in adding to the value of the
+means of production consumed, a value equal to that wage; and the
+labor thus furnished over and above that which represents the
+equivalent of what the laborer gets, constitutes _surplus-labor_.
+SURPLUS-LABOR THEN IS UNPAID LABOR.
+
+And here let us be clearly understood. When we speak of unpaid labor,
+we are stating a simple fact, and do not at all intend to say that
+capitalists, in the existing state of things, are personally guilty of
+extracting from the laborers labor for which they do not pay them. We
+are not of the number of those who think that "the causes of the ills
+from which we suffer are to be found in men rather than institutions,"
+as M. Glasson declared before the members of the Le Play School. We
+say exactly the contrary; for us the evil is due to institutions
+rather than to men and, in society as it is at present constituted,
+things cannot possibly take place in any other or different fashion.
+
+On the side of the laborer, the thing sold, as I have proved, cannot
+be his labor. It is his labor-power. The sum paid cannot be the price
+of his labor. It is the price of his labor-power, a price which, in
+view of the number of applicants for work, can only very rarely be
+equal to its value; but, even in this case, he furnishes a greater
+value than he receives. If he does not, his remuneration is not,
+strictly speaking, wages, for the furnishing of surplus-labor by the
+worker is a condition _sine qua non_ of wages. When his compensation
+is split up into wages and supplementary remuneration under the form
+of profit-sharing or under any other form, the workingman does not
+furnish less surplus-labor, less unpaid labor; quite the contrary, we
+may say, for it is clear that this supplementary remuneration, for the
+laborer, is a mere delusion, mere supplementary moon-shine. All that
+the workingman can hope to achieve, under, I repeat, the existing
+organization of society, is the curtailment of his surplus-labor, and
+that is the explanation and justification of the struggle for the
+reduction of the working-day, of the Eight Hours movement.
+
+On the side of the capitalist, on account of the fierce war of
+competition with low prices as weapons which rages throughout the
+field of production, it is financial suicide for the employer to
+extract from his work-people less unpaid labor than his competitors
+do; and that is why it is necessary to strive to obtain the reduction
+of the day by legal enactment. I add that so long as the employer, so
+long as the capitalist keeps within the bounds of what may be called
+the normal conditions of exploitation, he cannot reasonably be held
+responsible for the economic structure which is so advantageous to
+him, but which the best of intentions on the part of individuals would
+be powerless to modify. On the other hand, if capitalists are
+personally powerless to ameliorate the state of affairs, it would be
+rash to rush to the conclusion that they are capitalists in the
+interest of the workers. We must avoid exaggeration in either
+direction.
+
+Surplus-labor was not invented by the capitalists. Ever since human
+societies issued from the state of primitive communism, surplus-labor
+has always existed; and it is the method by which it is wrung from the
+immediate producers, which differentiates the different economic forms
+of society.
+
+Before man was able to produce in excess of his needs, one portion of
+society could not live upon the fruits of the toil of another portion.
+How could a man work gratuitously for others when his entire time was
+barely sufficient to procure him his own necessary means of
+existence? When, in consequence of human progress, labor had acquired
+such a degree of productiveness that an individual was enabled to
+produce more than what was strictly necessary for his needs, it became
+possible for some to subsist upon the toil of others and slavery could
+be established.
+
+That it was established by force is not doubtful; but it must be
+confessed that its establishment promoted human evolution. So long as
+the productiveness of labor, although sufficient to make surplus-labor
+possible, was not sufficient to render participation in directly
+useful labor compatible with other occupations or pursuits, the
+toilsome drudgery and exploitation of some was the necessary condition
+of the leisure of others, and, thereby, of the development of all.
+For, if none had had leisure, no progress could have been made in the
+sciences, the arts and all the branches of knowledge, the benefits of
+which we all enjoy in some degree. And the fact that the thinkers of
+antiquity and the greatest among them, Aristotle, excused slavery, is
+a proof that the mode of thought is determined by the exigencies of
+the economic organization of society. To reproach Aristotle, in
+particular, because he did not regard slavery and property as it is
+natural for us to regard them, is equivalent to reproaching him for
+not having applied the processes of our modern production to ancient
+industries.
+
+Slavery did not appear to lack a rational foundation, and did not
+begin to disappear until the external conditions were profoundly
+transformed and thus rendered another kind of labor and of
+surplus-labor more in harmony with the material requirements.
+Following upon the economic environment in which slavery was the rule
+there came then the economic environment in which serfdom
+predominated, and the latter, in its turn, has been superseded by the
+economic environment in which the wage-system has become the general
+rule. Each of these environments has had or has its own habits and
+modes of thought which may be in contradiction with ours, but which
+are the natural consequences of the modes of life in vogue in their
+respective eras.
+
+An examination of the aspect of surplus-labor in these three
+environments shows that it has the appearance of being all labor in
+the first, a larger or smaller fraction of the whole labor in the
+second, and apparently falls to zero in the third. In fact, in
+slavery, during a part of the day, the slave only replaces the value
+of what he consumes and so really works for himself; notwithstanding,
+even then his labor appears to be labor for his owner. All his labor
+has the appearance of surplus-labor, of labor for others. Under
+serfdom or the _corvée_ system, the labor of the serf for himself and
+his gratuitous labor for his feudal lord are perfectly distinct, the
+one from the other; by the very way in which the labor is performed,
+the serf distinguishes the time during which he works for his own
+benefit from the time which he is compelled to devote to the
+satisfaction of the wants of his lordly superiors. Under the
+wage-system, the wage-form, which appears in the guise of direct
+payment of labor, wipes out every visible line of demarcation between
+paid labor and unpaid labor; when he receives his wages, the laborer
+seems to get all the value due to his labor, so that all his labor
+takes on the form or appearance of paid labor. While, under slavery,
+the property-relation conceals the labor of the slave for himself,
+under the wage-system the money-relation conceals the gratuitous labor
+of the wage-worker for the capitalist. You will readily perceive the
+practical importance of this disguised appearance of the real relation
+between labor and capital. The latter is deemed to breed or expand by
+its own virtue, and the former to receive its full remuneration.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[4] In America where, since 1865, we have had no landed aristocracy,
+bourgeois and wealthy are well nigh synonymous.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
+IV.
+
+
+Wage-labor as an economic form existed before the actual appearance of
+industrial capital which in fact only dates from the day when
+production by the aid of wage-labor became general. Capital, in fact,
+is not a quality with which the means of production are naturally
+endowed, which they have always had and which they are destined always
+to have. It is a character which they possess only under definite
+social conditions. The means of production are no more naturally
+capital than a negro is naturally a slave. And when socialists talk of
+suppressing capital and capitalists, those who do not wish to make a
+ridiculous confusion, ought to remember that it is simply a question
+of taking away from the means of production and those who hold
+possession of them a character which they now have, and which can be
+taken from them without destroying an atom of their material
+substance, just as in suppressing slavery, it is not necessary, in
+order to take away the slave-character from the negro, to kill the
+negro.
+
+For a long time capital was known only under the form of merchants'
+capital and usurers' capital; for it was only, or almost only, under
+those two forms that money bred its like, and it is this possibility
+of money's breeding which constitutes capital. This possibility could
+not exist, except as an exceptional fact, for money invested in the
+means of production, so long as industry remained more or less
+domestic in character. In order for capital to spread beyond the
+domain of commerce in goods and money and appear in the domain of
+production, it was necessary for the wealth accumulated in commerce
+and usury to effect on a large scale the concentration of the
+scattered petty producers and their petty individual tools; the
+workshop had to be enlarged; it was necessary to bring together a
+large number of workers working at the same time, in the same place,
+under the orders of the same "captain of industry," in producing on a
+large scale the same kind of commodity, and to find for the disposal
+of the latter a sufficiently extended market.
+
+The money advanced in production can, in fact, realize an appreciable
+profit by the sale of the objects produced, only when its possessor is
+able to realize a certain quantity of surplus-labor; now, to
+accomplish this he must have a certain number of laborers. For it is
+the surplus-labor realized, we know, that forms the excess of the
+value produced over that of the money laid out in production, or, in
+other words, the surplus-value which incessantly swells the capital
+and continually increases its power to dominate labor.
+
+The capitalist mode of production, the mode of production in which the
+means of labor function as capital, owes to capital its specific
+character, which is its power of making money breed money, of giving
+birth to surplus-value. The capitalist purchaser of labor-power has
+only one object, viz., to enrich himself by making his money breed or
+expand, by the process of making commodities containing more labor
+than he pays for, and by selling which he therefore realizes a value
+greater than that of the sum of the advances or outlays made.
+
+If, since the productiveness of labor has made it possible, one part
+of society has, under various economic forms, been forced to add to
+the labor-time required for its own support, a certain amount of
+surplus-labor-time, for which it has received no equivalent and the
+benefit of which has been enjoyed by another part of society, it is
+likewise true that so long as the aim of production was to enable the
+privileged class to appropriate the means of consumption and
+enjoyment, the surplus-labor of the immediate producers reached its
+limit with the full satisfaction of those needs and desires, as
+extensive as they might be, to gratify which was the object of this
+appropriation. But as soon as it becomes a question of obtaining,
+instead of a certain mass of products, the production at any cost of
+surplus-value, the incessant multiplication of money, the possessor of
+the means of production strives relentlessly to make those means of
+production absorb the greatest possible quantity of surplus-labor.
+
+If this insatiable thirst for and headlong pursuit of surplus-value
+has been for the laborers and their families the cause of an
+exploitation of their labor-power, more burdensome than any form of
+exploitation previously known, it must be recognized that it has
+contributed to the development of the means of production. It is with
+capital as with slavery. Both, sources of sufferings for their
+victims, they have been, on the whole, sources of progress for
+humanity. The history of human progress is far from being an idyl. Our
+too forgetful and too proud civilization is the result of a long
+series of torments and miseries endured by the nameless and forgotten
+masses.
+
+Therefore capital has had its utility, and the era of capitalist
+production constitutes a great step forward in the evolution of the
+productive powers. Beginning with the enlargement of the small guild
+workshop, passing through action in common, the co-operation of a
+large number of laborers in the enlarged workshop through the
+manufacturing stage, by the division of labor within the workshop, by
+the introduction and general adoption of the machine-tool, by the
+employment of steam as a motive power, capitalist production has
+finally developed into modern mechanical industry which has
+revolutionized the mode of production more radically than had any
+previous change. It is its continuous and radical alteration of the
+technical processes which distinguishes the capitalist period from all
+the preceding periods, and prevents it from having the relatively
+permanent conservative character which they had.
+
+
+
+
+V.
+
+
+What are the results of these revolutions in industrial methods, and
+what are their tendencies?
+
+Machinery is more and more seizing upon all industries, and, instead
+of making use of his tool, the laborer is the servant of the machine.
+The relative ease of work of this kind makes it possible to substitute
+unskilled labor for skilled labor, women and children for men. By thus
+throwing men out of work, the instrument of labor lowers wages and
+expropriates the laborer from his means of existence. This machinery,
+thanks to which the genius of Aristotle foresaw the possibility of the
+emancipation of the slave, has as yet been merely a cause of
+enslavement, and just as man is moulded by the economic environment
+which is his own work, he is here enslaved by his own product.
+
+With the extension of the system of mechanical industry, the product
+ceases more and more to be the work of an individual. The individual
+by himself alone no longer makes a product, but a fraction of a
+product, and the owner no longer works with his instrument of labor,
+or, in other words, uses his property himself, but turns this task
+over to a certain number of laborers, to a group of wage-slaves. Thus,
+when the possessor of a hand-saw works with it, the owner uses his
+own property; with the machine-saw, it is used not by the owner, but
+by the laborers, whom he has to employ to operate it. While the
+operation of the means of production so largely augmented requires the
+common action of a host of workers, the undertakings and
+establishments grow to such dimensions that the vast sums of capital
+necessary for their conduct are not to be found in the hands of a
+single capitalist. Having become too gigantic for a single capitalist,
+the title or nominal ownership of these means of production, and along
+with it the profits, passes from the individual capitalist to an
+association of capitalists, to a company of stockholders. This company
+actually has, considered as a collective body, a particular tangible
+property; but what does this property represent for each individual
+shareholder? A fiction. The individual stockholder cannot lay his
+finger upon any particular material object and say: that is mine.
+
+While the means of production are thus ceasing to be in the strict
+sense private property, and require for their actual operation a
+collective body of laborers, while the product is becoming a social
+product, the owners of the means of production and the products, are
+becoming shareholders, and thus ceasing to perform any useful
+function, to have any real utility. The success of a business in
+former times depended upon the energy and skill of its proprietor,
+just as it sometimes does to-day in small manufacturing or mercantile
+establishments. Since the introduction of stock companies, the
+producing organism is no longer affected by the personal traits of
+those who own it; it does not know the shareholder, the present
+multiple proprietor, any more than the latter knows his property; it
+functions independently of him, and does not feel his influence, so
+that even a change of ownership has no effect upon it. The former
+functions of the proprietor are at the present time performed by
+wage-workers, trained engineers or managers, more or less well paid,
+but still wage-workers. In place of the managing proprietor, we have
+then a salaried manager, and he is a better manager because he is only
+a salaried employee, as M. de Molinari admits, when he writes: "All
+that is requisite is for him to possess the ability, knowledge and
+character demanded for his functions, and these are all qualities
+which are more easily and cheaply obtained on the market, divorced
+from capital than united to it."[5]
+
+Not only is the proprietary class, "the haves," losing all social
+utility, but, more than this, it is becoming baneful through its
+exclusive pre-occupation with personal profits. Baneful it is
+henceforth for all branches of social production which the mad and
+unorganized pursuit of profits subjects to disastrous perturbations,
+to periodical crises swamping the market and lasting amid failures and
+shut-downs until the outlets for goods once more open up; baneful for
+all the workers, worked to utter exhaustion in periods of business
+activity and reduced to wretched poverty in periods of industrial
+depression, during which they suffer from want of everything, because
+there is, relatively to the purchasing power of the people, too much
+of everything--(here we see once more the creator dominated by the
+creation, the producers by their products, just as in the cases
+formerly noticed of the human intelligence and the economic
+environment, of the machine and the workman); baneful for all
+consumers, who are victims of the adulteration of products begotten by
+the mad strife for gain; baneful for the petty capitalists, the small
+producers in constant danger of bankruptcy and ruin through the
+intensity of the war of competition which always results in the
+victory of the great capitalists or the great combinations of capital
+(trusts, etc.).
+
+To recapitulate, our economic movement tends toward labor in common,
+since the operation of the means of production is passing from the
+working-proprietor to a collective group of laborers, and toward the
+elimination of the mode or form of private or individual ownership of
+the means of production, since the nominal property in them is passing
+from the individual proprietor to a collective body of shareholders
+(stock-company or trust). It also tends to leave the proprietary class
+no useful role or function, thus making them for the future not only
+superfluous, but baneful.
+
+At the same time that the organization of labor adapted to the present
+form and state of the productive forces is escaping from the hands of
+the proprietary class and is thus the signal that the close of its
+historic career is at hand, it is concentrating and organizing men
+everywhere in the same way that it concentrates material wealth. It
+brings the laborers together and leads them, through their identity in
+position and interests, to combine in groups or unions, it constitutes
+them into a class more and more conscious of its situation,
+disciplines their masses systematically arranged and graded in each
+industrial establishment, and fashions out of their own ranks an
+intellectual aristocracy upon which devolves the function of
+super-intending and managing all industries.
+
+And while the individual form of their petty tools or instruments of
+labor, and their mode of production which keeps them in independent
+isolation, engender in the workers in petty industries ideas too
+individualistic and egoistic, wherever modern mechanical industry has
+already wrested from the laborer his tool and transformed it into a
+mechanical apparatus effacing individuality from the labor-process,
+wherever individual labor merges into and blends with collective
+labor, wherever the technical processes are such that the task of each
+is of service only through the participation (co-operation) of all,
+and is itself the condition of the performance of the collective task,
+the strictly individualistic tendencies of the producers in the petty
+industries are replaced by the spirit of solidarity, which, with the
+progress of industrial development, is leading--nay, forcing the
+working class every day more and more toward socialist ideas, ideas
+which spring from the material necessities which inexorably force
+their way into the minds of men.
+
+These are facts against which our personal preferences are of no
+avail. The material and intellectual elements of the collective (or
+co-operative) form of production, elaborated by the capitalist regime,
+are thus developing more and more every day, and socialism is, you
+see, the natural consequence of existent conditions. It is not
+something imported from abroad and added to our social movement,
+neither is it an article of export good for any sort of economic
+environment; it is the rigorous consequence of a certain orderly
+sequence of facts, the result of a definite evolution whose progress
+it has noted, but which has taken place independently of it; it has
+not created it because it has been conscious of its existence.
+
+And so, as M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu recognizes: "the field of modern
+mechanical industry is extending its boundaries more and more, and it
+is difficult to see what limits can be set to its possible extension."
+Now it is modern industry which lays bare the antagonisms immanent in
+capitalist production, and at the same time renders their destruction
+possible. The historic role of capital has been the development of the
+productive powers, and, in the process of developing them, it has
+created the weapons which are destined to kill it. Necessary during a
+certain stage of economic development, it is not eternal, but
+inevitably comes to an end with a change in the relations of the means
+of production to the producers.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[5] L'Evolution économique, p. 38.
+
+
+
+
+VI.
+
+
+The preparation and training of the working-class (for their high
+functions) by the productive powers, the growing and inevitable
+development and crystallization of the collective tendencies of the
+latter, the increasing incompatibility between their essential
+character and their private ownership, all lead to a new economic
+regime in which they will be owned and controlled collectively just as
+they are operated collectively, in which they will be conducted by
+society and for society. And all the socialism of the socialists
+consists of wishing to perpetuate in a fully developed form the
+present social character of the material conditions of life.
+
+I say socialism of the socialists because we have seen flourish in our
+day a peculiar socialism, the socialism of those good people who
+earnestly wish to remove the inconveniences and injustices of our
+present social state, but who also wish a little more earnestly to
+preserve the cause of these inconveniences, who wish at once to
+suppress or abolish the proletariat and to preserve the capitalist
+form of society. It is quite possible for socialism also to have its
+converts and even its backsliders; it asks its adherents, not whence
+they come, but to go whither it is going, or, at least, to permit it
+to proceed upon its road without attempting to turn it aside from it.
+As one of our adversaries declares, we can say in our turn: 'On one
+side are the socialists, on the other those who are not socialists,'
+and among the latter may be counted those who accept the name while
+rejecting the thing.
+
+Apart from the socialization of the means of labor which have already
+taken on a collective form, there may be and there often is
+charlatanry, but there is no real possibility of emancipation, there
+is no socialism.
+
+So long as the means of labor and labor shall not be united in the
+same hands, the means of labor will retain the character of capital,
+and capital will inevitably exploit the workingman and wring from him
+labor for which it will not pay him. The source of the troubles of the
+working-class is to be found in their expropriation from the means of
+labor; now, the harder they work on the established basis of
+expropriation, the more power they give the capitalist class to enrich
+themselves and to expropriate those who have not yet entered the inner
+circle of capitalism. On the basis of the present gigantic forms of
+the instruments of labor, the collective means of labor and labor
+itself can be united in the same hands, only by the transformation of
+the capitalist ownership of these means of labor into social
+ownership, only by the transformation of capitalist production into
+social production. The logical consequence of the material facts of
+the existing environment, this transformation, the socialization of
+the means of production having collective tendencies, is possible, and
+it appears as the only practical method of emancipating the laborers,
+of emancipating society as a whole.
+
+Emancipated the laborers will be, since their lives will no longer be
+dependent upon the means of labor monopolized by others and they will
+be free to make their lives what they will. In fact, they will freely
+choose the kind of productive labor they prefer, and all kinds of work
+will, in accordance with the law of supply and demand, be reduced in
+varying proportions to definite quantities of ordinary labor. After
+once deducting from the product of the labor of each a portion which
+will take the place of the present taxes, the portion necessary to
+replace the means of labor consumed, to provide for the extension of
+the scale of production, for insurance against disastrous
+contingencies, such, for instance, as floods, lightning, tornadoes,
+etc., for the support of those incapable of labor, to meet generously
+the expenses of administration and of satisfying the common
+requirements of sanitation, education, etc., the producers of both
+sexes will distribute the balance among themselves, proportionally to
+the quantity of ordinary labor furnished by them severally. The right
+of each laborer will be equal, in the sense that for all, without
+distinction, the labor furnished will be the measure alike for all,
+and this equal right may possibly lead to an unequal distribution,
+according to the greater or smaller quantities of labor furnished. The
+standard of rights in force in an economic environment cannot be
+superior in quality to that environment, but it will go on increasing
+in perfection as the environment advances toward perfection, thus
+reducing, so far as material conditions shall permit, the inequalities
+of natural origin.
+
+The important point is that, from the dawn of social production, there
+will be no more surplus-labor, no more classes, and, therefore, no
+more exploitation, as there inevitably is under capitalist production.
+Every adult able to work will receive, under one form or another,
+partly in articles for personal consumption, partly in social
+guarantees, in public services of every kind, the same quantity of
+labor that he shall give to society. If goods are rationed out, this
+rationing will not be accompanied by exploitation; as rationing can
+then be due only to a deficiency in personal or social production, and
+not to the spoliation which the wage-system implies, a system under
+which overproduction, far from being favorable to the satisfaction of
+the demand of the working-class for articles of consumption, results
+for them in loss of employment and starvation diet.
+
+During the capitalist period, it suffices for socialism to establish
+the possibility of the emancipation of the working-class and to work
+for that emancipation. There is no occasion to waste time in working
+out and settling the details of the organization of the future
+society. Each epoch has its task. Let us not have the presumption to
+lay down rules for those who are to come after us, and let us be
+content with present duties. The point upon which socialism trains its
+guns at present, though recognizing the utility that it has had in the
+past, is the capital-form; but let us not forget that the substance
+beneath this form will be every whit preserved. When an office is
+taken away from an office-holder, the individual is left without a
+hair the less. In the same way, in taking from the means of
+production their function as capital, everything that functions
+to-day under that form will remain intact. Socialism then attacks the
+capital-form, the form only, and it attacks it only in so far as the
+economic phenomena authorize such an attack. Everything which
+constitutes the substance of capital will be preserved, the
+capital-form alone will disappear and along with it that power that it
+involves of exploiting the labor of others.
+
+What will be the fate of the capitalists?
+
+Capital appears to be a collective power or force, by its origin,
+since it springs from the accumulated surplus-labor of a collective
+body of laborers, by its functional activity since it also requires a
+collective body of laborers to enable it to enter upon its functions,
+and by its mode of ownership since, if it is private property, it
+tends more and more to be the private property, not of an individual,
+but of a collective body, a company or trust. To make public property
+of the means of production, which are capital when they are able to
+exploit the labor of others and which are capital only on that
+condition, is simply to generalize the collective or social character
+which they already have.
+
+Is the holder of a share in a mining or railway company or any sort of
+stock-company justified in speaking of "his" property? Where is his
+property? In what does it consist? What can he show if someone asks to
+see it? A machine? A piece of real estate? No, simply one or several
+bits of paper which represent only an infinitesimal fraction of an
+undivided whole. Would this shareholder be any the less a
+property-owner, if this undivided whole should become an integrant
+portion of the national property? Would there be such a great
+difference between "his" property, as it now is, and his quota or
+share in the national property? Just as the capitalists understand
+well enough to-day how to avail themselves of the national forests,
+for instance, for fresh air, pleasure excursions afoot and awheel,
+recreation, etc., so, after the socialization of the material objects
+that make up what is at present capital, they would use this newly
+nationalized property as means of labor or production.
+
+This, then, would be a true democratization[6] of property. The
+process, ordinarily called by this name, the dispersion of shares,
+stocks and bonds, is only the process--called legitimate--of
+extracting good hard cash from all pockets, even those most scantily
+supplied, centralizing it, monopolizing the real possession of it in
+exchange for a certificate of nominal ownership, making it breed or
+expand, and permitting to flow back in interest, dividends, etc., only
+tiny crumbs until the day comes when the poor investors cease to get
+even these microscopical returns. This pretended democratization of
+property results simply in the formation of a financial aristocracy
+creating scandalous fortunes out of the good dollars of the small
+investors, and if these dollars, when the paper accepted in their
+stead is no longer worth anything, are lost for their former
+possessors, they are not lost for everyone. (They have become the
+reward of "abstinence."--Translator.)
+
+Let the stocks representing part-ownership in a company lose all
+value--this is an occurrence that the shareholders and bondholders of
+the Panama canal, for example, can tell you is not unknown in our
+bourgeois society--and the shareholder finds himself, in this
+instance, permitted to enjoy all the blessings of expropriation
+without any indemnifying compensation; sometimes even he has the
+delicate attention of an invitation from the Receiver or the Courts to
+pour some more money into the hole where his former savings
+disappeared. Now even in this case the owners of this sort of personal
+property do not make too much ado about the matter. Why should they
+complain any more bitterly on the day when there will be, as it were,
+only a substitution of one kind of stocks or shares for another, when
+they will all become stockholders and bondholders of the great society
+(the Co-operative Commonwealth), instead of being shareholders and
+bondholders in one or several little societies or companies?
+
+By this transformation they will gain complete assurance against risk
+of loss--a real enough danger to-day when, after the actual control of
+property passes into the hands of financial magnates, the revenue of
+the nominal owners, the stockholders, etc., falls to zero or nearly
+zero, thus cutting off their means of existence or enjoyment. They
+will lose only one thing: the power of dominating the labor of others
+and of appropriating its fruits; while they will have the privilege of
+enjoying the common wealth and the advantages springing from its
+co-operative employment.
+
+Healthy adults will take for their own use, provided they work, their
+share of the social products. If they are already accustomed to any
+kind of work, they will find no hardship in this obligation to perform
+useful labor; if they are not accustomed to it, they will acquire the
+habit and will find their health greatly improved thereby in every
+respect. If they are old and infirm they will be liberally provided
+for by society.
+
+What they can reasonably expect and insist upon having is the
+sustenance of life (in a broad sense),[7] and this they will have, as
+you see, in any case. The socialization will not result in such a
+change in the distribution of wealth as is often caused by watering
+the stock of a company. It will simply extend to all, those who hold
+stocks at present included, those advantages which a minority alone
+enjoys to-day, and it will benefit all, but stockholders especially,
+by doing away with those risks which capitalist exploitation forces
+everyone to run.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Finally, socialism will rob no one. I would ask those who assert the
+contrary, what description then should be given to those transactions
+in the goods and property of the nobility, the clergy and above all of
+the communes, performed by our great radicals in the French
+Revolution, by those whose work has become a "compass" for our
+guidance. Just as soon as we cease simply substituting one privileged
+class for another, just as soon as we enable all without exception to
+enjoy the same advantages, no one will be robbed or deprived of
+anything. Simply, inequality in the enjoyment of privilege will have
+been abolished, another privileged class will have vanished from the
+stage. Yes, the capitalists will lose, along with their special
+privileges or rights over the means of production, that characteristic
+or quality that makes them capitalists; but, I repeat, they will have
+exactly the same rights as all others to the use and enjoyment of
+those means of production, from that time forth the inalienable
+property of society. With capital dethroned, the principles of the
+Republic will at last be applied with controlling power to the field
+of economics, just as they are to the field of politics, and political
+democracy will have ceased to be a farce, for it will have developed
+into its perfect flower, INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[6] This is not an English word, but I will take the liberty of
+borrowing it from the French.--Tr.
+
+[7] "The world owes every man a living," is a common saying.
+
+
+
+
+VII.
+
+
+Far from being a material upheaval, the advent of socialism will be
+simply the culmination of the economic evolution now going on. Born,
+in its contemporaneous form, from the study of facts, socialism sees
+in the facts the controlling elements of the modifications to be
+effected. It makes no pretence of going in advance of the economic
+phenomena, it limits itself to following them, to adapting itself to
+conditions which it does not create and which it is not its part to
+create. Now, if, in all those cases where the means of production are
+already collectively owned by companies or trusts or are concentrated
+in the hands of single individuals, they can be placed at the
+disposition of ALL only by the substitution of society as a whole for
+their present capitalist possessors, in those cases in which the form
+of ownership of the means of labor is still truly individual, _i.e._,
+where they are still in the hands of those who themselves directly
+make use of them in actual work, it is not for society to force itself
+into the place of the present proprietors. The purpose of the
+interference of society, indeed, is to give, in the only form to-day
+possible, the means of production to the laborers who have them not,
+it is to restore the tools and materials of labor to those who have
+been robbed of them. It is not its business, then, to interfere in
+those cases where the laborers are still in possession of their tools
+and materials. And so the peasant will retain the patch of land he
+possesses and tills, the petty tools and implements will continue to
+belong to the artisan-manufacturer who himself works with them, until
+the facts shall lead them to renounce voluntarily this form of private
+ownership, no longer to their advantage, in order to enjoy the far
+more fruitful benefits of collective ownership and production.
+
+Moreover, just as, in the capitalist period, the changes brought about
+by the development of machinery re-acted upon even those branches of
+production in which machinery had not as yet been introduced, by
+developing, for example, in all branches the exploitation of women and
+children, in the same way, the advantages of the socialization of the
+means of production previously centralized by the capitalists, will
+re-act upon the petty proprietors of the means of production not yet
+socialized. The petty producer, who remains master of his own
+instrument of labor, will, through the simultaneity and propinquity of
+the embryonic co-operative commonwealth, get the help he needs.
+Notably, he will be freed from the clutches of the financial middlemen
+whose victim he is at present; his labor, freed from their
+exploitation, will be in its turn emancipated, just as truly, although
+in a different way, as will be the labor of those who, exploited
+to-day because they lack the means of labor, will have these means,
+socialized, placed at their free disposition. The result for all will
+thus be the emancipation of labor, in the one case, by placing the
+socialized means of labor at the free disposition of all laborers, in
+the other, by leaving to the individual laborer his individual tool.
+In both cases, the tools will be owned by those who use them.
+
+And, though it displeases our opponents, this way of proceeding is
+very logical, although it does not conform to their pretended
+conception of logic. The logic of the Socialists does not consist in
+forcing a solution demanded by a certain set of facts upon other facts
+which do not yet require that solution, it does not consist in making
+fish live out of the water because that mode of life agrees with men.
+It consists in adapting itself in all cases to the environment, to the
+facts, in always acting with reference to the facts, instead of
+requiring the same kind of action in the face of different
+combinations of facts. To those who assert that this position is in
+conflict with the "pure dogma of the socialist church," you have only
+to reply that there is neither a socialist church nor a socialist
+dogma, but that there are far too many bourgeois imbeciles who attempt
+to palm off ideas made by themselves out of the whole cloth as the
+dogmas of socialism.
+
+During the sixteen years that our socialist theory has been developing
+in France, it has never varied upon the subject of the petty
+producers. Those who assert the contrary follow their own imaginations
+and not the facts. I defy them to prove that we have not always spoken
+in the same way in regard, for example, to the small farms of the
+peasants. They now accuse our opinion on this subject of opportunism,
+using the word in its political meaning; they could, more correctly,
+accuse us of having always professed opportunism, but this time using
+the word in the sense implied by its derivation. You know how
+necessary it is to avoid the confusion--opportune for some, it is
+true--of the political meaning of a word with its true meaning. The
+political radicals are far from being radical in the ordinary sense,
+and their brothers (nominally opponents) the opportunists, instead of
+wishing that which is opportune, find nothing opportune except the
+satisfaction of their own appetites and the postponement of all else.
+In the true meaning--the time has come to say it--of the word, there
+cannot be a party more thoroughly opportunist than the socialist party
+which--I will not cease repeating--must simply adapt itself to the
+facts and which has no guide, save the facts, to point the way in the
+transformation of property.
+
+When we talk of the transformation of property which is nothing, as they
+are obliged to confess, but "a social institution,"[8] our opponents,
+with their strange fashion of doing us justice, change our words into
+"suppression of property." "Socialists of all schools have decreed the
+suppression of property"[9] is the notable affirmation of "a certain
+number of young men, strangers hitherto to politics"[10]--this part of
+the phrase is not mine, it is, possibly, the least open to criticism of
+any part of the work of the young men in question, who have felt
+impelled to speak on a question that they confess is foreign to them.
+Their confession is superfluous; we would have readily perceived,
+unaided, that they spoke of socialism after the fashion of those who
+know nothing of it.
+
+These young men, in founding the "_comité d'action de la gauche
+libérale_,"[11] wrote: "We are partisans of individual liberty and of
+individual property." I assume, until proof to the contrary is
+forthcoming, that they are not partisans of these things for
+themselves and their friends alone. If they advocate them for every
+one, I beg them to tell us what they think of the liberty of the man
+who has, as his source of livelihood, only his labor-power without the
+means of utilizing it.
+
+Either they recognize that every man ought to have the means of labor
+at his disposal, and, in that case, I will ask them how, with the
+system of mechanical industry, they hope to put at the disposal of all
+these means so necessary to the liberty of all.
+
+Or, they do not recognize that every man, to be free, must dispose of
+the tools and materials of labor, and then I will ask them what
+becomes of the liberty of the man to whom the employer can say: if you
+do such or such a thing, if you do not accept such or such a thing,
+you shall have no work, that is to say, it shall be impossible for you
+to eat. And that they may not accuse me of describing hypothetical
+cases blacker than nature, I will submit for their meditation the
+following fact related by the _Temps_ (Times)[12] at the time of the
+strike of Rive-de-Gier.
+
+"An engine-stoker fell ill. He was replaced, all the time of his
+illness, by a common laborer at 50 cents a day. The regular stoker
+having gotten well, resumed his duties. He was completely surprised,
+at the end of the fortnight, to receive only 50 cents a day, when he
+had been paid, before his illness, 80 cents. He protested. 'There it
+is. Take it or leave it,' he was told; 'we have found out that a
+common laborer at 50 cents does this work just as well as you; we cut
+you down to 50 cents. Get out or accept it.' The man had a family, and
+choice was forbidden him. He accepted it."
+
+In the face of such facts, M. Célestin Jonnart has the
+assurance--which I will describe, returning one of the epithets he
+applies to us, as "villainous"--to assert that the socialists "are
+working for conditions which will produce generations of men who will
+know nothing but abject submission and will be ready for every
+degradation." These generations, sir, are not to be made; they are to
+be raised from their degradation, and that is the task at which
+socialism is working.
+
+If I have cited only one fact, this is not because facts of this kind
+are rare, it is because the one I have cited has the advantage of
+coming from the _Temps_ which may be suspected of anything you like
+except socialism. Then, besides proving how free the laborer is in his
+choice, this fact shows how the free contract between capitalist and
+laborer is concluded. When the stoker resumes his place, he naturally
+imagines that he is resuming it upon the former conditions, and no one
+undeceives him. On pay-day, which does not come till a fortnight
+later, he perceives that he must conclude a new free contract
+different from the one he had a right to believe in force, and accept
+50 cents instead of the 80 cents expected and agreed upon.
+
+Are these men free, the stoker and his like? I would gladly have on
+this point the opinion of M. Léon Say who not long since posed as the
+champion, against the socialists, of "human liberty and dignity." The
+truth is that the laborer is free, only when, to the right of being
+free, he joins the effective power of being free, only when he has at
+his disposition the things necessary to the realization of his labor,
+only, in other words, when he does not have to throw himself upon the
+mercy of the possessors of those things. Whatever the law may say, the
+man who depends upon another for his subsistence is not free. What is
+requisite is to furnish means of labor to the laborers who have them
+not; now, on the basis of the present form or character of these
+means, society can assure possession of them to all, only when these
+means shall have been socialized, shall have become social property.
+As regards the laborers who still possess their means of labor, they
+will retain them, as I explained just above. In fact, only through
+socialism can individual liberty be made a reality for all.
+
+It is the same with individual property as with individual liberty.
+From all that I have just stated it is clear that the only property
+that socialism wishes to transform, is the property no longer made use
+of by the individual owners thereof; it is the property which is
+formed by the agglomeration of petty scraps of property wrested from
+the immense majority, and which exists only to the detriment of that
+very majority.[13] And even in this case there will be no suppression,
+since the present holders will be granted the use of their transformed
+property on the same terms as others.
+
+What, then, is the property of "those silent multitudes who toil and
+struggle so hard for existence and who are in truth the artisans of
+our greatness?"[14] Is not your capitalist society stripping them more
+and more every day of the means of labor and of individually owned
+dwellings, and leaving to them in individual ownership only the things
+indispensable to the bare support of life? It is the capitalist regime
+which, by increasing immeasurably the property of the few, contracts
+the limits within which the personal acquirement of property by the
+many is possible. It is the socialist regime which will increase this
+possibility of the personal acquirement of property, by assuring to
+each the share earned by his labor. It is only under the regime of
+socialism that individual property will be a reality for all, as this
+regime alone will suppress--though suppressing nothing else--the
+possibility of using this property to exploit the labor of others.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[8] M. Célestin Jonnart.
+
+[9] Déclaration du "Comité d'action de la gauche libérale."
+
+[10] Idem.
+
+[11] Committee of action of the Liberal Left.
+
+[12] March 8, 1893, 2d page.
+
+[13] "Political economy confuses on principle two very different kinds
+of private property, of which one rests on the producers' own labor,
+the other on the employment of the labor of others. It forgets that
+the latter not only is the direct antithesis of the former, but
+absolutely grows on its tomb only."--Marx, 1st vol. of _Capital_,
+Humboldt Edition, page 488.
+
+[14] M. Célestin Jonnart.
+
+
+
+
+VIII.
+
+
+It appears that from the moment when it will no longer be possible to
+exploit the individual, there will no longer be any individuality. At
+least it so appears to the capitalists who deem that which does not
+yield them a profit to be non-existent. To the socialists, on the
+other hand, the existence of individuality appears dependent upon its
+freedom. Now, as it is, as we have just seen, only in the socialist
+period that all individuals will be able to have the means necessary
+to true freedom, it follows that the triumph of socialism will be the
+triumph of the individual, the blossoming of personality.[15] In the
+socialist period, indeed, all those who shall wish to work will be
+able to do so, by choosing freely their favorite kind of socially
+useful labor, and all will be able to consume the social products
+proportionally to the labor they have furnished. Will it not,
+therefore, be to the interest of all to work, and to try to make the
+work as little toilsome and as productive as possible? Is there not
+here, apart from the joy of serving one's fellows, the most powerful
+motive for emulation both as regards the quantity of labor
+individually performed and in the invention or discovery of improved
+processes tending to procure for each and all the maximum of benefits
+in return for the minimum of exertion?
+
+A certain degree of audacity is required to dare compare the producers
+of the future under socialism, with the office-holders of to-day under
+capitalism. What interest has the office-holder of to-day to reduce to
+the minimum the cost to the State of the services it is his function
+to perform? His salary, determined before any labor is performed, is
+independent of the quantity and quality of his labor; and so the
+office-holder, though full of righteous indignation against the
+workingmen who wish to work only eight hours a day, seeks, on his own
+part, to work just as little as possible, and he squanders and wastes
+as much as possible, because extravagance never costs him a penny and
+sometimes brings him in handsome rewards. While under the regime of
+socialism, the personal interest of the individual will be in harmony
+with the social interest of all, under the present system the personal
+interests of the office-holders are in direct conflict with the
+interest of the State. Under the regime of socialism, men, all men,
+will be producers and not office-holders; they will not be
+office-holders any more than are members of a family who, in order to
+provide for the satisfaction of the needs of the family, perform
+severally various functions.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In conclusion, the whole question may be summed up thus: Is the spirit
+of initiative and personal energy likely to be more broadly
+disseminated among the masses, when the latter know that they are
+compelled to make their own wretchedness the instrument of the
+prosperity of a minority, or when they shall know that their own
+prosperity will be whatever they, by their own labor, shall make it,
+under a system of absolute equality of privilege? There can be no
+doubt as to the answer in the minds of all those who are not too much
+wonted to the denial of truth. But, under the regime of socialism,
+initiative[16] and energy cannot promote personal interests alone;
+while being more favorable than ever to those interests, they will
+necessarily be advantageous to all. As soon as the material conditions
+necessary for the attainment of individual prosperity shall also be
+the conditions requisite for social prosperity, we shall see grow out
+of this harmony a system of ethics based on the newly acquired
+consciousness of social solidarity, and under this new morality the
+action of the individual will have not only as its necessary though
+indirect result, but also as its guiding principle, motive and goal,
+the social or common interest, the greatest good of all.
+
+It would seem that from this time forth all ought to unite their
+efforts in order to hasten the dawn of the realization of a social
+environment so advantageous to all. In fact, excepting a very small
+minority of great financiers and capitalists, all those who work or
+have worked with hand or brain, all have an interest in the triumph of
+socialism; unfortunately all are not conscious of the undeniable
+precariousness of the situation of all under the regime of capitalism,
+and so do not see the advantage for all in transforming this regime
+along the lines of its social tendencies, and many will stupidly
+strive to prolong the state of things which is the cause of their
+troubles.
+
+Socialism repels no one and is open to all those, without regard to
+their social position, who comprehend its necessity. But, if it is far
+from repelling them--striving indeed to attract them--it cannot count
+in advance, generally speaking, on those who too readily become the
+dupes of illusions begotten by a more or less privileged social
+situation and who are unable to rise above their class prejudices
+sufficiently to form a just conception of their own true interests.
+While preparing the ground for socialism which is developing wherever
+the capitalist mode of production has reached a certain stage, the
+economic phenomena at the same time necessitate the economic and
+political organization of the industrial[17] laborers, and they are
+the class immediately and directly interested in the triumph of
+socialism.
+
+Small industrial employers, artisans, retail merchants and working
+owners of small farms have two-fold class-ties. They belong to the
+possessing class, and yet they are exploited. When, under the empire
+of a naive pride and vain hopes, the man proud of his possessions, the
+would-be capitalist, dominates in them, they give heed to the dirty
+blackguards who are forever telling them that the common laborer and
+the socialist wish to take their little property away from them, and
+they show a hostility which, in spite of their conservative
+intentions, is aimed against those whom they ought to help if they
+wish to be sure of retaining the little property they have. When,
+under the lashes of the thong of stern reality they feel themselves
+exploited and menaced with expropriation, they applaud the demands of
+the socialists and help support--as has often been seen--the strikes
+of the laborers. According to circumstances the middle class declares
+itself in this way, now on one side, now on the other.
+
+The industrial workingmen who own nothing but their labor-power and to
+whom the possession, even in a dream, of the smallest estate is an
+impossibility, cannot possibly conceive the false idea that they have
+anything to lose by the victory of socialism. From that to thinking
+that they have everything to gain by that victory is not far; for this
+all that is needed is for them to be brought into contact with the
+socialist propaganda. Therefore the principal mission of socialism is
+to instruct and organize the multitudes of industrial laborers; they
+must be won over the first of all. This which is, in fact, for the
+middle class only a defensive war against the great capitalists
+becomes an offensive war for the great majority of the industrial
+laborers who have to conquer that which the middle class has only to
+preserve.
+
+Because we say that socialism makes its appeal more particularly to
+the industrial laborers, we beg our critics not to represent us as
+saying that socialism ought to neglect the members of all other
+classes. Socialism struggling for the emancipation--no longer
+impossible--of all, combats in every rank or stratum of society all
+exploitations and all oppressions, and it is the natural defender of
+all the exploited and all the oppressed. Just as, to regard the
+economic question as the sum and substance of militant socialism is
+not, in our opinion, to restrict its field of action, but is simply,
+on the contrary, to pursue directly the only line of conduct by which
+it is possible for its efforts to produce broad general effects, so to
+devote our attention first of all to the industrial laborers is not to
+make light of the wrongs of the other victims of exploitation, but it
+is to devote our first efforts to strengthening the active army of
+socialism, formed of those who have to blaze out a path for the
+movement, but whose success--which will be hastened by the support of
+members of other classes--will assure the emancipation of all.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[15] "In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class
+antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development
+of each is the condition for the free development of all."--Marx and
+Engels, Communist Manifesto, page 43, New York, 1898, published by
+Nat. Ex. Committee of the Socialist Labor Party.
+
+[16] This word is used so exclusively in a technical sense by the
+Direct Legislation faddists, it may be necessary to say it is here
+used to denote originality and independent strength of mind, etc.--Tr.
+
+[17] "Industrial," as used here, and, indeed, correctly, it should be
+noted, does not include agricultural.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
+IX.
+
+
+Socialism and the party which incarnates it are begotten by the
+economic transformations which are taking place under our eyes. If it
+is impossible to suppress (or eliminate) certain phases of social
+development, at a certain stage of development it is possible for men
+to facilitate or retard the success of socialism. This depends
+sometimes upon men who are not socialists, and nearly always upon
+socialist tactics.
+
+Is socialism inexorably destined to wait for "the natural play
+(working) of institutions and laws to bring to pass the triumph of its
+aspirations," as M. Charles Dupuy asked in one of his astonishing
+addresses? Socialism which is essentially an evolutionary theory
+expects its realization to result from the natural working out of the
+facts; but, under normal conditions, it can no more rely on the
+natural play or action of existing laws, than a republican, eager for
+the Republic, could with any show of reason, have relied, in the time
+of the Empire, on the natural working of the imperial laws to evolve
+the Republic. But in a republic, such as France or the United States,
+where universal suffrage makes the People the sole nominal sovereign,
+and where by strictly legal action the People may become the
+effective, actual sovereign, if socialism cannot rely for its triumph
+upon the free play and natural working of the laws of evolution, it
+can rely upon the ever-growing influence of socialist electors and
+officials on political action and legislation--a source of hope that
+was forbidden to the republicans under the empire. It may also happen
+that its triumph may be brought about by a rupture of _de facto_
+legality, a rupture which under certain contingencies may become
+unavoidable, a rupture which may be forced upon them without any
+regard to the personal preferences of socialists, as, for example, in
+France, on the 4th of September, 1870, such a rupture was forced upon
+Jules Simon and other fanatical partisans of legality, and it is a
+rupture of this kind which constitutes a revolution.
+
+Evolution and Revolution are not contradictory terms. Quite the
+contrary. When they both take place, the one following and
+supplementing the other, the second is the conclusion of the first,
+the revolution is only the characteristic crisis which ends and gives
+real effect to a period of evolution. Notice what takes place in the
+case of the young chick. After having gone through the regular process
+of development inside of its shell, the little brute, who is as yet
+unable to read the _Temps_, does not know that it has been decreed
+that evolution must take place without any violence; instead of
+employing its leisure in gently and legally wearing a hole through its
+shell, it breaks its way out without warning or ceremony. Well, then,
+socialism which does read the _Temps_, will act just as though it had
+not read it, and, if the emergency arises, will imitate the little
+chick; if in the course of events it becomes necessary, it will burst
+asunder the mould of legality within which it is developing, and
+within which, at the present time, it has simply to continue its
+regular and peaceful development.
+
+The distinctive mark of a revolution, as I have said, is the rupture
+of _de facto_ legality--that is the only _sine qua non_, everything
+else is merely incidental. Unfortunately the strong general tendency
+is to think that the word, revolution, necessarily implies the
+execution of persons and the destruction of property. The latter are
+catastrophes that the socialists will make every possible effort to
+avoid; for they know that excesses in one direction inevitably provoke
+a re-actionary movement in the opposite direction, and they will do
+everything they possibly can to keep from thus unconsciously defeating
+their own ends.
+
+At some particular time in the future events may occur that, purely by
+the power of circumstances over men, will lead to a rupture of
+legality. When and how will this happen, if it does happen? We know
+nothing about it, and we are not and will not be the responsible cause
+of such an event, because we recognize and point out the possibility
+of its occurrence. The interested fears of some will not destroy this
+possibility, nor will the too pardonable impatience of others convert
+it into a probability. As the _Temps_ said one day, in speaking
+incidentally of revolutions: "One does not make them; they make
+themselves."[18]
+
+Although we can not indicate the character any more than the period of
+this possible rupture of legality, still we have a right to say that
+this rupture, or in other words, this revolution, may take place
+peacefully, like the one that occurred on the 4th of September, 1870.
+The difference in the consequences of the two revolutions makes no
+difference from our present point of view. It is true that the
+revolution of the 4th of September was purely a political revolution.
+But, while the revolution, whose possibility we are considering, is to
+usher in a social transformation, as a revolution it is simply a
+change of a political character. If the capitalists are as prudent as
+were the Bonapartists on the 4th of September, the future rupture of
+legality may be just as peaceful as was that in which Senator Jules
+Simon took part. It is seen, then, that socialism may burst the mould
+of legality while preserving the peace. On the other hand, it may make
+use of violence while remaining within the forms of strict legality.
+
+Whether or not a revolutionary situation is destined to arise, the
+duty, the whole duty of socialists consists in educating the masses,
+in rendering them conscious of their condition, their task and their
+responsibility, of organizing them in readiness for the day when the
+political power shall fall into their hands. To win for socialism the
+greatest possible number of partisans, that is the task to which
+socialist parties must consecrate their efforts, using, for this
+purpose, all pacific and legal means, but using such means only. In
+ordinary times, such as those in which we live, any sort of action,
+except peaceful and legal action with a view to the instruction and
+organization of the masses, is sure, whether so intended or not, to
+have a deterrent and reactionary influence, and to interfere with the
+spread of socialist ideas.
+
+What I am advocating is not the policy of keeping our colors hidden in
+our pockets, it is not the policy of mutilating, however slightly, the
+theory of socialism, it is the policy of sticking strictly to that
+theory without marring or disfiguring it by violences which form no
+part of it, by vain predictions which threaten with no certainty of
+fulfilment. The truth is that it is impossible to promise in advance
+to stick solely to either method--force or legality; and this is true
+for all parties. A Radical, M. Sigismund Lacroix, recognized this fact
+when he wrote some time ago: "Many people of whom I am one ... would
+hesitate to swear to stick, under all circumstances, to legal and
+peaceful means. This depends, not on opinions, but on situations.
+Revolutionary situations may arise, when to be a revolutionist will be
+a duty."[19]
+
+Even admitting that there must be a revolution--a question which the
+events and not the wills of men will decide--this revolution, no
+matter what its incidents, will be only one term in the series of
+phenomena which are leading us from one social form to another, only
+one link in a chain, and is it reasonable, therefore, to hypnotize the
+laborers by concentrating their attention on that single link? What is
+necessary is to make socialists, to make the masses conscious of the
+economic movement in progress, to bring their wills into harmony with
+that movement, and thus to lead to the election of more and more
+socialists to our various elective assemblies, where it will be their
+duty and privilege to maintain the forgotten and despised rights of
+the people, and to effect, so far as they can, under the
+circumstances, the various ameliorations of the conditions and status
+of the toiling masses for which socialism is striving. The socialist
+party is the only party which pursues these aims in a practical
+fashion, by basing its tactics on the economic conditions of the
+environment. What is the use, therefore, of talking of anything but
+socialism, of expatiating on the nature of the crisis which will
+terminate the present phase of evolution and will be the beginning of
+a new phase? Why waste time talking about a contingent event that
+circumstances may force upon us in the future, but the time or
+character of which no man can define or describe to-day? At all
+events, if we must talk of revolution, our aim should be to overthrow
+the false ideas on this subject industriously circulated by our
+opponents with a view to deterring recruits from enlisting in the
+socialist army.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[18] Issue of Nov. 14, 1891.
+
+[19] _Le Radical_, May 30, 1893.
+
+
+
+
+X.[20]
+
+
+Just as the idea of revolution is identified with the ideas of murder
+and destruction, in the same way the internationalism of the workers
+is identified with anti-patriotism. There is in the latter case as in
+the former a fundamental error, and it remains for me to show that,
+theoretically and practically, the identification of the
+internationalism of labor with anti-patriotism is unjustifiable. And,
+to begin with, he who says internationalism says internationalism, and
+does not say anti-nationalism; consequently, you see at once that no
+one ought--either to approve or condemn it--to use the word,
+internationalism, to express what it does not mean and what other
+words do mean.
+
+Instead of allowing ourselves to be led astray by our various
+fantastic notions, let us here as elsewhere examine the facts and see
+what conclusions they impose upon us. Socialism flows from the facts,
+it follows them and does not precede them. This is the truth to which
+we must constantly return, which we must never forget. Now, the facts
+show us, _bon gré mal gré_, two things: on the one hand, the existence
+of countries (fatherlands); on the other, the existence, in every
+social stratum, of an international solidarity.
+
+It is with countries as with classes; some deny the existence of the
+former, others of the latter. Now, in reason it is no more possible to
+deny the existence of the country (fatherland) than the existence of
+classes in that country. It is all right to look forward to the day
+when national patriotism shall be swallowed up in world-wide
+brotherhood, when classes shall vanish in human solidarity, but while
+waiting for the facts to turn this noble ideal into a reality, we
+must, in both cases, adapt ourselves to the facts as they actually are
+at present. To wish to suppress them (classes, etc.) does not suppress
+them, to protest against their existence does not at all prevent them
+from existing and, so long as countries and classes shall exist, it
+will be necessary for us, not to deny their existence in declamations
+in the Bryan-McKinley style, but to adapt our tactics to the facts
+which are the consequences of their existence.
+
+Just as the feeling of national solidarity is added to the feeling of
+family solidarity, without destroying the latter, in the same way the
+relatively new sentiment of international solidarity is added to the
+former which is still retained. A new sentiment springing from a new
+situation does not annihilate the older sentiments and emotions as
+long as the conditions that gave them birth continue to exist, and
+families and nations are still in existence.
+
+The tendency toward internationalism was inaugurated by capital. In
+obedience to its own law of continuous growth, it has, more and more,
+substituted international commerce for national trade. It has created
+industries whose raw materials come from abroad and whose products
+require, for an outlet, the universal or world market. It has thus
+developed the reciprocal interdependence of nations, no one of which
+to-day can live without the aid of the others.
+
+Capitalist internationalism, moreover, pursues its ends with stern
+remorselessness. In order to lower national wages and gain greater
+profits, the capitalist does not hesitate to deprive his
+fellow-countrymen of work, and to import, to compete with them on the
+labor market, foreigners wonted by greater poverty to a lower standard
+of living, and therefore able and willing to work for lower wages. To
+prohibit them, not from employing foreigners, but from paying them
+less than the national rate of wages is the only effective means of
+meeting this evil. On the other hand, provided he sees a goodly profit
+in the transaction, the capitalist never hesitates to loan money or
+sell military supplies to a foreign country, though he thus increases
+its power to wage war against his own.
+
+This international character, assumed by capital in all its forms, is,
+in its effects, co-extensive with the domain of human affairs. And so,
+as M. Aulard declared in a lecture about which there has been too much
+talk: "There are no national boundaries for reason and science * * *
+They are neither French, nor English, nor German, but international
+and human." How, therefore, can the workingmen be justly reproached
+for taking the road on which everything and everybody has started, and
+along which the capitalists have preceded them? Face to face with the
+international domination of capital, they have come to understand, in
+all civilized nations, the common character, the oneness, of their own
+interests. They are everywhere the victims of the same kind of
+exploitation, due everywhere to the same cause. The same facts have
+suggested to them the same demands, the same means and tactics to
+attain the same goal. International exploitation has thus given birth
+to an ever growing international solidarity among the workers who
+resist its encroachments. And the international concurrence of the
+workers is publicly declared by the world-wide celebration of the
+First day of May.
+
+Notwithstanding the most sincere sentiment of international solidarity
+on both sides, the workingmen of two countries may still have to fight
+against each other. This is one of the numerous contradictions--and
+one of the most horrible--inherent in the capitalist regime, which is
+condemned to aspire to peace and to unchain the horrid dogs of war.
+While, for example, commerce on the world market requires peace, the
+bitterness of competition on that market begets conflicts. * * * *
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+To safeguard the little independence left to them as laborers, the
+workers have been led by the state of affairs, by actual conditions,
+as were the business men before them, to be internationalists; but
+they are patriots, and must be patriots only whenever their
+country--be it France or America--is menaced by danger from abroad.
+
+I hope you now see that the internationalism of the workers and the
+socialists cannot, by any possibility lead to anti-patriotism. These
+are two distinct ideas which cannot be legitimately confounded, no
+matter what the object of this confusion. Our internationalism and our
+patriotism spring from two wholly distinct categories of facts, and
+different facts logically necessitate different solutions, logic
+consisting, here and everywhere, in adapting the solution to the facts
+and not in applying the same solution indiscriminately to all sorts of
+facts.
+
+To sum up, workingmen and socialists ought to be internationalists in
+their relations with their toiling comrades when the interests of
+labor are at stake in times of peace, patriots and Frenchmen before
+all when France, our country shall be, if it must be, in danger of
+war, conscious always of the duty to be performed, conscious, if need
+be, especially in victory, of the duty of respecting in the case of
+others, especially the conquered, the rights that they claim for
+themselves.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have finished. That is all that socialism means. I have taken pains
+to set it forth in its entirety, free from both the attenuations and
+the exaggerations by which it is often mutilated or disfigured, but
+which seem to me to have no foundation in reality. Its goal is the
+socialization of the means of labor which have already manifested
+collective tendencies--either in their mode of ownership or in the
+mode of their employment as exploiting agencies--and the abolition of
+classes. Its means, the transference to the political battlefield of
+the Class Struggle, the existence of which it is compelled to
+acknowledge. It must, for the time being, be resolved to preserve
+legality at home and peace abroad, but equally energetically
+determined to tolerate no measure that will make the situation of the
+toilers more intolerable, to preserve republican institutions intact
+and to defend the national territory against all foreign foes.
+
+                                                 GABRIEL DEVILLE.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[20] In France, where pseudo-patriotism, or jingoism, runs riot, the
+argument that international socialism is unpatriotic is much in vogue
+with the hireling scribes of capitalism. Hence, this section. In this
+country, owing in part to its geographical isolation, but still more
+to the almost complete lack of a sense of international solidarity on
+the part of the American worker, we seldom have to meet this argument,
+and so I will condense and abridge this section.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
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+    .fnanchor         {vertical-align: text-top; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;}
+
+    </style>
+   </head>
+<body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism, by 
+Gabriel Deville
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism
+
+Author: Gabriel Deville
+
+Translator: Robert Rives La Monte
+
+Release Date: April 25, 2011 [EBook #35962]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION, INTERNATIONALISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeannie Howse, Adrian Mastronardi, Mark C.
+Orton and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
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+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<div class="tr">
+<p class="cen" style="font-weight: bold;">Transcriber's Note:</p>
+<br />
+<p class="noin">Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has been preserved.</p>
+<p class="noin" style="text-align: left;">Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
+For a complete list, please see the <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="#TN">end of this document</a>.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<p class="cen">PRICE 10 CENTS</p>
+
+<div class="ad">
+<p class="cen">Socialism, Revolution<br />
+and Internationalism</p>
+
+<p class="cen">By GABRIEL DEVILLE</p>
+</div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<h1>SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION</h1>
+<h4>AND</h4>
+<h1>INTERNATIONALISM</h1>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h2>A LECTURE</h2>
+<h4>DELIVERED IN PARIS, NOVEMBER 27, 1893, BY</h4>
+<h2>GABRIEL DEVILLE</h2>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h4>Translated by<br />
+ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE</h4>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h4>CHICAGO<br />
+CHARLES H. KERR &amp; COMPANY<br />
+1907</h4>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h4>PRESS OF<br />
+JOHN F. HIGGINS<br />
+CHICAGO</h4>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h1 class="sc">Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism.</h1>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h3>I</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Socialism, revolution, internationalism&mdash;these are the three subjects
+regarding which I beg your permission to say what&mdash;with no pretence of
+being infallible&mdash;I believe to be the truth. At the risk of telling
+you nothing new, I will simply try to speak truth. Those who reproach
+the socialists for constantly repeating the same thing, have, no
+doubt, the habit of accommodating the truth to suit their taste for
+variety. On the other hand, to talk of socialism is to do what
+everyone else is doing at this time, but I will speak to you of it
+from the standpoint of a socialist, and&mdash;unhappily&mdash;that is not as yet
+equally common.</p>
+
+<p>The signal and distinctive mark of modern socialism is that it springs
+directly from the facts. Far from resting on the imaginary conceptions
+of the intellect, from being a more or less utopian vision of an ideal
+society, socialism is to-day simply the theoretical expression of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>the
+contemporaneous phase of the economic evolution of humanity.</p>
+
+<p>At this point we are met with two objections.</p>
+
+<p>On the one hand, because we say that socialism springs from the facts,
+we are accused of denying the influence of the Idea and the liberal
+defenders of the Idea rise up in revolt; they can calm themselves
+again. How could we deny the influence of the Idea, when socialism
+itself is as yet, as I have just pointed out, only a theoretical
+expression, <i>i.e.</i>, an idea, which we nevertheless believe has a
+certain influence?</p>
+
+<p>We merely assert that a truth, irrevocably established by science as a
+valid generalization, does not cease to be a truth when it is applied
+to human history and socialism. This truth is the action of the
+environment: all living beings are the product of the environment in
+which they live. To the environment, in the last analysis, to the
+relations necessarily created by the multiple contacts, actions and
+reactions of the environment and the environed are due all the
+transformations of all organisms and, in consequence, all the
+phenomena that emanate from them. Thought is one of these phenomena,
+and, just like all the others, it has its source in actual facts. To
+say that socialism springs from the facts, is then simply to place the
+socialist idea on the same plane with all other ideas. In socialism,
+as in all subjects, the idea is the reflex in the brain of the
+relations of man with his surroundings, and the greater or less
+aptitude of the brain for acquiring, retaining and combining ideas,
+constitutes intelligence. The latter, in making various combinations
+out of the elements provided by the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>environment, may obviously lose
+sight of the reality which serves as its foundation, but our socialism
+aims never to depart from the data drawn from unbiased observation of
+the facts.</p>
+
+<p>We are accused, on the other hand, because we believe that the
+economic question contains the whole of socialism, of denying the
+existence and influence of the intellectual factor, the sentimental
+factor, the psychological factor&mdash;in short, a whole collection of
+factors. Now, as I am going to try to show you, our only error, if it
+is an error, is that we wish to put the cart behind the horse, and to
+accuse us of wishing to suppress the cart because we refuse to put it
+in front or alongside of the horse, proves, at once, the incontestable
+desire to find us at fault, and the difficulty of gratifying that
+desire.</p>
+
+<p>Man, as I said just now, is the product of the environment. But, to
+the influence of the cosmic or natural environment, which affects all
+beings, there was soon joined in his case the influence of the special
+environment created by him, an environment resulting from the acquired
+means of action, from the material of the tools used, from the
+conditions of life added by him to those furnished him by nature, or
+else substituted for them, the influence, in a word, of the economic
+environment, an influence which has gradually become predominant
+because the conditions of life, determining in all orders of society
+man's mode of life, have finally become less and less dependent upon
+the purely physical capabilities of the cosmic environment, and more
+and more dependent upon the means of action acquired by human
+exertions, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>upon the artificial capabilities of the economic
+environment, upon human thought materialized in various innovations.</p>
+
+<p>We find at the foundation of everything affecting man the influence of
+the natural and economic environments, and, if it is quite true that
+we recognize the preponderant influence of the economic environment,
+it is passing strange to accuse us of not recognizing the action of
+human intelligence, which we assert is the creator of this
+environment. Only we do not forget that, at any stage of development
+whatever, intelligence does nothing by its creations except to
+elaborate the elements which it finds "ready made," as it were, in the
+environment.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, intelligence can, by working with the elements furnished by
+the existing environment, produce a change in this environment. This
+new environment thus changed becomes the determining environment of
+future intelligence. You see that, far from degrading the role of
+intelligence, we attribute to it a considerable importance; we only
+refuse to see in it a spontaneous phenomenon.</p>
+
+<p>Having replied to the reproach of not taking into consideration what
+is called intelligence and is paraded as the intellectual factor, it
+is scarcely necessary for me to honor with special replies all the
+other factors mobilized against us, as they are all merely products of
+intelligence. I will remark, however, that if it is true that we do
+not deduce our theory from this association of factors, this does not
+authorize the conclusion that morality, right, justice, psychology,
+and sentiment are for us words devoid of meaning. To refuse to elevate
+them to the rank of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>scientific proofs, which is what we do, and all
+that we do, is not to deny them; it is simply to avoid employing them
+for a use for which they are not and could not be destined. Because,
+to uphold our theory, we prefer to have recourse to the observation of
+facts and their tendencies, we have never proscribed the conception or
+sentiment of justice as motives for adhesion to that very theory, and
+we do not hesitate to declare that that which is unfitted to serve as
+a scientific proof, may be utilized as a motive for action.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, even those who attribute to the "syndicate" of factors a
+preponderating power over historical progress do not attribute to
+intelligence a greater influence than we recognize as belonging to it.
+In fact, the controversy here is not concerning the influence of
+ideas. The controversy arises when we attempt to determine which ideas
+are influential. On either side it is simply a matter of choosing from
+among the products of intelligence. Our opponents insist upon the
+claims of the factors in combination, instead of recognizing, as do
+we, the predominant influence of the ideas which clothe themselves in
+the phenomenal form of acts, such as inventions, etc., which lead to
+the modification of the economic environment and consequently, as we
+believe, to the modification of man himself, in his mode of life
+first, in his habits and methods of thought afterward.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it is seen that the transformation of the economic
+conditions, of the conditions of life, is the fundamental
+transformation, that upon which all the others are more or less
+dependent, it will be recognized that to say that socialism is simply
+the expression of the contemporaneous phase of economic conditions is
+not to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>narrow, in the slightest degree, its field of action, but only
+to define more accurately its immediate goal. The affirmation that
+there is in progress an evolution of the economic environment implies
+necessarily a corresponding evolution of the various branches of human
+knowledge, which are all influenced by this environment, just as the
+apple-tree implies the apple without its being necessary to speak of
+the integral apple-tree.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> If socialism is contained "in a purely
+economic formula," it is just as the apple-tree is contained in the
+seed. Let us be vigilant to see that this "economic formula" and this
+seed are not thwarted in their normal development, and we shall have
+all the fruits that may be desired, even if we refrain from heaping
+qualifying or complemental adjectives upon the apple-tree and
+socialism.</p>
+
+<p>Some have thought that they have discovered an argument against this
+predominance of the economic environment and of the economic question,
+in the fact that some events which are not economic in nature&mdash;and
+they cite, most frequently, the invention of gunpowder and the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>revocation of the edict of Nantes&mdash;have had a great influence on human
+history. They forget that, if such or such an important event was not
+directly in itself an economic phenomenon, it is chiefly by the
+consequences that it had from the economic point of view that it
+became important; like all human discoveries, all historic events, it
+reached a point where it became a modifying element of the economic
+environment.</p>
+
+<p>To recapitulate, if we insist upon the influence of the surroundings,
+and, particularly, upon the preponderant influence of the economic
+environment&mdash;the creation of man&mdash;this does not justify representing
+us as attributing an exclusive influence to the economic environment
+and as holding that this environment itself is created and influenced
+only by facts properly classed as economic.</p>
+
+<p>I return then to my first proposition: socialism must have and has for
+its foundation the economic environment, the economic facts. What are
+those facts?</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> A word is needed to make the force of this sarcasm clear
+to American readers. There was formed around the late Beno&icirc;t Malon,
+the founder of <i>La Revue Socialiste</i>, a small but very intelligent and
+influential school of socialists, who loved (and still love) to prate
+about the inadequacy of Marxism, its neglect of various "factors,"
+etc., etc. They regard Marxian economics as being true so far as they
+go, but as constituting a very inadequate and incomplete socialism,
+which it was reserved for them, by a beneficent Providence, to
+complete. Their own socialism they call "integral socialism." We have
+their like in America&mdash;men who use Marxian ammunition and belittle
+Marx.&mdash;Tr.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>II.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>In order for man, who can live only on condition that he works, to be
+able to perform any sort of work, he must have at his disposition the
+instruments and the subject of labor. Now, these tools and this
+material, in one word, the means of labor, are, more and more,
+becoming the property of the capitalists. Those who are despoiled of
+the means of utilizing in work their own labor-power (or physical
+capacity for work) are, henceforth, compelled, being unable to live
+otherwise, to sell the use of that power to the capitalists who hold
+in their possession the things indispensable for labor. Through their
+possession of the things indispensable for the functioning of
+labor-power, the capitalists are, in fact, masters of all who cannot
+utilize their own power themselves, nor live without utilizing it.
+From this economic dependence flows the existence of distinct classes,
+distinct in spite of the civil and political equality of their
+members; and, as the capitalist regime expropriates the Middle Class
+more and more, it tends to accentuate the division of society into two
+principal classes: on the one hand, those who control the means of
+labor; on the other, those for whom the actual use of those means is
+the sole possibility of life.</p>
+
+<p>I will ask you to note that I speak of classes and not of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>orders or
+estates, because these last expressions imply a legal demarcation
+between the categories of persons which they indicate; while the word
+<i>class</i> simply denotes, according to Littr&eacute;,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the "grades
+established among men by the diversity and inequality of their
+circumstances." This is the reason that some among us refuse to make
+use of the expression "Fourth Estate." There are no longer any
+Estates, it is true, but it is not the less true that there still are
+classes. As no one among us any longer dares to approve of their
+existence, to deny it is the only way to avoid combatting it. And so
+it is this denial that is resorted to by those adversaries of
+socialism whose only weapons are falsehood and hypocrisy. Socialists
+are not the cause of the existence of classes because they recognize
+their existence. They limit themselves to establishing that which has
+been, that which is and that which is destined to be: the origin of
+classes, their present persistence and their approaching
+disappearance.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style='width: 15%;' />
+<br />
+
+<p>As soon as, thanks to the development of the faculties of man and to
+his industrial discoveries, the productivity of labor became great
+enough for an individual to be able to produce more than was
+indispensable for his maintenance, the division of society into two
+great classes, the exploiters and the exploited, was effected. And
+this division had its justification, so long as production was not
+sufficient to render comfort for all a possibility. But, thanks to
+machinery and to scientific appliances which facilitate labor, while
+vastly multiplying the supply of articles of consumption, the
+exhausting labor of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>masses and the monopolization of comfort by a
+minority can henceforth give place, must henceforth give place, and
+will give place in a future which no longer seems distant, to the
+universalization of labor and its inevitable consequence, the
+universalization of comfort and of leisure, that is to say, to social
+conditions under which there will be no classes, because their
+existence will (as now) serve no useful end as it has done in the
+past. We will soon see that our present ruling class, far from being
+useful, is already becoming baneful.</p>
+
+<p>To-day, if the existence of distinct classes has, apparently, lost all
+legal sanction, it is just as real a fact as ever. To deny it, one
+must have&mdash;pardon me the expression, but I can find no other defining
+as accurately this state of mind&mdash;the desire to play the fool, or the
+interest to do so. It is impossible to deny seriously that a part of
+the population is, in fact, through the form of the economic
+relations, through their material self-interest, through their need of
+food, placed in a position of dependence upon another portion of the
+population, and that there is an antagonism between those who must
+struggle to exist by working and those who can bargain out to them the
+means of labor.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>By proclaiming the existence of classes and their antagonism, by
+divulging that antagonism, which is not their work, on the political
+rostrum, socialists are not creating factitious distinctions, they are
+not resuscitating and do <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>not dream of resuscitating any of the social
+forms so fortunately and so energetically annihilated by the French
+Revolution, they are only adapting themselves to the situation as it
+presents itself to them now.</p>
+
+<p>In fact, modern industry is forcing the workers more and more every
+day to comprehend the necessity of association or combination in their
+disputes with the possessors of the means of labor, and thus the
+interests to be defended have to the workers less and less the false
+aspect of individual interests; they appear to them in their naked
+reality as class interests. Born of strikes, of coalitions of every
+kind imposed upon them by the customs and conditions of life in a
+capitalist society, their class activity soon takes an a political
+character. To this then are due the working-class agitations resulting
+in the recognition of political equality and the establishment of
+universal suffrage. In possession of political rights, the workingmen
+are obviously led to make use of these rights in behalf of their own
+interests. Inevitably, therefore, the political struggle is becoming
+more and more a class struggle which cannot end until the political
+power, in the hands of the workingmen, shall at last place the State
+at the service of the interests of all the exploited, and thus enable
+the latter to proceed to the economic reforms which will lead to the
+disappearance of classes as a direct consequence.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, the Class Struggle is not an invention of the socialists,
+but the very substance of the facts and acts of history in the making
+that are daily taking place under their eyes.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The French Webster.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "In fact the different classes dove-tail into each other,
+and there are always between two classes a multitude of unclassifiable
+hybrids, belonging wholly to neither class, in part to both."&mdash;Karl
+Kautsky.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>III.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>We know that those whose activity is subordinate in its exercise to a
+capital which they have not&mdash;and these compose the working-class&mdash;are
+compelled to sell their labor-power to some of the possessors of this
+capital who form, on their side, the bourgeois<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> class.</p>
+
+<p>What is sold by him who has to labor in order to live, and who has not
+in his possession the means of labor, to the possessor of those means
+is simply labor in the potential state, that is the muscular or
+intellectual faculties that must be exerted in the production of
+useful things. In fact, on the one hand, before these faculties are
+brought into active exercise, labor does not exist and cannot be sold.
+Now, the contract is made between the buyer and the seller before any
+action takes place and has for its effective cause, so far as the
+seller is concerned, the fact that the seller is so situated that he
+can not by himself bring his capacity for labor into productive use.
+On the other hand, as soon as the action (labor) begins, as soon as
+labor manifests itself, it cannot be the property of the laborer, for
+it consists in nothing but the incorporation of a thing which the
+laborer has just alienated by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>sale&mdash;capacity to perform labor&mdash;with
+other things which are not his&mdash;the means of production.</p>
+
+<p>To sum up, when the labor does not exist, the laborer can not sell
+that which he does not possess and which he has not the means of
+realizing; when the labor does exist, it can not be sold by the
+laborer to whom it does not belong. The only thing which the laborer
+can sell is his labor-power, a power distinct from its function,
+labor, just as the power of marching is distinct from a parade, just
+as any machine is distinct from its operations.</p>
+
+<p>What is paid under the form of wages by the possessor of the means of
+labor, the purchaser of the labor-power to the possessor of that
+power, cannot, therefore, be, and is not, the price of the labor
+furnished, but is the price of the power made use of, a price that
+supply and demand cause to oscillate about and especially below its
+value determined, like the value of any other commodity, by the
+labor-time socially necessary for its production, or in other words,
+in this case by the sum which will normally enable the laborer to
+maintain and perpetuate his labor-power under the conditions necessary
+for the given kind and stage of production.</p>
+
+<p>But, even when the laborer gets a value equal to the value of his
+power, he furnishes a value greater than that which he receives. The
+duration of labor required for a given wage, regularly exceeds the
+time necessarily occupied by the laborer in adding to the value of the
+means of production consumed, a value equal to that wage; and the
+labor thus furnished over and above that which represents the
+equivalent of what the laborer gets, constitutes <i>surplus-labor</i>.
+<span class="sc">Surplus-labor then is unpaid labor.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>And here let us be clearly understood. When we speak of unpaid labor,
+we are stating a simple fact, and do not at all intend to say that
+capitalists, in the existing state of things, are personally guilty of
+extracting from the laborers labor for which they do not pay them. We
+are not of the number of those who think that "the causes of the ills
+from which we suffer are to be found in men rather than institutions,"
+as M. Glasson declared before the members of the Le Play School. We
+say exactly the contrary; for us the evil is due to institutions
+rather than to men and, in society as it is at present constituted,
+things cannot possibly take place in any other or different fashion.</p>
+
+<p>On the side of the laborer, the thing sold, as I have proved, cannot
+be his labor. It is his labor-power. The sum paid cannot be the price
+of his labor. It is the price of his labor-power, a price which, in
+view of the number of applicants for work, can only very rarely be
+equal to its value; but, even in this case, he furnishes a greater
+value than he receives. If he does not, his remuneration is not,
+strictly speaking, wages, for the furnishing of surplus-labor by the
+worker is a condition <i>sine qua non</i> of wages. When his compensation
+is split up into wages and supplementary remuneration under the form
+of profit-sharing or under any other form, the workingman does not
+furnish less surplus-labor, less unpaid labor; quite the contrary, we
+may say, for it is clear that this supplementary remuneration, for the
+laborer, is a mere delusion, mere supplementary moon-shine. All that
+the workingman can hope to achieve, under, I repeat, the existing
+organization of society, is <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>the curtailment of his surplus-labor, and
+that is the explanation and justification of the struggle for the
+reduction of the working-day, of the Eight Hours movement.</p>
+
+<p>On the side of the capitalist, on account of the fierce war of
+competition with low prices as weapons which rages throughout the
+field of production, it is financial suicide for the employer to
+extract from his work-people less unpaid labor than his competitors
+do; and that is why it is necessary to strive to obtain the reduction
+of the day by legal enactment. I add that so long as the employer, so
+long as the capitalist keeps within the bounds of what may be called
+the normal conditions of exploitation, he cannot reasonably be held
+responsible for the economic structure which is so advantageous to
+him, but which the best of intentions on the part of individuals would
+be powerless to modify. On the other hand, if capitalists are
+personally powerless to ameliorate the state of affairs, it would be
+rash to rush to the conclusion that they are capitalists in the
+interest of the workers. We must avoid exaggeration in either
+direction.</p>
+
+<p>Surplus-labor was not invented by the capitalists. Ever since human
+societies issued from the state of primitive communism, surplus-labor
+has always existed; and it is the method by which it is wrung from the
+immediate producers, which differentiates the different economic forms
+of society.</p>
+
+<p>Before man was able to produce in excess of his needs, one portion of
+society could not live upon the fruits of the toil of another portion.
+How could a man work gratuitously for others when his entire time was
+barely <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>sufficient to procure him his own necessary means of
+existence? When, in consequence of human progress, labor had acquired
+such a degree of productiveness that an individual was enabled to
+produce more than what was strictly necessary for his needs, it became
+possible for some to subsist upon the toil of others and slavery could
+be established.</p>
+
+<p>That it was established by force is not doubtful; but it must be
+confessed that its establishment promoted human evolution. So long as
+the productiveness of labor, although sufficient to make surplus-labor
+possible, was not sufficient to render participation in directly
+useful labor compatible with other occupations or pursuits, the
+toilsome drudgery and exploitation of some was the necessary condition
+of the leisure of others, and, thereby, of the development of all.
+For, if none had had leisure, no progress could have been made in the
+sciences, the arts and all the branches of knowledge, the benefits of
+which we all enjoy in some degree. And the fact that the thinkers of
+antiquity and the greatest among them, Aristotle, excused slavery, is
+a proof that the mode of thought is determined by the exigencies of
+the economic organization of society. To reproach Aristotle, in
+particular, because he did not regard slavery and property as it is
+natural for us to regard them, is equivalent to reproaching him for
+not having applied the processes of our modern production to ancient
+industries.</p>
+
+<p>Slavery did not appear to lack a rational foundation, and did not
+begin to disappear until the external conditions were profoundly
+transformed and thus rendered another kind of labor and of
+surplus-labor more in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>harmony with the material requirements.
+Following upon the economic environment in which slavery was the rule
+there came then the economic environment in which serfdom
+predominated, and the latter, in its turn, has been superseded by the
+economic environment in which the wage-system has become the general
+rule. Each of these environments has had or has its own habits and
+modes of thought which may be in contradiction with ours, but which
+are the natural consequences of the modes of life in vogue in their
+respective eras.</p>
+
+<p>An examination of the aspect of surplus-labor in these three
+environments shows that it has the appearance of being all labor in
+the first, a larger or smaller fraction of the whole labor in the
+second, and apparently falls to zero in the third. In fact, in
+slavery, during a part of the day, the slave only replaces the value
+of what he consumes and so really works for himself; notwithstanding,
+even then his labor appears to be labor for his owner. All his labor
+has the appearance of surplus-labor, of labor for others. Under
+serfdom or the <i>corv&eacute;e</i> system, the labor of the serf for himself and
+his gratuitous labor for his feudal lord are perfectly distinct, the
+one from the other; by the very way in which the labor is performed,
+the serf distinguishes the time during which he works for his own
+benefit from the time which he is compelled to devote to the
+satisfaction of the wants of his lordly superiors. Under the
+wage-system, the wage-form, which appears in the guise of direct
+payment of labor, wipes out every visible line of demarcation between
+paid labor and unpaid labor; when he receives his wages, the laborer
+seems to get all the value due to his labor, so that all his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>labor
+takes on the form or appearance of paid labor. While, under slavery,
+the property-relation conceals the labor of the slave for himself,
+under the wage-system the money-relation conceals the gratuitous labor
+of the wage-worker for the capitalist. You will readily perceive the
+practical importance of this disguised appearance of the real relation
+between labor and capital. The latter is deemed to breed or expand by
+its own virtue, and the former to receive its full remuneration.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In America where, since 1865, we have had no landed
+aristocracy, bourgeois and wealthy are well nigh synonymous.&mdash;Tr.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>IV.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Wage-labor as an economic form existed before the actual appearance of
+industrial capital which in fact only dates from the day when
+production by the aid of wage-labor became general. Capital, in fact,
+is not a quality with which the means of production are naturally
+endowed, which they have always had and which they are destined always
+to have. It is a character which they possess only under definite
+social conditions. The means of production are no more naturally
+capital than a negro is naturally a slave. And when socialists talk of
+suppressing capital and capitalists, those who do not wish to make a
+ridiculous confusion, ought to remember that it is simply a question
+of taking away from the means of production and those who hold
+possession of them a character which they now have, and which can be
+taken from them without destroying an atom of their material
+substance, just as in suppressing slavery, it is not necessary, in
+order to take away the slave-character from the negro, to kill the
+negro.</p>
+
+<p>For a long time capital was known only under the form of merchants'
+capital and usurers' capital; for it was only, or almost only, under
+those two forms that money bred its like, and it is this possibility
+of money's breeding which constitutes capital. This possibility could
+not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>exist, except as an exceptional fact, for money invested in the
+means of production, so long as industry remained more or less
+domestic in character. In order for capital to spread beyond the
+domain of commerce in goods and money and appear in the domain of
+production, it was necessary for the wealth accumulated in commerce
+and usury to effect on a large scale the concentration of the
+scattered petty producers and their petty individual tools; the
+workshop had to be enlarged; it was necessary to bring together a
+large number of workers working at the same time, in the same place,
+under the orders of the same "captain of industry," in producing on a
+large scale the same kind of commodity, and to find for the disposal
+of the latter a sufficiently extended market.</p>
+
+<p>The money advanced in production can, in fact, realize an appreciable
+profit by the sale of the objects produced, only when its possessor is
+able to realize a certain quantity of surplus-labor; now, to
+accomplish this he must have a certain number of laborers. For it is
+the surplus-labor realized, we know, that forms the excess of the
+value produced over that of the money laid out in production, or, in
+other words, the surplus-value which incessantly swells the capital
+and continually increases its power to dominate labor.</p>
+
+<p>The capitalist mode of production, the mode of production in which the
+means of labor function as capital, owes to capital its specific
+character, which is its power of making money breed money, of giving
+birth to surplus-value. The capitalist purchaser of labor-power has
+only one object, viz., to enrich himself by making his money breed or
+expand, by the process of making commodities <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>containing more labor
+than he pays for, and by selling which he therefore realizes a value
+greater than that of the sum of the advances or outlays made.</p>
+
+<p>If, since the productiveness of labor has made it possible, one part
+of society has, under various economic forms, been forced to add to
+the labor-time required for its own support, a certain amount of
+surplus-labor-time, for which it has received no equivalent and the
+benefit of which has been enjoyed by another part of society, it is
+likewise true that so long as the aim of production was to enable the
+privileged class to appropriate the means of consumption and
+enjoyment, the surplus-labor of the immediate producers reached its
+limit with the full satisfaction of those needs and desires, as
+extensive as they might be, to gratify which was the object of this
+appropriation. But as soon as it becomes a question of obtaining,
+instead of a certain mass of products, the production at any cost of
+surplus-value, the incessant multiplication of money, the possessor of
+the means of production strives relentlessly to make those means of
+production absorb the greatest possible quantity of surplus-labor.</p>
+
+<p>If this insatiable thirst for and headlong pursuit of surplus-value
+has been for the laborers and their families the cause of an
+exploitation of their labor-power, more burdensome than any form of
+exploitation previously known, it must be recognized that it has
+contributed to the development of the means of production. It is with
+capital as with slavery. Both, sources of sufferings for their
+victims, they have been, on the whole, sources of progress for
+humanity. The history of human progress is far from being an idyl. Our
+too forgetful and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>too proud civilization is the result of a long
+series of torments and miseries endured by the nameless and forgotten
+masses.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore capital has had its utility, and the era of capitalist
+production constitutes a great step forward in the evolution of the
+productive powers. Beginning with the enlargement of the small guild
+workshop, passing through action in common, the co-operation of a
+large number of laborers in the enlarged workshop through the
+manufacturing stage, by the division of labor within the workshop, by
+the introduction and general adoption of the machine-tool, by the
+employment of steam as a motive power, capitalist production has
+finally developed into modern mechanical industry which has
+revolutionized the mode of production more radically than had any
+previous change. It is its continuous and radical alteration of the
+technical processes which distinguishes the capitalist period from all
+the preceding periods, and prevents it from having the relatively
+permanent conservative character which they had.</p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>V.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>What are the results of these revolutions in industrial methods, and
+what are their tendencies?</p>
+
+<p>Machinery is more and more seizing upon all industries, and, instead
+of making use of his tool, the laborer is the servant of the machine.
+The relative ease of work of this kind makes it possible to substitute
+unskilled labor for skilled labor, women and children for men. By thus
+throwing men out of work, the instrument of labor lowers wages and
+expropriates the laborer from his means of existence. This machinery,
+thanks to which the genius of Aristotle foresaw the possibility of the
+emancipation of the slave, has as yet been merely a cause of
+enslavement, and just as man is moulded by the economic environment
+which is his own work, he is here enslaved by his own product.</p>
+
+<p>With the extension of the system of mechanical industry, the product
+ceases more and more to be the work of an individual. The individual
+by himself alone no longer makes a product, but a fraction of a
+product, and the owner no longer works with his instrument of labor,
+or, in other words, uses his property himself, but turns this task
+over to a certain number of laborers, to a group of wage-slaves. Thus,
+when the possessor of a hand-saw works with it, the owner uses his
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>own property; with the machine-saw, it is used not by the owner, but
+by the laborers, whom he has to employ to operate it. While the
+operation of the means of production so largely augmented requires the
+common action of a host of workers, the undertakings and
+establishments grow to such dimensions that the vast sums of capital
+necessary for their conduct are not to be found in the hands of a
+single capitalist. Having become too gigantic for a single capitalist,
+the title or nominal ownership of these means of production, and along
+with it the profits, passes from the individual capitalist to an
+association of capitalists, to a company of stockholders. This company
+actually has, considered as a collective body, a particular tangible
+property; but what does this property represent for each individual
+shareholder? A fiction. The individual stockholder cannot lay his
+finger upon any particular material object and say: that is mine.</p>
+
+<p>While the means of production are thus ceasing to be in the strict
+sense private property, and require for their actual operation a
+collective body of laborers, while the product is becoming a social
+product, the owners of the means of production and the products, are
+becoming shareholders, and thus ceasing to perform any useful
+function, to have any real utility. The success of a business in
+former times depended upon the energy and skill of its proprietor,
+just as it sometimes does to-day in small manufacturing or mercantile
+establishments. Since the introduction of stock companies, the
+producing organism is no longer affected by the personal traits of
+those who own it; it does not know the shareholder, the present
+multiple proprietor, any more than the latter <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>knows his property; it
+functions independently of him, and does not feel his influence, so
+that even a change of ownership has no effect upon it. The former
+functions of the proprietor are at the present time performed by
+wage-workers, trained engineers or managers, more or less well paid,
+but still wage-workers. In place of the managing proprietor, we have
+then a salaried manager, and he is a better manager because he is only
+a salaried employee, as M. de Molinari admits, when he writes: "All
+that is requisite is for him to possess the ability, knowledge and
+character demanded for his functions, and these are all qualities
+which are more easily and cheaply obtained on the market, divorced
+from capital than united to it."<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>Not only is the proprietary class, "the haves," losing all social
+utility, but, more than this, it is becoming baneful through its
+exclusive pre-occupation with personal profits. Baneful it is
+henceforth for all branches of social production which the mad and
+unorganized pursuit of profits subjects to disastrous perturbations,
+to periodical crises swamping the market and lasting amid failures and
+shut-downs until the outlets for goods once more open up; baneful for
+all the workers, worked to utter exhaustion in periods of business
+activity and reduced to wretched poverty in periods of industrial
+depression, during which they suffer from want of everything, because
+there is, relatively to the purchasing power of the people, too much
+of everything&mdash;(here we see once more the creator dominated by the
+creation, the producers by their <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>products, just as in the cases
+formerly noticed of the human intelligence and the economic
+environment, of the machine and the workman); baneful for all
+consumers, who are victims of the adulteration of products begotten by
+the mad strife for gain; baneful for the petty capitalists, the small
+producers in constant danger of bankruptcy and ruin through the
+intensity of the war of competition which always results in the
+victory of the great capitalists or the great combinations of capital
+(trusts, etc.).</p>
+
+<p>To recapitulate, our economic movement tends toward labor in common,
+since the operation of the means of production is passing from the
+working-proprietor to a collective group of laborers, and toward the
+elimination of the mode or form of private or individual ownership of
+the means of production, since the nominal property in them is passing
+from the individual proprietor to a collective body of shareholders
+(stock-company or trust). It also tends to leave the proprietary class
+no useful role or function, thus making them for the future not only
+superfluous, but baneful.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time that the organization of labor adapted to the present
+form and state of the productive forces is escaping from the hands of
+the proprietary class and is thus the signal that the close of its
+historic career is at hand, it is concentrating and organizing men
+everywhere in the same way that it concentrates material wealth. It
+brings the laborers together and leads them, through their identity in
+position and interests, to combine in groups or unions, it constitutes
+them into a class more and more conscious of its situation,
+disciplines their masses systematically arranged and graded in each
+industrial <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>establishment, and fashions out of their own ranks an
+intellectual aristocracy upon which devolves the function of
+super-intending and managing all industries.</p>
+
+<p>And while the individual form of their petty tools or instruments of
+labor, and their mode of production which keeps them in independent
+isolation, engender in the workers in petty industries ideas too
+individualistic and egoistic, wherever modern mechanical industry has
+already wrested from the laborer his tool and transformed it into a
+mechanical apparatus effacing individuality from the labor-process,
+wherever individual labor merges into and blends with collective
+labor, wherever the technical processes are such that the task of each
+is of service only through the participation (co-operation) of all,
+and is itself the condition of the performance of the collective task,
+the strictly individualistic tendencies of the producers in the petty
+industries are replaced by the spirit of solidarity, which, with the
+progress of industrial development, is leading&mdash;nay, forcing the
+working class every day more and more toward socialist ideas, ideas
+which spring from the material necessities which inexorably force
+their way into the minds of men.</p>
+
+<p>These are facts against which our personal preferences are of no
+avail. The material and intellectual elements of the collective (or
+co-operative) form of production, elaborated by the capitalist regime,
+are thus developing more and more every day, and socialism is, you
+see, the natural consequence of existent conditions. It is not
+something imported from abroad and added to our social movement,
+neither is it an article of export good for any sort of economic
+environment; it is the rigorous <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>consequence of a certain orderly
+sequence of facts, the result of a definite evolution whose progress
+it has noted, but which has taken place independently of it; it has
+not created it because it has been conscious of its existence.</p>
+
+<p>And so, as M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu recognizes: "the field of modern
+mechanical industry is extending its boundaries more and more, and it
+is difficult to see what limits can be set to its possible extension."
+Now it is modern industry which lays bare the antagonisms immanent in
+capitalist production, and at the same time renders their destruction
+possible. The historic role of capital has been the development of the
+productive powers, and, in the process of developing them, it has
+created the weapons which are destined to kill it. Necessary during a
+certain stage of economic development, it is not eternal, but
+inevitably comes to an end with a change in the relations of the means
+of production to the producers.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> L'Evolution &eacute;conomique, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>VI.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>The preparation and training of the working-class (for their high
+functions) by the productive powers, the growing and inevitable
+development and crystallization of the collective tendencies of the
+latter, the increasing incompatibility between their essential
+character and their private ownership, all lead to a new economic
+regime in which they will be owned and controlled collectively just as
+they are operated collectively, in which they will be conducted by
+society and for society. And all the socialism of the socialists
+consists of wishing to perpetuate in a fully developed form the
+present social character of the material conditions of life.</p>
+
+<p>I say socialism of the socialists because we have seen flourish in our
+day a peculiar socialism, the socialism of those good people who
+earnestly wish to remove the inconveniences and injustices of our
+present social state, but who also wish a little more earnestly to
+preserve the cause of these inconveniences, who wish at once to
+suppress or abolish the proletariat and to preserve the capitalist
+form of society. It is quite possible for socialism also to have its
+converts and even its backsliders; it asks its adherents, not whence
+they come, but to go whither it is going, or, at least, to permit it
+to proceed upon its road without attempting to turn it aside from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>it.
+As one of our adversaries declares, we can say in our turn: 'On one
+side are the socialists, on the other those who are not socialists,'
+and among the latter may be counted those who accept the name while
+rejecting the thing.</p>
+
+<p>Apart from the socialization of the means of labor which have already
+taken on a collective form, there may be and there often is
+charlatanry, but there is no real possibility of emancipation, there
+is no socialism.</p>
+
+<p>So long as the means of labor and labor shall not be united in the
+same hands, the means of labor will retain the character of capital,
+and capital will inevitably exploit the workingman and wring from him
+labor for which it will not pay him. The source of the troubles of the
+working-class is to be found in their expropriation from the means of
+labor; now, the harder they work on the established basis of
+expropriation, the more power they give the capitalist class to enrich
+themselves and to expropriate those who have not yet entered the inner
+circle of capitalism. On the basis of the present gigantic forms of
+the instruments of labor, the collective means of labor and labor
+itself can be united in the same hands, only by the transformation of
+the capitalist ownership of these means of labor into social
+ownership, only by the transformation of capitalist production into
+social production. The logical consequence of the material facts of
+the existing environment, this transformation, the socialization of
+the means of production having collective tendencies, is possible, and
+it appears as the only practical method of emancipating the laborers,
+of emancipating society as a whole.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>Emancipated the laborers will be, since their lives will no longer be
+dependent upon the means of labor monopolized by others and they will
+be free to make their lives what they will. In fact, they will freely
+choose the kind of productive labor they prefer, and all kinds of work
+will, in accordance with the law of supply and demand, be reduced in
+varying proportions to definite quantities of ordinary labor. After
+once deducting from the product of the labor of each a portion which
+will take the place of the present taxes, the portion necessary to
+replace the means of labor consumed, to provide for the extension of
+the scale of production, for insurance against disastrous
+contingencies, such, for instance, as floods, lightning, tornadoes,
+etc., for the support of those incapable of labor, to meet generously
+the expenses of administration and of satisfying the common
+requirements of sanitation, education, etc., the producers of both
+sexes will distribute the balance among themselves, proportionally to
+the quantity of ordinary labor furnished by them severally. The right
+of each laborer will be equal, in the sense that for all, without
+distinction, the labor furnished will be the measure alike for all,
+and this equal right may possibly lead to an unequal distribution,
+according to the greater or smaller quantities of labor furnished. The
+standard of rights in force in an economic environment cannot be
+superior in quality to that environment, but it will go on increasing
+in perfection as the environment advances toward perfection, thus
+reducing, so far as material conditions shall permit, the inequalities
+of natural origin.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>The important point is that, from the dawn of social production, there
+will be no more surplus-labor, no more classes, and, therefore, no
+more exploitation, as there inevitably is under capitalist production.
+Every adult able to work will receive, under one form or another,
+partly in articles for personal consumption, partly in social
+guarantees, in public services of every kind, the same quantity of
+labor that he shall give to society. If goods are rationed out, this
+rationing will not be accompanied by exploitation; as rationing can
+then be due only to a deficiency in personal or social production, and
+not to the spoliation which the wage-system implies, a system under
+which overproduction, far from being favorable to the satisfaction of
+the demand of the working-class for articles of consumption, results
+for them in loss of employment and starvation diet.</p>
+
+<p>During the capitalist period, it suffices for socialism to establish
+the possibility of the emancipation of the working-class and to work
+for that emancipation. There is no occasion to waste time in working
+out and settling the details of the organization of the future
+society. Each epoch has its task. Let us not have the presumption to
+lay down rules for those who are to come after us, and let us be
+content with present duties. The point upon which socialism trains its
+guns at present, though recognizing the utility that it has had in the
+past, is the capital-form; but let us not forget that the substance
+beneath this form will be every whit preserved. When an office is
+taken away from an office-holder, the individual is left without a
+hair the less. In the same way, in taking from the means of
+production <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>their function as capital, everything that functions
+to-day under that form will remain intact. Socialism then attacks the
+capital-form, the form only, and it attacks it only in so far as the
+economic phenomena authorize such an attack. Everything which
+constitutes the substance of capital will be preserved, the
+capital-form alone will disappear and along with it that power that it
+involves of exploiting the labor of others.</p>
+
+<p>What will be the fate of the capitalists?</p>
+
+<p>Capital appears to be a collective power or force, by its origin,
+since it springs from the accumulated surplus-labor of a collective
+body of laborers, by its functional activity since it also requires a
+collective body of laborers to enable it to enter upon its functions,
+and by its mode of ownership since, if it is private property, it
+tends more and more to be the private property, not of an individual,
+but of a collective body, a company or trust. To make public property
+of the means of production, which are capital when they are able to
+exploit the labor of others and which are capital only on that
+condition, is simply to generalize the collective or social character
+which they already have.</p>
+
+<p>Is the holder of a share in a mining or railway company or any sort of
+stock-company justified in speaking of "his" property? Where is his
+property? In what does it consist? What can he show if someone asks to
+see it? A machine? A piece of real estate? No, simply one or several
+bits of paper which represent only an infinitesimal fraction of an
+undivided whole. Would this shareholder be any the less a
+property-owner, if this undivided whole should become an integrant
+portion of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>the national property? Would there be such a great
+difference between "his" property, as it now is, and his quota or
+share in the national property? Just as the capitalists understand
+well enough to-day how to avail themselves of the national forests,
+for instance, for fresh air, pleasure excursions afoot and awheel,
+recreation, etc., so, after the socialization of the material objects
+that make up what is at present capital, they would use this newly
+nationalized property as means of labor or production.</p>
+
+<p>This, then, would be a true democratization<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of property. The
+process, ordinarily called by this name, the dispersion of shares,
+stocks and bonds, is only the process&mdash;called legitimate&mdash;of
+extracting good hard cash from all pockets, even those most scantily
+supplied, centralizing it, monopolizing the real possession of it in
+exchange for a certificate of nominal ownership, making it breed or
+expand, and permitting to flow back in interest, dividends, etc., only
+tiny crumbs until the day comes when the poor investors cease to get
+even these microscopical returns. This pretended democratization of
+property results simply in the formation of a financial aristocracy
+creating scandalous fortunes out of the good dollars of the small
+investors, and if these dollars, when the paper accepted in their
+stead is no longer worth anything, are lost for their former
+possessors, they are not lost for everyone. (They have become the
+reward of "abstinence."&mdash;Translator.)</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>Let the stocks representing part-ownership in a company lose all
+value&mdash;this is an occurrence that the shareholders and bondholders of
+the Panama canal, for example, can tell you is not unknown in our
+bourgeois society&mdash;and the shareholder finds himself, in this
+instance, permitted to enjoy all the blessings of expropriation
+without any indemnifying compensation; sometimes even he has the
+delicate attention of an invitation from the Receiver or the Courts to
+pour some more money into the hole where his former savings
+disappeared. Now even in this case the owners of this sort of personal
+property do not make too much ado about the matter. Why should they
+complain any more bitterly on the day when there will be, as it were,
+only a substitution of one kind of stocks or shares for another, when
+they will all become stockholders and bondholders of the great society
+(the Co-operative Commonwealth), instead of being shareholders and
+bondholders in one or several little societies or companies?</p>
+
+<p>By this transformation they will gain complete assurance against risk
+of loss&mdash;a real enough danger to-day when, after the actual control of
+property passes into the hands of financial magnates, the revenue of
+the nominal owners, the stockholders, etc., falls to zero or nearly
+zero, thus cutting off their means of existence or enjoyment. They
+will lose only one thing: the power of dominating the labor of others
+and of appropriating its fruits; while they will have the privilege of
+enjoying the common wealth and the advantages springing from its
+co-operative employment.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>Healthy adults will take for their own use, provided they work, their
+share of the social products. If they are already accustomed to any
+kind of work, they will find no hardship in this obligation to perform
+useful labor; if they are not accustomed to it, they will acquire the
+habit and will find their health greatly improved thereby in every
+respect. If they are old and infirm they will be liberally provided
+for by society.</p>
+
+<p>What they can reasonably expect and insist upon having is the
+sustenance of life (in a broad sense),<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and this they will have, as
+you see, in any case. The socialization will not result in such a
+change in the distribution of wealth as is often caused by watering
+the stock of a company. It will simply extend to all, those who hold
+stocks at present included, those advantages which a minority alone
+enjoys to-day, and it will benefit all, but stockholders especially,
+by doing away with those risks which capitalist exploitation forces
+everyone to run.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style='width: 15%;' />
+<br />
+
+<p>Finally, socialism will rob no one. I would ask those who assert the
+contrary, what description then should be given to those transactions
+in the goods and property of the nobility, the clergy and above all of
+the communes, performed by our great radicals in the French
+Revolution, by those whose work has become a "compass" for our
+guidance. Just as soon as we cease simply substituting one privileged
+class for another, just as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>soon as we enable all without exception to
+enjoy the same advantages, no one will be robbed or deprived of
+anything. Simply, inequality in the enjoyment of privilege will have
+been abolished, another privileged class will have vanished from the
+stage. Yes, the capitalists will lose, along with their special
+privileges or rights over the means of production, that characteristic
+or quality that makes them capitalists; but, I repeat, they will have
+exactly the same rights as all others to the use and enjoyment of
+those means of production, from that time forth the inalienable
+property of society. With capital dethroned, the principles of the
+Republic will at last be applied with controlling power to the field
+of economics, just as they are to the field of politics, and political
+democracy will have ceased to be a farce, for it will have developed
+into its perfect flower, <span class="sc">Industrial Democracy</span>.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> This is not an English word, but I will take the liberty
+of borrowing it from the French.&mdash;Tr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "The world owes every man a living," is a common
+saying.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>VII.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Far from being a material upheaval, the advent of socialism will be
+simply the culmination of the economic evolution now going on. Born,
+in its contemporaneous form, from the study of facts, socialism sees
+in the facts the controlling elements of the modifications to be
+effected. It makes no pretence of going in advance of the economic
+phenomena, it limits itself to following them, to adapting itself to
+conditions which it does not create and which it is not its part to
+create. Now, if, in all those cases where the means of production are
+already collectively owned by companies or trusts or are concentrated
+in the hands of single individuals, they can be placed at the
+disposition of <span class="fakesc">ALL</span> only by the substitution of society as a
+whole for their present capitalist possessors, in those cases in which
+the form of ownership of the means of labor is still truly individual,
+<i>i.e.</i>, where they are still in the hands of those who themselves
+directly make use of them in actual work, it is not for society to
+force itself into the place of the present proprietors. The purpose of
+the interference of society, indeed, is to give, in the only form
+to-day possible, the means of production to the laborers who have them
+not, it is to restore the tools and materials of labor to those who
+have been robbed of them. It is not its <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>business, then, to interfere
+in those cases where the laborers are still in possession of their
+tools and materials. And so the peasant will retain the patch of land
+he possesses and tills, the petty tools and implements will continue
+to belong to the artisan-manufacturer who himself works with them,
+until the facts shall lead them to renounce voluntarily this form of
+private ownership, no longer to their advantage, in order to enjoy the
+far more fruitful benefits of collective ownership and production.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, just as, in the capitalist period, the changes brought about
+by the development of machinery re-acted upon even those branches of
+production in which machinery had not as yet been introduced, by
+developing, for example, in all branches the exploitation of women and
+children, in the same way, the advantages of the socialization of the
+means of production previously centralized by the capitalists, will
+re-act upon the petty proprietors of the means of production not yet
+socialized. The petty producer, who remains master of his own
+instrument of labor, will, through the simultaneity and propinquity of
+the embryonic co-operative commonwealth, get the help he needs.
+Notably, he will be freed from the clutches of the financial middlemen
+whose victim he is at present; his labor, freed from their
+exploitation, will be in its turn emancipated, just as truly, although
+in a different way, as will be the labor of those who, exploited
+to-day because they lack the means of labor, will have these means,
+socialized, placed at their free disposition. The result for all will
+thus be the emancipation of labor, in the one case, by placing the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>socialized means of labor at the free disposition of all laborers, in
+the other, by leaving to the individual laborer his individual tool.
+In both cases, the tools will be owned by those who use them.</p>
+
+<p>And, though it displeases our opponents, this way of proceeding is
+very logical, although it does not conform to their pretended
+conception of logic. The logic of the Socialists does not consist in
+forcing a solution demanded by a certain set of facts upon other facts
+which do not yet require that solution, it does not consist in making
+fish live out of the water because that mode of life agrees with men.
+It consists in adapting itself in all cases to the environment, to the
+facts, in always acting with reference to the facts, instead of
+requiring the same kind of action in the face of different
+combinations of facts. To those who assert that this position is in
+conflict with the "pure dogma of the socialist church," you have only
+to reply that there is neither a socialist church nor a socialist
+dogma, but that there are far too many bourgeois imbeciles who attempt
+to palm off ideas made by themselves out of the whole cloth as the
+dogmas of socialism.</p>
+
+<p>During the sixteen years that our socialist theory has been developing
+in France, it has never varied upon the subject of the petty
+producers. Those who assert the contrary follow their own imaginations
+and not the facts. I defy them to prove that we have not always spoken
+in the same way in regard, for example, to the small farms of the
+peasants. They now accuse our opinion on this subject of opportunism,
+using the word in its political meaning; they could, more correctly,
+accuse us <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>of having always professed opportunism, but this time using
+the word in the sense implied by its derivation. You know how
+necessary it is to avoid the confusion&mdash;opportune for some, it is
+true&mdash;of the political meaning of a word with its true meaning. The
+political radicals are far from being radical in the ordinary sense,
+and their brothers (nominally opponents) the opportunists, instead of
+wishing that which is opportune, find nothing opportune except the
+satisfaction of their own appetites and the postponement of all else.
+In the true meaning&mdash;the time has come to say it&mdash;of the word, there
+cannot be a party more thoroughly opportunist than the socialist party
+which&mdash;I will not cease repeating&mdash;must simply adapt itself to the
+facts and which has no guide, save the facts, to point the way in the
+transformation of property.</p>
+
+<p>When we talk of the transformation of property which is nothing, as they
+are obliged to confess, but "a social institution,"<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> our opponents,
+with their strange fashion of doing us justice, change our words into
+"suppression of property." "Socialists of all schools have decreed the
+suppression of property"<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> is the notable affirmation of "a certain
+number of young men, strangers hitherto to politics"<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>&mdash;this part of
+the phrase is not mine, it is, possibly, the least open to criticism of
+any part of the work of the young men in question, who have felt
+impelled to speak on a question that they confess is foreign <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>to them.
+Their confession is superfluous; we would have readily perceived,
+unaided, that they spoke of socialism after the fashion of those who
+know nothing of it.</p>
+
+<p>These young men, in founding the "<i>comit&eacute; d'action de la gauche
+lib&eacute;rale</i>,"<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> wrote: "We are partisans of individual liberty and of
+individual property." I assume, until proof to the contrary is
+forthcoming, that they are not partisans of these things for
+themselves and their friends alone. If they advocate them for every
+one, I beg them to tell us what they think of the liberty of the man
+who has, as his source of livelihood, only his labor-power without the
+means of utilizing it.</p>
+
+<p>Either they recognize that every man ought to have the means of labor
+at his disposal, and, in that case, I will ask them how, with the
+system of mechanical industry, they hope to put at the disposal of all
+these means so necessary to the liberty of all.</p>
+
+<p>Or, they do not recognize that every man, to be free, must dispose of
+the tools and materials of labor, and then I will ask them what
+becomes of the liberty of the man to whom the employer can say: if you
+do such or such a thing, if you do not accept such or such a thing,
+you shall have no work, that is to say, it shall be impossible for you
+to eat. And that they may not accuse me of describing hypothetical
+cases blacker than nature, I will submit for their meditation the
+following fact related by the <i>Temps</i> (Times)<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> at the time of the
+strike of Rive-de-Gier.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>"An engine-stoker fell ill. He was replaced, all the time of his
+illness, by a common laborer at 50 cents a day. The regular stoker
+having gotten well, resumed his duties. He was completely surprised,
+at the end of the fortnight, to receive only 50 cents a day, when he
+had been paid, before his illness, 80 cents. He protested. 'There it
+is. Take it or leave it,' he was told; 'we have found out that a
+common laborer at 50 cents does this work just as well as you; we cut
+you down to 50 cents. Get out or accept it.' The man had a family, and
+choice was forbidden him. He accepted it."</p>
+
+<p>In the face of such facts, M. C&eacute;lestin Jonnart has the
+assurance&mdash;which I will describe, returning one of the epithets he
+applies to us, as "villainous"&mdash;to assert that the socialists "are
+working for conditions which will produce generations of men who will
+know nothing but abject submission and will be ready for every
+degradation." These generations, sir, are not to be made; they are to
+be raised from their degradation, and that is the task at which
+socialism is working.</p>
+
+<p>If I have cited only one fact, this is not because facts of this kind
+are rare, it is because the one I have cited has the advantage of
+coming from the <i>Temps</i> which may be suspected of anything you like
+except socialism. Then, besides proving how free the laborer is in his
+choice, this fact shows how the free contract between capitalist and
+laborer is concluded. When the stoker resumes his place, he naturally
+imagines that he is resuming it upon the former conditions, and no one
+undeceives him. On pay-day, which does not come till a fortnight
+later, he perceives that he must conclude <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>a new free contract
+different from the one he had a right to believe in force, and accept
+50 cents instead of the 80 cents expected and agreed upon.</p>
+
+<p>Are these men free, the stoker and his like? I would gladly have on
+this point the opinion of M. L&eacute;on Say who not long since posed as the
+champion, against the socialists, of "human liberty and dignity." The
+truth is that the laborer is free, only when, to the right of being
+free, he joins the effective power of being free, only when he has at
+his disposition the things necessary to the realization of his labor,
+only, in other words, when he does not have to throw himself upon the
+mercy of the possessors of those things. Whatever the law may say, the
+man who depends upon another for his subsistence is not free. What is
+requisite is to furnish means of labor to the laborers who have them
+not; now, on the basis of the present form or character of these
+means, society can assure possession of them to all, only when these
+means shall have been socialized, shall have become social property.
+As regards the laborers who still possess their means of labor, they
+will retain them, as I explained just above. In fact, only through
+socialism can individual liberty be made a reality for all.</p>
+
+<p>It is the same with individual property as with individual liberty.
+From all that I have just stated it is clear that the only property
+that socialism wishes to transform, is the property no longer made use
+of by the individual owners thereof; it is the property which is
+formed by the agglomeration of petty scraps of property wrested from
+the immense majority, and which exists <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>only to the detriment of that
+very majority.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> And even in this case there will be no suppression,
+since the present holders will be granted the use of their transformed
+property on the same terms as others.</p>
+
+<p>What, then, is the property of "those silent multitudes who toil and
+struggle so hard for existence and who are in truth the artisans of
+our greatness?"<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Is not your capitalist society stripping them more
+and more every day of the means of labor and of individually owned
+dwellings, and leaving to them in individual ownership only the things
+indispensable to the bare support of life? It is the capitalist regime
+which, by increasing immeasurably the property of the few, contracts
+the limits within which the personal acquirement of property by the
+many is possible. It is the socialist regime which will increase this
+possibility of the personal acquirement of property, by assuring to
+each the share earned by his labor. It is only under the regime of
+socialism that individual property will be a reality for all, as this
+regime alone will suppress&mdash;though suppressing nothing else&mdash;the
+possibility of using this property to exploit the labor of others.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> M. C&eacute;lestin Jonnart.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> D&eacute;claration du "Comit&eacute; d'action de la gauche lib&eacute;rale."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Idem.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Committee of action of the Liberal Left.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> March 8, 1893, 2d page.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "Political economy confuses on principle two very
+different kinds of private property, of which one rests on the
+producers' own labor, the other on the employment of the labor of
+others. It forgets that the latter not only is the direct antithesis
+of the former, but absolutely grows on its tomb only."&mdash;Marx, 1st vol.
+of <i>Capital</i>, Humboldt Edition, page 488.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> M. C&eacute;lestin Jonnart.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>VIII.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>It appears that from the moment when it will no longer be possible to
+exploit the individual, there will no longer be any individuality. At
+least it so appears to the capitalists who deem that which does not
+yield them a profit to be non-existent. To the socialists, on the
+other hand, the existence of individuality appears dependent upon its
+freedom. Now, as it is, as we have just seen, only in the socialist
+period that all individuals will be able to have the means necessary
+to true freedom, it follows that the triumph of socialism will be the
+triumph of the individual, the blossoming of personality.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> In the
+socialist period, indeed, all those who shall wish to work will be
+able to do so, by choosing freely their favorite kind of socially
+useful labor, and all will be able to consume the social products
+proportionally to the labor they have furnished. Will it not,
+therefore, be to the interest of all to work, and to try to make the
+work as little toilsome and as productive as possible? <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>Is there not
+here, apart from the joy of serving one's fellows, the most powerful
+motive for emulation both as regards the quantity of labor
+individually performed and in the invention or discovery of improved
+processes tending to procure for each and all the maximum of benefits
+in return for the minimum of exertion?</p>
+
+<p>A certain degree of audacity is required to dare compare the producers
+of the future under socialism, with the office-holders of to-day under
+capitalism. What interest has the office-holder of to-day to reduce to
+the minimum the cost to the State of the services it is his function
+to perform? His salary, determined before any labor is performed, is
+independent of the quantity and quality of his labor; and so the
+office-holder, though full of righteous indignation against the
+workingmen who wish to work only eight hours a day, seeks, on his own
+part, to work just as little as possible, and he squanders and wastes
+as much as possible, because extravagance never costs him a penny and
+sometimes brings him in handsome rewards. While under the regime of
+socialism, the personal interest of the individual will be in harmony
+with the social interest of all, under the present system the personal
+interests of the office-holders are in direct conflict with the
+interest of the State. Under the regime of socialism, men, all men,
+will be producers and not office-holders; they will not be
+office-holders any more than are members of a family who, in order to
+provide for the satisfaction of the needs of the family, perform
+severally various functions.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style='width: 15%;' />
+<br />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>In conclusion, the whole question may be summed up thus: Is the spirit
+of initiative and personal energy likely to be more broadly
+disseminated among the masses, when the latter know that they are
+compelled to make their own wretchedness the instrument of the
+prosperity of a minority, or when they shall know that their own
+prosperity will be whatever they, by their own labor, shall make it,
+under a system of absolute equality of privilege? There can be no
+doubt as to the answer in the minds of all those who are not too much
+wonted to the denial of truth. But, under the regime of socialism,
+initiative<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and energy cannot promote personal interests alone;
+while being more favorable than ever to those interests, they will
+necessarily be advantageous to all. As soon as the material conditions
+necessary for the attainment of individual prosperity shall also be
+the conditions requisite for social prosperity, we shall see grow out
+of this harmony a system of ethics based on the newly acquired
+consciousness of social solidarity, and under this new morality the
+action of the individual will have not only as its necessary though
+indirect result, but also as its guiding principle, motive and goal,
+the social or common interest, the greatest good of all.</p>
+
+<p>It would seem that from this time forth all ought to unite their
+efforts in order to hasten the dawn of the realization of a social
+environment so advantageous to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>all. In fact, excepting a very small
+minority of great financiers and capitalists, all those who work or
+have worked with hand or brain, all have an interest in the triumph of
+socialism; unfortunately all are not conscious of the undeniable
+precariousness of the situation of all under the regime of capitalism,
+and so do not see the advantage for all in transforming this regime
+along the lines of its social tendencies, and many will stupidly
+strive to prolong the state of things which is the cause of their
+troubles.</p>
+
+<p>Socialism repels no one and is open to all those, without regard to
+their social position, who comprehend its necessity. But, if it is far
+from repelling them&mdash;striving indeed to attract them&mdash;it cannot count
+in advance, generally speaking, on those who too readily become the
+dupes of illusions begotten by a more or less privileged social
+situation and who are unable to rise above their class prejudices
+sufficiently to form a just conception of their own true interests.
+While preparing the ground for socialism which is developing wherever
+the capitalist mode of production has reached a certain stage, the
+economic phenomena at the same time necessitate the economic and
+political organization of the industrial<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> laborers, and they are
+the class immediately and directly interested in the triumph of
+socialism.</p>
+
+<p>Small industrial employers, artisans, retail merchants and working
+owners of small farms have two-fold class-ties. They belong to the
+possessing class, and yet they <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>are exploited. When, under the empire
+of a naive pride and vain hopes, the man proud of his possessions, the
+would-be capitalist, dominates in them, they give heed to the dirty
+blackguards who are forever telling them that the common laborer and
+the socialist wish to take their little property away from them, and
+they show a hostility which, in spite of their conservative
+intentions, is aimed against those whom they ought to help if they
+wish to be sure of retaining the little property they have. When,
+under the lashes of the thong of stern reality they feel themselves
+exploited and menaced with expropriation, they applaud the demands of
+the socialists and help support&mdash;as has often been seen&mdash;the strikes
+of the laborers. According to circumstances the middle class declares
+itself in this way, now on one side, now on the other.</p>
+
+<p>The industrial workingmen who own nothing but their labor-power and to
+whom the possession, even in a dream, of the smallest estate is an
+impossibility, cannot possibly conceive the false idea that they have
+anything to lose by the victory of socialism. From that to thinking
+that they have everything to gain by that victory is not far; for this
+all that is needed is for them to be brought into contact with the
+socialist propaganda. Therefore the principal mission of socialism is
+to instruct and organize the multitudes of industrial laborers; they
+must be won over the first of all. This which is, in fact, for the
+middle class only a defensive war against the great capitalists
+becomes an offensive war for the great majority of the industrial
+laborers who have to conquer that which the middle class has only to
+preserve.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>Because we say that socialism makes its appeal more particularly to
+the industrial laborers, we beg our critics not to represent us as
+saying that socialism ought to neglect the members of all other
+classes. Socialism struggling for the emancipation&mdash;no longer
+impossible&mdash;of all, combats in every rank or stratum of society all
+exploitations and all oppressions, and it is the natural defender of
+all the exploited and all the oppressed. Just as, to regard the
+economic question as the sum and substance of militant socialism is
+not, in our opinion, to restrict its field of action, but is simply,
+on the contrary, to pursue directly the only line of conduct by which
+it is possible for its efforts to produce broad general effects, so to
+devote our attention first of all to the industrial laborers is not to
+make light of the wrongs of the other victims of exploitation, but it
+is to devote our first efforts to strengthening the active army of
+socialism, formed of those who have to blaze out a path for the
+movement, but whose success&mdash;which will be hastened by the support of
+members of other classes&mdash;will assure the emancipation of all.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> "In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes
+and class antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free
+development of each is the condition for the free development of
+all."&mdash;Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto, page 43, New York, 1898,
+published by Nat. Ex. Committee of the Socialist Labor Party.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> This word is used so exclusively in a technical sense by
+the Direct Legislation faddists, it may be necessary to say it is here
+used to denote originality and independent strength of mind,
+etc.&mdash;Tr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> "Industrial," as used here, and, indeed, correctly, it
+should be noted, does not include agricultural.&mdash;Tr.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>IX.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Socialism and the party which incarnates it are begotten by the
+economic transformations which are taking place under our eyes. If it
+is impossible to suppress (or eliminate) certain phases of social
+development, at a certain stage of development it is possible for men
+to facilitate or retard the success of socialism. This depends
+sometimes upon men who are not socialists, and nearly always upon
+socialist tactics.</p>
+
+<p>Is socialism inexorably destined to wait for "the natural play
+(working) of institutions and laws to bring to pass the triumph of its
+aspirations," as M. Charles Dupuy asked in one of his astonishing
+addresses? Socialism which is essentially an evolutionary theory
+expects its realization to result from the natural working out of the
+facts; but, under normal conditions, it can no more rely on the
+natural play or action of existing laws, than a republican, eager for
+the Republic, could with any show of reason, have relied, in the time
+of the Empire, on the natural working of the imperial laws to evolve
+the Republic. But in a republic, such as France or the United States,
+where universal suffrage makes the People the sole nominal sovereign,
+and where by strictly legal action the People may become the
+effective, actual sovereign, if socialism cannot rely for its triumph
+upon the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>free play and natural working of the laws of evolution, it
+can rely upon the ever-growing influence of socialist electors and
+officials on political action and legislation&mdash;a source of hope that
+was forbidden to the republicans under the empire. It may also happen
+that its triumph may be brought about by a rupture of <i>de facto</i>
+legality, a rupture which under certain contingencies may become
+unavoidable, a rupture which may be forced upon them without any
+regard to the personal preferences of socialists, as, for example, in
+France, on the 4th of September, 1870, such a rupture was forced upon
+Jules Simon and other fanatical partisans of legality, and it is a
+rupture of this kind which constitutes a revolution.</p>
+
+<p>Evolution and Revolution are not contradictory terms. Quite the
+contrary. When they both take place, the one following and
+supplementing the other, the second is the conclusion of the first,
+the revolution is only the characteristic crisis which ends and gives
+real effect to a period of evolution. Notice what takes place in the
+case of the young chick. After having gone through the regular process
+of development inside of its shell, the little brute, who is as yet
+unable to read the <i>Temps</i>, does not know that it has been decreed
+that evolution must take place without any violence; instead of
+employing its leisure in gently and legally wearing a hole through its
+shell, it breaks its way out without warning or ceremony. Well, then,
+socialism which does read the <i>Temps</i>, will act just as though it had
+not read it, and, if the emergency arises, will imitate the little
+chick; if in the course of events it becomes necessary, it will burst
+asunder the mould of legality within which it is <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>developing, and
+within which, at the present time, it has simply to continue its
+regular and peaceful development.</p>
+
+<p>The distinctive mark of a revolution, as I have said, is the rupture
+of <i>de facto</i> legality&mdash;that is the only <i>sine qua non</i>, everything
+else is merely incidental. Unfortunately the strong general tendency
+is to think that the word, revolution, necessarily implies the
+execution of persons and the destruction of property. The latter are
+catastrophes that the socialists will make every possible effort to
+avoid; for they know that excesses in one direction inevitably provoke
+a re-actionary movement in the opposite direction, and they will do
+everything they possibly can to keep from thus unconsciously defeating
+their own ends.</p>
+
+<p>At some particular time in the future events may occur that, purely by
+the power of circumstances over men, will lead to a rupture of
+legality. When and how will this happen, if it does happen? We know
+nothing about it, and we are not and will not be the responsible cause
+of such an event, because we recognize and point out the possibility
+of its occurrence. The interested fears of some will not destroy this
+possibility, nor will the too pardonable impatience of others convert
+it into a probability. As the <i>Temps</i> said one day, in speaking
+incidentally of revolutions: "One does not make them; they make
+themselves."<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although we can not indicate the character any more than the period of
+this possible rupture of legality, still we have a right to say that
+this rupture, or in other <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>words, this revolution, may take place
+peacefully, like the one that occurred on the 4th of September, 1870.
+The difference in the consequences of the two revolutions makes no
+difference from our present point of view. It is true that the
+revolution of the 4th of September was purely a political revolution.
+But, while the revolution, whose possibility we are considering, is to
+usher in a social transformation, as a revolution it is simply a
+change of a political character. If the capitalists are as prudent as
+were the Bonapartists on the 4th of September, the future rupture of
+legality may be just as peaceful as was that in which Senator Jules
+Simon took part. It is seen, then, that socialism may burst the mould
+of legality while preserving the peace. On the other hand, it may make
+use of violence while remaining within the forms of strict legality.</p>
+
+<p>Whether or not a revolutionary situation is destined to arise, the
+duty, the whole duty of socialists consists in educating the masses,
+in rendering them conscious of their condition, their task and their
+responsibility, of organizing them in readiness for the day when the
+political power shall fall into their hands. To win for socialism the
+greatest possible number of partisans, that is the task to which
+socialist parties must consecrate their efforts, using, for this
+purpose, all pacific and legal means, but using such means only. In
+ordinary times, such as those in which we live, any sort of action,
+except peaceful and legal action with a view to the instruction and
+organization of the masses, is sure, whether so intended or not, to
+have a deterrent and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>reactionary influence, and to interfere with the
+spread of socialist ideas.</p>
+
+<p>What I am advocating is not the policy of keeping our colors hidden in
+our pockets, it is not the policy of mutilating, however slightly, the
+theory of socialism, it is the policy of sticking strictly to that
+theory without marring or disfiguring it by violences which form no
+part of it, by vain predictions which threaten with no certainty of
+fulfilment. The truth is that it is impossible to promise in advance
+to stick solely to either method&mdash;force or legality; and this is true
+for all parties. A Radical, M. Sigismund Lacroix, recognized this fact
+when he wrote some time ago: "Many people of whom I am one ... would
+hesitate to swear to stick, under all circumstances, to legal and
+peaceful means. This depends, not on opinions, but on situations.
+Revolutionary situations may arise, when to be a revolutionist will be
+a duty."<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>
+
+<p>Even admitting that there must be a revolution&mdash;a question which the
+events and not the wills of men will decide&mdash;this revolution, no
+matter what its incidents, will be only one term in the series of
+phenomena which are leading us from one social form to another, only
+one link in a chain, and is it reasonable, therefore, to hypnotize the
+laborers by concentrating their attention on that single link? What is
+necessary is to make socialists, to make the masses conscious of the
+economic movement in progress, to bring their wills into harmony with
+that movement, and thus to lead to the election of more and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>more
+socialists to our various elective assemblies, where it will be their
+duty and privilege to maintain the forgotten and despised rights of
+the people, and to effect, so far as they can, under the
+circumstances, the various ameliorations of the conditions and status
+of the toiling masses for which socialism is striving. The socialist
+party is the only party which pursues these aims in a practical
+fashion, by basing its tactics on the economic conditions of the
+environment. What is the use, therefore, of talking of anything but
+socialism, of expatiating on the nature of the crisis which will
+terminate the present phase of evolution and will be the beginning of
+a new phase? Why waste time talking about a contingent event that
+circumstances may force upon us in the future, but the time or
+character of which no man can define or describe to-day? At all
+events, if we must talk of revolution, our aim should be to overthrow
+the false ideas on this subject industriously circulated by our
+opponents with a view to deterring recruits from enlisting in the
+socialist army.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Issue of Nov. 14, 1891.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Le Radical</i>, May 30, 1893.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<h3>X.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Just as the idea of revolution is identified with the ideas of murder
+and destruction, in the same way the internationalism of the workers
+is identified with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>anti-patriotism. There is in the latter case as in
+the former a fundamental error, and it remains for me to show that,
+theoretically and practically, the identification of the
+internationalism of labor with anti-patriotism is unjustifiable. And,
+to begin with, he who says internationalism says internationalism, and
+does not say anti-nationalism; consequently, you see at once that no
+one ought&mdash;either to approve or condemn it&mdash;to use the word,
+internationalism, to express what it does not mean and what other
+words do mean.</p>
+
+<p>Instead of allowing ourselves to be led astray by our various
+fantastic notions, let us here as elsewhere examine the facts and see
+what conclusions they impose upon us. Socialism flows from the facts,
+it follows them and does not precede them. This is the truth to which
+we must constantly return, which we must never forget. Now, the facts
+show us, <i>bon gr&eacute; mal gr&eacute;</i>, two things: on the one hand, the existence
+of countries (fatherlands); on the other, the existence, in every
+social stratum, of an international solidarity.</p>
+
+<p>It is with countries as with classes; some deny the existence of the
+former, others of the latter. Now, in reason it is no more possible to
+deny the existence of the country (fatherland) than the existence of
+classes in that country. It is all right to look forward to the day
+when national patriotism shall be swallowed up in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>world-wide
+brotherhood, when classes shall vanish in human solidarity, but while
+waiting for the facts to turn this noble ideal into a reality, we
+must, in both cases, adapt ourselves to the facts as they actually are
+at present. To wish to suppress them (classes, etc.) does not suppress
+them, to protest against their existence does not at all prevent them
+from existing and, so long as countries and classes shall exist, it
+will be necessary for us, not to deny their existence in declamations
+in the Bryan-McKinley style, but to adapt our tactics to the facts
+which are the consequences of their existence.</p>
+
+<p>Just as the feeling of national solidarity is added to the feeling of
+family solidarity, without destroying the latter, in the same way the
+relatively new sentiment of international solidarity is added to the
+former which is still retained. A new sentiment springing from a new
+situation does not annihilate the older sentiments and emotions as
+long as the conditions that gave them birth continue to exist, and
+families and nations are still in existence.</p>
+
+<p>The tendency toward internationalism was inaugurated by capital. In
+obedience to its own law of continuous growth, it has, more and more,
+substituted international commerce for national trade. It has created
+industries whose raw materials come from abroad and whose products
+require, for an outlet, the universal or world market. It has thus
+developed the reciprocal interdependence of nations, no one of which
+to-day can live without the aid of the others.</p>
+
+<p>Capitalist internationalism, moreover, pursues its ends with stern
+remorselessness. In order to lower national <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>wages and gain greater
+profits, the capitalist does not hesitate to deprive his
+fellow-countrymen of work, and to import, to compete with them on the
+labor market, foreigners wonted by greater poverty to a lower standard
+of living, and therefore able and willing to work for lower wages. To
+prohibit them, not from employing foreigners, but from paying them
+less than the national rate of wages is the only effective means of
+meeting this evil. On the other hand, provided he sees a goodly profit
+in the transaction, the capitalist never hesitates to loan money or
+sell military supplies to a foreign country, though he thus increases
+its power to wage war against his own.</p>
+
+<p>This international character, assumed by capital in all its forms, is,
+in its effects, co-extensive with the domain of human affairs. And so,
+as M. Aulard declared in a lecture about which there has been too much
+talk: "There are no national boundaries for reason and science * * *
+They are neither French, nor English, nor German, but international
+and human." How, therefore, can the workingmen be justly reproached
+for taking the road on which everything and everybody has started, and
+along which the capitalists have preceded them? Face to face with the
+international domination of capital, they have come to understand, in
+all civilized nations, the common character, the oneness, of their own
+interests. They are everywhere the victims of the same kind of
+exploitation, due everywhere to the same cause. The same facts have
+suggested to them the same demands, the same means and tactics to
+attain the same goal. International exploitation has thus given birth
+to an <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>ever growing international solidarity among the workers who
+resist its encroachments. And the international concurrence of the
+workers is publicly declared by the world-wide celebration of the
+First day of May.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the most sincere sentiment of international solidarity
+on both sides, the workingmen of two countries may still have to fight
+against each other. This is one of the numerous contradictions&mdash;and
+one of the most horrible&mdash;inherent in the capitalist regime, which is
+condemned to aspire to peace and to unchain the horrid dogs of war.
+While, for example, commerce on the world market requires peace, the
+bitterness of competition on that market begets conflicts. * * * *</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style='width: 15%;' />
+<br />
+
+<p>To safeguard the little independence left to them as laborers, the
+workers have been led by the state of affairs, by actual conditions,
+as were the business men before them, to be internationalists; but
+they are patriots, and must be patriots only whenever their
+country&mdash;be it France or America&mdash;is menaced by danger from abroad.</p>
+
+<p>I hope you now see that the internationalism of the workers and the
+socialists cannot, by any possibility lead to anti-patriotism. These
+are two distinct ideas which cannot be legitimately confounded, no
+matter what the object of this confusion. Our internationalism and our
+patriotism spring from two wholly distinct categories of facts, and
+different facts logically necessitate different solutions, logic
+consisting, here and everywhere, in adapting the solution to the facts
+and not in applying the same solution indiscriminately to all sorts of
+facts.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>To sum up, workingmen and socialists ought to be internationalists in
+their relations with their toiling comrades when the interests of
+labor are at stake in times of peace, patriots and Frenchmen before
+all when France, our country shall be, if it must be, in danger of
+war, conscious always of the duty to be performed, conscious, if need
+be, especially in victory, of the duty of respecting in the case of
+others, especially the conquered, the rights that they claim for
+themselves.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style='width: 15%;' />
+<br />
+
+<p>I have finished. That is all that socialism means. I have taken pains
+to set it forth in its entirety, free from both the attenuations and
+the exaggerations by which it is often mutilated or disfigured, but
+which seem to me to have no foundation in reality. Its goal is the
+socialization of the means of labor which have already manifested
+collective tendencies&mdash;either in their mode of ownership or in the
+mode of their employment as exploiting agencies&mdash;and the abolition of
+classes. Its means, the transference to the political battlefield of
+the Class Struggle, the existence of which it is compelled to
+acknowledge. It must, for the time being, be resolved to preserve
+legality at home and peace abroad, but equally energetically
+determined to tolerate no measure that will make the situation of the
+toilers more intolerable, to preserve republican institutions intact
+and to defend the national territory against all foreign foes.</p>
+
+<p class="right">GABRIEL DEVILLE.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> In France, where pseudo-patriotism, or jingoism, runs
+riot, the argument that international socialism is unpatriotic is much
+in vogue with the hireling scribes of capitalism. Hence, this section.
+In this country, owing in part to its geographical isolation, but
+still more to the almost complete lack of a sense of international
+solidarity on the part of the American worker, we seldom have to meet
+this argument, and so I will condense and abridge this section.&mdash;Tr.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
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+<p class="cen"><a name="TN" id="TN"></a>Typographical errors corrected in text:</p>
+<br />
+Page &nbsp;&nbsp;9: &nbsp;"is is chiefly" replaced with "it is chiefly"<br />
+Page 31: &nbsp;incompatability replaced with incompatibility<br />
+Page 36: &nbsp;possesors replaced with possessors<br />
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/35962.txt b/35962.txt
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+++ b/35962.txt
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism, by
+Gabriel Deville
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism
+
+Author: Gabriel Deville
+
+Translator: Robert Rives La Monte
+
+Release Date: April 25, 2011 [EBook #35962]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION, INTERNATIONALISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeannie Howse, Adrian Mastronardi, Mark C.
+Orton and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
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+
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+    | Transcriber's Note:                                       |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has     |
+    | been preserved.                                           |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For     |
+    | a complete list, please see the end of this document.     |
+    |                                                           |
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+  PRICE 10 CENTS
+
+  Socialism, Revolution
+  and Internationalism
+
+  By GABRIEL DEVILLE
+
+
+
+
+  SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION
+  AND
+  INTERNATIONALISM
+
+
+  A LECTURE
+  DELIVERED IN PARIS, NOVEMBER 27, 1893, BY
+  GABRIEL DEVILLE
+
+
+  Translated by
+  ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE
+
+
+  CHICAGO
+  CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY
+  1907
+
+
+
+
+  PRESS OF
+  JOHN F. HIGGINS
+  CHICAGO
+
+
+
+
+SOCIALISM, REVOLUTION AND INTERNATIONALISM.
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+
+Socialism, revolution, internationalism--these are the three subjects
+regarding which I beg your permission to say what--with no pretence of
+being infallible--I believe to be the truth. At the risk of telling
+you nothing new, I will simply try to speak truth. Those who reproach
+the socialists for constantly repeating the same thing, have, no
+doubt, the habit of accommodating the truth to suit their taste for
+variety. On the other hand, to talk of socialism is to do what
+everyone else is doing at this time, but I will speak to you of it
+from the standpoint of a socialist, and--unhappily--that is not as yet
+equally common.
+
+The signal and distinctive mark of modern socialism is that it springs
+directly from the facts. Far from resting on the imaginary conceptions
+of the intellect, from being a more or less utopian vision of an ideal
+society, socialism is to-day simply the theoretical expression of the
+contemporaneous phase of the economic evolution of humanity.
+
+At this point we are met with two objections.
+
+On the one hand, because we say that socialism springs from the facts,
+we are accused of denying the influence of the Idea and the liberal
+defenders of the Idea rise up in revolt; they can calm themselves
+again. How could we deny the influence of the Idea, when socialism
+itself is as yet, as I have just pointed out, only a theoretical
+expression, _i.e._, an idea, which we nevertheless believe has a
+certain influence?
+
+We merely assert that a truth, irrevocably established by science as a
+valid generalization, does not cease to be a truth when it is applied
+to human history and socialism. This truth is the action of the
+environment: all living beings are the product of the environment in
+which they live. To the environment, in the last analysis, to the
+relations necessarily created by the multiple contacts, actions and
+reactions of the environment and the environed are due all the
+transformations of all organisms and, in consequence, all the
+phenomena that emanate from them. Thought is one of these phenomena,
+and, just like all the others, it has its source in actual facts. To
+say that socialism springs from the facts, is then simply to place the
+socialist idea on the same plane with all other ideas. In socialism,
+as in all subjects, the idea is the reflex in the brain of the
+relations of man with his surroundings, and the greater or less
+aptitude of the brain for acquiring, retaining and combining ideas,
+constitutes intelligence. The latter, in making various combinations
+out of the elements provided by the environment, may obviously lose
+sight of the reality which serves as its foundation, but our socialism
+aims never to depart from the data drawn from unbiased observation of
+the facts.
+
+We are accused, on the other hand, because we believe that the
+economic question contains the whole of socialism, of denying the
+existence and influence of the intellectual factor, the sentimental
+factor, the psychological factor--in short, a whole collection of
+factors. Now, as I am going to try to show you, our only error, if it
+is an error, is that we wish to put the cart behind the horse, and to
+accuse us of wishing to suppress the cart because we refuse to put it
+in front or alongside of the horse, proves, at once, the incontestable
+desire to find us at fault, and the difficulty of gratifying that
+desire.
+
+Man, as I said just now, is the product of the environment. But, to
+the influence of the cosmic or natural environment, which affects all
+beings, there was soon joined in his case the influence of the special
+environment created by him, an environment resulting from the acquired
+means of action, from the material of the tools used, from the
+conditions of life added by him to those furnished him by nature, or
+else substituted for them, the influence, in a word, of the economic
+environment, an influence which has gradually become predominant
+because the conditions of life, determining in all orders of society
+man's mode of life, have finally become less and less dependent upon
+the purely physical capabilities of the cosmic environment, and more
+and more dependent upon the means of action acquired by human
+exertions, upon the artificial capabilities of the economic
+environment, upon human thought materialized in various innovations.
+
+We find at the foundation of everything affecting man the influence of
+the natural and economic environments, and, if it is quite true that
+we recognize the preponderant influence of the economic environment,
+it is passing strange to accuse us of not recognizing the action of
+human intelligence, which we assert is the creator of this
+environment. Only we do not forget that, at any stage of development
+whatever, intelligence does nothing by its creations except to
+elaborate the elements which it finds "ready made," as it were, in the
+environment.
+
+Therefore, intelligence can, by working with the elements furnished by
+the existing environment, produce a change in this environment. This
+new environment thus changed becomes the determining environment of
+future intelligence. You see that, far from degrading the role of
+intelligence, we attribute to it a considerable importance; we only
+refuse to see in it a spontaneous phenomenon.
+
+Having replied to the reproach of not taking into consideration what
+is called intelligence and is paraded as the intellectual factor, it
+is scarcely necessary for me to honor with special replies all the
+other factors mobilized against us, as they are all merely products of
+intelligence. I will remark, however, that if it is true that we do
+not deduce our theory from this association of factors, this does not
+authorize the conclusion that morality, right, justice, psychology,
+and sentiment are for us words devoid of meaning. To refuse to elevate
+them to the rank of scientific proofs, which is what we do, and all
+that we do, is not to deny them; it is simply to avoid employing them
+for a use for which they are not and could not be destined. Because,
+to uphold our theory, we prefer to have recourse to the observation of
+facts and their tendencies, we have never proscribed the conception or
+sentiment of justice as motives for adhesion to that very theory, and
+we do not hesitate to declare that that which is unfitted to serve as
+a scientific proof, may be utilized as a motive for action.
+
+Moreover, even those who attribute to the "syndicate" of factors a
+preponderating power over historical progress do not attribute to
+intelligence a greater influence than we recognize as belonging to it.
+In fact, the controversy here is not concerning the influence of
+ideas. The controversy arises when we attempt to determine which ideas
+are influential. On either side it is simply a matter of choosing from
+among the products of intelligence. Our opponents insist upon the
+claims of the factors in combination, instead of recognizing, as do
+we, the predominant influence of the ideas which clothe themselves in
+the phenomenal form of acts, such as inventions, etc., which lead to
+the modification of the economic environment and consequently, as we
+believe, to the modification of man himself, in his mode of life
+first, in his habits and methods of thought afterward.
+
+As soon as it is seen that the transformation of the economic
+conditions, of the conditions of life, is the fundamental
+transformation, that upon which all the others are more or less
+dependent, it will be recognized that to say that socialism is simply
+the expression of the contemporaneous phase of economic conditions is
+not to narrow, in the slightest degree, its field of action, but only
+to define more accurately its immediate goal. The affirmation that
+there is in progress an evolution of the economic environment implies
+necessarily a corresponding evolution of the various branches of human
+knowledge, which are all influenced by this environment, just as the
+apple-tree implies the apple without its being necessary to speak of
+the integral apple-tree.[1] If socialism is contained "in a purely
+economic formula," it is just as the apple-tree is contained in the
+seed. Let us be vigilant to see that this "economic formula" and this
+seed are not thwarted in their normal development, and we shall have
+all the fruits that may be desired, even if we refrain from heaping
+qualifying or complemental adjectives upon the apple-tree and
+socialism.
+
+Some have thought that they have discovered an argument against this
+predominance of the economic environment and of the economic question,
+in the fact that some events which are not economic in nature--and
+they cite, most frequently, the invention of gunpowder and the
+revocation of the edict of Nantes--have had a great influence on human
+history. They forget that, if such or such an important event was not
+directly in itself an economic phenomenon, it is chiefly by the
+consequences that it had from the economic point of view that it
+became important; like all human discoveries, all historic events, it
+reached a point where it became a modifying element of the economic
+environment.
+
+To recapitulate, if we insist upon the influence of the surroundings,
+and, particularly, upon the preponderant influence of the economic
+environment--the creation of man--this does not justify representing
+us as attributing an exclusive influence to the economic environment
+and as holding that this environment itself is created and influenced
+only by facts properly classed as economic.
+
+I return then to my first proposition: socialism must have and has for
+its foundation the economic environment, the economic facts. What are
+those facts?
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] A word is needed to make the force of this sarcasm clear to
+American readers. There was formed around the late Benoit Malon, the
+founder of _La Revue Socialiste_, a small but very intelligent and
+influential school of socialists, who loved (and still love) to prate
+about the inadequacy of Marxism, its neglect of various "factors,"
+etc., etc. They regard Marxian economics as being true so far as they
+go, but as constituting a very inadequate and incomplete socialism,
+which it was reserved for them, by a beneficent Providence, to
+complete. Their own socialism they call "integral socialism." We have
+their like in America--men who use Marxian ammunition and belittle
+Marx.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
+II.
+
+
+In order for man, who can live only on condition that he works, to be
+able to perform any sort of work, he must have at his disposition the
+instruments and the subject of labor. Now, these tools and this
+material, in one word, the means of labor, are, more and more,
+becoming the property of the capitalists. Those who are despoiled of
+the means of utilizing in work their own labor-power (or physical
+capacity for work) are, henceforth, compelled, being unable to live
+otherwise, to sell the use of that power to the capitalists who hold
+in their possession the things indispensable for labor. Through their
+possession of the things indispensable for the functioning of
+labor-power, the capitalists are, in fact, masters of all who cannot
+utilize their own power themselves, nor live without utilizing it.
+From this economic dependence flows the existence of distinct classes,
+distinct in spite of the civil and political equality of their
+members; and, as the capitalist regime expropriates the Middle Class
+more and more, it tends to accentuate the division of society into two
+principal classes: on the one hand, those who control the means of
+labor; on the other, those for whom the actual use of those means is
+the sole possibility of life.
+
+I will ask you to note that I speak of classes and not of orders or
+estates, because these last expressions imply a legal demarcation
+between the categories of persons which they indicate; while the word
+_class_ simply denotes, according to Littre,[2] the "grades
+established among men by the diversity and inequality of their
+circumstances." This is the reason that some among us refuse to make
+use of the expression "Fourth Estate." There are no longer any
+Estates, it is true, but it is not the less true that there still are
+classes. As no one among us any longer dares to approve of their
+existence, to deny it is the only way to avoid combatting it. And so
+it is this denial that is resorted to by those adversaries of
+socialism whose only weapons are falsehood and hypocrisy. Socialists
+are not the cause of the existence of classes because they recognize
+their existence. They limit themselves to establishing that which has
+been, that which is and that which is destined to be: the origin of
+classes, their present persistence and their approaching
+disappearance.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+As soon as, thanks to the development of the faculties of man and to
+his industrial discoveries, the productivity of labor became great
+enough for an individual to be able to produce more than was
+indispensable for his maintenance, the division of society into two
+great classes, the exploiters and the exploited, was effected. And
+this division had its justification, so long as production was not
+sufficient to render comfort for all a possibility. But, thanks to
+machinery and to scientific appliances which facilitate labor, while
+vastly multiplying the supply of articles of consumption, the
+exhausting labor of the masses and the monopolization of comfort by a
+minority can henceforth give place, must henceforth give place, and
+will give place in a future which no longer seems distant, to the
+universalization of labor and its inevitable consequence, the
+universalization of comfort and of leisure, that is to say, to social
+conditions under which there will be no classes, because their
+existence will (as now) serve no useful end as it has done in the
+past. We will soon see that our present ruling class, far from being
+useful, is already becoming baneful.
+
+To-day, if the existence of distinct classes has, apparently, lost all
+legal sanction, it is just as real a fact as ever. To deny it, one
+must have--pardon me the expression, but I can find no other defining
+as accurately this state of mind--the desire to play the fool, or the
+interest to do so. It is impossible to deny seriously that a part of
+the population is, in fact, through the form of the economic
+relations, through their material self-interest, through their need of
+food, placed in a position of dependence upon another portion of the
+population, and that there is an antagonism between those who must
+struggle to exist by working and those who can bargain out to them the
+means of labor.[3]
+
+By proclaiming the existence of classes and their antagonism, by
+divulging that antagonism, which is not their work, on the political
+rostrum, socialists are not creating factitious distinctions, they are
+not resuscitating and do not dream of resuscitating any of the social
+forms so fortunately and so energetically annihilated by the French
+Revolution, they are only adapting themselves to the situation as it
+presents itself to them now.
+
+In fact, modern industry is forcing the workers more and more every
+day to comprehend the necessity of association or combination in their
+disputes with the possessors of the means of labor, and thus the
+interests to be defended have to the workers less and less the false
+aspect of individual interests; they appear to them in their naked
+reality as class interests. Born of strikes, of coalitions of every
+kind imposed upon them by the customs and conditions of life in a
+capitalist society, their class activity soon takes an a political
+character. To this then are due the working-class agitations resulting
+in the recognition of political equality and the establishment of
+universal suffrage. In possession of political rights, the workingmen
+are obviously led to make use of these rights in behalf of their own
+interests. Inevitably, therefore, the political struggle is becoming
+more and more a class struggle which cannot end until the political
+power, in the hands of the workingmen, shall at last place the State
+at the service of the interests of all the exploited, and thus enable
+the latter to proceed to the economic reforms which will lead to the
+disappearance of classes as a direct consequence.
+
+Therefore, the Class Struggle is not an invention of the socialists,
+but the very substance of the facts and acts of history in the making
+that are daily taking place under their eyes.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] The French Webster.
+
+[3] "In fact the different classes dove-tail into each other, and
+there are always between two classes a multitude of unclassifiable
+hybrids, belonging wholly to neither class, in part to both."--Karl
+Kautsky.
+
+
+
+
+III.
+
+
+We know that those whose activity is subordinate in its exercise to a
+capital which they have not--and these compose the working-class--are
+compelled to sell their labor-power to some of the possessors of this
+capital who form, on their side, the bourgeois[4] class.
+
+What is sold by him who has to labor in order to live, and who has not
+in his possession the means of labor, to the possessor of those means
+is simply labor in the potential state, that is the muscular or
+intellectual faculties that must be exerted in the production of
+useful things. In fact, on the one hand, before these faculties are
+brought into active exercise, labor does not exist and cannot be sold.
+Now, the contract is made between the buyer and the seller before any
+action takes place and has for its effective cause, so far as the
+seller is concerned, the fact that the seller is so situated that he
+can not by himself bring his capacity for labor into productive use.
+On the other hand, as soon as the action (labor) begins, as soon as
+labor manifests itself, it cannot be the property of the laborer, for
+it consists in nothing but the incorporation of a thing which the
+laborer has just alienated by sale--capacity to perform labor--with
+other things which are not his--the means of production.
+
+To sum up, when the labor does not exist, the laborer can not sell
+that which he does not possess and which he has not the means of
+realizing; when the labor does exist, it can not be sold by the
+laborer to whom it does not belong. The only thing which the laborer
+can sell is his labor-power, a power distinct from its function,
+labor, just as the power of marching is distinct from a parade, just
+as any machine is distinct from its operations.
+
+What is paid under the form of wages by the possessor of the means of
+labor, the purchaser of the labor-power to the possessor of that
+power, cannot, therefore, be, and is not, the price of the labor
+furnished, but is the price of the power made use of, a price that
+supply and demand cause to oscillate about and especially below its
+value determined, like the value of any other commodity, by the
+labor-time socially necessary for its production, or in other words,
+in this case by the sum which will normally enable the laborer to
+maintain and perpetuate his labor-power under the conditions necessary
+for the given kind and stage of production.
+
+But, even when the laborer gets a value equal to the value of his
+power, he furnishes a value greater than that which he receives. The
+duration of labor required for a given wage, regularly exceeds the
+time necessarily occupied by the laborer in adding to the value of the
+means of production consumed, a value equal to that wage; and the
+labor thus furnished over and above that which represents the
+equivalent of what the laborer gets, constitutes _surplus-labor_.
+SURPLUS-LABOR THEN IS UNPAID LABOR.
+
+And here let us be clearly understood. When we speak of unpaid labor,
+we are stating a simple fact, and do not at all intend to say that
+capitalists, in the existing state of things, are personally guilty of
+extracting from the laborers labor for which they do not pay them. We
+are not of the number of those who think that "the causes of the ills
+from which we suffer are to be found in men rather than institutions,"
+as M. Glasson declared before the members of the Le Play School. We
+say exactly the contrary; for us the evil is due to institutions
+rather than to men and, in society as it is at present constituted,
+things cannot possibly take place in any other or different fashion.
+
+On the side of the laborer, the thing sold, as I have proved, cannot
+be his labor. It is his labor-power. The sum paid cannot be the price
+of his labor. It is the price of his labor-power, a price which, in
+view of the number of applicants for work, can only very rarely be
+equal to its value; but, even in this case, he furnishes a greater
+value than he receives. If he does not, his remuneration is not,
+strictly speaking, wages, for the furnishing of surplus-labor by the
+worker is a condition _sine qua non_ of wages. When his compensation
+is split up into wages and supplementary remuneration under the form
+of profit-sharing or under any other form, the workingman does not
+furnish less surplus-labor, less unpaid labor; quite the contrary, we
+may say, for it is clear that this supplementary remuneration, for the
+laborer, is a mere delusion, mere supplementary moon-shine. All that
+the workingman can hope to achieve, under, I repeat, the existing
+organization of society, is the curtailment of his surplus-labor, and
+that is the explanation and justification of the struggle for the
+reduction of the working-day, of the Eight Hours movement.
+
+On the side of the capitalist, on account of the fierce war of
+competition with low prices as weapons which rages throughout the
+field of production, it is financial suicide for the employer to
+extract from his work-people less unpaid labor than his competitors
+do; and that is why it is necessary to strive to obtain the reduction
+of the day by legal enactment. I add that so long as the employer, so
+long as the capitalist keeps within the bounds of what may be called
+the normal conditions of exploitation, he cannot reasonably be held
+responsible for the economic structure which is so advantageous to
+him, but which the best of intentions on the part of individuals would
+be powerless to modify. On the other hand, if capitalists are
+personally powerless to ameliorate the state of affairs, it would be
+rash to rush to the conclusion that they are capitalists in the
+interest of the workers. We must avoid exaggeration in either
+direction.
+
+Surplus-labor was not invented by the capitalists. Ever since human
+societies issued from the state of primitive communism, surplus-labor
+has always existed; and it is the method by which it is wrung from the
+immediate producers, which differentiates the different economic forms
+of society.
+
+Before man was able to produce in excess of his needs, one portion of
+society could not live upon the fruits of the toil of another portion.
+How could a man work gratuitously for others when his entire time was
+barely sufficient to procure him his own necessary means of
+existence? When, in consequence of human progress, labor had acquired
+such a degree of productiveness that an individual was enabled to
+produce more than what was strictly necessary for his needs, it became
+possible for some to subsist upon the toil of others and slavery could
+be established.
+
+That it was established by force is not doubtful; but it must be
+confessed that its establishment promoted human evolution. So long as
+the productiveness of labor, although sufficient to make surplus-labor
+possible, was not sufficient to render participation in directly
+useful labor compatible with other occupations or pursuits, the
+toilsome drudgery and exploitation of some was the necessary condition
+of the leisure of others, and, thereby, of the development of all.
+For, if none had had leisure, no progress could have been made in the
+sciences, the arts and all the branches of knowledge, the benefits of
+which we all enjoy in some degree. And the fact that the thinkers of
+antiquity and the greatest among them, Aristotle, excused slavery, is
+a proof that the mode of thought is determined by the exigencies of
+the economic organization of society. To reproach Aristotle, in
+particular, because he did not regard slavery and property as it is
+natural for us to regard them, is equivalent to reproaching him for
+not having applied the processes of our modern production to ancient
+industries.
+
+Slavery did not appear to lack a rational foundation, and did not
+begin to disappear until the external conditions were profoundly
+transformed and thus rendered another kind of labor and of
+surplus-labor more in harmony with the material requirements.
+Following upon the economic environment in which slavery was the rule
+there came then the economic environment in which serfdom
+predominated, and the latter, in its turn, has been superseded by the
+economic environment in which the wage-system has become the general
+rule. Each of these environments has had or has its own habits and
+modes of thought which may be in contradiction with ours, but which
+are the natural consequences of the modes of life in vogue in their
+respective eras.
+
+An examination of the aspect of surplus-labor in these three
+environments shows that it has the appearance of being all labor in
+the first, a larger or smaller fraction of the whole labor in the
+second, and apparently falls to zero in the third. In fact, in
+slavery, during a part of the day, the slave only replaces the value
+of what he consumes and so really works for himself; notwithstanding,
+even then his labor appears to be labor for his owner. All his labor
+has the appearance of surplus-labor, of labor for others. Under
+serfdom or the _corvee_ system, the labor of the serf for himself and
+his gratuitous labor for his feudal lord are perfectly distinct, the
+one from the other; by the very way in which the labor is performed,
+the serf distinguishes the time during which he works for his own
+benefit from the time which he is compelled to devote to the
+satisfaction of the wants of his lordly superiors. Under the
+wage-system, the wage-form, which appears in the guise of direct
+payment of labor, wipes out every visible line of demarcation between
+paid labor and unpaid labor; when he receives his wages, the laborer
+seems to get all the value due to his labor, so that all his labor
+takes on the form or appearance of paid labor. While, under slavery,
+the property-relation conceals the labor of the slave for himself,
+under the wage-system the money-relation conceals the gratuitous labor
+of the wage-worker for the capitalist. You will readily perceive the
+practical importance of this disguised appearance of the real relation
+between labor and capital. The latter is deemed to breed or expand by
+its own virtue, and the former to receive its full remuneration.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[4] In America where, since 1865, we have had no landed aristocracy,
+bourgeois and wealthy are well nigh synonymous.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
+IV.
+
+
+Wage-labor as an economic form existed before the actual appearance of
+industrial capital which in fact only dates from the day when
+production by the aid of wage-labor became general. Capital, in fact,
+is not a quality with which the means of production are naturally
+endowed, which they have always had and which they are destined always
+to have. It is a character which they possess only under definite
+social conditions. The means of production are no more naturally
+capital than a negro is naturally a slave. And when socialists talk of
+suppressing capital and capitalists, those who do not wish to make a
+ridiculous confusion, ought to remember that it is simply a question
+of taking away from the means of production and those who hold
+possession of them a character which they now have, and which can be
+taken from them without destroying an atom of their material
+substance, just as in suppressing slavery, it is not necessary, in
+order to take away the slave-character from the negro, to kill the
+negro.
+
+For a long time capital was known only under the form of merchants'
+capital and usurers' capital; for it was only, or almost only, under
+those two forms that money bred its like, and it is this possibility
+of money's breeding which constitutes capital. This possibility could
+not exist, except as an exceptional fact, for money invested in the
+means of production, so long as industry remained more or less
+domestic in character. In order for capital to spread beyond the
+domain of commerce in goods and money and appear in the domain of
+production, it was necessary for the wealth accumulated in commerce
+and usury to effect on a large scale the concentration of the
+scattered petty producers and their petty individual tools; the
+workshop had to be enlarged; it was necessary to bring together a
+large number of workers working at the same time, in the same place,
+under the orders of the same "captain of industry," in producing on a
+large scale the same kind of commodity, and to find for the disposal
+of the latter a sufficiently extended market.
+
+The money advanced in production can, in fact, realize an appreciable
+profit by the sale of the objects produced, only when its possessor is
+able to realize a certain quantity of surplus-labor; now, to
+accomplish this he must have a certain number of laborers. For it is
+the surplus-labor realized, we know, that forms the excess of the
+value produced over that of the money laid out in production, or, in
+other words, the surplus-value which incessantly swells the capital
+and continually increases its power to dominate labor.
+
+The capitalist mode of production, the mode of production in which the
+means of labor function as capital, owes to capital its specific
+character, which is its power of making money breed money, of giving
+birth to surplus-value. The capitalist purchaser of labor-power has
+only one object, viz., to enrich himself by making his money breed or
+expand, by the process of making commodities containing more labor
+than he pays for, and by selling which he therefore realizes a value
+greater than that of the sum of the advances or outlays made.
+
+If, since the productiveness of labor has made it possible, one part
+of society has, under various economic forms, been forced to add to
+the labor-time required for its own support, a certain amount of
+surplus-labor-time, for which it has received no equivalent and the
+benefit of which has been enjoyed by another part of society, it is
+likewise true that so long as the aim of production was to enable the
+privileged class to appropriate the means of consumption and
+enjoyment, the surplus-labor of the immediate producers reached its
+limit with the full satisfaction of those needs and desires, as
+extensive as they might be, to gratify which was the object of this
+appropriation. But as soon as it becomes a question of obtaining,
+instead of a certain mass of products, the production at any cost of
+surplus-value, the incessant multiplication of money, the possessor of
+the means of production strives relentlessly to make those means of
+production absorb the greatest possible quantity of surplus-labor.
+
+If this insatiable thirst for and headlong pursuit of surplus-value
+has been for the laborers and their families the cause of an
+exploitation of their labor-power, more burdensome than any form of
+exploitation previously known, it must be recognized that it has
+contributed to the development of the means of production. It is with
+capital as with slavery. Both, sources of sufferings for their
+victims, they have been, on the whole, sources of progress for
+humanity. The history of human progress is far from being an idyl. Our
+too forgetful and too proud civilization is the result of a long
+series of torments and miseries endured by the nameless and forgotten
+masses.
+
+Therefore capital has had its utility, and the era of capitalist
+production constitutes a great step forward in the evolution of the
+productive powers. Beginning with the enlargement of the small guild
+workshop, passing through action in common, the co-operation of a
+large number of laborers in the enlarged workshop through the
+manufacturing stage, by the division of labor within the workshop, by
+the introduction and general adoption of the machine-tool, by the
+employment of steam as a motive power, capitalist production has
+finally developed into modern mechanical industry which has
+revolutionized the mode of production more radically than had any
+previous change. It is its continuous and radical alteration of the
+technical processes which distinguishes the capitalist period from all
+the preceding periods, and prevents it from having the relatively
+permanent conservative character which they had.
+
+
+
+
+V.
+
+
+What are the results of these revolutions in industrial methods, and
+what are their tendencies?
+
+Machinery is more and more seizing upon all industries, and, instead
+of making use of his tool, the laborer is the servant of the machine.
+The relative ease of work of this kind makes it possible to substitute
+unskilled labor for skilled labor, women and children for men. By thus
+throwing men out of work, the instrument of labor lowers wages and
+expropriates the laborer from his means of existence. This machinery,
+thanks to which the genius of Aristotle foresaw the possibility of the
+emancipation of the slave, has as yet been merely a cause of
+enslavement, and just as man is moulded by the economic environment
+which is his own work, he is here enslaved by his own product.
+
+With the extension of the system of mechanical industry, the product
+ceases more and more to be the work of an individual. The individual
+by himself alone no longer makes a product, but a fraction of a
+product, and the owner no longer works with his instrument of labor,
+or, in other words, uses his property himself, but turns this task
+over to a certain number of laborers, to a group of wage-slaves. Thus,
+when the possessor of a hand-saw works with it, the owner uses his
+own property; with the machine-saw, it is used not by the owner, but
+by the laborers, whom he has to employ to operate it. While the
+operation of the means of production so largely augmented requires the
+common action of a host of workers, the undertakings and
+establishments grow to such dimensions that the vast sums of capital
+necessary for their conduct are not to be found in the hands of a
+single capitalist. Having become too gigantic for a single capitalist,
+the title or nominal ownership of these means of production, and along
+with it the profits, passes from the individual capitalist to an
+association of capitalists, to a company of stockholders. This company
+actually has, considered as a collective body, a particular tangible
+property; but what does this property represent for each individual
+shareholder? A fiction. The individual stockholder cannot lay his
+finger upon any particular material object and say: that is mine.
+
+While the means of production are thus ceasing to be in the strict
+sense private property, and require for their actual operation a
+collective body of laborers, while the product is becoming a social
+product, the owners of the means of production and the products, are
+becoming shareholders, and thus ceasing to perform any useful
+function, to have any real utility. The success of a business in
+former times depended upon the energy and skill of its proprietor,
+just as it sometimes does to-day in small manufacturing or mercantile
+establishments. Since the introduction of stock companies, the
+producing organism is no longer affected by the personal traits of
+those who own it; it does not know the shareholder, the present
+multiple proprietor, any more than the latter knows his property; it
+functions independently of him, and does not feel his influence, so
+that even a change of ownership has no effect upon it. The former
+functions of the proprietor are at the present time performed by
+wage-workers, trained engineers or managers, more or less well paid,
+but still wage-workers. In place of the managing proprietor, we have
+then a salaried manager, and he is a better manager because he is only
+a salaried employee, as M. de Molinari admits, when he writes: "All
+that is requisite is for him to possess the ability, knowledge and
+character demanded for his functions, and these are all qualities
+which are more easily and cheaply obtained on the market, divorced
+from capital than united to it."[5]
+
+Not only is the proprietary class, "the haves," losing all social
+utility, but, more than this, it is becoming baneful through its
+exclusive pre-occupation with personal profits. Baneful it is
+henceforth for all branches of social production which the mad and
+unorganized pursuit of profits subjects to disastrous perturbations,
+to periodical crises swamping the market and lasting amid failures and
+shut-downs until the outlets for goods once more open up; baneful for
+all the workers, worked to utter exhaustion in periods of business
+activity and reduced to wretched poverty in periods of industrial
+depression, during which they suffer from want of everything, because
+there is, relatively to the purchasing power of the people, too much
+of everything--(here we see once more the creator dominated by the
+creation, the producers by their products, just as in the cases
+formerly noticed of the human intelligence and the economic
+environment, of the machine and the workman); baneful for all
+consumers, who are victims of the adulteration of products begotten by
+the mad strife for gain; baneful for the petty capitalists, the small
+producers in constant danger of bankruptcy and ruin through the
+intensity of the war of competition which always results in the
+victory of the great capitalists or the great combinations of capital
+(trusts, etc.).
+
+To recapitulate, our economic movement tends toward labor in common,
+since the operation of the means of production is passing from the
+working-proprietor to a collective group of laborers, and toward the
+elimination of the mode or form of private or individual ownership of
+the means of production, since the nominal property in them is passing
+from the individual proprietor to a collective body of shareholders
+(stock-company or trust). It also tends to leave the proprietary class
+no useful role or function, thus making them for the future not only
+superfluous, but baneful.
+
+At the same time that the organization of labor adapted to the present
+form and state of the productive forces is escaping from the hands of
+the proprietary class and is thus the signal that the close of its
+historic career is at hand, it is concentrating and organizing men
+everywhere in the same way that it concentrates material wealth. It
+brings the laborers together and leads them, through their identity in
+position and interests, to combine in groups or unions, it constitutes
+them into a class more and more conscious of its situation,
+disciplines their masses systematically arranged and graded in each
+industrial establishment, and fashions out of their own ranks an
+intellectual aristocracy upon which devolves the function of
+super-intending and managing all industries.
+
+And while the individual form of their petty tools or instruments of
+labor, and their mode of production which keeps them in independent
+isolation, engender in the workers in petty industries ideas too
+individualistic and egoistic, wherever modern mechanical industry has
+already wrested from the laborer his tool and transformed it into a
+mechanical apparatus effacing individuality from the labor-process,
+wherever individual labor merges into and blends with collective
+labor, wherever the technical processes are such that the task of each
+is of service only through the participation (co-operation) of all,
+and is itself the condition of the performance of the collective task,
+the strictly individualistic tendencies of the producers in the petty
+industries are replaced by the spirit of solidarity, which, with the
+progress of industrial development, is leading--nay, forcing the
+working class every day more and more toward socialist ideas, ideas
+which spring from the material necessities which inexorably force
+their way into the minds of men.
+
+These are facts against which our personal preferences are of no
+avail. The material and intellectual elements of the collective (or
+co-operative) form of production, elaborated by the capitalist regime,
+are thus developing more and more every day, and socialism is, you
+see, the natural consequence of existent conditions. It is not
+something imported from abroad and added to our social movement,
+neither is it an article of export good for any sort of economic
+environment; it is the rigorous consequence of a certain orderly
+sequence of facts, the result of a definite evolution whose progress
+it has noted, but which has taken place independently of it; it has
+not created it because it has been conscious of its existence.
+
+And so, as M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu recognizes: "the field of modern
+mechanical industry is extending its boundaries more and more, and it
+is difficult to see what limits can be set to its possible extension."
+Now it is modern industry which lays bare the antagonisms immanent in
+capitalist production, and at the same time renders their destruction
+possible. The historic role of capital has been the development of the
+productive powers, and, in the process of developing them, it has
+created the weapons which are destined to kill it. Necessary during a
+certain stage of economic development, it is not eternal, but
+inevitably comes to an end with a change in the relations of the means
+of production to the producers.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[5] L'Evolution economique, p. 38.
+
+
+
+
+VI.
+
+
+The preparation and training of the working-class (for their high
+functions) by the productive powers, the growing and inevitable
+development and crystallization of the collective tendencies of the
+latter, the increasing incompatibility between their essential
+character and their private ownership, all lead to a new economic
+regime in which they will be owned and controlled collectively just as
+they are operated collectively, in which they will be conducted by
+society and for society. And all the socialism of the socialists
+consists of wishing to perpetuate in a fully developed form the
+present social character of the material conditions of life.
+
+I say socialism of the socialists because we have seen flourish in our
+day a peculiar socialism, the socialism of those good people who
+earnestly wish to remove the inconveniences and injustices of our
+present social state, but who also wish a little more earnestly to
+preserve the cause of these inconveniences, who wish at once to
+suppress or abolish the proletariat and to preserve the capitalist
+form of society. It is quite possible for socialism also to have its
+converts and even its backsliders; it asks its adherents, not whence
+they come, but to go whither it is going, or, at least, to permit it
+to proceed upon its road without attempting to turn it aside from it.
+As one of our adversaries declares, we can say in our turn: 'On one
+side are the socialists, on the other those who are not socialists,'
+and among the latter may be counted those who accept the name while
+rejecting the thing.
+
+Apart from the socialization of the means of labor which have already
+taken on a collective form, there may be and there often is
+charlatanry, but there is no real possibility of emancipation, there
+is no socialism.
+
+So long as the means of labor and labor shall not be united in the
+same hands, the means of labor will retain the character of capital,
+and capital will inevitably exploit the workingman and wring from him
+labor for which it will not pay him. The source of the troubles of the
+working-class is to be found in their expropriation from the means of
+labor; now, the harder they work on the established basis of
+expropriation, the more power they give the capitalist class to enrich
+themselves and to expropriate those who have not yet entered the inner
+circle of capitalism. On the basis of the present gigantic forms of
+the instruments of labor, the collective means of labor and labor
+itself can be united in the same hands, only by the transformation of
+the capitalist ownership of these means of labor into social
+ownership, only by the transformation of capitalist production into
+social production. The logical consequence of the material facts of
+the existing environment, this transformation, the socialization of
+the means of production having collective tendencies, is possible, and
+it appears as the only practical method of emancipating the laborers,
+of emancipating society as a whole.
+
+Emancipated the laborers will be, since their lives will no longer be
+dependent upon the means of labor monopolized by others and they will
+be free to make their lives what they will. In fact, they will freely
+choose the kind of productive labor they prefer, and all kinds of work
+will, in accordance with the law of supply and demand, be reduced in
+varying proportions to definite quantities of ordinary labor. After
+once deducting from the product of the labor of each a portion which
+will take the place of the present taxes, the portion necessary to
+replace the means of labor consumed, to provide for the extension of
+the scale of production, for insurance against disastrous
+contingencies, such, for instance, as floods, lightning, tornadoes,
+etc., for the support of those incapable of labor, to meet generously
+the expenses of administration and of satisfying the common
+requirements of sanitation, education, etc., the producers of both
+sexes will distribute the balance among themselves, proportionally to
+the quantity of ordinary labor furnished by them severally. The right
+of each laborer will be equal, in the sense that for all, without
+distinction, the labor furnished will be the measure alike for all,
+and this equal right may possibly lead to an unequal distribution,
+according to the greater or smaller quantities of labor furnished. The
+standard of rights in force in an economic environment cannot be
+superior in quality to that environment, but it will go on increasing
+in perfection as the environment advances toward perfection, thus
+reducing, so far as material conditions shall permit, the inequalities
+of natural origin.
+
+The important point is that, from the dawn of social production, there
+will be no more surplus-labor, no more classes, and, therefore, no
+more exploitation, as there inevitably is under capitalist production.
+Every adult able to work will receive, under one form or another,
+partly in articles for personal consumption, partly in social
+guarantees, in public services of every kind, the same quantity of
+labor that he shall give to society. If goods are rationed out, this
+rationing will not be accompanied by exploitation; as rationing can
+then be due only to a deficiency in personal or social production, and
+not to the spoliation which the wage-system implies, a system under
+which overproduction, far from being favorable to the satisfaction of
+the demand of the working-class for articles of consumption, results
+for them in loss of employment and starvation diet.
+
+During the capitalist period, it suffices for socialism to establish
+the possibility of the emancipation of the working-class and to work
+for that emancipation. There is no occasion to waste time in working
+out and settling the details of the organization of the future
+society. Each epoch has its task. Let us not have the presumption to
+lay down rules for those who are to come after us, and let us be
+content with present duties. The point upon which socialism trains its
+guns at present, though recognizing the utility that it has had in the
+past, is the capital-form; but let us not forget that the substance
+beneath this form will be every whit preserved. When an office is
+taken away from an office-holder, the individual is left without a
+hair the less. In the same way, in taking from the means of
+production their function as capital, everything that functions
+to-day under that form will remain intact. Socialism then attacks the
+capital-form, the form only, and it attacks it only in so far as the
+economic phenomena authorize such an attack. Everything which
+constitutes the substance of capital will be preserved, the
+capital-form alone will disappear and along with it that power that it
+involves of exploiting the labor of others.
+
+What will be the fate of the capitalists?
+
+Capital appears to be a collective power or force, by its origin,
+since it springs from the accumulated surplus-labor of a collective
+body of laborers, by its functional activity since it also requires a
+collective body of laborers to enable it to enter upon its functions,
+and by its mode of ownership since, if it is private property, it
+tends more and more to be the private property, not of an individual,
+but of a collective body, a company or trust. To make public property
+of the means of production, which are capital when they are able to
+exploit the labor of others and which are capital only on that
+condition, is simply to generalize the collective or social character
+which they already have.
+
+Is the holder of a share in a mining or railway company or any sort of
+stock-company justified in speaking of "his" property? Where is his
+property? In what does it consist? What can he show if someone asks to
+see it? A machine? A piece of real estate? No, simply one or several
+bits of paper which represent only an infinitesimal fraction of an
+undivided whole. Would this shareholder be any the less a
+property-owner, if this undivided whole should become an integrant
+portion of the national property? Would there be such a great
+difference between "his" property, as it now is, and his quota or
+share in the national property? Just as the capitalists understand
+well enough to-day how to avail themselves of the national forests,
+for instance, for fresh air, pleasure excursions afoot and awheel,
+recreation, etc., so, after the socialization of the material objects
+that make up what is at present capital, they would use this newly
+nationalized property as means of labor or production.
+
+This, then, would be a true democratization[6] of property. The
+process, ordinarily called by this name, the dispersion of shares,
+stocks and bonds, is only the process--called legitimate--of
+extracting good hard cash from all pockets, even those most scantily
+supplied, centralizing it, monopolizing the real possession of it in
+exchange for a certificate of nominal ownership, making it breed or
+expand, and permitting to flow back in interest, dividends, etc., only
+tiny crumbs until the day comes when the poor investors cease to get
+even these microscopical returns. This pretended democratization of
+property results simply in the formation of a financial aristocracy
+creating scandalous fortunes out of the good dollars of the small
+investors, and if these dollars, when the paper accepted in their
+stead is no longer worth anything, are lost for their former
+possessors, they are not lost for everyone. (They have become the
+reward of "abstinence."--Translator.)
+
+Let the stocks representing part-ownership in a company lose all
+value--this is an occurrence that the shareholders and bondholders of
+the Panama canal, for example, can tell you is not unknown in our
+bourgeois society--and the shareholder finds himself, in this
+instance, permitted to enjoy all the blessings of expropriation
+without any indemnifying compensation; sometimes even he has the
+delicate attention of an invitation from the Receiver or the Courts to
+pour some more money into the hole where his former savings
+disappeared. Now even in this case the owners of this sort of personal
+property do not make too much ado about the matter. Why should they
+complain any more bitterly on the day when there will be, as it were,
+only a substitution of one kind of stocks or shares for another, when
+they will all become stockholders and bondholders of the great society
+(the Co-operative Commonwealth), instead of being shareholders and
+bondholders in one or several little societies or companies?
+
+By this transformation they will gain complete assurance against risk
+of loss--a real enough danger to-day when, after the actual control of
+property passes into the hands of financial magnates, the revenue of
+the nominal owners, the stockholders, etc., falls to zero or nearly
+zero, thus cutting off their means of existence or enjoyment. They
+will lose only one thing: the power of dominating the labor of others
+and of appropriating its fruits; while they will have the privilege of
+enjoying the common wealth and the advantages springing from its
+co-operative employment.
+
+Healthy adults will take for their own use, provided they work, their
+share of the social products. If they are already accustomed to any
+kind of work, they will find no hardship in this obligation to perform
+useful labor; if they are not accustomed to it, they will acquire the
+habit and will find their health greatly improved thereby in every
+respect. If they are old and infirm they will be liberally provided
+for by society.
+
+What they can reasonably expect and insist upon having is the
+sustenance of life (in a broad sense),[7] and this they will have, as
+you see, in any case. The socialization will not result in such a
+change in the distribution of wealth as is often caused by watering
+the stock of a company. It will simply extend to all, those who hold
+stocks at present included, those advantages which a minority alone
+enjoys to-day, and it will benefit all, but stockholders especially,
+by doing away with those risks which capitalist exploitation forces
+everyone to run.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Finally, socialism will rob no one. I would ask those who assert the
+contrary, what description then should be given to those transactions
+in the goods and property of the nobility, the clergy and above all of
+the communes, performed by our great radicals in the French
+Revolution, by those whose work has become a "compass" for our
+guidance. Just as soon as we cease simply substituting one privileged
+class for another, just as soon as we enable all without exception to
+enjoy the same advantages, no one will be robbed or deprived of
+anything. Simply, inequality in the enjoyment of privilege will have
+been abolished, another privileged class will have vanished from the
+stage. Yes, the capitalists will lose, along with their special
+privileges or rights over the means of production, that characteristic
+or quality that makes them capitalists; but, I repeat, they will have
+exactly the same rights as all others to the use and enjoyment of
+those means of production, from that time forth the inalienable
+property of society. With capital dethroned, the principles of the
+Republic will at last be applied with controlling power to the field
+of economics, just as they are to the field of politics, and political
+democracy will have ceased to be a farce, for it will have developed
+into its perfect flower, INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[6] This is not an English word, but I will take the liberty of
+borrowing it from the French.--Tr.
+
+[7] "The world owes every man a living," is a common saying.
+
+
+
+
+VII.
+
+
+Far from being a material upheaval, the advent of socialism will be
+simply the culmination of the economic evolution now going on. Born,
+in its contemporaneous form, from the study of facts, socialism sees
+in the facts the controlling elements of the modifications to be
+effected. It makes no pretence of going in advance of the economic
+phenomena, it limits itself to following them, to adapting itself to
+conditions which it does not create and which it is not its part to
+create. Now, if, in all those cases where the means of production are
+already collectively owned by companies or trusts or are concentrated
+in the hands of single individuals, they can be placed at the
+disposition of ALL only by the substitution of society as a whole for
+their present capitalist possessors, in those cases in which the form
+of ownership of the means of labor is still truly individual, _i.e._,
+where they are still in the hands of those who themselves directly
+make use of them in actual work, it is not for society to force itself
+into the place of the present proprietors. The purpose of the
+interference of society, indeed, is to give, in the only form to-day
+possible, the means of production to the laborers who have them not,
+it is to restore the tools and materials of labor to those who have
+been robbed of them. It is not its business, then, to interfere in
+those cases where the laborers are still in possession of their tools
+and materials. And so the peasant will retain the patch of land he
+possesses and tills, the petty tools and implements will continue to
+belong to the artisan-manufacturer who himself works with them, until
+the facts shall lead them to renounce voluntarily this form of private
+ownership, no longer to their advantage, in order to enjoy the far
+more fruitful benefits of collective ownership and production.
+
+Moreover, just as, in the capitalist period, the changes brought about
+by the development of machinery re-acted upon even those branches of
+production in which machinery had not as yet been introduced, by
+developing, for example, in all branches the exploitation of women and
+children, in the same way, the advantages of the socialization of the
+means of production previously centralized by the capitalists, will
+re-act upon the petty proprietors of the means of production not yet
+socialized. The petty producer, who remains master of his own
+instrument of labor, will, through the simultaneity and propinquity of
+the embryonic co-operative commonwealth, get the help he needs.
+Notably, he will be freed from the clutches of the financial middlemen
+whose victim he is at present; his labor, freed from their
+exploitation, will be in its turn emancipated, just as truly, although
+in a different way, as will be the labor of those who, exploited
+to-day because they lack the means of labor, will have these means,
+socialized, placed at their free disposition. The result for all will
+thus be the emancipation of labor, in the one case, by placing the
+socialized means of labor at the free disposition of all laborers, in
+the other, by leaving to the individual laborer his individual tool.
+In both cases, the tools will be owned by those who use them.
+
+And, though it displeases our opponents, this way of proceeding is
+very logical, although it does not conform to their pretended
+conception of logic. The logic of the Socialists does not consist in
+forcing a solution demanded by a certain set of facts upon other facts
+which do not yet require that solution, it does not consist in making
+fish live out of the water because that mode of life agrees with men.
+It consists in adapting itself in all cases to the environment, to the
+facts, in always acting with reference to the facts, instead of
+requiring the same kind of action in the face of different
+combinations of facts. To those who assert that this position is in
+conflict with the "pure dogma of the socialist church," you have only
+to reply that there is neither a socialist church nor a socialist
+dogma, but that there are far too many bourgeois imbeciles who attempt
+to palm off ideas made by themselves out of the whole cloth as the
+dogmas of socialism.
+
+During the sixteen years that our socialist theory has been developing
+in France, it has never varied upon the subject of the petty
+producers. Those who assert the contrary follow their own imaginations
+and not the facts. I defy them to prove that we have not always spoken
+in the same way in regard, for example, to the small farms of the
+peasants. They now accuse our opinion on this subject of opportunism,
+using the word in its political meaning; they could, more correctly,
+accuse us of having always professed opportunism, but this time using
+the word in the sense implied by its derivation. You know how
+necessary it is to avoid the confusion--opportune for some, it is
+true--of the political meaning of a word with its true meaning. The
+political radicals are far from being radical in the ordinary sense,
+and their brothers (nominally opponents) the opportunists, instead of
+wishing that which is opportune, find nothing opportune except the
+satisfaction of their own appetites and the postponement of all else.
+In the true meaning--the time has come to say it--of the word, there
+cannot be a party more thoroughly opportunist than the socialist party
+which--I will not cease repeating--must simply adapt itself to the
+facts and which has no guide, save the facts, to point the way in the
+transformation of property.
+
+When we talk of the transformation of property which is nothing, as they
+are obliged to confess, but "a social institution,"[8] our opponents,
+with their strange fashion of doing us justice, change our words into
+"suppression of property." "Socialists of all schools have decreed the
+suppression of property"[9] is the notable affirmation of "a certain
+number of young men, strangers hitherto to politics"[10]--this part of
+the phrase is not mine, it is, possibly, the least open to criticism of
+any part of the work of the young men in question, who have felt
+impelled to speak on a question that they confess is foreign to them.
+Their confession is superfluous; we would have readily perceived,
+unaided, that they spoke of socialism after the fashion of those who
+know nothing of it.
+
+These young men, in founding the "_comite d'action de la gauche
+liberale_,"[11] wrote: "We are partisans of individual liberty and of
+individual property." I assume, until proof to the contrary is
+forthcoming, that they are not partisans of these things for
+themselves and their friends alone. If they advocate them for every
+one, I beg them to tell us what they think of the liberty of the man
+who has, as his source of livelihood, only his labor-power without the
+means of utilizing it.
+
+Either they recognize that every man ought to have the means of labor
+at his disposal, and, in that case, I will ask them how, with the
+system of mechanical industry, they hope to put at the disposal of all
+these means so necessary to the liberty of all.
+
+Or, they do not recognize that every man, to be free, must dispose of
+the tools and materials of labor, and then I will ask them what
+becomes of the liberty of the man to whom the employer can say: if you
+do such or such a thing, if you do not accept such or such a thing,
+you shall have no work, that is to say, it shall be impossible for you
+to eat. And that they may not accuse me of describing hypothetical
+cases blacker than nature, I will submit for their meditation the
+following fact related by the _Temps_ (Times)[12] at the time of the
+strike of Rive-de-Gier.
+
+"An engine-stoker fell ill. He was replaced, all the time of his
+illness, by a common laborer at 50 cents a day. The regular stoker
+having gotten well, resumed his duties. He was completely surprised,
+at the end of the fortnight, to receive only 50 cents a day, when he
+had been paid, before his illness, 80 cents. He protested. 'There it
+is. Take it or leave it,' he was told; 'we have found out that a
+common laborer at 50 cents does this work just as well as you; we cut
+you down to 50 cents. Get out or accept it.' The man had a family, and
+choice was forbidden him. He accepted it."
+
+In the face of such facts, M. Celestin Jonnart has the
+assurance--which I will describe, returning one of the epithets he
+applies to us, as "villainous"--to assert that the socialists "are
+working for conditions which will produce generations of men who will
+know nothing but abject submission and will be ready for every
+degradation." These generations, sir, are not to be made; they are to
+be raised from their degradation, and that is the task at which
+socialism is working.
+
+If I have cited only one fact, this is not because facts of this kind
+are rare, it is because the one I have cited has the advantage of
+coming from the _Temps_ which may be suspected of anything you like
+except socialism. Then, besides proving how free the laborer is in his
+choice, this fact shows how the free contract between capitalist and
+laborer is concluded. When the stoker resumes his place, he naturally
+imagines that he is resuming it upon the former conditions, and no one
+undeceives him. On pay-day, which does not come till a fortnight
+later, he perceives that he must conclude a new free contract
+different from the one he had a right to believe in force, and accept
+50 cents instead of the 80 cents expected and agreed upon.
+
+Are these men free, the stoker and his like? I would gladly have on
+this point the opinion of M. Leon Say who not long since posed as the
+champion, against the socialists, of "human liberty and dignity." The
+truth is that the laborer is free, only when, to the right of being
+free, he joins the effective power of being free, only when he has at
+his disposition the things necessary to the realization of his labor,
+only, in other words, when he does not have to throw himself upon the
+mercy of the possessors of those things. Whatever the law may say, the
+man who depends upon another for his subsistence is not free. What is
+requisite is to furnish means of labor to the laborers who have them
+not; now, on the basis of the present form or character of these
+means, society can assure possession of them to all, only when these
+means shall have been socialized, shall have become social property.
+As regards the laborers who still possess their means of labor, they
+will retain them, as I explained just above. In fact, only through
+socialism can individual liberty be made a reality for all.
+
+It is the same with individual property as with individual liberty.
+From all that I have just stated it is clear that the only property
+that socialism wishes to transform, is the property no longer made use
+of by the individual owners thereof; it is the property which is
+formed by the agglomeration of petty scraps of property wrested from
+the immense majority, and which exists only to the detriment of that
+very majority.[13] And even in this case there will be no suppression,
+since the present holders will be granted the use of their transformed
+property on the same terms as others.
+
+What, then, is the property of "those silent multitudes who toil and
+struggle so hard for existence and who are in truth the artisans of
+our greatness?"[14] Is not your capitalist society stripping them more
+and more every day of the means of labor and of individually owned
+dwellings, and leaving to them in individual ownership only the things
+indispensable to the bare support of life? It is the capitalist regime
+which, by increasing immeasurably the property of the few, contracts
+the limits within which the personal acquirement of property by the
+many is possible. It is the socialist regime which will increase this
+possibility of the personal acquirement of property, by assuring to
+each the share earned by his labor. It is only under the regime of
+socialism that individual property will be a reality for all, as this
+regime alone will suppress--though suppressing nothing else--the
+possibility of using this property to exploit the labor of others.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[8] M. Celestin Jonnart.
+
+[9] Declaration du "Comite d'action de la gauche liberale."
+
+[10] Idem.
+
+[11] Committee of action of the Liberal Left.
+
+[12] March 8, 1893, 2d page.
+
+[13] "Political economy confuses on principle two very different kinds
+of private property, of which one rests on the producers' own labor,
+the other on the employment of the labor of others. It forgets that
+the latter not only is the direct antithesis of the former, but
+absolutely grows on its tomb only."--Marx, 1st vol. of _Capital_,
+Humboldt Edition, page 488.
+
+[14] M. Celestin Jonnart.
+
+
+
+
+VIII.
+
+
+It appears that from the moment when it will no longer be possible to
+exploit the individual, there will no longer be any individuality. At
+least it so appears to the capitalists who deem that which does not
+yield them a profit to be non-existent. To the socialists, on the
+other hand, the existence of individuality appears dependent upon its
+freedom. Now, as it is, as we have just seen, only in the socialist
+period that all individuals will be able to have the means necessary
+to true freedom, it follows that the triumph of socialism will be the
+triumph of the individual, the blossoming of personality.[15] In the
+socialist period, indeed, all those who shall wish to work will be
+able to do so, by choosing freely their favorite kind of socially
+useful labor, and all will be able to consume the social products
+proportionally to the labor they have furnished. Will it not,
+therefore, be to the interest of all to work, and to try to make the
+work as little toilsome and as productive as possible? Is there not
+here, apart from the joy of serving one's fellows, the most powerful
+motive for emulation both as regards the quantity of labor
+individually performed and in the invention or discovery of improved
+processes tending to procure for each and all the maximum of benefits
+in return for the minimum of exertion?
+
+A certain degree of audacity is required to dare compare the producers
+of the future under socialism, with the office-holders of to-day under
+capitalism. What interest has the office-holder of to-day to reduce to
+the minimum the cost to the State of the services it is his function
+to perform? His salary, determined before any labor is performed, is
+independent of the quantity and quality of his labor; and so the
+office-holder, though full of righteous indignation against the
+workingmen who wish to work only eight hours a day, seeks, on his own
+part, to work just as little as possible, and he squanders and wastes
+as much as possible, because extravagance never costs him a penny and
+sometimes brings him in handsome rewards. While under the regime of
+socialism, the personal interest of the individual will be in harmony
+with the social interest of all, under the present system the personal
+interests of the office-holders are in direct conflict with the
+interest of the State. Under the regime of socialism, men, all men,
+will be producers and not office-holders; they will not be
+office-holders any more than are members of a family who, in order to
+provide for the satisfaction of the needs of the family, perform
+severally various functions.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In conclusion, the whole question may be summed up thus: Is the spirit
+of initiative and personal energy likely to be more broadly
+disseminated among the masses, when the latter know that they are
+compelled to make their own wretchedness the instrument of the
+prosperity of a minority, or when they shall know that their own
+prosperity will be whatever they, by their own labor, shall make it,
+under a system of absolute equality of privilege? There can be no
+doubt as to the answer in the minds of all those who are not too much
+wonted to the denial of truth. But, under the regime of socialism,
+initiative[16] and energy cannot promote personal interests alone;
+while being more favorable than ever to those interests, they will
+necessarily be advantageous to all. As soon as the material conditions
+necessary for the attainment of individual prosperity shall also be
+the conditions requisite for social prosperity, we shall see grow out
+of this harmony a system of ethics based on the newly acquired
+consciousness of social solidarity, and under this new morality the
+action of the individual will have not only as its necessary though
+indirect result, but also as its guiding principle, motive and goal,
+the social or common interest, the greatest good of all.
+
+It would seem that from this time forth all ought to unite their
+efforts in order to hasten the dawn of the realization of a social
+environment so advantageous to all. In fact, excepting a very small
+minority of great financiers and capitalists, all those who work or
+have worked with hand or brain, all have an interest in the triumph of
+socialism; unfortunately all are not conscious of the undeniable
+precariousness of the situation of all under the regime of capitalism,
+and so do not see the advantage for all in transforming this regime
+along the lines of its social tendencies, and many will stupidly
+strive to prolong the state of things which is the cause of their
+troubles.
+
+Socialism repels no one and is open to all those, without regard to
+their social position, who comprehend its necessity. But, if it is far
+from repelling them--striving indeed to attract them--it cannot count
+in advance, generally speaking, on those who too readily become the
+dupes of illusions begotten by a more or less privileged social
+situation and who are unable to rise above their class prejudices
+sufficiently to form a just conception of their own true interests.
+While preparing the ground for socialism which is developing wherever
+the capitalist mode of production has reached a certain stage, the
+economic phenomena at the same time necessitate the economic and
+political organization of the industrial[17] laborers, and they are
+the class immediately and directly interested in the triumph of
+socialism.
+
+Small industrial employers, artisans, retail merchants and working
+owners of small farms have two-fold class-ties. They belong to the
+possessing class, and yet they are exploited. When, under the empire
+of a naive pride and vain hopes, the man proud of his possessions, the
+would-be capitalist, dominates in them, they give heed to the dirty
+blackguards who are forever telling them that the common laborer and
+the socialist wish to take their little property away from them, and
+they show a hostility which, in spite of their conservative
+intentions, is aimed against those whom they ought to help if they
+wish to be sure of retaining the little property they have. When,
+under the lashes of the thong of stern reality they feel themselves
+exploited and menaced with expropriation, they applaud the demands of
+the socialists and help support--as has often been seen--the strikes
+of the laborers. According to circumstances the middle class declares
+itself in this way, now on one side, now on the other.
+
+The industrial workingmen who own nothing but their labor-power and to
+whom the possession, even in a dream, of the smallest estate is an
+impossibility, cannot possibly conceive the false idea that they have
+anything to lose by the victory of socialism. From that to thinking
+that they have everything to gain by that victory is not far; for this
+all that is needed is for them to be brought into contact with the
+socialist propaganda. Therefore the principal mission of socialism is
+to instruct and organize the multitudes of industrial laborers; they
+must be won over the first of all. This which is, in fact, for the
+middle class only a defensive war against the great capitalists
+becomes an offensive war for the great majority of the industrial
+laborers who have to conquer that which the middle class has only to
+preserve.
+
+Because we say that socialism makes its appeal more particularly to
+the industrial laborers, we beg our critics not to represent us as
+saying that socialism ought to neglect the members of all other
+classes. Socialism struggling for the emancipation--no longer
+impossible--of all, combats in every rank or stratum of society all
+exploitations and all oppressions, and it is the natural defender of
+all the exploited and all the oppressed. Just as, to regard the
+economic question as the sum and substance of militant socialism is
+not, in our opinion, to restrict its field of action, but is simply,
+on the contrary, to pursue directly the only line of conduct by which
+it is possible for its efforts to produce broad general effects, so to
+devote our attention first of all to the industrial laborers is not to
+make light of the wrongs of the other victims of exploitation, but it
+is to devote our first efforts to strengthening the active army of
+socialism, formed of those who have to blaze out a path for the
+movement, but whose success--which will be hastened by the support of
+members of other classes--will assure the emancipation of all.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[15] "In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class
+antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development
+of each is the condition for the free development of all."--Marx and
+Engels, Communist Manifesto, page 43, New York, 1898, published by
+Nat. Ex. Committee of the Socialist Labor Party.
+
+[16] This word is used so exclusively in a technical sense by the
+Direct Legislation faddists, it may be necessary to say it is here
+used to denote originality and independent strength of mind, etc.--Tr.
+
+[17] "Industrial," as used here, and, indeed, correctly, it should be
+noted, does not include agricultural.--Tr.
+
+
+
+
+IX.
+
+
+Socialism and the party which incarnates it are begotten by the
+economic transformations which are taking place under our eyes. If it
+is impossible to suppress (or eliminate) certain phases of social
+development, at a certain stage of development it is possible for men
+to facilitate or retard the success of socialism. This depends
+sometimes upon men who are not socialists, and nearly always upon
+socialist tactics.
+
+Is socialism inexorably destined to wait for "the natural play
+(working) of institutions and laws to bring to pass the triumph of its
+aspirations," as M. Charles Dupuy asked in one of his astonishing
+addresses? Socialism which is essentially an evolutionary theory
+expects its realization to result from the natural working out of the
+facts; but, under normal conditions, it can no more rely on the
+natural play or action of existing laws, than a republican, eager for
+the Republic, could with any show of reason, have relied, in the time
+of the Empire, on the natural working of the imperial laws to evolve
+the Republic. But in a republic, such as France or the United States,
+where universal suffrage makes the People the sole nominal sovereign,
+and where by strictly legal action the People may become the
+effective, actual sovereign, if socialism cannot rely for its triumph
+upon the free play and natural working of the laws of evolution, it
+can rely upon the ever-growing influence of socialist electors and
+officials on political action and legislation--a source of hope that
+was forbidden to the republicans under the empire. It may also happen
+that its triumph may be brought about by a rupture of _de facto_
+legality, a rupture which under certain contingencies may become
+unavoidable, a rupture which may be forced upon them without any
+regard to the personal preferences of socialists, as, for example, in
+France, on the 4th of September, 1870, such a rupture was forced upon
+Jules Simon and other fanatical partisans of legality, and it is a
+rupture of this kind which constitutes a revolution.
+
+Evolution and Revolution are not contradictory terms. Quite the
+contrary. When they both take place, the one following and
+supplementing the other, the second is the conclusion of the first,
+the revolution is only the characteristic crisis which ends and gives
+real effect to a period of evolution. Notice what takes place in the
+case of the young chick. After having gone through the regular process
+of development inside of its shell, the little brute, who is as yet
+unable to read the _Temps_, does not know that it has been decreed
+that evolution must take place without any violence; instead of
+employing its leisure in gently and legally wearing a hole through its
+shell, it breaks its way out without warning or ceremony. Well, then,
+socialism which does read the _Temps_, will act just as though it had
+not read it, and, if the emergency arises, will imitate the little
+chick; if in the course of events it becomes necessary, it will burst
+asunder the mould of legality within which it is developing, and
+within which, at the present time, it has simply to continue its
+regular and peaceful development.
+
+The distinctive mark of a revolution, as I have said, is the rupture
+of _de facto_ legality--that is the only _sine qua non_, everything
+else is merely incidental. Unfortunately the strong general tendency
+is to think that the word, revolution, necessarily implies the
+execution of persons and the destruction of property. The latter are
+catastrophes that the socialists will make every possible effort to
+avoid; for they know that excesses in one direction inevitably provoke
+a re-actionary movement in the opposite direction, and they will do
+everything they possibly can to keep from thus unconsciously defeating
+their own ends.
+
+At some particular time in the future events may occur that, purely by
+the power of circumstances over men, will lead to a rupture of
+legality. When and how will this happen, if it does happen? We know
+nothing about it, and we are not and will not be the responsible cause
+of such an event, because we recognize and point out the possibility
+of its occurrence. The interested fears of some will not destroy this
+possibility, nor will the too pardonable impatience of others convert
+it into a probability. As the _Temps_ said one day, in speaking
+incidentally of revolutions: "One does not make them; they make
+themselves."[18]
+
+Although we can not indicate the character any more than the period of
+this possible rupture of legality, still we have a right to say that
+this rupture, or in other words, this revolution, may take place
+peacefully, like the one that occurred on the 4th of September, 1870.
+The difference in the consequences of the two revolutions makes no
+difference from our present point of view. It is true that the
+revolution of the 4th of September was purely a political revolution.
+But, while the revolution, whose possibility we are considering, is to
+usher in a social transformation, as a revolution it is simply a
+change of a political character. If the capitalists are as prudent as
+were the Bonapartists on the 4th of September, the future rupture of
+legality may be just as peaceful as was that in which Senator Jules
+Simon took part. It is seen, then, that socialism may burst the mould
+of legality while preserving the peace. On the other hand, it may make
+use of violence while remaining within the forms of strict legality.
+
+Whether or not a revolutionary situation is destined to arise, the
+duty, the whole duty of socialists consists in educating the masses,
+in rendering them conscious of their condition, their task and their
+responsibility, of organizing them in readiness for the day when the
+political power shall fall into their hands. To win for socialism the
+greatest possible number of partisans, that is the task to which
+socialist parties must consecrate their efforts, using, for this
+purpose, all pacific and legal means, but using such means only. In
+ordinary times, such as those in which we live, any sort of action,
+except peaceful and legal action with a view to the instruction and
+organization of the masses, is sure, whether so intended or not, to
+have a deterrent and reactionary influence, and to interfere with the
+spread of socialist ideas.
+
+What I am advocating is not the policy of keeping our colors hidden in
+our pockets, it is not the policy of mutilating, however slightly, the
+theory of socialism, it is the policy of sticking strictly to that
+theory without marring or disfiguring it by violences which form no
+part of it, by vain predictions which threaten with no certainty of
+fulfilment. The truth is that it is impossible to promise in advance
+to stick solely to either method--force or legality; and this is true
+for all parties. A Radical, M. Sigismund Lacroix, recognized this fact
+when he wrote some time ago: "Many people of whom I am one ... would
+hesitate to swear to stick, under all circumstances, to legal and
+peaceful means. This depends, not on opinions, but on situations.
+Revolutionary situations may arise, when to be a revolutionist will be
+a duty."[19]
+
+Even admitting that there must be a revolution--a question which the
+events and not the wills of men will decide--this revolution, no
+matter what its incidents, will be only one term in the series of
+phenomena which are leading us from one social form to another, only
+one link in a chain, and is it reasonable, therefore, to hypnotize the
+laborers by concentrating their attention on that single link? What is
+necessary is to make socialists, to make the masses conscious of the
+economic movement in progress, to bring their wills into harmony with
+that movement, and thus to lead to the election of more and more
+socialists to our various elective assemblies, where it will be their
+duty and privilege to maintain the forgotten and despised rights of
+the people, and to effect, so far as they can, under the
+circumstances, the various ameliorations of the conditions and status
+of the toiling masses for which socialism is striving. The socialist
+party is the only party which pursues these aims in a practical
+fashion, by basing its tactics on the economic conditions of the
+environment. What is the use, therefore, of talking of anything but
+socialism, of expatiating on the nature of the crisis which will
+terminate the present phase of evolution and will be the beginning of
+a new phase? Why waste time talking about a contingent event that
+circumstances may force upon us in the future, but the time or
+character of which no man can define or describe to-day? At all
+events, if we must talk of revolution, our aim should be to overthrow
+the false ideas on this subject industriously circulated by our
+opponents with a view to deterring recruits from enlisting in the
+socialist army.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[18] Issue of Nov. 14, 1891.
+
+[19] _Le Radical_, May 30, 1893.
+
+
+
+
+X.[20]
+
+
+Just as the idea of revolution is identified with the ideas of murder
+and destruction, in the same way the internationalism of the workers
+is identified with anti-patriotism. There is in the latter case as in
+the former a fundamental error, and it remains for me to show that,
+theoretically and practically, the identification of the
+internationalism of labor with anti-patriotism is unjustifiable. And,
+to begin with, he who says internationalism says internationalism, and
+does not say anti-nationalism; consequently, you see at once that no
+one ought--either to approve or condemn it--to use the word,
+internationalism, to express what it does not mean and what other
+words do mean.
+
+Instead of allowing ourselves to be led astray by our various
+fantastic notions, let us here as elsewhere examine the facts and see
+what conclusions they impose upon us. Socialism flows from the facts,
+it follows them and does not precede them. This is the truth to which
+we must constantly return, which we must never forget. Now, the facts
+show us, _bon gre mal gre_, two things: on the one hand, the existence
+of countries (fatherlands); on the other, the existence, in every
+social stratum, of an international solidarity.
+
+It is with countries as with classes; some deny the existence of the
+former, others of the latter. Now, in reason it is no more possible to
+deny the existence of the country (fatherland) than the existence of
+classes in that country. It is all right to look forward to the day
+when national patriotism shall be swallowed up in world-wide
+brotherhood, when classes shall vanish in human solidarity, but while
+waiting for the facts to turn this noble ideal into a reality, we
+must, in both cases, adapt ourselves to the facts as they actually are
+at present. To wish to suppress them (classes, etc.) does not suppress
+them, to protest against their existence does not at all prevent them
+from existing and, so long as countries and classes shall exist, it
+will be necessary for us, not to deny their existence in declamations
+in the Bryan-McKinley style, but to adapt our tactics to the facts
+which are the consequences of their existence.
+
+Just as the feeling of national solidarity is added to the feeling of
+family solidarity, without destroying the latter, in the same way the
+relatively new sentiment of international solidarity is added to the
+former which is still retained. A new sentiment springing from a new
+situation does not annihilate the older sentiments and emotions as
+long as the conditions that gave them birth continue to exist, and
+families and nations are still in existence.
+
+The tendency toward internationalism was inaugurated by capital. In
+obedience to its own law of continuous growth, it has, more and more,
+substituted international commerce for national trade. It has created
+industries whose raw materials come from abroad and whose products
+require, for an outlet, the universal or world market. It has thus
+developed the reciprocal interdependence of nations, no one of which
+to-day can live without the aid of the others.
+
+Capitalist internationalism, moreover, pursues its ends with stern
+remorselessness. In order to lower national wages and gain greater
+profits, the capitalist does not hesitate to deprive his
+fellow-countrymen of work, and to import, to compete with them on the
+labor market, foreigners wonted by greater poverty to a lower standard
+of living, and therefore able and willing to work for lower wages. To
+prohibit them, not from employing foreigners, but from paying them
+less than the national rate of wages is the only effective means of
+meeting this evil. On the other hand, provided he sees a goodly profit
+in the transaction, the capitalist never hesitates to loan money or
+sell military supplies to a foreign country, though he thus increases
+its power to wage war against his own.
+
+This international character, assumed by capital in all its forms, is,
+in its effects, co-extensive with the domain of human affairs. And so,
+as M. Aulard declared in a lecture about which there has been too much
+talk: "There are no national boundaries for reason and science * * *
+They are neither French, nor English, nor German, but international
+and human." How, therefore, can the workingmen be justly reproached
+for taking the road on which everything and everybody has started, and
+along which the capitalists have preceded them? Face to face with the
+international domination of capital, they have come to understand, in
+all civilized nations, the common character, the oneness, of their own
+interests. They are everywhere the victims of the same kind of
+exploitation, due everywhere to the same cause. The same facts have
+suggested to them the same demands, the same means and tactics to
+attain the same goal. International exploitation has thus given birth
+to an ever growing international solidarity among the workers who
+resist its encroachments. And the international concurrence of the
+workers is publicly declared by the world-wide celebration of the
+First day of May.
+
+Notwithstanding the most sincere sentiment of international solidarity
+on both sides, the workingmen of two countries may still have to fight
+against each other. This is one of the numerous contradictions--and
+one of the most horrible--inherent in the capitalist regime, which is
+condemned to aspire to peace and to unchain the horrid dogs of war.
+While, for example, commerce on the world market requires peace, the
+bitterness of competition on that market begets conflicts. * * * *
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+To safeguard the little independence left to them as laborers, the
+workers have been led by the state of affairs, by actual conditions,
+as were the business men before them, to be internationalists; but
+they are patriots, and must be patriots only whenever their
+country--be it France or America--is menaced by danger from abroad.
+
+I hope you now see that the internationalism of the workers and the
+socialists cannot, by any possibility lead to anti-patriotism. These
+are two distinct ideas which cannot be legitimately confounded, no
+matter what the object of this confusion. Our internationalism and our
+patriotism spring from two wholly distinct categories of facts, and
+different facts logically necessitate different solutions, logic
+consisting, here and everywhere, in adapting the solution to the facts
+and not in applying the same solution indiscriminately to all sorts of
+facts.
+
+To sum up, workingmen and socialists ought to be internationalists in
+their relations with their toiling comrades when the interests of
+labor are at stake in times of peace, patriots and Frenchmen before
+all when France, our country shall be, if it must be, in danger of
+war, conscious always of the duty to be performed, conscious, if need
+be, especially in victory, of the duty of respecting in the case of
+others, especially the conquered, the rights that they claim for
+themselves.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have finished. That is all that socialism means. I have taken pains
+to set it forth in its entirety, free from both the attenuations and
+the exaggerations by which it is often mutilated or disfigured, but
+which seem to me to have no foundation in reality. Its goal is the
+socialization of the means of labor which have already manifested
+collective tendencies--either in their mode of ownership or in the
+mode of their employment as exploiting agencies--and the abolition of
+classes. Its means, the transference to the political battlefield of
+the Class Struggle, the existence of which it is compelled to
+acknowledge. It must, for the time being, be resolved to preserve
+legality at home and peace abroad, but equally energetically
+determined to tolerate no measure that will make the situation of the
+toilers more intolerable, to preserve republican institutions intact
+and to defend the national territory against all foreign foes.
+
+                                                 GABRIEL DEVILLE.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[20] In France, where pseudo-patriotism, or jingoism, runs riot, the
+argument that international socialism is unpatriotic is much in vogue
+with the hireling scribes of capitalism. Hence, this section. In this
+country, owing in part to its geographical isolation, but still more
+to the almost complete lack of a sense of international solidarity on
+the part of the American worker, we seldom have to meet this argument,
+and so I will condense and abridge this section.--Tr.
+
+
+
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