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diff --git a/35764.txt b/35764.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3e844ae..0000000 --- a/35764.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14445 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest -of Guinea, by Gomes Eannes de Azurara - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea - Vol. II - -Author: Gomes Eannes de Azurara - -Translator: Charles Raymond Beazley - Edgar Prestage - -Other: The Hakluyt Society - -Release Date: April 4, 2011 [EBook #35764] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DISCOVERY, CONQUEST OF GUINEA, VOL II *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Carol Ann Brown -and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -https://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - WORKS ISSUED BY - - The Hakluyt Society. - - THE CHRONICLE - - OF - - THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST - OF GUINEA. - - VOL. II. - - FIRST SERIES. NO. C-MDCCCXCIX - - [Illustration: STATUE OF - PRINCE HENRY IN ARMOUR - AT BELEM.] - - - - - THE CHRONICLE - - OF THE - - DISCOVERY - - AND - - CONQUEST OF GUINEA. - - WRITTEN BY - - GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA; - - NOW FIRST DONE INTO ENGLISH - - BY - - CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S., - - FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD; CORRESPONDING MEMBER - OF THE LISBON GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY; - - AND - - EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A.OXON., - - KNIGHT OF THE MOST NOBLE PORTUGUESE ORDER OF S. THIAGO; CORRESPONDING - MEMBER OF THE LISBON ROYAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, - THE LISBON GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY, ETC. - - VOL. II. - (CHAPTERS XLI-XCVII). - - With an Introduction on the - Early History of African Exploration, Cartography, etc. - - BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER - NEW YORK, NEW YORK - - Published by - - BURT FRANKLIN - - 514 West 113th Street - New York 25, N. Y. - - - ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY - REPRINTED BY PERMISSION - - - PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. - - - - - COUNCIL - OF - THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. - - - - SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT. - THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT. - REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT. - C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, ESQ., M.A. - COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH. - SIR MARTIN CONWAY. - ALBERT GRAY, ESQ. - F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, ESQ., M.A., M.D. - THE RIGHT HON. LORD HAWKESBURY. - EDWARD HEAWOOD, ESQ., M.A. - DUDLEY F. A. HERVEY, ESQ., C.M.G. - ADMIRAL SIR ANTHONY H. HOSKINS, G.C.B. - J. SCOTT KELTIE, ESQ., LL.D. - F. W. LUCAS, ESQ. - VICE-ADMIRAL ALBERT H. MARKHAM. - E. J. PAYNE, ESQ. - SIR CUTHBERT E. PEEK, BART. - E. G. RAVENSTEIN, ESQ. - HOWARD SAUNDERS, ESQ. - CHARLES WELCH, ESQ., F.S.A. - - WILLIAM FOSTER, ESQ., B.A., _Honorary Secretary_. - - - - -PREFATORY NOTE. - - -This Volume continues and ends the present Edition of the _Chronicle of -Guinea_, the first part of which was published in 1896 (vol. XCV of the -Hakluyt Society's publications). Here we have again to acknowledge the -kind advice and help of various friends, particularly of Senhor -Batalha[.a] Reis and Mr. William Foster. As to the Maps which accompany -this volume: the sections of Andrea Bianco, 1448, and of Fra Mauro, -1457-9, here given, offer some of the best examples of the cartography -of Prince Henry's later years in relation to West Africa. These ancient -examples are supplemented by a new sketch-map of the discoveries made by -the Portuguese seamen during the Infant's lifetime along the coast of -the Dark Continent. The excellent photograph of Prince Henry's statue -from the great gateway at Belem is the work of Senhor Camacho. As to the -Introduction and Notes, it is hoped that attention has been given to -everything really important for the understanding of Azurara's text; but -the Editors have avoided such treatment as belongs properly to a -detailed history of geographical advance during this period. - - - C. R. B. - E. P. - - - -_April 1899._ - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -In this it may be well to summarise briefly, for the better illustration -of the _Chronicle_ here translated, not only the life of Prince Henry of -Portugal, surnamed the Navigator, but also various questions suggested -by Prince Henry's work, _e.g._--The history of the Voyages along the -West African coast and among the Atlantic islands, encouraged by him and -recorded by Azurara; The History of the other voyages of Prince Henry's -captains, not recorded by Azurara; The attempts of navigators before -Prince Henry, especially in the fourteenth century, to find a way along -West Africa to the Indies; The parallel enterprises by land from the -Barbary States to the Sudan, across the Sahara; The comparative strength -of Islam and Christianity in the Africa of Prince Henry's time; The -State of Cartographical Knowledge in the fourteenth and fifteenth -centuries, and its relation to the new Portuguese discoveries; The -question of the "School of Sagres," said to have been instituted by the -Navigator for the better training of mariners and map-makers. - - -I.--THE LIFE OF PRINCE HENRY. - -Henry, Duke of Viseu, third[1] son of King John I of Portugal, surnamed -the Great, founder of the House of Aviz, and of Philippa of Lancaster, -daughter of John of Gaunt and niece of King Edward III of England, was -born on March 4th, 1394. - - [Footnote 1: Fifth, counting two children who died in infancy.] - -We are told by Diego Gomez,[2] who in 1458 sailed to the West Coast of -Africa in the service of Prince Henry, and made a discovery of the Cape -Verde islands, that in 1415 John de Trasto was sent by the Prince on a -voyage of exploration, and reached "Telli," the "fruitful" district of -Grand Canary. Gomez here gives us the earliest date assigned by any -authority of the fifteenth century for an expedition of the Infant's; -but in later times other statements were put forward, assigning 1412 or -even 1410 as the commencement of his exploring activity. This would take -us back to a time when the Prince was but sixteen or eighteen years old; -and though it is probable enough that Portuguese vessels may have sailed -out at this time (as in 1341) to the Canaries or along the West African -coast, it is not probable that Henry took any great share in such -enterprise before the Ceuta expedition of 1415. In any case, it is -practically certain that before 1434, no Portuguese ship had passed -beyond Cape Bojador. Gil Eannes' achievement of that year is marked by -Azurara and all our best authorities as a decided advance on any -previous voyage, at least of Portuguese mariners. We shall consider -presently how far this advance was anticipated by other nations, and -more particularly by the French. Cape Non, now claimed by some as the -southernmost point of Marocco, had been certainly passed by Catalan and -other ships[3] before Prince Henry's day; but it had not been forgotten -how rhyme and legend had long consecrated this point as a fated end of -the world. Probably it was still (c. 1415) believed by many in -Portugal-- - - "Quem passar o Cabo de Nao - Ou tornara, ou nao." - -and the Venetian explorer, Cadamosto, preserves a mention of its popular -derivation in Southern Europe from the Latin "Non," "as beyond it was -believed there was no return possible." The real form was probably the -Arabic Nun or "Fish."[4] - - [Footnote 2: As repeated by Martin Behaim (see Major, _Henry - Navigator_, pp. 64, 65). Gomez was Almoxarife, or - superintendent, of the Palace of Cintra.] - - [Footnote 3: Some of which had reached at least as far as Cape - Bojador, as depicted on the Catalan Map of 1375.] - - [Footnote 4: So Zul-nun, Lord of the Fish, is a term for the - prophet Jonah (see Burton, _Camoens_, iii, p. 246).] - -Prince Henry's active share in the work of exploration is usually dated -only from the Conquest of Ceuta. Here we are told in one of our earliest -authorities (Diego Gomez) he gained information, from Moorish prisoners, -merchants, and other acquaintance "of the passage of traders from the -coasts of Tunis to Timbuktu and to Cantor on the Gambia, which led him -to seek those lands by the way of the sea;" and, to come to details, he -was among other things, "told of certain tall palms growing at the mouth -of the Senegal [or Western Nile], by which he was able to guide the -caravels he sent out to find that river." It will be important hereafter -to examine the evidence which had been accumulated for such belief up to -the fifteenth century: now it will be enough to say: 1. That Prince -Henry was probably of the same opinion as the ordinary cartographer of -his time about the peninsular shape of Africa. 2. That the "shape" in -question was usually satisfied with what we should now call the Northern -half of the Continent, making the Southern coast of "Guinea" continue -directly to the Eastern, Abyssinian, or Indian Ocean. 3. That trade had -now (c. 1415) been long maintained between this "Guinea coast" and the -Mediterranean seaboard--chiefly by Moorish caravans across the Sahara. -4. That something, though little, was known in Western Christendom about -the Christian faith and king of Abyssinia; for "Prester John's" story in -the fifteenth century had really become a blend of rumours from Central -(Nestorian) Asia and Eastern (Abyssinian) Africa. - -In Prince Henry's work we may distinguish three main -objects--scientific, patriotic, and religious. First of all he was a -discoverer, for the sake of the new knowledge then beginning. He was -interested in the exploration of the world in general, and of the -sea-route round Africa to India in particular. Dinis Diaz, returning -from his discovery of Cape Verde (Az., ch. xxxi.), brought home a "booty -not so great as had arrived in the past," but "the Infant thought it -very great indeed, since it came from that land", and he proportioned -his rewards to exploration rather than to trade profits. Nuno Tristam in -1441 (Az., ch. xiii.) reminds Antam Goncalvez that "for 15 years" the -Infant has "striven ... to arrive at ... certainty as to the people of -this land, under what law or lordship they do live." - -Azurara, though always more prone to emphasize the emotional than the -scientific, himself assigns as the first reason for the Infant's -discoveries, his "wish to know the land that lay beyond the isles of -Canary and that cape called Bojador, for that up to his time, neither by -writings nor by the memory of man, was known with any certainty the -nature of the land" (Az., ch. vii.). - -Again, Henry was founding upon his work of exploration an over-sea -dominion, a "commercial and colonial" empire for his country. He desired -to see her rich and prosperous, and there cannot be any reasonable doubt -that his ideas agreed with those of Italian land and sea travellers in -the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. He and they were agreed in -thinking it possible and very important to secure a large share of -Asiatic, especially of Indian, trade for their respective countries. By -exploring and making practicable the maritime route around Africa to the -Indies, he would probably raise Portugal into the wealthiest of European -nations. Azurara's "second reason" for the "search after Guinea" is that -"many kinds of merchandise might be brought to this realm ... and also -the products of this realm might be taken there, which traffic would -bring great profit to our countrymen." - -Thirdly, Prince Henry had the temperament of a Crusader and a -missionary. Of him, fully as much as of Columbus, it may be said that if -he aimed at empire, it was for the extension of Christendom. Azurara's -three final reasons for Henry's explorations all turn upon this. The -Prince desired to find out the full strength of the Moors in Africa, -"said to be very much greater than commonly supposed," "because every -wise man" desires "a knowledge of the power of his enemy." He also -"sought to know if there were in those parts any Christian princes" who -would aid him against the enemies of the faith. And, lastly, he desired -to "make increase in the faith of Jesus Christ, and to bring to Him all -the souls that should be saved." - -It has often been pointed out how the Infant was aided in his work by -the tendencies of his time and country; how in him the spirit of -mediaeval faith and the spirit of material, even of commercial, ambition, -were united; how he was the central representative of a general -expansive and exploring movement; and how he took up and carried on the -labours of various predecessors. At the same time it must be recognised -that his work forms an epoch in the history of geographical, commercial, -and colonial advance; that he gave a permanence and a vitality to the -cause of maritime discovery which it had never possessed before; that -even his rediscoveries of islands and mainland frequently had all the -meaning and importance of fresh achievements; that he made his nation -the pioneer of Europe in its conquest of the outer world; and that -without him the results of the great forty years (1480-1520) of Diaz, -Columbus, Da Gama, and Magellan must have been long, might have been -indefinitely, postponed. - -Barros (_Decade I_, i, 2) tells us a story, probable enough, about the -inception of the Infant's plans of discovery. He relates how one night, -after much meditation, he lay sleepless upon his bed, thinking over his -schemes, till at last, as if seized with a sudden access of fury, he -leapt up, called his servants, and ordered some of his _barcas_ to be -immediately made ready for a voyage to the south along the coast of -Marocco. His court was astonished, and attributed this outburst to a -divine revelation. It was natural enough--the resolution of a man, weary -with profound and anxious thought, to take some sort of decisive action, -to embark without further delay on the realisation of long-cherished -schemes. - -To summarise the course of the Prince's life, from 1415, before entering -on any discussion of special points: After the Conquest of Ceuta he -returned to Portugal; was created Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham -(1415), having already received his knighthood at "Septa"; and began to -send out regular exploring ventures down the West Coast of Africa--"two -or three ships" every year beyond Cape Non, Nun, or Nam. In 1418 he -successfully went to the help of the Governor of Ceuta against the Moors -of Marocco and Granada.[5] On this second return from Africa, when in -1419 he was created Governor of the Algarve or southmost province of -Portugal, he is supposed by some to have taken up his residence at -Sagres,[6] near Cape St. Vincent, and to have begun the establishment of -a school of cartography and navigation there. All this, however, is -disputed by others, as is the tradition of his having established Chairs -of Mathematics and Theology at Lisbon.[7] - - [Footnote 5: On this occasion he planned, but did not attempt, - the seizure of Gibraltar.] - - [Footnote 6: Sagres, from "Sacrum Promontorium," the ordinary - name of Cape St. Vincent in the later classical Geography; "a - 91 Kilom. Ouest de Faro,... sur un cap, a 4,500 metres E.S.E. - du Cap St. Vincent" (Viv. St. Martin). The harbour is sandy, - protected from the N.W. winds. A Druid temple stood there, and - the Iberians of the Roman time assembled there at night. It - was a barren cape, its only natural vegetation a few junipers. - O. Martins (_Filhos de D. Joao I_, p. 77), suggests that the - name of _Sagres_ did not come into ordinary use till after the - Prince's death, 1460.] - - [Footnote 7: In 1431 he is said to have purchased house-room - for the University of Lisbon; on March 25th, 1448, to have - established there a professorship of theology; and on - September 22, 1460, to have confirmed this by a charter dated - from his Town at Sagres. The Professor was to have twelve - marks in silver every Christmas from the tithes of the Island - of Madeira (see Azurara, _Guinea_, c. v). As to the Chair of - Mathematics, we only know that it existed in 1435; that the - Infant was interested in this study; and that tradition - connected him with a somewhat similar foundation at Sagres. - The houses purchased in Lisbon for the University were bought - of Joao Annes, the King's Armourer, for 400 crowns. Hence, - according to some, came the Prince's title of "Protector of - Portuguese Studies."] - -In 1418-20, however, his captains, Joao Goncalvez Zarco and Tristam Vaz -Teixeira, certainly re-discovered Porto Santo and Madeira.[8] In 1427, -King John and Prince Henry seem to have sent the royal pilot, Diego de -Sevill, to make new discoveries in the Azores; and, in 1431-2, Goncalo -Velho Cabral made further explorations among the same; but the completer -opening up and settlement of the Archipelago was the work of later -years, especially of 1439-66. We shall return to this matter in a -special discussion of Prince Henry's work among the Atlantic islands. To -the same we must refer the traditional purchase of the Canaries in -1424-5 and the settlement of Madeira in the same year,[9] confirmed by -charters of 1430 and 1433. King John, on his death-bed, is said to have -exhorted Henry to persevere in his schemes, which he was at this very -time pursuing by means of a fresh expedition to round Cape Bojador, -under Gil Eannes (1433). Azurara from this point becomes our chief -authority down to the year 1448, and this and the subsequent voyages are -fully described in his pages. Gil Eannes, unsuccessful in 1433,[10] -under the stimulus of the Infant's reproaches and appeals passed Cape -Bojador in 1434;[11] and next summer (1435) the Portuguese reached the -Angra dos Ruyvos (Gurnet Bay), 150 miles beyond Bojador, and the Rio do -Ouro, 240 miles to the south. Early in 1436 the "Port of Gallee," a -little North of C. Branco (Blanco), was discovered by Baldaya, but as -yet no natives were found; no captives, gold dust, or other products -brought home. Exploration along the African mainland languished from -this year till 1441;[12] but in 1437 the Prince took part in the fatal -attack on Tangier, and in 1438 the death of King Edward caused a dispute -over the question of the Regency during the minority of his young son -Affonso. Throughout these internal troubles Henry played an important -part, successfully supporting the claims of his brother Pedro against -the Queen-mother, Leonor of Aragon. All this caused a break of three or -four years in the progress of his discoveries; but the colonisation of -the Azores went forward, as is shown by the license of July 2, 1439, -from Affonso V, to people "the seven islands" of the group, then known. - - [Footnote 8: O. Martins thinks these island discoveries were a - surprise to Henry, who at first only contemplated discovery - along the mainland coast South and East towards India. We do - not believe in this limitation of view (see Barros, _Dec. I_, - Lib. I, c. 2, 3). - - The previous voyage of the Englishman Macham to the "Isle of - Wood" ("Legname" on the fourteenth-century Portolani) is - another controversial matter which must be taken separately.] - - [Footnote 9: Zarco and Vaz became Captains Donatory or Feudal - Under-lords of Madeira, as Bartholemew Perestrello (whose - daughter Columbus married) of Porto Santo.] - - [Footnote 10: It has been shewn, _e.g._, by the British - Admiralty Surveys, that the old stories of dangerous reefs and - currents at Bojador, "such as might well have frightened the - boldest mariner of that time," are unfounded, like the old - belief in strong Satanic influence at this point.] - - [Footnote 11: 1432, according to Galvano (see Barros, _I_, i, - 4).] - - [Footnote 12: Till 1440, according to the opposition - chronology of O. Martins.] - -In 1441[13] exploration began again in earnest with the voyage of Antam -Goncalvez, who brought to Portugal the first native -"specimens"--captives and gold dust--from the coasts beyond Bojador; -while Nuno Tristam in the same year pushed on to Cape Blanco. These -decisive successes greatly strengthened the cause of discovery in -Portugal, especially by offering fresh hopes of mercantile profit. In -1442 Nuno Tristam reached the Bight or Bay of Arguim,[14] where the -Infant erected a fort in 1448, and where for some years the Portuguese -made their most vigorous and successful slave-raids. Private venturers -now began to come forward, supplementing Prince Henry's efforts by -volunteer aid, for which his permission[15] was readily granted. -Especially the merchants and seamen of Lisbon and of Lagos, close to -Sagres, showed interest in this direction. Whatever doubts exist as to -the earlier alleged settlement of the Infant at Cape St. Vincent, it is -certain that after his return from Tangier (1437) he erected various -buildings[16] at Sagres, and resided there during a considerable part of -his later life. This fact is to be connected with the new African -developments at Lagos.[17] - - [Footnote 13: O. Martins dates _Porto do Cavalleiro_, 1440; - _C. Branco_, 1442.] - - [Footnote 14: _Aliter_, 1443 (Barros, _I_, i, 7) or 1444 - (Galvano, who apparently dates the discovery of the Rio do - Ouro 1443). See, in this connection, Affonso V's Charters of - October 22, 1433, and February 3, 1446, granted to Prince - Henry. In 1442 the Infant was created a Knight of the Garter - of England. He was the 153rd Knight of the Order; and his - collar descended, through many holders, to the late Earl of - Clarendon.] - - [Footnote 15: Necessary by decree of the Regent Pedro, for any - "Guinea" or African voyage (Azurara, _Guinea_, ch. xv).] - - [Footnote 16: Especially a palace, a church or chapel, and an - observatory.] - - [Footnote 17: Which seems to have shown the way, in this - respect, to its greater sister, Lisbon.] - -In 1444 and 1445 a number of ships sailed with Henry's license to -"Guinea," and several of their commanders achieved notable successes. -Thus Dinis Diaz, Nuno Tristam, and others reached the Senegal. Diaz -rounded Cape Verde in 1445,[18] and in 1446 Alvaro Fernandez sailed on -as far as the River Gambia (?) and the Cape of Masts (Cabo dos Mastos). -In 1445, also, Joao Fernandez spent seven months among the natives of -the Arguim coast, and brought back the first trustworthy account of a -part of the interior. Goncalo de Sintra and Goncalo Pacheco, in 1445, -and Nuno Tristam in 1446,[19] fell victims to the hostility of the Moors -and Negroes, who, perhaps, felt some natural resentment against their -new visitors. For, in Azurara's estimate, the Portuguese up to the year -1446 had carried off 927 captives from these parts; and the disposition -and conversion of these prisoners occupied a good portion of the -Infant's time. He probably relied on finding efficient material among -these slaves for the further exploration and Christianization of the -Coast, and even of the Upland. We know that he used some of them as -guides and interpreters.[20] - - [Footnote 18: 1454 in O. Martins.] - - [Footnote 19: 1447, according to Barros (_I_, i, 14) and - Galvano.] - - [Footnote 20: Cf. Azurara, _Guinea_, chs. xiii, xvi.] - -One of the latest voyages recorded by Azurara is that of "Vallarte the -Dane" (1448), which ended in utter destruction near the Gambia, after -passing Cape Verde. The chronicler, though writing in 1453, does not -continue his record beyond this year, 1448; his promise to give us the -remainder of the Infant's achievements in a second chronicle seems never -to have been fulfilled; and his descriptions of Madeira and the -Canaries, in the latter part of the _Chronicle of Guinea_, are -unfortunately of only slight value for the history of discovery. Yet, -before the Prince's death in 1460[21] and in the last six years of his -life, several voyages of some importance prove that Azurara's silence is -merely accidental. Cadamosto's two journeys of 1455-6, and Diego Gomez' -ventures of 1458-60, advanced West African discovery almost to Sierra -Leone. The former, a Venetian seaman in the service of Prince Henry, -also explored part of the courses of the Senegal and the Gambia and -gained much information about the native tribes. One of his chief -exploits, an alleged discovery of the Cape Verde islands, has been -disputed in the name of Diego Gomez, who in 1458-60 twice sailed to -Guinea, and on the second voyage "sighted islands in the Ocean, to which -no man had come before." We postpone this point for further examination, -only adding that we believe Cadamosto's prior claim to be sound, -although the islands in question do not appear in any document before -1460. - - [Footnote 21: _Aliter_ 1462 or 1463 (Galvano and Barros, who - also date the discovery of C. Verde and the Senegal by "Dinis - Fernandez," 1446: Barros, _I_ i, 9, 13); but this date is - certainly incorrect.] - -Meanwhile the Prince, when his explorations (from 1441) first began to -promise important results, obtained from Pope Eugenius IV a plenary -indulgence to those who shared in the war against the Moors consequent -on the new discoveries,[22] and from the Regent D. Pedro he also gained -a donation of the Royal Fifth on the profits accruing from the new -lands, as well as the sole right of permitting voyages to these parts. -The Infant's work, was moreover, recognised in bulls of Nicholas V -(1455) and of Calixtus III (March 13th, 1456). In earlier -life--apparently soon after the capture of Ceuta and the embassy of -Manuel Palaeologus asking for help against the Turks--he had been -invited, Azurara tells us, by a predecessor[23] of the Pontiffs -above-named to take command of the "Apostolic armies," and similar -invitations reached him from the Emperor of Germany,[24] the King of -England (Henry V or VI)[25] and the King of Castille.[26] We may also -briefly notice in this place, referring to a later page for a more -detailed treatment of the subject, that the Infant, in 1445 and 1446, -repeated his earlier attempts (in 1424 and 1425) to secure the Canaries -for Portugal, both by means of purchase and of armed force; and that, -from 1444-5 especially, he colonised, as well as discovered, and traded -with increased energy in the Madeira Group, the Azores, and (if his -experiment at Arguim in 1448 may stand as an example) even on the -mainland coast of Africa. - - [Footnote 22: Barros and Galvano make Prince Henry obtain - Indulgences from Pope Martin [V, who reigned 1417-31] in - 1441-2, by the embassy of Fernam Lopez d'Azevedo (see p. xv).] - - [Footnote 23: Martin V?] - - [Footnote 24: Sigismund?] - - [Footnote 25: Henry VI made the Infant a Knight of the Garter, - and is more likely than the conquering Henry V to have asked a - foreign Prince to aid him against the French.] - - [Footnote 26: John II.] - -The Infant's share in home politics was considerable, but this is not -the place to discuss it at any length. It is probably a correct surmise -that his ultimate ambition on this side was to detach Portugal as far as -possible from Spain and Peninsular interests, and by making her a -world-power at and over sea, to give her that importance she could never -of herself acquire in strictly European politics. We have already -noticed that after the victory of Ceuta he seems to have been made -Governor for life of the Algarve province[27] of Portugal, by his father -King John (1419); that he was a leading promoter of the scheme for the -Tangier campaign of 1437;[28] and that after the death of his brother -King Edward (Duarte), the successor of King John (September, 1438), he -supported the claims of his eldest surviving brother, Pedro, as regent -and guardian of the young Affonso V, and by his wise counsels effected a -reconciliation with Affonso's mother Leonor, acting for a time as -partner in a Council of Regency with Pedro and the Queen. Further, it -must be said that, in 1447, when a long succession of differences -between D. Pedro and his royal ward ended in an armed rising of the -former against "evil Counsellors," Henry stood by the Sovereign, and -took, if not an active, at least a passive part in overthrowing the -insurrection, which was ended by the battle of Alfarrobeira (May 21st, -1449). Finally, it is recorded that "the Navigator" somewhat recovered -the military honour he had compromised at Tangier, by his successes in -the African expeditions of Affonso V, especially at the capture of -Alcacer the Little in 1458; in this last year he received his Sovereign -in due form at or near Sagres, before sailing for "Barbary." His -traditional but on the whole credible work as Protector of the Studies -of Portugal has been alluded to already, in connection with his alleged -foundation of professorships of mathematics and theology in the -University of Lisbon, and of a school of nautical instruction and of -cosmography at Sagres. This point, however, will be reconsidered in a -following section.[29] - - [Footnote 27: Technically "kingdom."] - - [Footnote 28: The "Marocco Campaigns" of 1418, 1437, 1458, - etc., were apparently considered by Prince Henry as only - another side of his coasting explorations and projected - conquests. Having then no idea of the enormous southerly - projection of Africa, he probably aspired to a Portuguese - North African dominion, which should control the Continent. - For Guinea, in the ideas of the time, was commonly supposed to - be quite close to Marocco on the south-west and west. - Apparently, soon after 1437, Henry was just starting on - another Moorish expedition, when the King and Council - "hindered the voyage" (see Az., ch. v, p. 20 of our version).] - - [Footnote 29: "School of Sagres," etc.] - -It is perhaps in his connection with the fall of D. Pedro that the -severest criticism has been passed upon Henry the Navigator. "Genius is -pitiless" it has been said; and the action of the younger brother has -been blamed as a piece of ruthlessness and ingratitude, though extolled -by Azurara as a proof of loyalty under temptation. It may have seemed to -him impossible to support any rebellion, however justified, against -royal authority, or even to take the position of a neutral, when the -central government of his country was on its trial. Our sympathies are -usually with Pedro, as the most wise, liberal, and learned of his -people--with one exception--and as the victim of the intrigues of -courtiers, especially of King John's bastard son, the Count of Barcellos -and Duke of Braganza; but the Governor of Algarve parted for ever from -his favourite brother when he took up arms to right himself; and perhaps -he was not more wrong than the people of England in refusing to allow -the nobles of the Tudor time to dictate to even the most despotic of our -more modern English sovereigns.[30] - - [Footnote 30: It has been suggested, _e.g._, by Sir C. - Markham, that the portrait of the Infant in mourning dress - prefixed to the Paris MS. of Azurara represents him - immediately after the death of D. Pedro. It is perhaps more - likely a mark of sorrow for D. Fernand, the Constant Prince, - who died in his Moorish captivity, June 5th, 1443, and whose - heart was conveyed to Portugal, June 1st, 1451, and buried at - Batalha, Prince Henry joining the funeral procession at - Thomar.] - -The Infant was, among his other dignities, Master of the Order of -Christ, which, as the direct successor of the Templars in Portugal, held -a very high rank, and was, by its "artificial ancestry," as Hobbes would -have said, one of the most ancient Orders in Christendom. Henry's -father, King John, had been also at one time Head of an Order of -Chivalry, the Knights of Aviz; but on coming to the throne he had -obtained a dispensation from his vow of celibacy as Master, a -dispensation which his son never required. The banner of this Order -seems to have floated over most if not all of Prince Henry's African -expeditions; in its name he required the aid of Pope Eugenius IV; its -special duty--military order as it was in origin--should have been to -spread the Christian faith in Moslem and heathen Africa: perhaps its -work was considered to extend only to the slaying of Moslems, or -Moormen, and the bringing back to Europe of heathen Africans who could -be reared as Christians in Portugal. No mission to preach the faith -seems to have been undertaken by the Fraternity. Upon this Order the -Prince bestowed the tithes of the Island of St. Michael in the Azores, -and one half of its sugar revenues; also the tithe (afterwards reduced -to the twentieth) of all merchandise from Guinea, as well as the -ecclesiastical dues of Porto Santo, Madeira, and the Desertas. The -Prince's nephew, D. Fernando, succeeded him (in 1460) in the Mastership -of the Order of Christ.[31] - - [Footnote 31: Already, in 1451, Henry had designated him as - his heir.] - -It has sometimes been said that the Infant Henry was also titular King -of Cyprus. This assertion is derived from Fr. Luiz de Souza (_Historia -de S. Domingos_, Bk. VI., fol. 331) and Jose Suares de Silva (_Memoirs -of King Joao I._), who tell us that the Prince was elected King of -Cyprus. But this "Kingdom" remained in the posterity of Guy de Lusignan -till 1487; and the mistake has probably arisen from a confusion of -Henry, Prince of Galilee, son of James I., King of Cyprus, with Prince -Henry of Portugal.[32] - - [Footnote 32: Santarem corrects this; see note in Major's - _Henry Navigator_, p. 306. So Azurara's allusion, "No other - _uncrowned_ prince in Europe had so noble a - household,"--_Guinea_, ch. iv.] - -In prosecuting his explorations, Prince Henry incurred heavy expenses. -His own revenues were not sufficient, and he was obliged to borrow -largely. Thus, in 1448, he owed his bastard half-brother, the Duke of -Braganza, 193941/2 crowns of gold, to pay which he had pledged his lands -and goods; and this debt was afterwards increased by 16084 crowns, as -stated in the declaration of the Duke of Braganza, November 8, 1449, and -in the will of the same nobleman. These debts were partly paid by his -nephew and adopted son, D. Fernando, and partly by Fernando's son, D. -Manuel. - - - - -VOYAGES OF PRINCE HENRY'S SEAMEN ALONG THE WEST AFRICAN COAST. - -(_Not recorded by Azurara._) - -Prince Henry's work was, above all, justified by its permanence. Unlike -earlier ancient and mediaeval attempts at West African exploration, his -movement issued in complete success. Azurara gives us, no doubt, a -fairly complete account of the earlier stages of that movement, but it -is probable that even his record omits some of the ventures undertaken -from Portugal along the West African mainland; while it is certain that -we must look elsewhere for a completer picture of the Infant's activity -among the Atlantic Islands and in the Great Ocean. These additional -sources of information must be examined in turn. First of all, it will -be advisable to finish the chronicle of West African coasting down to -the Navigator's death. After that, the triumphant prosecution of this -line of advance to the Cape of Good Hope will call for a brief notice. -And, thirdly, something must be said about the progress of discovery and -colonisation in the archipelagos of Madeira, the Canaries, the Azores, -and the Cape Verdes, especially considered in relation to that Westward -route to India which Columbus advocated and commenced. - -It has already been stated that although Azurara's Chronicle officially -ends in 1453, and appears to record nothing later than the events of -1448, yet very important expeditions were sent forth in the last years -of the Prince's life, especially those of Cadamosto[33] and Diego Gomez. -An attempt has been made to prove that the second voyage of Cadamosto, -on which he claimed to have discovered the Cape Verde Islands, is -untruly reported and may be dismissed as fabulous. But there seems no -sufficient ground for this. "In an account of travels, printed long -after its author's death, some contradictory statements, possibly -arising through copyists' errors, do not justify such a conclusion." And -the mistakes contained in the assailed narrative are not serious or -unexplainable enough for rejecting it as a whole.[34] Luigi, Alvise, or -Aloysius, da Ca da Mosto[35] was a young Venetian (a noble, according to -some) who had embarked on August 8, 1454, with Marco Zeno on a -commercial venture,[36] and was delayed by storm near Cape St. Vincent -while on his voyage from Venice to Flanders. He now heard of the -"glorious and boundless conquests" of Prince Henry, "whence accrued such -gain that from no traffic in the world could the like be had. The -which," continues the candid trader, "did exceedingly stir my soul, -eager as it was for profit above all other things, and so I made suit to -be brought before the Infant"--who was then at the village of Reposeira, -near Sagres. Cadamosto was easily persuaded to sail in the service of -Portugal,[37] and set out, with Vicente Diaz, on March 22, 1455. He -visited Porto Santo and Madeira, and at Cape Branco began a "peaceful -exploration" of the interior, for the study of its natural conditions, -inhabitants, trade, and so forth. Proceeding to the Senegal, he -continued his investigations; which were extended to the Canaries as -well as to Madeira. He notices the fort built by the Prince's orders in -the Bight of Arguim (1448), and the new start lately made by Portuguese -trade with the natives. This trade at Arguim had included nearly a -thousand slaves a year, so that the Europeans, who used to plunder all -this coast as far as the Senegal, now found it more profitable to trade. -Slave-raiding among the Azanegue tribes north of the Senegal had ceased, -"for the Prince will not allow any wrong-doing, being only eager that -they should submit themselves to the law of Christ."[38] Before passing -Cape Verde, Cadamosto met with two ships, one commanded by a Genoese, -Antonio, or Antoniotto, surnamed Ususmaris or Uso di Mare,[39] the other -by an unnamed Portuguese in Henry's service. The expeditions united and -sailed on together to the Gambia, where they were unable to open -intercourse with the natives, and so returned to Portugal. Cadamosto -gives very full descriptions of the life, habits, government, trade, -etc., of both the "Moors" (Azanegues) and Negroes (Jaloffs) of Guinea, -which have been often noticed,[40] and sometimes paraphrased; and which -show a great development of commercial interest and statesmanlike -inquiry on anything recorded in Azurara. At his furthest point the -explorer noticed that the North Star was so low that it appeared almost -to touch the sea, and here he seems to have seen the Southern Cross. - - [Footnote 33: 1507 (Vicenza) Edition, is the earliest text of - Cadomosto's Voyages, printed in "Paesi novamente retrovati et - novo mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino intitulato." This - was republished at Milan in 1508; and in this year two - versions appeared: 1. In Latin, by Madrignano, "Itinerarium - Portugallensium ...," Milan. 2. In German, by Jobst Ruchamer, - "Neue unbekanthe landte," Nuernberg. In 1516 appeared in Paris - a French version by Mathurin du Redouer: "Sensuyt le nouveau - monde ..." A good many discrepancies occur in these various - editions and translations.] - - [Footnote 34: See pp. xcii-xcvi of this Introduction.] - - [Footnote 35: House or Family (Casa) of Mosto.] - - [Footnote 36: In 1454 the Venetian Senate ordered three - galleys to be equipped for the voyage to Flanders and England; - and ordered Marco Zeno, as commander, to enquire about the - goods of Venetian subjects landed in England.] - - [Footnote 37: The Prince was said especially to wish for - Venetians to enter his service, as they knew more about the - spice trade than anyone; and he was convinced that his - expeditions would ultimately find spices (_i.e._, in India). - As to Vicente Diaz, cf. Azurara's _Guinea_, chs. lx, lviii, - etc.] - - [Footnote 38: Cf. Azurara, _Guinea_, end of ch. xcvi.] - - [Footnote 39: This seems one of the earliest notices of - non-Portuguese craft in these waters. But Uso di Mare was - almost certainly in the Prince's service, like "Vallarte the - Dane," and "Balthasar the German," noticed in Azurara, - _Guinea_, chs. xvi. and xciv. Uso di Mare's letter to his - creditors of December 12, 1455, seems to show that the - expedition had returned before Christmas.] - - [Footnote 40: As in the collections of Ramusio, Temporal, - Astley, and Stanier Clarke; in Major, _Henry Navigator_, chs. - xv.-xvi.; and in "Heroes of Nations" life of Prince Henry, ch. - xvi.] - -In the next year, 1456, Cadamosto sailed out again with Antoniotto Uso -di Mare, made straight for Cape Branco, and found, three days' sail from -this point, "certain islands" off Cape Verde "where no one had been -before."[41] The explorer then, in his own as well as in the official, -"Ramusian," or Venetian, account, proceeded to the Gambia, opened trade -successfully with the natives, and explored the coast "about 25 leagues" -beyond this river as far as the Bissagos Islands, or some point of the -mainland not far distant. - - [Footnote 41: Of these two were "very large," and on these - they landed, finding no inhabitants but plenty of animal life. - Five more isles were sighted in the distance, but not visited. - They called the first discovered "Boa Vista," and the largest - of the group "St. James," from the day of the discovery. This - is, of course, the Santiago which forms the centre of the Cape - Verde archipelago.] - -Cadamosto's account of his two voyages is rightly praised[42] as -"detailed and vivid." He certainly compiled a map of his journeys, for -in noticing the river Barbasini beyond Cape Verde, he says: "I have -named it so on the Chart which I have made." The interesting suggestion, -that some of Benincasa's portolanos (especially that of 1471) were based -on Cadamosto's descriptions and plans of the West African shore-land, is -hardly susceptible of proof, but it is not without some corroborative -evidence, as may be seen elsewhere.[43] Also, "the journeys of this -Marco Polo of West Africa were undertaken in a more scientific spirit, -and were more free from chivalrous outrages," than most of those who -preceded him along this coast.[44] This is not merely due to himself. It -appears from his express statements that the Infant now discouraged -slave-raiding, and urged his captains to something of higher value than -seal and sea-calf hunting. The value of Cadamosto's work was mainly in -his observations and descriptions. He advanced only a little way beyond -some of the Prince's earlier explorers (_e.g._, Alvaro Fernandez), -except for his discovery of the Cape Verde islands, but he seems to have -named[45] and mapped out more carefully than before a good many points -of the littoral beyond Cape Verde, and his writings surpass in -geographical value anything to be found in Azurara. His notes are also -of high value for ethnology and anthropology, and give a better account -of the trade-routes, etc. of North-west Africa than any Christian -writing of the time. Finally, he is more reliable than many subsequent -and more pretentious travellers, and his narrative is as picturesque and -effective as it is reliable. For "one inquisitive person shall bring -home a better account of countries than twenty who come after him." - - [Footnote 42: See Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 120, and Map - section of this Introduction; also pp. xcii-xcvi of the same.] - - [Footnote 43: See p. cxxxii of this Introduction.] - - [Footnote 44: The same change is observable in the narrative - of Diego Gomez. Cf. his treatment of the Chief Bezeghichi, - whom he freely releases when in his power, in order to make - him less "bitter against the Christians."] - - [Footnote 45: _E.g._, the rivers Barbasini, Casamansa, Santa - Anna, St. Domingo, and Cape Roxo.] - -A little subsequent to what we may suppose was the second return of the -Venetian adventurer from Africa, in 1456, the Infant sent out Diego -Gomez with orders to "go as far as he could." The explorer passed a -"great river beyond the Rio Grande," when strong currents in the sea -alarmed him and caused him to put back. Like Cadamosto, however, he -trafficked and conversed with the natives, especially of the Gambia, and -gained some useful information about their trade, politics, and -geography. Some of the facts he related about wars among the negro -states of the interior were confirmed by a "merchant in Oran," who -corresponded with the Prince.[46] As a result of Gomez' first voyage, -the Infant seems to have sent out, in 1458, a mission to convert the -negroes of the Gambia "with a priest, the Abbot of Soto de Cassa, and a -young man of his household named John Delgado." Two years after this -(_i.e._, in 1460) Gomez went out again. Near the Gambia he fell in with -two ships--one under Goncalo Ferreira, of Oporto, who was trading in -horses with the negroes for native produce; the other was under Antonio -Noli, of Genoa. Soon after, Gomez and Ferreira seized an interloper, one -De Prado, who had come to Cape Verde without permission to dispose of a -rich cargo, as Gomez was informed by a "caravel from Gambia." It is -noticeable how the West African trade had now increased, and how many -expeditions are incidentally mentioned in this one record of Gomez. - - [Footnote 46: An allusion of high importance. See the section - of this Introduction, "Preliminary African Exploration," - especially pp. xlv, etc.] - -He concludes by stating that he and Noli left the mainland coast, and -after sailing two days and one night towards Portugal, "sighted islands -in the Ocean," which are described in terms very similar to Cadamosto's. -These were certainly the Cape Verde Islands of modern geography, which -are first mentioned in documentary history in a Portuguese Decree of -December 3rd, 1460. Gomez makes no reference to any previous visit or -claim of a prior discovery of these islands, but that is natural enough. - -Was such a previous visit made? Around this point, and the consequent -prior claim of the Venetian, a long controversy has been waged, which is -briefly discussed in the section of this Introduction on the "Atlantic -Islands" (especially pp. xcii-xcvi). - -The second voyage of Diego Gomez was probably among the last ventures of -which the Prince received any account. He must have died soon after the -second return of the explorer, who seems to have attended him in his -last illness (13th November, 1460). But it is probable that before his -end he had prepared for the expedition which Pedro de Sintra carried out -in 1461, and which is described by Cadamosto, apparently before the -close of 1463. - - - - -VOYAGES OF THE PORTUGUESE COMPLETING PRINCE HENRY'S WORK. - -A word must be added on the completion of Prince Henry's work after his -death, and by agents whom in many cases he had trained. King Affonso V, -though rather more of a tournament king than a true successor of the -great Infant, such as John II, had yet caught enough of his uncle's -spirit to push on steadily, though slowly, the advance round Africa. In -1461 he repaired the fort in the Bight of Arguim and sent out Pedro de -Sintra[47] to survey the coast beyond Cadamosto's furthest point. De -Sintra proceeded 600 miles along the "southern coast of Guinea," passed -a mountain which was called Sierra Leone (according to one account) from -the lion-like growl of the thunder on its summits, and turned back at -the point afterwards known as St. George La Mina.[48] Soon after -(probably in 1462), Sueiro da Costa followed De Sintra,[49] but without -any new results, and it was not till 1470 that a fresh advance was -made.[50] In 1469 King Affonso leased the West African trade to Fernam -Gomez, a citizen of Lisbon, for five years, Gomez paying 1,000 ducats a -year. To this lease was annexed the condition that Gomez should make -annual explorations along the unknown West coast of Africa for 300 -_miglia_, counted from Sierra Leone, "where Pedro de Sintra and Sueiro -da Costa turned back."[51] - - [Footnote 47: This voyage is described by Cadamosto as an - appendix to his own voyages. A young Portuguese who - accompanied De Sintra described to Cadamosto the stretch of - coast now discovered beyond the Rio Grande, the anchorages of - the fleet, and the names given to points on the shore. "This - account, without any rhetorical embellishment, is of special - interest as a specimen of a Portuguese sailing-direction from - a sailor of Henry the Navigator's School" (Nordenskjoeld, - _Periplus_, 121). De Sintra reached 5 deg. further South than any - before him. His nomenclature still survives at many points: - _e.g._, Cape Verga, Sierra Leone, Cape Santa Anna, Cape del - Monte, Cape Mesurado. Cape Sagres, "the highest promontory - they had ever seen," between Cape Verga and Cape Ledo, has - been re-named. De Sintra also noticed especially a "great - green forest"--"Bosque de St. Maria," in 5 deg. 30' N. lat. - (?)--and near his furthest point (at Rio dos Fumos) an immense - quantity of smoke from native fires. Cf. Hanno's language in - his _Periplus_, on the fiery rivers running down into the sea; - and see J. N. Bellin's _Petit Atlas Maritime_, Paris, 1764; - Part iii, Map 105.] - - [Footnote 48: Elmina.] - - [Footnote 49: According to some, he accompanied De Sintra in - the voyage of 1461.] - - [Footnote 50: Cadamosto explicitly says that when he left - Portugal on February 1, 1463, no voyages had been made in - continuation of De Sintra's venture, recorded by him.] - - [Footnote 51: According to Cadamosto's account, De Sintra had - gone a good deal further.] - -Accordingly, in 1470, Gomez sent out Joao de Santarem and Pedro de -Escobar, accompanied by the two leading Portuguese pilots, Martin -Fernandez and Alvaro Esteves, as "directors of the navigation." On the -29th December, they discovered St. Thomas island, and on 17th January, -1471, the Isle of St. Anne, afterwards Ilha do Principe, both close to -the Equator on the open side of the Bight of Biafra. - -Another voyage seems to have been made, under Gomez' auspices, in 1471. -Fernando Po now reached the island in the angle of the Central African -coast which is still called after him; and men began to find that the -Eastern bend of the continent, which had been followed since 1445-6 with -some hope of a direct approach to Asia, now took a sharp turn to the -South. - -In spite of this disappointment, Fernandez and Esteves in 1472-3 passed -beyond the furthest of earlier travellers, and crossed the Equator[52] -into that Southern Hemisphere on the edge of which the caravels had long -been hovering, as mariners like Cadamosto saw ever more clearly stars -unknown in the Northern Hemisphere, and ever more nearly lost sight of -the Arctic pole. In 1474-5 Cape Catherine, two degrees South of the -Line, was reached, and here the advance of exploration stopped for a -time till the accession of John II in 1481. - - [Footnote 52: It is not very clearly recorded who first - crossed the line among the Portuguese sailors of this time. - Some conclude as stated in text, but Nordenskjoeld believes it - was "perhaps Lopo Goncalvez, after whom a promontory directly - south of the Equator is named"; he also thinks this great - event was accomplished on Gomez' first expedition, under - Santarem, Escobar, Fernandez and Esteves, in 1470-1. As to - progress eastwards, towards India, it was much exaggerated by - many. While his caravels were still off the Guinea coast, King - Affonso V believed the meridian of "Tunis, and even of - Alexandria," had been already passed.] - -Now, in six years, the slow advance of the past sixty was exceeded.[53] -Less than four months after his father's death, John, who as heir -apparent had drawn part of his income from the African trade and its -fisheries, sent out Diego de Azambuga, who in 1482 built under the -King's orders the celebrated fort at St. George La Mina. He trafficked -with success, but made no great advance along unknown Africa, even if he -commenced a new era in the permanent colonisation of the Continent. King -John was not disposed to be satisfied with this. In 1484, Diego Cao was -ordered to go as far to the South as he could, and not to "wait anywhere -for other matters." He penetrated to the mouth of the Zaire or Congo, -where he erected (at Cape Padron?) a stone pillar in sign of -possession,[54] and brought back four natives to Portugal. These he took -out with him in his second voyage (1485); on this expedition Martin -Behaim was (wrongly) said to have accompanied him. Cao claimed in this -year to have reached 22 deg. S. lat., half way between the Congo and the -Cape of Good Hope; but this is probably an exaggeration;--18 deg. S. -lat.[55] perhaps marks his furthest point, rather than Walvisch Bay, as -in the old tradition. - - [Footnote 53: It is probably right to ascribe great importance - to the work of Fernam Gomez, during his five years' lease. His - wealth gave a new character to the equipment of the African - Expeditions of Portugal. Formerly there had been too much - waste of energy through indefiniteness of object; too much - discretion had been left to mariners themselves; now the - definite contract for geographical discovery with the Crown - caused a more rapid and continuous advance, and long stretches - of coast were explored and mapped.] - - [Footnote 54: According to King John's orders. Wooden crosses - (often of Madeira wood?) had hitherto been erected by - Portuguese discoverers in new lands. Now stone pillars 6 ft. - high were to be used, and on them was to be inscribed, in - Portuguese and Latin, the date, with the name of the reigning - monarch, and those of the discoverers.] - - [Footnote 55: Near C. Frio. So it is placed (at _Arenarum - Aestuarium_ or _Manga das Arenas_) on Pl. X in Livio Sanuto's - _Geographia_ of 1588. We have mentioned that Martin Behaim, of - Nueremberg, claimed to have accompanied Cao to West Africa; but - his globe, so famous afterwards, executed in 1492 at the order - of the Nueremberg Town Council, shows very little evidence of - this. Behaim's West Africa is often obstinately Ptolemaic, at - the end of the century which had revolutionised the knowledge - of this part of the world. He inserts all the legendary - Atlantic islands, and puts the Cape Verdes far out of their - proper place.] - -After Cao's return, King John renewed his efforts with fresh energy. -Already, in 1484, a negro embassy to Portugal had brought such an -account of an inland prince, one "Ogane, a Christian at heart," that all -the Court of Lisbon thought he must be the long lost Prester John, and -men were sent out to seek this "great Catholic Lord" by sea and land. - -Bartholemew Diaz sailed in August 1486, with two ships, to try his -fortune by the sea-route, and even if he could not reach the Prester's -country, to discover as far as possible on the "way round Africa." Two -other envoys, Covilham and Payva, were sent out by way of "Jerusalem, -Arabia, and Egypt," to find the Priest-King and the Indies; yet another -expedition was to ascend the Negro Nile, or Senegal, to its supposed -junction with the Nile of Egypt; a fourth party started to explore a -road to Cathay by the North-East Passage. - -Bartholemew Diaz, accompanied by Joao Iffante, rounded the southernmost -point of Africa, and passed some way beyond the site of the modern Port -Elizabeth. The picturesque story of his voyage is well known. He sailed -with two vessels of 50 tons apiece, in the belief that "ships which -sailed down the coast of Guinea might be sure to reach the end of the -land by persisting to the South." His first pillar was set up at Angra -dos Ilheos,[56] at the south side of Angra Pequena. He made another stay -at Angra das Voltas, in 29 deg. S. lat., immediately after passing the -Orange River. Then, putting well out to sea, Diaz ran thirteen days due -south before the wind, hoping by this wide sweep to round the furthest -point of the Continent, which many traditions agreed in fixing not very -far from his last halting-place. Finding the sea and air at last -becoming cold, he changed his course to east, and as no land appeared -after five days, to north. In this last course the Portuguese reached a -bay where cattle were feeding, named by the Portuguese Angra dos -Vaqueiros, now Flesh Bay.[57] After putting ashore two natives (probably -some of those lately carried from Congo to Portugal, and sent out again -to act as scouts for the European explorers), Diaz continued east to a -small island still called "Santa Cruz," W. of our Port Elizabeth, and -even further to a river called, after his partner, Rio do Iffante, now -the Great Fish River, in 32 deg. 23' S. lat., and midway between the -present Port Elizabeth and East London, where the coast begins gradually -but steadily to trend north-east. Here the expedition put back, sighting -on its homeward way the Land's End, or "Cape of Storms," re-named by -John II "Cape of Good Hope" on their return. Almost at the same time as -Diaz' reappearance in Lisbon (Dec. 1487), Covilham, who had reached -Malabar by way of Egypt, wrote home from Cairo more than confirming the -hopes already drawn from the success of the last maritime ventures. "If -you keep southward, the continent must come to an end. And when ships -reach the Eastern Ocean, let your men ask for Sofala and the Island of -the Moon (Madagascar), and they will find pilots to take them to India." - - [Footnote 56: ? Diaz Point, at the _Serra Parda_ or "Dark - Hills" of Barros.] - - [Footnote 57: Some way beyond Cape Agulhas, and immediately to - the east of the River Gauritz.] - -Yet another chapter of discoveries was opened by King John's expeditions -for the ascent of the Western Nile, and for the exploration of the -North-East Passage to Cathay. Neither of these achieved complete -success, but some more light was gained upon the interior of Africa -(where the Portuguese made such notable advances in the sixteenth -century); it has even been claimed, but apparently without foundation, -for the explorers of John II, that a Portuguese discovery of Novaia -Zemlya rewarded their enterprise. - -The great voyage of Vasco da Gama (1497-9) connected and completed the -various aims of Portuguese enterprise, to which Prince Henry had given a -permanent and organised form. - -Though he was not able to see in his own lifetime the fulfilment of his -plans, both the method of a South-East Passage, and the men who finally -discovered it, were, in a true sense, his--were inseparably associated -with his work. The lines of Portuguese advance, a generation after his -death, continued to follow his initiative so closely, that, when a -different route to the Indies was suggested by Columbus, the government -of John II refused to treat it seriously. And yet it was to the Infant's -movement--in part, at least--that Columbus owed his conception. "It was -in Portugal," says Ferdinand Columbus, "that the Admiral began to -surmise that if men could sail so far south, one might also sail west -and find lands in that direction." In another place[58] it will be -questioned how far a Portuguese movement America-wards can be credited -to the mariners of Prince Henry's own time. It is plain that, whether he -or his captains ever thought favourably of the chances of the Western -route, he and they alike devoted their main energies to its rival, the -Eastern or African coasting way. It is equally plain, on the other hand, -that the Infant's work produced a new interest in the world-science of -geography throughout Christendom, and so was indirectly responsible for -quite as much as it directly aimed at accomplishing. - - [Footnote 58: See the section of this Introduction on the - "Atlantic Islands," especially pp. ciii-cvi.] - - - - - -AFRICAN EXPLORATION PRELIMINARY TO PRINCE HENRY'S WORK. - -The first recorded African expedition along the Atlantic coast of Africa -was, if we accept the account of Herodotus, that of the Phoenicians sent -out by Pharaoh Necho (_c._ 600 B.C.), who started from the Red Sea and -returned by the Pillars of Hercules and the Mediterranean.[59] Almost at -the same time (_c._ 570 B.C., according to Vivien de St. Martin's -estimate) the great Phoenician settlement of Carthage attempted in -reverse order a voyage of colonisation and discovery along the West of -the Continent outside the Straits. Eratosthenes refers to Phoenician (or -Carthaginian) settlements already existing on what is now the coast of -Marocco, both inside and outside the "Pillars;" this new expedition -under Hanno was intended to strengthen the old, as well as to found new -plantations. It is often compared with a similar venture, "to explore -the outer coasts of Europe," undertaken by Himilco, probably about the -same time.[60] - - [Footnote 59: Herod. ii, 158-9; iv, 42. These mariners took - three years on their voyage: landed, sowed crops, and lived on - the harvest during seasons unfavourable to navigation - (especially autumn); during part of their journey they were - astonished to find the sun on their right hand.] - - [Footnote 60: This is first noticed by Aristotle, "On - Marvellous Narratives," Sec. 37; by Mela, _De Situ Orbis_, iii, - 9; and by Pliny, _Natural History_, ii, 67, Sec. 167-170, and - elsewhere. The _Periplus_ of Himilco seems to have been worked - up by Avienus (_c._ 400 A.D.) in the first 400 lines of his - poem, "_De Ora Maritima_."] - -Hanno[61] sailed from Carthage, according to our authority, with sixty -penteconters, carrying 30,000(?) people, colonists and others, first to -Cerne,[62] which was as far distant from the Pillars of Hercules as the -Pillars were from Carthage. Then he ascended the river Chretes[63] to a -lake. Twelve days' voyage south of Cerne he passed a promontory with -lofty wooded hills,[64] and a little beyond this, a great estuary.[65] -Five days more to the south brought him to the Western Horn,[66] and on -the other side of this he coasted along a "fragrant shore," with -"streams of fire running down into the sea," and "fiery mountains, the -loftiest of which seemed to touch the clouds," and which he named[67] -"Chariot of the Gods."[68] Three days' sail beyond this was his furthest -point, the Southern Horn,[69] whence he returned directly to Carthage. - - [Footnote 61: One account of Hanno's voyage was preserved on a - Punic inscription in the temple of "Kronos," "Saturn," or - Moloch, at Carthage; the inscription was translated into Greek - by an unknown hand, probably about 300 B.C.; and this version - of the _Periplus_ still remains to us. See Pliny, _Hist. - Nat._, ii, 67; v, 1, 36; vi, 31; _Solinus_, 56; _Pomponius - Mela_, iii, 9. The first edition of the Greek text is by - Gelenius, Basel 1534; the best by C. Mueller, in _Geographi - Graeci Minores_. Cf. also an edition by Falconer, London, - 1797; an edition by Kluge, Leipsig, 1829; Rennell, _Geography - of Herodotus_, 719-745, 4to ed.; Bunbury, _Ancient Geography_, - i, 318-335; Walckenaer, _Recherches sur le Geographie de - l'Afrique_, p. 362, etc.; Vivien de St. Martin, _Le Nord de - l'Afrique dans l Antiquite_, pp. 330-400; Major, _Henry - Navigator_, 90, etc., 1868; Charton, _Voyageurs Anciens_, i, - 1-5, Ed. of 1882; Gossellin, _Recherches sur la Geographie des - Anciens_, i, pp. 70-106; A. Mer, _Memoire sur le Periple - d'Hannon_, 1885; Campomanes, _El Periplo de Hannone - illustrado_, appended to his _Antiquedad maritima de Cartago_ - (1756); Bougainville, _Acad. des Inscr. et Belles Lettres_, - xxvi, xxvii, and especially xxviii, p. 287.] - - [Footnote 62: Near Cape Non.] - - [Footnote 63: This can hardly be the Senegal and Lake Nguier, - as suggested by V. de St. Martin.] - - [Footnote 64: Cape Verde?] - - [Footnote 65: The Gambia?] - - [Footnote 66: Cabo dos Mastos?] - - [Footnote 67: Burton, with characteristic recklessness, - insists on the Camaroons Mt. as the Chariot of the Gods - ("Abeokuta and Camaroons Mt."); Fernando Po being another of - the "lofty fiery mountains" seen by Hanno at this point.] - - [Footnote 68: In the Sierra Leone range?] - - [Footnote 69: Near Sherboro' island?] - -It is very difficult to identify Hanno's positions, and this is not the -place to attempt a fresh investigation.[70] But the tradition of this -_Periplus_ having reached far beyond the Straits of Gibraltar--farther -than any venture of the earlier Middle Ages, or of the classical -period--may be regarded as reliable, and some position on the Sierra -Leone coast may provisionally be taken as its ultimate point of advance. - - [Footnote 70: Some (_e.g._, Gossellin) would refer the whole - group of localities here named to the extreme N.W. or Maroccan - coast of Africa. But the "lofty green headland," the Western - and Southern Horns, the Chariot of the Gods, the gorillas - captured by the seamen, hardly seem to allow of this - restriction. Ancient enterprise was far more satisfactory than - ancient observation, and the inaccuracies of the latter should - not make us deny the former. Here the initial measurement, of - the distance from Cerne to the Pillars as being equal to the - distance from the Pillars to Carthage, because the time - occupied in sailing was equal, seems not only too vague a - reckoning, but inaccurate as ignoring one great difference. - Inside the straits, Hanno's duty was simply to sail forward; - outside, he had to plant colonists at suitable spots,--along a - coast, moreover, not so well known as that of North Africa to - the Carthaginians.] - -The African voyages of Sataspes under Xerxes, and of Eudoxus of Cyzicus -under Ptolemy Euergetes II, cannot be regarded as of much importance. -Neither probably reached Cape Verde (even if we are to attach any belief -to their narratives). Sataspes[71] declared that his ship was stopped by -obstructions in the sea at a point where lived on the ocean shore a -people of small stature, clad in garments made of the palm-tree.[72] -This was "many months'" sail south of Cape Soloeis or Cantin, and may -stand for the neighbourhood of the Senegal, if it be not a mere -traveller's tale invented by Sataspes, as Herodotus seems to have -thought, to excuse his failure to the Great King. Eudoxus[73] claimed to -have sailed so far, first along the eastern and then, along the western, -coasts of Africa, that he practically circumnavigated the Continent; but -all the details with which we are favoured go to disprove his claim. For -instance, he implies that the Ethiopians reached by him on his farthest -point S.W. "adjoined Mauretania." On the eastern coast he picked up a -ship's prow from a vessel which he was told had been wrecked coming from -the westward, and which mariners of Alexandria identified as a ship of -Gades--a very unlikely story in the face of the currents on the East -African coast. - - [Footnote 71: _Herodotus_, iv, 43. Similar excuses were given, - _e.g._ (1) by Pytheas in the North Sea; (2) by Arab and - Christian mediaeval voyagers off Cape Non and Cape Bojador; (3) - by Arabs off Cape Corrientes (on the E. Coast of Africa).] - - [Footnote 72: They lived in towns, he adds, possessed cattle, - were of harmless and timid disposition, and fled to mountains - on the approach of the strangers.] - - [Footnote 73: _Posidonius_, in _Strabo_, ii, 3, Sec. 4. Eudoxus - made three voyages (see also Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii, 67, who - bases his statement, like Mela, iii, 9, on Cornelius Nepos); - in the first two he sailed to India and was driven to points - on the East African coast; on the third he attempted to sail - round Africa to India by the West, but evidently did not reach - any distance beyond S.W. Mauretania (near C. Non). His first - voyage must have been before B.C. 117 (_d._ of Ptolemy - Euergetes II, Physcon), his other two subsequent to that year. - The narrative of Eudoxus was exaggerated by Pliny and - Pomponius Mela into the story that the navigator had actually - accomplished, in his own person, the voyage round Africa from - the Red Sea to Gades; but his achievements may be limited - thus: Two voyages from Egypt to India; a short distance of - African coasting beyond Guardafui, probably not as far as - Zanzibar; a short distance on the west coast beyond the S.W. - coast of our Marocco, probably not beyond Cape Non, or at - furthest Cape Bojador.] - -According to Pliny,[74] Polybius the historian also made a -reconnaissance down the West coast of Africa, in the lifetime and under -the order of Scipio AEmilianus. He seems to have passed the termination -of the Atlas chain, but Pliny's language does not warrant us in going -any further.[75] He interweaves the great measurement of the Roman world -under Augustus by Agrippa, which is perhaps in part commemorated by the -Peutinger Table, and which evidently took into its view the Hesperian -Promontory,[76] and the Chariot of the Gods. Some have claimed for -Polybius a voyage as far as the latter point, but this, if understood in -the sense of Sierra Leone, is highly improbable. - - [Footnote 74: _Hist. Nat._, v, i.] - - [Footnote 75: The text here is very confused and difficult, - but the best editors give the following text for Pliny's - words: "He (Polybius) relates that beyond Atlas proceeding - west there are forests.... Agrippa says that Lixus is distant - from Gades 112 miles. From the Chariot of the Gods to the - Western Horn is 10 days' voyage, and midway in this space _he_ - (_i.e._, Agr., not Pol.) has placed Mt. Atlas."] - - [Footnote 76: Or Western Horn.] - -We must not here delay over classical attempts at African continental -exploration; but it will be right to notice briefly: That in the age of -Pliny, as shown by the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_ (_c._ 70 A.D.), -and in the age of Ptolemy, as shown in his _Geography_ (_c._ 139-162 -A.D.), the knowledge of the Graeco-Roman world was extended down the East -coast of Africa at least as far as Zanzibar and its neighbourhood, and -down the Western coast to Cape Soloeis, or Cape Cantin: That beyond -these points only vague ideas obtained, though occasional travellers had -ventured further: That in the interior of Africa only the North coast -region, viz., Egypt and the "Barbary States," were thoroughly well -known, though expeditions had at times crossed the Sahara, reached the -Sudan, and ascended the Nile to the marshes situate in 9 deg. N. lat.: -That, even if never seen or visited, at least something had been heard -of the African Alps in the neighbourhood of the Great Lakes, as well as -of those lakes themselves: That Ptolemy's work marks the highest point -of ancient knowledge in Africa, which began to decline from the age of -the Antonines: That it is not probable even Ptolemy had any definite -notions about the Niger, though his text names such a stream in West -Africa, and his Map lays it down in a position not very distant from our -Joliba: That it is clear he was conscious of the vast size of the -Continent in a way that none of his predecessors had grasped, while -utterly ignorant of its shape towards the South, so that he even denied -the primary fact of its practically insular form. - -Leaving to another section any notice of ancient exploration among the -African islands, it would also appear that Statius Sebosus, Juba, and -Marinus of Tyre all made contributions to the knowledge of West Africa. -These contributions are now only preserved in the allusions or -paraphrases of other authors; but it is clear that Sebosus, perhaps -identical with a Sebosus who was a friend of Catulus and a contemporary -of Sallust and Caesar, had made independent inquiries concerning the West -or Ocean coast of the Continent;[77] that Juba,[78] who made the Nile -rise in Western Mauretania, did similar work in the time of Augustus; -and that Marinus preserved some original records of Roman expeditions -which crossed the Great Desert,[79] apparently from Tripoli and Fezzan -to the neighbourhood of the Central Sudan States. - - [Footnote 77: He was also the alleged author of a _Periplus_, - and a treatise on the _Wonders of India_, but he is only known - by Pliny's quotations.] - - [Footnote 78: The younger, "King of Numidia."] - - [Footnote 79: Such as those of Julius Maternus and Septimius - Flaccus, which perhaps reached Lake Chad, probably in the time - of Trajan (98-117 A.D.), and of Cornelius Balbus under - Augustus (19 B.C.), which conquered the Garamantes of Fezzan.] - -As the Roman Empire broke up, geographical knowledge naturally suffered, -and Africa shared in this loss. But a considerable recovery was effected -through the work of the Arabs, to whom the Infant Henry owed much. - -Confining our attention to Continental exploration, we may remark among -other particulars: (1) That the Arab migration[80] to the East coast -beyond Guardafui in the eighth century began the extension of Moslem -trade-colonies, which at last reached Sofala. (2) That the coast near -Madagascar, as well as that island itself, seems to have been known to -the great Arab traveller and geographer Masudi ("Massoudy") in the tenth -century. (3) That the same writer considered the Atlantic or Western -Ocean unnavigable, but that even he preserves a record of one Arab -voyage thereon.[81] (4) That Edrisi, in the twelfth century, records -another voyage which touched the African mainland a good distance beyond -the Straits of Gibraltar.[82] (5) That Ibn Said, in the thirteenth -century, relates a discovery of Cape Blanco.[83] (6) That overland -communication between the Barbary States and the negroes of the Sudan -was originated by the Arabs, as a regular line of commerce, probably -from the eleventh century at least. - - [Footnote 80: This migration led to the foundation of - Magadoxo, 909-951, and of Kilwa, 960-1000; later on of - Malindi, Mombasa, and Sofala. See Krapf, _Travels and - Missionary Labours_, etc., p. 522; G. P. Badger, _Imams ... of - Oman_, p. xiii; El-Beladzory, _Futuh-el-Buldan_ (Ed. - Kosegarten), pp. 132-135. The immigrants came from the Red Sea - and Syria, according to Dr. Krapf, from Oman and the Persian - Gulf according to Badger (though Krapf admits a later Persian - element as well). This was the migration of the "Emosaids" - ('Ammu-Sa'id, or People of Sa'id?). They, in one tradition, - claimed to be the clan of Said, grandson of Ali; "a mythical - personage," according to Badger, who substitutes "Sa'id, - grandson of Julanda" the Azdite; the latter, in this 'Omani - migration, was accompanied by his brother Suleiman. The - traditional date is A.D. 740, and onwards.] - - [Footnote 81: Masudi, ch. 12 of the _Meadows of Gold_. The - adventurer was Khosh-Khash, the "young man of Cordova," who - returned with great riches, from Guinea (?).] - - [Footnote 82: See the section of this Introduction upon the - Atlantic Islands, pp. lxxv-lxxvii. Edrisi's Maghrurin or - Wanderers probably sailed from and returned to Lisbon before - 1147, the date of the final Christian capture of that city, - and touched the African mainland at a point over against - Madeira.] - - [Footnote 83: By one Ibn Fatimah, who was wrecked at Wad-Nun, - a little North of Cape Non, put off in a sloop with some - sailors, and at last came to a glittering white headland, from - which they were warned off by some Berbers. They learned - afterwards that it was one mass of deadly serpents. Thence - turning North they landed and went inland to the salt market - of Tagazza, and finally returned home.] - -This last point is one which requires special consideration. By sea the -Arabs did scarcely anything to prepare the way for the Christian -discoveries of the fifteenth century in Africa (except along the Eastern -coast), but by land they were the most important helpers and informants -of Prince Henry.[84] Islam effected the conquest of the Barbary States, -politically in the seventh century, dogmatically in the course of about -200 years after the days of Tarik and Musa. By the end of the eleventh -century the faith of Mohammed had begun to spread and take deep root in -the Sudan,[85] having already made its way into many parts of the -Sahara. With the Moslem faith came the Moslem civilisation. The caravan -trade across the desert now commenced between Negroland and the -Mediterranean; "Timbuktu" was founded by Moslems, probably drawn in -large measure from the Tuareg, in about 1077-1100; and the Central Sudan -States, from Sokoto to Darfur and Kordofan, passed under Mohammedan -influence between A.D. 1000 and 1250. With the fresh migration of Nomad -Arabs which seems to have taken place about A.D. 1050, from Upper Egypt -to West Africa, a distinct advance of Islam in Central Africa is to be -noticed by way of Kanem, Bornu, Sokoto, and the Niger Valley; this new -wave reached Jenne, Ghine, or "Guinea", on the Upper Valley of the -Niger. - - [Footnote 84: Cf. what is said about Prince Henry's - correspondent, the merchant at Oran, p. xxvi of this - Introduction.] - - [Footnote 85: Various early Arab MSS., lately found by the - French in Tombuttu ("Timbuktu"), especially the - _Tarik-es-Sudan_ of "Abderrahman ben Amr-Sadi-Tombukkti," - according to Felix Dubois (_Tombouctou la Mysterieuse_), - supply important rectifications of the standard accounts here; - _e.g._ (1) Islam is found in the Western Sudan from the close - of the ninth century. (2) The Songhay were converted in 1010; - were for a time subject to the Kings of Melli; but gained - freedom in 1355. (3) The Songhay took Timbuktu in 1469; and - from this date, for more than a century, dominated all the - West and Central Sudan from their capital at Gao. (4) Jenne, - on the Upper Niger, was the furthest point westward of the - original Songhay migration from Nubia. It was founded in 765; - was converted to Islam in 1050, but "Pagan idols" were not - completely rooted out till 1475. (5) Jenne was, in the Middle - Ages, the greatest emporium of the Western Sudan, far - outshining Timbuktu, which owed its foundation in part to - Jenne. (6) Jenne was also a chief centre of Sudanese Islam. - Its great Mosque, built in the eleventh century, partially - destroyed in 1830, was the finest in all Negroland. (7) Its - control of the salt and gold trade, as well as of most other - branches of Sudanese merchandise, was such that it gave the - name of Guinea to a vast region of West Africa, especially - along the coast. (8) But Timbuktu, geographically, stood - between Jenne and Barbary, and so between Jenne and Europe, - and prevented Jenne from becoming famous in Christendom. (9) - Jenne was connected primarily with a migration from East to - West; Timbuktu, with a migration from North to South. (10) - Timbuktu was founded [alpha] by the Tuareg, who owed their new - energy in part to Moslem migrations from Spain, _c._ 1100 - (1077 according to some authorities); [beta], by merchants from - Jenne, who made it an emporium in the twelfth century. (11) In - the twelfth century, Walata, or Gana, in the great bend of the - Niger [? dominated by Jenne] was the most prosperous - commercial district of West Soudan; but in the thirteenth - century the conquests of the Kings of Melli [placed by these - authorities west-south-west of Timbuktu, to the north of the - Upper Niger] disturbed the old trade-routes, and diverted - commerce to Timbuktu; which, however, was never itself very - populous, and served chiefly as a place of passage and - commercial rendezvous. (12) From 1330 to 1434 the Kings of - Melli were usually masters of Timbuktu, where they built a - pyramid minaret for the chief mosque; but at least during some - years of the fourteenth century, Timbuktu was conquered by an - invasion from Mossi. (13) From 1434 to 1469, the Tuareg - regained possession of Timbuktu, and drove out the Melinki; - but in 1469 the Songhay took the town, and held it for more - than 100 years. (14) In the fourteenth century the Kings of - Melli built a great palace in Timbuktu, which did not - disappear till the sixteenth century. (15) From the fourteenth - century Timbuktu was the intellectual capital of the Sudan. - This was due to the Spanish-Moorish influence. (16) The patron - saint and doctor of Timbuktu, Sidi Yahia, was practically - contemporary (1373-1462) with Prince Henry the Navigator. (17) - The town of Kuku, Kuka or Kokia, in the W. Sudan, mentioned by - mediaeval Moslem travellers, was probably either a city on or - near the Niger, immediately south of Gao, the Songhay capital; - or else Gao itself, which is sometimes called Kuku or Gogo. - Even this place was conquered by Melli, in the fourteenth - century, which thus dominated part of the Central Sudan. The - ruins of the great mosque at Gao still commemorate Kunkur - Musa, King of Melli, who built this house of prayer on his - return from the Mecca pilgrimage, about 1325. See - _Tarik-es-Sudan_, composed about 1656, and giving a history of - the Sudan down to that year: the fragments remaining of the - _Fatassi_ of Mahmadu-Koti (1460-1554); _Nil-el-Ibtihaj - bitatriz el-dibaj_, or Supplement to the Biographical - Dictionary of Ibn-Ferhun by Ahmed Baba, 1556-1627.] - -Even earlier than this a movement seems to have been in progress from -the opposite direction--first south along the west coast, and then east -up the valley of the Senegal and similar inlets. The tradition preserved -by John Pory[86] is approved by the most recent research--at least in -its general conclusions. The Moslems "pierced into" the Sahara in, or a -little after, 710, and "overthrew the Azanegue, and the people of -Walata;" in "the year 973 (others say about 950) they infected the -negroes and first those of Melli." During the ninth century, Islam made -progress among the Sahara tribes, and the influence of this faith -promoted intercourse between the desert tribes and the great commercial -centres of the North African coast--a movement which was furthered by -the Almoravide revival of the eleventh, and the Almohade of the twelfth, -century. The former started from a reformed Moslem "community," settled -on an island at the mouth of the Senegal--in other words, it shows Islam -already finding centres for recovery and expansion in Negroland, -exploring the Sudan from the north and west, creeping along the Atlantic -Ocean, and spreading from the neighbourhood of Cape Verde into the -interior of the populous land to the south of the Great Desert. - - [Footnote 86: In his "Summary Discourse of the Manifold - Religions in Africa," printed at the end of the Hakluyt - Society's Edition of Pory's (1600) Translation of _Leo - Africanus_, vol. iii, especially pp. 1018-1021.] - -Here we may notice that Edrisi takes a point called Ulil as his -starting-place in reckoning measurements, and especially longitudes, in -the Sudan. This Ulil is fixed by all our authorities as close to the -sea, in the centre of a salt-producing district; and it may be supposed -to have been in the neighbourhood of the Senegal estuary.[87] To the -east, Ulil bordered on Gana, Ghanah, Guinoa, Geneoa, or "Guinea," which, -at least in name, was the first objective of Prince Henry's expeditions, -and was famous for its slave export, and its money of "uncoined -gold."[88] The name of the country was probably derived from its chief -city of Jenne, variously described by Leo Africanus, in the sixteenth -century, as a large village; by the earlier geographers--especially -Edrisi in the twelfth century, and Ibn-Batuta in the fourteenth--as a -spacious and well-built city on an island in the Niger, lying west from -Timbuktu. - - [Footnote 87: See Edrisi, Climate I, Sec. i; Wappaues, _Heinrich - der Seefahrer_, pp. 65, etc.] - - [Footnote 88: Similar language is used by Abulfeda, who calls - it the seat of the King of Gana (whither come the western - merchants of Segelmesa), situate on a Nile, twin-brother of - the Egyptian, which flows into the Ocean; also by - Ibn-al-Wardi, who calls Ghanah city one of the greatest in the - land of the Blacks, placed on both sides of the Negro Nile, - and resorted to for gold by merchants, twelve days' journey - from Segelmesa. Edrisi (Climate I, section ii; ed. Jaubert, i, - 16-18; also see i, 11, 13, 15, 19-20, 23, 106, 109, 173-4, - 206, 272) is the most specific of all. "Ghanah the Great, made - up of two towns on the banks of a sweet-water river ... the - most populous and commercial city in Negroland. Merchants come - there from all surrounding countries, and from the extremities - of the West ... it was built in A.H. 510" (= A.D. 1116) (see - also Leo Africanus, Hakluyt Soc. ed., pp. 124, 128, 822, - 840).] - -Between Ghanah or Jenne, and Ulil, according to some writers, lay the -kingdom of Tokrur, while Andagost was on the northern boundary of Ghanah -close to the Sahara. All these were Moslem states like Melli or Malli -(W.S.W. from Timbuktu), and carried on trade with Barbary across the -desert long before the days of Prince Henry. One of the earliest -important converts to Islam in the Sudan was Sa-Ka-ssi, of the dynasty -of Sa in the Songhay country on the Middle Niger (_c._ A.D. 1009-1010). -From this time the states on the Middle Niger became a centre of -Mohammedan influence, especially after the foundation of Timbuktu about -1077. When Ibn-Batuta visited these parts in 1330, he found the negroes -of the Niger full of Moslem devotion, enjoying a commerce with -Mediterranean Africa, and mostly acknowledging the lead of Melli, which -kingdom, according to him, had been founded in the early thirteenth -century by the Mandingo.[89] - - [Footnote 89: See Ibn-Batuta (Defremery and Sanguinetti), iv, - 395, 421-2; also Oppel, _Die religioese Verhaeltnisse von - Afrika_, Zeitschrift of Berlin Geog. Soc., xxii, 1887.] - -Among the Lake Chad States progress was also made in the eleventh -century. The first Moslem Sultan of Bornu (Hami ibnu-l-Jalil) is -recorded about 1050;[90] and a similar conversion happened in Kanem -about the same time. This latter kingdom was then more important than -now, and dominated much even of the Egyptian Sudan. Hence in the -fourteenth century Islam obtained a strong footing in Darfur, as it had -already in Baghirmi and Wadai.[91] Already in the twelfth century, -Kordofan and the extreme east of the Sudan had been partially Moslemised -by Arabs from Egypt, who had come south after the fall of the Fatimite -Caliphs. - - [Footnote 90: See Otto Blau, _Chronik von Bornu_, p. 322, Z. - D. M. G., vi, 1852.] - - [Footnote 91: The more complete Islamising of Wadai, Darfur, - and Baghirmi did not take place till the sixteenth and - seventeenth centuries. See Slatin Pasha, _Fire and Sword in - Soudan_, pp. 38-42; T. W. Arnold, _Preaching of Islam_, chs. - iv, xi.] - -Along the eastern coast, in spite of the early spread of Moslem -settlements from Magadoxo southward, Islam was very slow in penetrating -the interior. Here the Arabs chiefly devoted themselves to maritime -commerce, and for a long time their intercourse with the inland tribes -was not of a kind to open up the country. Caravans with slaves and -natural products came down to the coast towns, but the merchants of the -latter seem to have been content with waiting and receiving. But on this -side of Africa was a Christian kingdom, which was now--in Prince Henry's -days--becoming more familiar to Europe: Abyssinia, the kingdom of -Prester John, as the Portuguese of later time identified it. The -original seat of the Priest-King, as described (chiefly from Nestorian -information) by Carpini, Rubruquis, Marco Polo, and other Asiatic -travellers of the thirteenth century, was in Central Asia, but the -Abyssinian state offered so close a parallel, that it was naturally -recognised by many as the true realm of Prester John, when the first -clear accounts of it came into Mediaeval Europe. The Asiatic prototype, -moreover, was only temporary; it had apparently ceased to exist in the -time of Polo himself, who spread its fame so widely; whereas its -Abyssinian rival was both permanent and ancient enough to be noticed in -pre-Crusading and even in pre-Mediaeval literature. As the Renaissance -movement progressed in Europe, learned men of the West gained from their -reading an ever clearer realisation of this isolated Christianity of the -East; and, as the trade of the later Middle Ages spread itself more -widely, the Venetians seem to have made their way to the Court of the -Negus, even before John II of Portugal sent Covilham and Payva (1486) to -find the Prester. Probably the beginnings of this Italian intercourse -with Abyssinia may be placed as far back as the lifetime of Prince Henry -(_c._ 1450). - -The Christianity of Nubia, which dated from the fourth century like that -of Abyssinia itself, was still vigorous in the twelfth,[92] but from -that time it began to fail before the incessant and determined pressure -of Islam. Ibn-Batuta,[93] about 1330-40, found that the King of Dongola -had just become a Moslem. Father Alvarez, in 1520-7, considered that the -Nubian Christianity which had once extended up the Nile from the first -Cataract to Sennaar had become extinct; though he would not allow that -the mass of the Nubians had adopted any other religion in its place;[94] -and himself, he tells us, had met a Christian who, in travelling through -Nubia, had seen 150 churches.[95] But, in the course of the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries, all Nubia embraced Islam; and even in 1534, -Ahmad Gragne, King of Adel, in one of his attacks upon Abyssinia, is -said to have had 15,000 Nubian allies, apparently all Mohammedans.[96] - - [Footnote 92: Edrisi, Climate I, section iv; vol. i, p. 35 - (Jaubert). See Duchesne, _Eglises Separees_.] - - [Footnote 93: _Ibn-Batuta_, iv, 396. (Defremery and - Sanguinetti).] - - [Footnote 94: See _Alvarez_, Hakl. Soc. Edition, p. 352.] - - [Footnote 95: Ruins?] - - [Footnote 96: See Nerazzini, _Musulman Conquest of Ethiopia_, - Rome 1891. (Ital. Transl. from Arab MS.).] - -In Prince Henry's day, then, we may fairly assume that the old -Christianity of East Africa was practically limited to Abyssinia; but -when Azurara tells us of the Infant's desire "to know if there were in -those parts[97] any Christian Princes,"[98] and again more explicitly, -"to have knowledge of the land of Prester John,"[99] it is possible that -some dim acquaintance with the old tradition of an isolated African (as -well as of an isolated Asiatic) Church, was at the root of his -endeavour. - - [Footnote 97: Africa.] - - [Footnote 98: _Azurara_, c. vii.] - - [Footnote 99: _Ibid._, c. xvii.] - -At the end of the twelfth century, Islam had already begun to encroach -upon the coast of what is now Italian "Erythraea;" and about 1300 A.D. a -Musulman army attacked the ruler of Amhara. At this time the realm of -the Negus seems to have been completely cut off from the Red Sea;[100] -but it was not till the early sixteenth century that Abyssinia was in -serious danger of becoming a province of Islam, from the attacks of -Ahmad Gragne (1528-1543), which, however, ended in complete failure. - - [Footnote 100: See Maqr[=i]z[=i], _Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de - l'Egypte_, Quatremere, 1837-45, t. ii, Pt. 11, p. 183.] - -To return to the North coast of Africa. Here, by the capture of Ceuta, -Prince Henry gained a starting-point for his work; here he is said -(probably with truth) to have gained his earliest knowledge of the -interior of Africa; here especially he was brought in contact with those -Sudan and Saharan caravans which, coming down to the Mediterranean -coast, brought news, to those who sought it, of the Senegal and Niger, -of the Negro kingdoms beyond the desert, and particularly of the Gold -land of "Guinea." Here also, from a knowledge thus acquired, he was able -to form a more correct judgment of the course needed for the rounding or -circumnavigation of Africa, of the time, expense, and toil necessary for -that task, and of the probable support or hindrance his mariners were to -look for on their route. - -We must, however, qualify in passing the statements of Azurara, in ch. -vii, which would imply that Christianity had for ages been utterly -extinct in North Africa. "As it was said that the power of the Moors in -... Africa was ... greater than commonly supposed, and that there were -no Christians among them." "During the one-and-thirty years that he had -warred against the Moors, he had never found a Christian King nor a lord -outside this land,[101] who for the love of ... Christ would aid -him."[102] The old North African Church, though constantly declining, -survived the Musulman Conquest of the seventh and eighth centuries for -nearly 800 years. True, its episcopate, which could still muster 30 -members in the tenth century, was practically extinct by the time of -Hildebrand[103] (Pope Gregory VII), and in 1246 the Franciscan -missionary bishop of Fez and Morocco was the only Christian prelate in -"Barbary"; but a number of native Christians still lingered on, though -without Apostolic succession. In 1159, the Almohade conqueror, Abdu-'l -Mu'min ben Ali, on subduing Tunis, compelled many of these to change -their faith; but all through the next centuries, down to 1535, a certain -number of Tunisians preserved their ancient religion so far that, when -Charles V gained possession of the city in the above-named year (1535), -he congratulated these perseverants on their steadfastness. The same -fact is evidenced by the tolerant behaviour, as a rule, of the Mediaeval -Barbary States towards Christians, both native and European. - - [Footnote 101: Portugal.] - - [Footnote 102: To find such a "Christian Lord" in the person - of Prester John was said to have been one of the chief objects - of D. Pedro's travels. This object Pedro avowed in Cairo; and - with this, among other aims, he visited not only Egypt but - Sinai and the Red Sea (see Martins, _Os Filhos_, pp. 83, 97, - 121-2, etc., and pp. xvii-xviii of this volume).] - - [Footnote 103: In 1076, the Church of Barbary could not - provide three bishops to consecrate a new member of the - Episcopate, and Gregory VII named two bishops to co-operate - with the Archbishop of Carthage (See Migne, _Pat. Lat._, - cxlviii, p. 449; Mas Latrie, _Relations de l'Afrique - septentrionale avec les Nations chretiennes au Moyen Age_, p. - 226). In 1053, Leo IX declared that only five bishops could be - found in North Africa (Migne, _P. L._, cxliii, p. 728). On the - thirty bishops of the tenth century, see Mas Latrie, _Ibid._ - pp. 27-8. It is curious to find Gregory II, in _c._ 730, - forbidding St. Boniface of Mainz to admit emigrants from North - Africa to Holy Orders without inquiry (Migne, _P. L._, lxxxix, - p. 502)--a remarkable proof of mediaeval emigration.] - -Thus they employ Christian soldiers, among others; grant freedom of -worship to Christian merchants and settlers; and exchange letters with -various Popes, especially Gregory VII, Gregory IX, Innocent III, and -Innocent IV, on the subject of the due protection of native -Christians.[104] Traces of Christianity were to be found among the -Kabyles of Algeria down to the time of the capture of Granada (1492), -when a fresh influx of Andalusian Moors from Spain completed the -conversion of these tribes,[105]--a conversion which, as Leo Africanus -notices, was not inconsistent with some survivals of Christian custom. -Similar survivals have been alleged among the Tuareg of the Sahara, the -"Christians of the Desert" at the present day. - - [Footnote 104: See Mas Latrie, _Afrique Septentrionale_, - _passim_, and especially pp. 61-2, 192, 266-7, 273.] - - [Footnote 105: See C. Trumelet, _Les Saints de l'Islam_ - (1881), pp. xxviii-xxxvi. In this connection we may notice one - or two other traces of intercourse between the Moslems of - Granada and those of Africa, _e.g._ (1) Ibn-Batuta's mention - of the tomb of the poet Abu Ishak es Sahili, born in Granada, - died and buried in Timbuktu, 1346. (2) Leo Africanus' notice - of the stone mosque and palace in Timbuktu, the work of an - architect from Granada in the fifteenth century. On Timbuktu, - see Ibn Batuta (Def. and San.), iv, 395, 426, 430-2; Leo Afr. - (Hakluyt Soc.), 4, 124, 128, 133-4, 146, 173, 255, 306, 798, - 820, 822-4, 842.] - -Two practical questions arise for our special purpose from this summary -of the mediaeval progress and fifteenth-century status of Islam in -Africa. These questions have been partly answered already, but we may -here re-state them to generalise our conclusions. 1. What information -was the Infant able to gain from the "Moors" for his own plans? and 2. -Was this "Moorish" information so valuable as to account, in any great -degree, for the Prince's perseverance and success in his task? - -To the former query it may be replied: 1. That the "Arabs and Moors" of -the early fifteenth century could give the Infant detailed and correct -information, not only about the Barbary states and the trade-routes of -the Sahara, but also about many of the Western and Central Sudan -countries, and about the general course and direction of the "Guinea -coast" both to the west and south of the great African hump. Especially -could they describe the kingdom of Guinea, centreing round the town of -Jenne on the Upper Niger, which was the chief market of their Negro -trade in slaves, gold, and ivory. This kingdom, then, reached almost to -the Atlantic on the lower valley of the Senegal, where in earlier times -a place called Ulil had been marked by Edrisi and other Arab -geographers, as independent of Ghanah but important for traffic. Also, -the Moors were acquainted with the country of Tokrur,[106] which may be -supposed to occupy the upper valley of the Senegal, becoming perhaps, in -Prince Henry's time, merely a province of Guinea. Further, they could -give much information about the States of Timbuktu and Melli, to the -east of Guinea, on the Middle Niger, about the gold land of Wangara, in -the great bend to the south of that river, and about the Songhay, -afterwards so powerful, whose capital was at Gao, at the extreme N.E. -angle of the Negro Nile, or Joliba. The Arab travellers and writers seem -generally to have made but one river out of the Senegal, the Niger, -Joliba, or Quorra, and the Benue or "river of Haussa." - - [Footnote 106: But in one view Tokrur is merely a generic name - for the Sudan and Sudanese, and is only by mistake converted - into a definite kingdom by Arab writers of second-rate - authority.] - -De Barros explicitly states that the Moors told Prince Henry how on the -other side of the Great Desert lived the Azanegues, who bordered on the -Jaloff negroes, where began the kingdom of Guinea, or Guinanha. From -other sources we know, as already stated, that the Infant obtained from -the same informants[107] definite descriptions of the Senegal estuary, -its "tall palms," and other landmarks. For here, rather than at any -point more to the south, was the Guinea coast proper of the fifteenth -century; though in the Bull of Pope Nicholas V, granting to Portugal -(1454) all the lands that should be discovered "from the Cape of Bojador -and of Nun throughout the whole of Guinea, as far as its _Southern -shore_, or even to the Antarctic Pole and the Indies," our modern -extension of the term is virtually admitted. - - [Footnote 107: From the same he may have heard the tradition - of Bakui's voyage in 1403, from the Maroccan coast to about - the latitude of the Bight of Arguim, a parallel adventure to - Ibn Fatimah's. See above, p. xliv.] - -2. And, in the second place, granting what has just been said, it is -obvious that the Moorish information was important enough to have very -considerable influence on the Infant's plans, and especially to furnish -him with hopes of success, and reasons for perseverance in the face of -opposition and repeated failure. - -Our materials for the Prince's life are so inadequate that we can hardly -decide, from the silence of our authorities, that he was entirely -ignorant, even at second hand, of all that the Arab geographers or -travellers had written about Africa. Especially is this the case with -Edrisi (1099-1154), whose work was composed in the Christian kingdom of -Sicily, and owed much to Christian writers. And perhaps the same hope -applies to Ibn-Batuta (_fl._ 1330), who, living at a time so near to the -epoch of the Prince's voyages, had revealed the Western Sudan to the -Moslem world--and so to any Christians conversant with Moslem trade and -enterprise--far more thoroughly than ever before. These are only two -examples among those Moslem geographers, whose work may have been -brought to the Infant's notice during his visits to Ceuta. - - * * * * * - -We have now to see what progress had been made by Christian nations in -the exploration of Africa immediately before Prince Henry's time. The -Crusades were not merely expeditions to recover the Holy Sepulchre: they -were the outward sign of the great mediaeval awakening of Europe and -Christendom, which, beginning in the eleventh century, has never -slumbered since, and which, in the Infant's days, was passing through -that great transition we call the Renaissance. On the geographical side -this movement took first of all the direction of land travel, and -achieved such great discoveries in Asia that a new desire for wealth and -commercial expansion was kindled in Europe, with the special object of -controlling the Asiatic treasures which Marco Polo and others had -described. Islam, however, interposed a troublesome barrier between -Central Asia, India and China on the one side, and European trade or -dominion on the other. Hence, from the thirteenth century, we find a new -series of attempts to reach the Far East by sea from the Atlantic and -Mediterranean coasts. It was not till the last years of Prince Henry's -life that any serious attempts were made to explore the interior of -Africa, but expeditions along its shores were sent out long before his -time to reconnoitre for a sea-route to India.[108] We have already -remarked that the Infant represents in his own life-work the leading -transition in this movement, from a tentative, impermanent, and -unorganised series of efforts, to a continuous, properly directed, and -successful plan; but some notice must be taken of those ventures which -immediately prepared his way. Leaving out of sight, for another section -as far as possible, the voyages which are concerned only with the -Atlantic islands, or aim in a rudimentary way at finding a Western route -to Asia, it is possible to mention several genuine attempts to -anticipate the Portuguese along the Eastern or African mainland course. - - [Footnote 108: Raymond Lulli ["of Lull"] is thought by some to - have made the first definite suggestion of this route in the - central mediaeval period. This "doctor illuminatus" was born at - Palma in Majorca, 1235, became a Franciscan Tertiary in 1266, - and died 1315. We may perhaps connect him with the very early - school of portolano-draughtsmanship in the Balearics. See Map - section of this Introduction.] - -The first of these, as far as known, is the voyage of Lancelot -Malocello, of Genoa, in 1270. There is no proof that he started, like -the adventurers of 1291, to find the ports of India: it is probable his -ambitions were more modest; but we do not know how far he reached along -the African mainland--only that he touched the Canaries, and staying -there some time built a castle in Lancarote[109] island. - - [Footnote 109: = Lancelote? See pp. lxxviii-lxxix.] - -The next venture in this direction is also Genoese. In May, 1291,[110] -Tedisio Doria and Ugolino de Vivaldo, with the latter's brother and -certain other citizens of Genoa, equipped two galleys "that they might -go by sea to[wards] the ports of India and bring back useful things for -trade." But "after they had passed a place called Gozora,[111] nothing -more certain has been heard of them." This is confirmed by Pietro -d'Abano, writing in 1312; but in the fifteenth century one of Prince -Henry's captains, the Genoese colleague of Cadamosto, Antoniotto -Ususmaris or Uso di Mare, professed to give some more details. On -December 12th, 1455, he wrote his creditors a letter, in which he -stated[112] that the two galleys of "Vadinus and Guido Vivaldi," leaving -Genoa in 1281 "for the Indies," reached the "Sea of Ghinoia," where one -ship was stranded, but the other sailed on to a city of Ethiopia called -Menam, where lived Christian subjects of Prester John, who held them -captive. None ever returned, but Uso di Mare himself spoke with the last -surviving descendant of those Genoese.[113] Menam, he concludes, was on -the sea coast, near the river Gihon.[114] - - [Footnote 110: According to some authorities, 1281. See - Giustiniani, _Castigatissimi Annali di Genova_, 1537, fol. - cxi, verso. Giustiniani refers to Francesco Stabili, otherwise - Cecco d'Ascoli, in his Commentary on the _De Sphaera Mundi_ of - Sacrobosco (John of Holywood, in Yorks, _c._ A.D. 1225). The - year 1291 corresponds with the fall of Acre, and the - consequent embarrassment of the Syrian overland routes to - Inner Asia.] - - [Footnote 111: At or near Cape Non, which, on the Pizzigani - Map of 1367, is marked "Caput Finis Gozole."] - - [Footnote 112: This statement, it has been conjectured, was - intended for use in a "forthcoming globe or map." Uso di - Mare's statement was first noticed by Graeberg af Hemsoe. See - Peschel, _Erdkunde_, p. 179 (Ed. of 1865); Major, _Henry - Navigator_, 99-106 (Ed. of 1868), P. Amat di S. Filippo, - _Studi biografici_, etc. (Ed. of 1882), i, p. 77, for recent - studies on the general question of the Genoese Voyage of 1291, - and Uso di Mare's letter. The earliest modern notice of the - account of this voyage in the Public Annals of Genoa was by G. - H. Pertz, in his memoir, "Der aelteste Versuch zur Entdeckung - des Seewegs nach Ostindien", offered to the Royal Academy of - Sciences at Munich, March 28th, 1859 (_Festschrift_, Berlin, - 1859). The Genoese Annals referred to are a continuation of - the Chronicles of Caffaro. Muratori has printed an abstract of - the narrative. See also Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_ (1897), pp. - 114, 116; _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (d'Avezac), vol. - cviii, p. 47.] - - [Footnote 113: In 1455?] - - [Footnote 114: Nile.] - -It is difficult to attach great weight to Uso di Mare's letter, which -looks like an attempt to amuse his creditors with interesting -adventures; but the voyage of 1291, with or without the survival of -1455, is sufficiently remarkable. It is the first direct attempt of -Europeans in the Middle Ages to find a sea-route to India around Africa; -its far-reaching design contrasts forcibly with the more modest projects -of nearly all similar attempts before Prince Henry's time, and it is not -improbable that some of its work survived, though officially -unrecognised.[115] - - [Footnote 115: Thus it has been pointed out that two of - Tedisio Doria's galleys were registered in a legal document of - 1291, under the names of St. Antonio and Allegrancia, and that - the name Allegranza, applied for some time to one of the - Canaries, was perhaps derived from this ship. Either from this - or from Malocello's venture of 1270, the islands of Lancarote - and Maloxelo in the same group probably took their names. - Lancarote was marked with the red cross of Genoa on most - Portolani down to a late period of the sixteenth century.] - -The Hispano-Italian voyage of 1341 appears to have been solely occupied -with the exploration of the Canaries, which were now becoming pretty -well known, and we leave over any further notice of this for the -present; but the Catalan expedition of 1346 was to some extent similar, -both in object and method, to the Genoese expedition of 1291. "The ship -of Jayme Ferrer," according to the Catalan Mappemonde of 1375, "started -for the River of Gold[116] on St. Lawrence's Day, 1346."[117] To the -same effect the Genoese archives[118] assert "On the Feast of St. -Lawrence there went forth from the city of the Majorcans one galley of -John Ferne the Catalan, with intent to go to Rujaura.[119] Of the same -nothing has since been heard."[120] And on the Map of 1375 already -noticed, upon the third sheet, is depicted off Cape Bojador the -picture[121] of the ship in question adjoining the legend above-quoted. -We may notice, however, that Guinea, the gold land of Africa, and not -India, was the objective of this voyage--although Guinea was the first -step on the African route to India--and that the venture, as Major says, -was apparently designed only for the discovery of the supposed Negro -river in which gold was collected: a guess of Mediterranean -merchants[122] from the information of Moorish middlemen. - - [Footnote 116: _I.e._, Guinea.] - - [Footnote 117: 10th August.] - - [Footnote 118: See Papers presented to Archives of Genoa by - Federico Federici, 1660. Reference discovered by Graeberg af - Hemsoe.] - - [Footnote 119: The River of Gold.] - - [Footnote 120: Yet, proceeds this record, the "river [of gold] - is a league wide and deep enough for the largest ship. This is - the Cape of the end ... of W. Africa."] - - [Footnote 121: Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, p. 114 (1897), gives - a confirmation from experience. "There is hardly any doubt - that the ship-drawing on the Atlas Catalan is in the main - correct.... Even in my time, Norwegians went out fishing on - Spitzbergen in large undecked boats, somewhat like that of - Ferrer."] - - [Footnote 122: Such as dealt in Guinea products, especially - malaguette pepper, at Nismes, Marseilles, and Montpellier.] - -Beginning with the year 1364, the French also claimed to have made -important advances along the African coast route. The men of Dieppe, it -is said, repeatedly sailed beyond Cape Verde, and even Sierra Leone, and -founded settlements on what was afterwards called the La Mina -coast.[123] These stations, called Petit Paris, Petit Dieppe, etc., -lasted till 1410, when home troubles caused their abandonment,[124] like -the temporary evacuation of the French Ivory Coast Settlements after -1870; but during the forty or fifty years of their existence, they -carried on a regular trade with the Norman ports. - - [Footnote 123: "The Mine" of Hakluyt and early English - geographers.] - - [Footnote 124: See the MS. edited by Margry, and given in - Major's Introduction to his _Life of Henry the Navigator_; the - _Short History of the Navigation of Jean Prunaut of Rouen_; - also _La Relation des Costes d'Afrique appelees Guinees_, by - Sieur Villaut de Bellefond, Paris, 1669; L. Estancelin, - _Recherches sur les voyages des navigateurs normands_, 1832; - Pere Labat, _Nouvelle relation de l'Afrique Occidentale_, - 1728; Pierre Margry, _Les Navigations Francaises du XIVme. - au XVIme. siecle_, 1867. The French claim is fully admitted - by Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 115-6 (1847), but of course - vigorously denied by the Portuguese, whom Major - supports.--_Henry Navigator_, Introduction, pp. xxiv-li, and - text, pp. 117-133.] - -This tradition admits that it has lost its proofs in the destruction of -the Admiralty Registers at Dieppe in 1694, but it is possible that some -articles[125] may be discovered dating from this early commerce, which -can supply fresh evidence. In itself, the Dieppese story is not -impossible, and we shall see in another section, from the witness of the -Map of 1351 and other portolanos, how plausible it appears, together -with still greater ventures. But as things at present stand, it must be -considered as a "thing not proven."[126] - - [Footnote 125: Especially some of the ivory carvings said to - have been made from spoils of this fourteenth-century trade.] - - [Footnote 126: The "short history" of Prunaut's navigation - assigns September, 1364, for the start of the first voyage; - makes the sailors reach "Ovideg" at Christmas ("Ovidech" in - Barros, _Decade I_, occurs as a native name for the Senegal); - and tells us the anchorage was at C. "Bugiador," in "Guinoye." - The blacks, called Jaloffs or Giloffs, had never seen white - men before. Small presents were exchanged for "morphi" or - ivory, skins, etc. Next year (?) Prunaut (called "Messire Jean - of Rouen" throughout), returned with four ships and acquired - land from the natives. Here he built houses for wares and - habitation, and proposed to his men to settle there - permanently. They agreed, but quarrels prevented the - foundation of the colony. In September, 1379, Prunaut sailed - again to Guinea with a very fine ship, _Notre Dame de bon - Voyage_, but lost many men from sickness; he himself returned - after Easter, 1380, with much gold. After this Prunaut was - made a captain in the French navy. Next year (1381) the _Notre - Dame_ again went out with the _St. Nicholas_ and - _L'Esperance_, of Dieppe and Rouen. The first-named cast - anchor at La Mine, where Prunaut built a chapel, a castle, a - fortalice, and a square house, on a hill called the "Land of - the Prunauts." Near this were Petit Dieppe, Petit Rouen, Petit - Paris, Petit Germentrouville; French forts were also built at - Cormentin and Acra. But from 1410 all this prosperity decayed; - in eleven years only two ships went to the gold coast, and one - to the Grande Siest; and soon after the wars in France - destroyed this commerce altogether. - - Villaut de Bellesfond, Estancelin, and Labat, narrate the same - incidents as follows: Charles V encouraged commerce, so in - November, 1364, the Dieppese fitted out two ships, of 100 tons - each, for the Canaries. About Christmas they reached C. Verde, - and anchored before Rio Fresco, which in 1669 was still called - "Baie de France." Afterwards they went on to a place they - called "Petit Dieppe," and the Portuguese "Rio Sestos," beyond - Sierra Leone; for objects of small value they gained gold, - ivory, and pepper; returning in 1365 they realised great - wealth; and in September of the same year the merchants of - Rouen joined with those of Dieppe to fit out four ships, two - for trade between Cape Verde and Petit Dieppe, the other two - for exploration of the coast beyond. One of these last stopped - at Grand Sestere, on the Malaguette coast, and loaded pepper; - the other ship traded on the Ivory Coast, and went on as far - as the Gold Coast, and depots were fixed at Petit Dieppe and - Grand Sestere, which was re-named Petit Paris. Factories or - "Loges" were established to prepare cargoes for the ships. The - native languages long retained French words, as was found in - 1660. In 1380 the Company sent out _Notre Dame de bon Voyage_, - of 150 tons, from Rouen to the Gold Coast (September). At end - of December they reached the same landing where the French had - traded fifteen years before. In the summer of 1381 the _Notre - Dame_ returned to Dieppe richly laden; in 1382 three ships set - sail together, September 28th, viz, _La Vierge_, _Le Saint - Nicholas_, _L'Esperance_. _La Vierge_ stopped at La Mine, the - first place discovered on the Gold Coast. The _St. Nicholas_ - traded at Cape Corse and at Moure below La Mine, and - _L'Esperance_ went as far as Akara, trading at Fanting, Sabon - and Cormentin. Ten months after, the expedition returned with - rich cargoes. Three more ships were sent out in 1383, one to - go to Akara, the others to build an outpost at La Mine; there - they left ten or twelve men, and returned after ten months. A - church was afterwards built for the new colony, and in 1660 - this still preserved the arms of France. After the accession - of Charles VI, the African trade was soon ruined. Before 1410 - La Mine was abandoned, and until after 1450 the Normans, it is - believed, abandoned maritime explorations.] - -Reliable evidence of French voyages to the Gold Coast of Guinea can only -be quoted for the sixteenth century. Thus Braun in 1617, and Dapper some -time shortly before 1668, inspected buildings and collected traditions -from the natives on that shore which alone would prove these later -expeditions, if they were not confirmed by several documents in Ramusio, -Temporal, and Hakluyt.[127] Equally reliable is the tradition of -Bethencourt's _Conquest of the Canaries_ in 1402, etc.; yet the authors -of this history, Bethencourt's chaplains, give no hint of any knowledge -possessed by their countrymen about the mainland coast beyond Cape -Bojador, but rather imply the reverse. Finally, though so many of the -best sixteenth-century maps are Dieppese, none of these show the -fourteenth-century settlements, which are also wanting in all charts of -the earlier time. The controverted names are first found on a map of -1631, by Jean Guerand; and this is probably not unconnected with the -fact that in 1626 Rouen and Dieppe united for trade with the Guinea -coast. - - [Footnote 127: See De Bry's _Collection des petits Voyages_, - Frankfort, 1625; Oliver Dapper's _Description of Africa_ (in - Dutch), Amsterdam, 1668; Ramusio's _Collection_, Ed. of 1565, - iii. p. 417 _verso_, in the _Discorso sopra la Nuova Francia_; - Dr. David Lewis' _Letter to Burleigh_, March 9, 1577. - Santarem's _Priority of Portuguese Discoveries, etc._ (1842), - is mainly directed against the French claims.] - -It is of course possible, as M. d'Avezac long ago argued from the -evidence of the great Portolani of the fourteenth century, especially -the Laurentian or Medicean[128] of 1351, the Pizzigani[129] of 1367, and -the Catalan of 1375, that some unrecorded advance was accomplished along -the African mainland coast during the middle years of this century; the -imperfection of our records must never be forgotten; and we shall return -to this question in another section. But nothing definite and certain -can be gathered about the coast beyond Cape Bojador, except in a few -small points.[130] With the Atlantic islands the case was very -different. - - [Footnote 128: Genoese.] - - [Footnote 129: Venetian.] - - [Footnote 130: Unless the contour of the Laurentian Map of - 1351 is held to prove a circumnavigation of Africa shortly - before 1351. The comparative accuracy of this outline, so - incredibly good as mere guesswork, must remain one of the - chief _cruces_ of Mediaeval geography.] - -The expedition[131] (1402-12) of the Sieur de Bethencourt, Lord of -Granville la Teinturiere, of the Pays de Caux in Normandy, was chiefly -concerned with the Canaries[132]--like the voyages of the Spaniards -Francisco Lopez (1382), and Alvaro Becarra (? 1390, etc.) But, after -achieving fair success in the islands, De Bethencourt attempted -(apparently in 1404) an exploration of the mainland coast "from Cape -Cantin, half way between the Canaries and Spain," to Cape "Bugeder" or -Bojador,[133] the famous promontory to the right or east of the -Canaries. But this was left unfinished; and De Bethencourt's chaplains, -in describing their Seigneur's intentions beyond the "Bulging Cape," can -only fall back on a certain Book of a Spanish Friar,[134] which -professed to give a description of Guinea, and the River of Gold. This -last was said by the Friar to be 150 leagues from "the Cape Bugeder," -and the French priests declare that "if things were such as described," -their lord hoped sometime to reach the said river, "whereby access would -be gained to the land of Prester John, whence come so many riches." - - [Footnote 131: See the _Book of the Conquest and Conversion of - the Canarians by Jean de Bethencourt_, written by Pierre - Bontier, monk, and Jean le Verrier, priest. Edited for the - Hakluyt Society by R. H. Major, 1872.] - - [Footnote 132: See section of this Introduction on the African - Islands, pp. lxxxii-lxxxiv.] - - [Footnote 133: Buyetder on the Catalan Atlas of 1375.] - - [Footnote 134: This is identified by Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_ - 79, following Espada, with the recently rediscovered _Libro - del Conoscimiento de todos los reynos & tierras & senorios que - son por el mundo & de las senales & armas que han cada tierra - & senorio por sy & de los reyes & Senores que los proueen_. - This was lost sight of till 1870, when it was found by Marcos - Jimenez de la Espada, who published it in the _Boletin de la - Sociedad Geographica de Madrid_ 1877. "It is certainly not a - record of actual travel, but probably the description of an - imaginary journey, compiled with the help of a richly - illustrated typical portolano, reports by far-famed and - travelled men, and such geographical works as were accessible - to the author. Many names here occurring are, however, not to - be found on the portolanos of the fourteenth century.... Every - city or country spoken of in the book has a chapter to itself, - followed by a representation of the flag or arms of the State. - These also seem ... taken from some portolano." See the - _Conquest of the Canaries_ (Hakluyt Soc. ed., ch. 55). The - _Conoscimiento_ cannot well be of later date than 1330-1340. - In many places it copies Edrisi.] - -Thus the French colonists in the early fifteenth century, in Prince -Henry's boyhood, know nothing first-hand, nothing save half-legendary -rumours, about the African coast beyond Cape Bojador. They are anxious -to reach the River of Gold, and traffic there, but they do not know the -way. Of Petit Paris, Petit Dieppe, La Mine, and other Norman settlements -or factories beyond Cape Verde, they give no sign. - -The late and doubtful[135] tradition of Macham's discovery of Madeira -(_c._ 1350-1370) does not concern the exploration of the African -mainland, except that after the death of the "discoverer" in his island, -some of his sailors were said to have escaped in the ship's boat -(according to the story) to the Continent, to have been made prisoners -by the Berbers, and to have been held in slavery till some of the -survivors were ransomed in 1416. But all this, if true, belongs to the -well-known coast within Cape Non, and in no manner furthered -exploration, except as regarded the island group of Madeira and Porto -Santo.[136] - - [Footnote 135: Admitted by Nordenskjoeld with singular - facility: _Periplus_, pp. 115-6. As to the Portuguese sailor - named Machico, and the possibility that the Machico district - of Madeira was named after him or one of his descendants, see - below, pp. lxxxiv-lxxxv.] - - [Footnote 136: See Atlantic Islands.] - -Fra Mauro preserves a tradition[137] of two voyages from India or the -East coast of Africa round the Southern Cape--one in 1420, the other at -an unfixed date. These, he says, had been accomplished by a person with -whom he actually spoke, who claimed to have passed from Sofala to -"Garbin," in the middle of the West coast, as it is marked on Fra -Mauro's planisphere. If genuine, they would be the last anticipations of -Prince Henry's enterprises left to chronicle; but few have placed much -confidence in these statements, which seem indeed incredible in the form -they are related by the Venetian draughtsman. - - [Footnote 137: See Map section.] - - - - -THE ATLANTIC ISLANDS. - -I. BEFORE PRINCE HENRY. - -The history of the exploration of the Azores, the Canaries, and the -Madeira group, before Prince Henry's time, seems to deserve a special -notice in this place. - -It is pretty certain that the Fortunate Islands of ancient geography -were our Canaries. Eudoxus of Cyzicus was said to have discovered off -the West African coast an uninhabited island, so well provided with wood -and water, that he intended to return there and settle for the winter. -According to Plutarch, Sertorius (B.C. 80-72) is said to have -been told by some sailors whom he met at the mouth of the Baetis[138] of -two islands[139] in the ocean, from which they had just arrived. These -they called the "Atlantic Islands," and described as distant from the -shore of Africa 10,000 stadia (1,000 miles), and enjoying a perpetual -summer. Sertorius wished to fly from his war with the Romans in Spain, -and take refuge in these islands, but his followers would not agree to -this.[140] - - [Footnote 138: Guadalquivir.] - - [Footnote 139: Madeira and Porto Santo(?)] - - [Footnote 140: Plutarch, _Sertorius_, c. 8.] - -Leaving out of serious consideration the Atlantis story in Plato's -_Timaeus_ (which may possibly owe something to early Phoenician and -Carthaginian discoveries among the Atlantic islands), it is noticeable -that no such Western Ocean lands occur in Strabo (B.C. 30). On the other -hand the Canaries are described by Statius Sebosus, as reported in -Pliny[141] (B.C. 30-A.D. 70), and by King Juba the younger of Mauretania -(_fl._ B.C. 1); are laid down under the name of Fortunate Islands by -Ptolemy; and are adopted in his reckonings as the Western limit of the -world. Sebosus mentions Junonia, 750 miles from Gades; near this, -Pluvialia and Capraria; and 1,000 miles from Gades, off the South-west -coast of Mauretania or Marocco, the Fortunatae, Convallis or Invallis, -and Planaria. - - [Footnote 141: Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vi, 32.] - -Juba[142] again makes five Fortunate Isles: Ombrios, Nivaria, Capraria, -Junonia, and Canaria, all fertile but uninhabited. Large dogs were -found, however, in the last-named, and two of these had been brought to -Juba himself, who called the island after them. Date-palms also -abounded. Juba also, according to Pliny, discovered the Purple islands -(Purpurariae) off the coast of Mauretania, which have been carelessly -identified by some with the Madeira group, though wanting the two -essential conditions of Juba's description: (1) producing Orchil; (2) -lying very close to the shore of Mauretania. Lancarote and Fuerteventura -agree with Juba's conditions on these points,[143] but then why are they -made a separate group from Nivaria, etc., which are undoubtedly the main -body of the Canaries? Juba's account is the most clear and valuable we -have from ancient geography, dealing with the Canaries, and is far -better than that[144] of the Alexandrian geographer. Ptolemy lays down -the Fortunate Islands--assuming the Canaries to be meant--incorrectly -both in latitude and longitude, in a position really corresponding -better to that of the Cape Verdes. Hence it has been supposed that he -confounded the two groups in one; whereas the Cape Verdes, lying out to -sea 300 miles from the Continent, are not likely to have been known, -even in his day. An error in position is so common with Ptolemy that it -is quite unnecessary to be disturbed by it. But he clearly had some -definite knowledge that islands existed in the ocean to the west of -Africa, and in his map he probably reproduces the statements of others, -without first-hand information of his own, assigning such a position as -suited best with his theories. For he not merely brings the southernmost -of the Fortunate Isles down to 11 deg. N. lat., but scatters the group -through 5 deg. of latitude, placing the northernmost in latitude, 16 -deg. N. His names vary much from Juba's, for he gives us six: Canaria, -the Isle of Juno, Pluitala,[145] Aprositus (the Inaccessible), Caspiria, -and Pinturia or Centuria; at the western extremity of these, after the -example of Marinus, he drew the first meridian of longitude.[146] - - [Footnote 142: Copied by Solinus and many mediaeval writers - (see Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vi, 31). Juba's work was dedicated - to Caius Caesar, B.C. 1, when just about to start on an - expedition to the East. Ombrios, from its mountain lake, has - been identified with Palma; Nivaria more easily with Teneriffe - and Canaria with Grand Canary; Junonia is difficult to fix, as - we have the statement that a second and smaller island of the - same name is in its neighbourhood; Capraria is supposed to be - Ferro. The remaining two of our modern archipelago, Lancarote - and Fuerteventura, are supposed by some to be the - "Purpurariae" of Juba.] - - [Footnote 143: And are therefore accepted as the Purpurariae - by D'Anville Gossellin, Major, and, with some hesitation, by - Bunbury.] - - [Footnote 144: "A mere confused jumble of different reports." - Bunbury, _Anc. Geog._ ii, 202.] - - [Footnote 145: Perhaps a corruption of Sebosus' Pluvialia. - "The Inaccessible" is possibly Teneriffe. Canaria and the Isle - of Juno are of course identical with Juba's nomenclature.] - - [Footnote 146: Cerne, so important a mark in Hanno's - _Periplus_, he places in the Ocean 3 deg. from the mainland, in - clear opposition to the Carthaginian authorities whom some - have thought he possessed and used. Cerne is in latitude 25 deg. - 40', and east longitude 5 deg. on Ptolemy's map.] - -The Arabs seem to have lost all definite knowledge of the Atlantic -islands, an impossible possession to a race with such a deep horror of -the Green Sea of Darkness. Masudi, indeed, tells us a story, already -noticed, of one Khoshkhash, the young man of Cordova, who some years -before the writer's time[147] had sailed off upon the Ocean, and after a -long interval returned with a rich cargo; but nothing more definite is -said about this venture. - - [Footnote 147: _C._ A.D. 950.] - -Some tradition of the Canaries or the Madeira group seems to have been -preserved among Moslem geographers, under the name of Isles of Khaledat, -or Khaledad, but we have only one narrative from the collections of -these authors which suggests a Musulman visit to the same. This is found -in Edrisi, in its earlier form, and must refer to some time before 1147, -when Lisbon finally became a Christian city. It probably belongs to a -year of the eleventh century, and has perhaps left its impression in the -Brandan legend as put forth in the oldest MS., of about 1070. - -The Lisbon Wanderers, or Maghrurin, from Moslem Spain, commemorated by -Edrisi and by Ibn-al-Wardi, did not apparently venture to the South of -Cape Non, but they seem to have reached the Madeira group as well as the -Canaries. The adventurers were eight in number, all related to one -another. After eleven days' sail, apparently from Lisbon, they found -themselves in a sea due[148] West of Spain, where the waters were thick, -of bad smell, and moved by strong currents.[149] Here the weather became -as black as pitch. Fearing for their lives they now turned South, and -after twelve days sighted an island which they called El Ghanam, the -Isle of Cattle,[150] from the sheep they saw there without any shepherd. -The flesh of these cattle was too bitter for eating, but they found a -stream of running water and some wild figs. Twelve more days to the -South brought them to an island[151] with houses and cultivated fields. -Here they were seized, and carried prisoners to a city on the sea-shore. -After three days the King's interpreter, who spoke Arabic, came to them, -and asked them who they were and what they wanted. They replied, they -were seeking the wonders of the Ocean and its limits. At this the King -laughed, and said: "My father once ordered some of his slaves to venture -upon that sea, and after sailing it for a month, they found themselves -deprived of sun-light and returned without any result." The Wanderers -were kept in prison till a west wind arose, when they were blindfolded -and turned off in a boat. After three days they reached Africa. They -were put ashore, their hands tied, and left. They were released by the -Berbers,[152] and returned to Spain, when a "street at the foot of the -hot bath in Lisbon took the name of 'Street of the Wanderers.'" - - [Footnote 148: They started with a full east wind.] - - [Footnote 149: Sargasso Sea?] - - [Footnote 150: Madeira?] - - [Footnote 151: One of the Canaries?] - - [Footnote 152: At a point named Asafi or Safi (at the extreme - south-west of our Marocco), said to have been named after the - Wanderers' exclamation of dismay: Wa Asafi--"Alas! my sorrow." - Cf. Edrisi, Climate III, section i (ed. Jaubert, i, 201); - Climate IV, section i (J., ii, 26-9). Safi is in 32 deg. 20' N. - Lat.] - -El Ghanam has been identified by Avezac and others with Legname, the old -Italian name for Madeira, and their description of the "bitter mutton" -of that island has suggested to some the "coquerel" plant of the -Canaries, which in more recent times gave a similar flavour to the meat -of the animals who browsed upon it.[153] - - [Footnote 153: See Berthelot, _Histoire Naturelle des Iles - Canariens_.] - -Some have conjectured that the "White Man's Land" and "Great Ireland," -which the Norsemen of Iceland professed to have seen in 983-4, 999, and -1029, was a name for the Canaries, rather than for any point of America, -but this appears entirely conjectural--though it is probable enough that -some of the Vikings in their wanderings may have visited these islands. -In 1108-9, King Sigurd of Norway meets a Viking fleet in the Straits of -Gibraltar ("Norva Sound");[154] and in the course of their many attacks -on the "Bluemen" or Moors of "Serkland" (Saracen-land) the Northern -rovers who reached the New World, Greenland, and the White Sea, may well -have sighted and ravaged the Fortunate Islands of the Atlantic, beyond -Cape Non. - - [Footnote 154: "Saga of King Sigurd" (in _Heimskringla_), ch. - vi.] - -No further reference, even conjectural, to the Atlantic Islands is known -until the later thirteenth century, when the Mediaeval revival in -Christian lands, finding its expression in the Crusades and in the -Asiatic land-travels of John de Plano Carpini, Simon de St. Quentin, -Rubruquis, and the Polos, among others, led to attempts in search of a -maritime route to India from the Mediterranean ports. The earliest of -these followed immediately on the return of the elder Polos from Central -Asia (1269). - -In 1270 the voyage of the Genoese, Lancelot Malocello, already referred -to as a possible reconnaissance on the African coast route to the Far -East, resulted in a re-discovery of some of the Canaries. At any rate, -he stayed[155] long enough to build himself a "castle" there; and the -recognition of this island, as well as of the adjoining "Maloxelo," as -Genoese on maps of the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth -centuries,[156] was probably due to this. During Bethencourt's -"Conquest," some of the followers of his colleague, Gadifer de la Salle, -stored barley, we are told, in an old castle which had been built by -Lancelot Maloisel. It has been supposed that Petrarch, writing _c._ 1335 -A.D., and referring to the armed Genoese fleet which had penetrated to -the Canaries a generation before (_a Patrum memoria_), was thinking of -Malocello's venture, but the expression is better suited to the -Expedition of 1291, led by Tedisio Doria and the Vivaldi. - - [Footnote 155: In Lancarote island?] - - [Footnote 156: Cf. especially the _Conoscimiento_ of early - fourteenth century; the Laurentian Portolano of 1351; the - Soleri Portolani of 1380 and 1385; the Combitis Portolan of - early fifteenth century; the so-called Bianco of 1436. On a - Genoese map of 1455, executed by Bartholomew Pareto, is a more - explicit legend over against Lancarote Island: "Lansaroto - Maroxello Januensis." See also the _Conquest of ... Canaries_, - by De Bethencourt's chaplains, ch. xxxii; and Major's note, - pp. 55-6 of the Hakluyt Society's edition of this Chronicle.] - -It is possible that the Portuguese followed up Malocello's visit by -voyages of their own (besides the well-known venture of 1341) before the -year 1344,[157] when Don Luis of Spain obtained a grant of the Canaries -from the Pope[158] at Avignon (November 15, 1344). This grant conferred -on Luis de la Cerda, Count of Talmond, the title of Prince of Fortune, -with the lordship of the Fortunate Islands, in fief to the Apostolic -See, and under a tribute of 400 gold florins, to be paid yearly to the -Chair of St. Peter. The Pontiff also wrote to various sovereigns, among -others to the King of Portugal, Affonso IV, recommending the plans of -Don Luis to their support. To this Affonso replied (February 12, 1345), -reminding the Pope that he had already sent expeditions to the Canaries, -and would even now be despatching a greater Armada if it were not for -his wars with Castille and with the Saracens. - - [Footnote 157: Ships from Portugal (according to Santarem, - _Cosmographie_, i, 275, copied by Oliveira Martins, _Filhos de - D. Joao_, i, 68), visited the Canaries under Affonso IV, - between _1331_ and 1344. Perhaps this is only a loose - reference to the expedition of 1341.] - - [Footnote 158: Clement VI. Major, _Prince Henry_, 140, and - _Conquest of Canaries_ (Hakluyt Soc.), xi, has apparently - confused matters, giving the date of 1334 (in the Pontificate - of Benedict XII), and implying a grant by Clement VI.] - -As early as 1317, King Denis of Portugal secured the Genoese, Emmanuele -Pezagno (Pessanha), as hereditary admiral of his fleet. Pezagno and his -successors were to keep the Portuguese navy supplied with twenty Genoese -captains experienced in navigation and the earliest Portuguese ventures -were almost certainly connected with this arrangement. - -This was shown in the expedition of 1341, which left Portugal for the -Canaries under Genoese pilotage, and quite independently of Don Luis, as -far as we know. It was composed of two vessels furnished by the King of -Portugal, and a smaller ship, all well-armed, and manned by Florentines, -Genoese, Castilians, Portuguese, and "other Spaniards."[159] They set -out from Lisbon on July 1, 1341; on the fifth(?) day they discovered -land; and in November they returned. They brought home with them four -natives, many goat and seal skins, dye-wood, bark for staining, red -earth, etc. Nicoloso de Recco, a Genoese, pilot of the expedition, -considered these islands nearly 900 miles distant from Seville. The -first[160] discovered was supposed to be about 150 miles round; it was -barren and stony, inhabited by goats and other animals, as well as by -naked people, absolutely savage. The next[161] visited was larger than -the former, and contained many natives, most of them nearly naked, but -some covered with goats' skins. The people had a chief, built houses, -planted palms and fig trees, and cultivated little gardens with -vegetables. Four men swam out to the ships, and were carried off. The -Europeans found on the island a sort of temple, with a stone idol, which -was brought back to Lisbon. - - [Footnote 159: The account that has come down to us is by - Boccaccio(?) (discovered in 1827 by Sebastiano Ciampi, who - identified the handwriting), and was professedly compiled from - letters written to Florence by certain Florentine merchants - residing in Seville. Among these, "Angelino del Tegghia dei - Corbizzi, a cousin of the sons of Gherardino Gianni," is - especially mentioned.] - - [Footnote 160: Major conjectures Fuerteventura.] - - [Footnote 161: Grand Canary?] - -From this island several others were visible--one remarkable for its -lofty trees,[162] another containing excellent wood and water, wild -pigeons, falcons, and birds of prey.[163] In the fifth visited were -immense rocky mountains reaching into the clouds.[164] Eight other -islands were sighted. In all, five of the new-found lands were peopled, -the rest not. None of the natives had any boats, and there was no good -store of harbours. On one island was a mountain, which they reckoned as -30,000 feet high, and on its summit a fortress-like rock, with a mast -atop of it rigged with a yard and lateen sail--a manifest proof of -enchantment. No wealth was found in any of the islands, and hence -perhaps the venture of 1341 was not followed up by Portugal for many -years; but it is probable that the results of this year are commemorated -in the delineation of the Fortunate Isles upon the Laurentian Portolano -of 1351.[165] - - [Footnote 162: Major here suggests the pines of Ferro.] - - [Footnote 163: Gomera?] - - [Footnote 164: Probably Teneriffe. Palma has also been - suggested, with less likelihood.] - - [Footnote 165: See the section of this Introduction on "Maps - and Scientific Geography;" also Wappaeus, _Heinrich der - Seefahrer_, pp. 174-5.] - -Nothing, so far as we know, was done for the further exploration of the -Canaries (after 1341) till 1382, when one Captain Francisco Lopez, while -on his way from Seville to Galicia, was driven south by storms, and took -refuge (June 5th) at the mouth of the Guiniguada, in Grand Canary. Here -he landed with twelve of his comrades; the strangers were kindly -treated, and passed seven years among the natives, instructing many in -the doctrines of Christianity. Suddenly Lopez and his men were accused -of sending into Christian countries a "bad account" of the islands, and -were all massacred. Before dying, they seem to have given one of their -converts a written "testament," and this was found by the men of Jean de -Bethencourt in 1402. - -Apparently, very shortly before the invasion of the latter (? in -1390-5), another Spaniard, Alvaro Becarra, visited the islands,[166] and -it was (according to one authority) from information directly supplied -by him and two French adventurers who accompanied him, that De -Bethencourt was induced to undertake his expedition. - - [Footnote 166: Ayala, _Chronicle of Henry III of Castille_, - asserts that in 1393, mariners of Biscay, Guipuzcoa, and - Seville, visited the Canaries, and brought back spoils. - Teneriffe they called the Isle of Hell (Inferno), from its - volcano. They also landed on other islands of the group which - they called Lencastre, Graciosa, Forteventura, Palma, and - Ferro. See also Martins, _Os Filhos de D. Joao I_, p. 68.] - -The Lord of Grainville set out with a body of followers, among whom the -knight Gadifer de la Salle was chief, from Rochelle, on May 1st, 1402. -Eight days' sail from Cadiz, he reached Graciosa. Thence he went to -Lancarote, where he built a fort called Rubicon. Going on to -Fuerteventura, he was hampered by a mutiny among his men, and by lack of -supplies. He returned to Spain, procured from Henry III of Castille what -he needed, and reappeared at Lancarote. During his absence, Gadifer, -left in command, accomplished a partial exploration of Fuerteventura, -Grand Canary, Ferro, Gomera and Palma. The "King" of Lancarote was -baptised on February 20th, 1404; but after this, Gadifer quarrelled with -his leader and returned to France. All attempts to conquer the Pagans of -Grand Canary were fruitless, and De Bethencourt finally quitted the -islands, appointing his nephew Maciot[167] to be governor in his place -of the four Christian colonies in Palma and Ferro, Lancarote and -Fuerteventura. - - [Footnote 167: See Azurara, _Guinea_, c. xcv, lxxix, etc.] - -The Madeira group are laid down[168] in the _Conoscimiento de todos los -Reynos_ of the early fourteenth century, as well as in the Laurentian -Portolano of 1351; in the Soleri Portolani of 1380 and 1385; and in the -Combitis Portolan of about 1410. But in 1555,[169] A. Galvano, in his -_Discoveries of the World_, claimed that an Englishman in the reign of -Edward III(?) was the discoverer. He was copied by Hakluyt in 1589, and -English patriotism has been loath to surrender the tradition. - - [Footnote 168: Under the names of Lecmane, Lolegname, Legnami - [Madeira, the "Isle of Wood"]; Puerto or Porto Santo; and I. - desierta, deserte, or deserta. The last alone is wanting in - the Combitis Portolan.] - - [Footnote 169: Still earlier in 1508, Valentin Fernandez, a - printer of Munich, issued the story in a MS., re-discovered in - this century. Later, in 1660, Francisco Manoel de Mello - published it in his _Epanaphoras de Varia Historia Portuguesa_ - (_III_), Lisbon, 1660. Mello's account was professedly derived - from an original narrative by Francisco Alcaforado, a squire - of Prince Henry, now lost. Fernandez, Galvano, (copied by - Hakluyt) and Mello, all tell practically the same story, but - with varying details.] - -"About this time," says Galvano [viz., between 1344 and 1395, the two -dates named immediately before and after this entry], the "island of -Madeira was discovered by ... [Robert] Macham,[170] who sailing from -England, having run away with a woman,[171] was driven by a tempest ... -to that island, and cast ashore in that haven, which is now called -Machico, after ... Macham." Here the ship was driven from its moorings; -and, according to one account[172] both lovers died; according to the -older version, Macham escaped to the African mainland, and was finally -saved and brought to the King of Castille. His old pilot, Morales, was -supposed to have guided J. G. Zarco in Prince Henry's rediscovery of -Madeira (1420). Azurara, however, says nothing about Macham; and it has -been conjectured, from a document rediscovered in 1894, that the Machico -district of Madeira--whose title, given by the Portuguese in 1420, has -often been quoted as an acknowledgement of Macham's claim--derived its -name from a Portuguese seaman of that name, who was living in 1379, or -from one of his relations.[173] - - [Footnote 170: Or Machin, or O'Machin, or as Nordenskjoeld, - _Periplus_, 115, also reads: Mac Kean. N. accepts the whole of - the Macham story with extraordinary readiness.] - - [Footnote 171: Anne d'Arfet, or Dorset.] - - [Footnote 172: Mello's.] - - [Footnote 173: See J. I. de Brito Rebello, in Supplement to - _Diario de Noticias_ of Lisbon, published in connection with - the fifth centenary of Prince Henry's birth, 1894. The - document referring to Machico is dated April 12th, 1379, and - by this, King Ferdinand, "the handsome," of Portugal, gives to - one Machico, "mestre de sua barcha," a house in the Rua Nova - of Lisbon. This was discovered by Rebello in the Torre do - Tombo, acting on a hint given by Ernesto do Canton. Before - this, the Macham story was attacked by Rodriguez d'Azevedo, in - 1873. See the _Saudades da terra_ of Dr. G. Fructuoso, pp. - 348-429.] - -The Azores, or Western Islands, are also (in part) laid down in the -_Conoscimiento_ above quoted (of about A.D. 1330), and in the Medicean -Portolano of 1351;[174] and when the Infant sent out Goncalo Cabral[175] -in this direction he was aided, it is said, by an Italian portolano, on -which the aforesaid islands were depicted.[176] But no record of any -voyage thereto earlier than that of Diego de Sevill[177] (1427) has been -preserved; nor did any one before the Prince's time attempt, as far as -is known, the colonisation or complete exploration of the Azores. To -these, however, like the other Atlantic islands, Nordenskjoeld's emphatic -words[178] apply, as the cartographical evidence requires. To some -extent at least all these groups "were known ... to skippers long before -organised ... expeditions were sent to them by great feudal lords." -Absolute novelty in geographical discovery is one of the most difficult -things to prove, and in no field of historical inquiry does the saying -more often occur to the inquirer: "Vixere fortes ante Agamemnona, -multi." - - [Footnote 174: It is not at all certain, as Major assumes - (_Prince Henry_, 1868, p. 235), that this group was first - discovered by "_Portuguese_ vessels under Genoese pilotage."] - - [Footnote 175: In 1431, etc.] - - [Footnote 176: See Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 118 A; also P. - Amat di S. Filippo, _I veri Scopritori delle isole Azore_, - Ital. Geog. Soc. Bolletino, 1892.] - - [Footnote 177: We learn about the voyage of Sevill from the - Catalan Map of Gabriel Valsecca, executed between 1434 and - 1439, which (1) gives a very fair representation of several of - the Azores, under the names: Ylla de Oesels (St. Mary), Ylla - de Fruydols (St. Michael), Ylla de Inferno (Terceira), Ylla de - Guatrilla (St. George), Ylla de Sperto (Pico), and another of - which the name has been effaced: (2) Bears the inscription: - These islands were found by Diego de Sevill, pilot of the King - of Portugal, in 1427. [Some have tried to read the MS. date as - 1432 (xxxii for xxvii) but the text is against them]. In the - Mediceum, or Laurentian Portolano, of 1351, St. Mary and St. - Michael are laid down as Insule de Cabrera; St. George, Fayal, - and Pico, as Insule de Ventura sive de Columbis; Terceira (?) - as Insula de Brazi[l]. On the Catalan Map of 1375, we have San - Zorzo ( = St. George, "Jorge"); I. de la Ventura ( = Fayal); - Li Columbi ( = Pico); I. di Corvi Marini ( = Corvo); Li Conigi - ( = Flores). On the so-called Andrea Bianco of 1436 (probably - a re-edition of a much earlier map), St. Michael appears as - Cabrera. Corvo and Flores first appear on the Catalan Atlas of - 1375, as far as present knowledge goes.] - - [Footnote 178: _Periplus_, 116 A.] - -The Cape Verdes is the only group of Atlantic Islands as to which we may -be reasonably sure that the mediaeval discovery at least was not made -before Prince Henry's lifetime. Here the Infant's claim of priority is -probably most in danger from Phoenician and Carthaginian sailors;[179] -but even here the challenge is not very serious, unless we insist on -considering as proven a number of pretensions which are almost -impossible to substantiate. - - [Footnote 179: It is probable that the "Gorgades" of the - Greeks were derived from Phoenician accounts; but it is very - doubtful whether these represent the Cape Verdes. Ptolemy, as - we have seen, places the southern extremity of his Fortunate - Isles much in the true position of Santiago, though extending - them north through 5 degrees of latitude.] - - - - -2.--THE ATLANTIC ISLANDS - -IN PRINCE HENRY'S LIFETIME. - - -Azurara also requires some words of supplement as to the progress of -discovery and colonisation among the Atlantic Islands in Prince Henry's -lifetime.[180] And, first, in the Azores. After the first voyages of -Diego de Sevill and Goncalo Cabral, the latter (according to Cordeiro) -sought unsuccessfully for an island which had been sighted by a runaway -slave from the highest mountain in St. Mary; at last, corrected by the -Prince's map-studies, he found the object of his search on the 8th May, -1444, and named it St. Michael, being the festival of the Apparition of -the Archangel.[181] The colonisation of this (even more than of other -islands in the group) was impeded by earthquakes, but was nevertheless -commenced on September 29, 1445. From the number of hawks or kites[182] -found in St. Michael and St. Mary, the present name now began to -supersede all others[183] for the Archipelago. The island now called -Terceira,[184] but originally "The Isle of Jesus Christ," was apparently -discovered before A.D. 1450, either by Prince Henry's sailors, or by an -expedition of Flemish mariners or colonists under one Josua van der -Berge, a citizen of Bruges, who claimed the exclusive, honour of this -achievement under date of 1445. Hence, in some Netherland maps and -atlases, of later date, the Azores are called The Flemish Islands.[185] -On the other hand, Cordeiro has printed the Infant's charter of March 2, -1450, to Jacques de Bruges,[186] his servant, giving him the Captaincy -of the Isle of Jesu Christ, because the said Jacques had asked -permission of the Prince to colonise this uninhabited spot. Jacques de -Bruges bore all the expenses of this colonisation, and may have been -specially recommended to Henry by his sister, the Duchess of Burgundy. -He had married into a noble Portuguese family, and had previously -rendered some services to the Infant. - - [Footnote 180: See Major, _Prince Henry_, pp. 238-245 (Ed. of - 1868), mainly based upon Father Cordeiro's _Historia - Insulana_, 1717.] - - [Footnote 181: Azurara (_Chronicle of Guinea_, c. lxxxiii.) - says that the Regent, D. Pedro, having a special devotion to - this saint, and being much interested in the re-discovery of - the Azores, caused this name to be given. Prince Henry - afterwards granted the Order of Christ the tithes of St. - Michael, and one-half of the sugar revenues.] - - [Footnote 182: "Azores" in Portuguese.] - - [Footnote 183: "Western Islands," etc.] - - [Footnote 184: "The Third," apparently in order after--1. St. - Mary (reckoned with the Formigas); 2. St. Michael. Its arms - were the Saviour on the Cross, and it was probably sighted by - the Portuguese on some festival of the Redeemer.] - - [Footnote 185: "De Vlaemsche Eylanden." So on Amsterdam maps - of 1612 (Waghenaer); 1627 (Blaeuw's _Zeespiegel_) and others, - such as the Atlas Major Blaviana, ix, Amsterdam, 1662, p. - 104.] - - [Footnote 186: _I.e._, Josua van der Berge. In 1449, according - to Galvano and Barros (1, ii, 1), King Affonso V formally - sanctioned the colonisation of the Azores.] - -Graciosa was colonised by Vasco Gil Sodre, a Portuguese, who had been -under Prince Henry's orders to Africa, and at first intended to join in -the settlement of Terceira, but afterwards passed over to Graciosa. The -captaincy of this island he divided for some time with his -brother-in-law, Duarte Barreto. - -San Jorge received its first inhabitants through a venture of Willem van -der Haagen,[187] one of Jacques de Bruges' companions: Van der Haagen -brought two shiploads of people and plant from Flanders, but afterwards -abandoned the city he had founded there, and transferred himself to the -more fertile island of Fayal. The last name brings us to one of the -controversial points in the early history of the Azores. - - [Footnote 187: "Da Silveira" in Portuguese.] - -According to the received account, Fayal was first settled by a Fleming -noble, Jobst Van Heurter,[188] Lord of Moerkerke, father-in-law of -Martin Behaim, who commemorated this event in a legend on his globe of -1492. The famous Nuremberger declares that the Azores were colonised in -1466, after they had been _granted by the King of Portugal to his -sister, Isabel, Duchess of Burgundy_; that in 1490 Job de Huerter came -out to settle with "some thousands of souls," the Duchess "_having -granted these islands to him and his descendants_;" that in 1431, _when -Prince Pedro was Regent_, Prince Henry sent out two vessels for two -years' sail beyond Finisterre, and sailing west 500 leagues, they found -these _ten_ uninhabited islands; that they called them Azores from the -tame birds they found there; and that the King began to settle the -islands with "domestic animals" in 1432. This account is full of -inaccuracies, and from the documents,[189] noticed by Father Cordeiro, -by Barros, and by the _Archivo dos Acores_, it appears probable that the -grant of Fayal to Jobst van Heurter as first Captain Donatory was made -after Prince Henry's death, perhaps in 1466, by Henry's successor, D. -Ferdinand, at the request of the Duchess of Burgundy, and that this -grant was confirmed by the Crown of Portugal; which, however, retained -its sovereign rights over all the Azores, and did not part with them to -the Duchess or anyone else. - - [Footnote 188: "Joz de Utra" in Portuguese.] - - [Footnote 189: Several documents exist relating to the - Government, etc., of the Azores during Prince Henry's life; - for instance:--(1) A royal charter of July 2, 1439, dealing - with colonisation. (2) A similar charter of April 5, 1443, - exempting the colonists from tithe and customs. (3) A similar - charter of April 20, 1447, establishing the same exemption for - the island of St. Michael, granted to the Infant D. Pedro. (4) - A similar charter of March, 1449, to the Infant D. Henry, - licensing him to people the Seven Islands of the Azores. (5) A - similar charter of January 20, 1453, granting the Island of - Corvo to the Duke of Braganza. (6) A donation of September 2, - 1460, from the Infant D. Henry to his adopted son, the Infant - Dom Fernando, of the Isles of Jesus Christ and Graciosa. [To - which may be added: A royal charter of December 3, 1460, - transferring to the Infant D. Fernando, Duke of Viseu, the - grant of the Archipelagos of Madeira and the Azores, vacant by - the death of D. Henry.] See _Archivo dos Acores_, i, 3, 5, 6, - 7, 9, 11; Martins, _Os Filhos do D. Joao_, pp. 261-2 (where - the date of Goncalo Velho Cabral's discovery of the Formigas - is given as 1435); _Documents_ in Torre do Tombo, Gaveta 15, - Maco 16, No. 5, of September 16, 1571.] - -Jobst van Heurter, some time after he had obtained the grant or -sub-lease of Fayal, appears also to have become Captain Donatory of -Pico, with a commission to colonise this island. - -Flores and Corvo were first granted, as far as our records go, to a lady -of Lisbon, Maria de Vilhena, likewise after the death of Prince Henry. -It is said that Van der Haagen,[190] when he moved from S. Jorge to -Fayal, did so at the invitation of Jobst van Heurter, who had been there -four years, and now promised him a part of the island. The two -quarrelled, however, and "Silveira" left Fayal and went to Terceira. -Some time after this he visited Flanders, and returning to the Azores by -way of Lisbon, became the guest of D. Vilhena, who had received a grant -of Flores and Corvo. She now proposed to Van der Haagen that he should -colonise and govern these islands for her, which he did for seven years. - - [Footnote 190: "Da Silveira." See above, p. lxxxix.] - - * * * * * - -Next, as to the Cape Verde islands. There is no positive ground for -supposing that any Europeans discovered or colonised these before Prince -Henry. The ancient Gorgades, Hesperides, and so forth have been -identified with them by some, but all this remains in the state of -guess-work--guess-work which has no great probability behind it. - -But as to the discovery of the Cape Verdes in the Infant's lifetime, a -controversy exists between the claims of Cadamosto and Diego Gomez, -which must be shortly noticed. It is happily beyond controversy that -five at least of the Archipelago were discovered within the Prince's own -"period," as their names occur in a document of December 3, 1460, -hereafter noticed. - -Cadamosto's claim to the discovery of the Cape Verde islands has been -denied[191] on the following grounds: - - [Footnote 191: _E.g._ By Major, _Prince Henry_, 1868, p. - 286-8, based on Lopes de Lima's _Ensaios sobre a Statistica - das Possessos portuguezas_, Lisbon, 1844; see Zurla's - _Dissertazione_ of 1815.] - -1. A mariner sailing from Lagos in early May could not anchor at -Santiago on SS. Philip and James' day (May 1st), as stated by Cadamosto. - -2. Cadamosto drove three days before the wind from Cape Blanco W.N.W. to -Bonavista. But this lies 100 miles S.W. of Cape Blanco. - -3. Cadamosto claims to have seen Santiago from Bonavista, which is -impossible. - -4. Cadamosto is wrong in speaking of any river in Santiago as a -"bow-shot wide," or of salt and turtles as found in the island. - -To this it has been replied: - -1. The first point is probably founded on a misprint. As a correction, -d'Avezac[192] has suggested that Santiago was so called because the -expedition _set out_ on May 1st. It has also been noticed that the -German and French versions of Cadamosto's Italian text (which contains -this mistake) give March and not May as the month of sailing, while the -translation in Temporal's _Histoire de l'Afrique_ has July. Once more -the festival of St. James (July 25th) has been suggested,[193] in -exchange for that of SS. Philip and James. In support of this, the most -likely alternative to a simple blunder, caused by haste, carelessness, -and lapse of time, it is pointed out that Cadamosto seems to have -arrived at the islands during the rainy season; that this season -prevails from mid-June to November; and that the festival of St. James -would agree with the time required for a voyage from Lagos, even if -commencing not in March or May, but as late as the beginning of July. - - [Footnote 192: "Iles d'Afrique"....] - - [Footnote 193: On the strength of Temporal's text in the - _Histoire de l'Afrique_,... Lyons, 1556, by H. Y. Oldham, - _Discovery of Cape Verde Islands_ (paper of 15 pages; see - especially 9-12).] - -This date is apparently confirmed by the earliest known official -document which relates to the Cape Verde Islands, viz., a decree, dated -December 3rd, 1460, issued just after the death of Prince Henry.[194] In -this is given a list of seventeen islands discovered by the Infant's -explorers, beginning with the Madeiras and Azores, and ending with five -of the Cape Verdes, S. Jacobe (Santiago), S. Filippe (Fogo), De las -Mayaes (Maio), Ilha Lana (Sal?), and S. Christovao (probably Bonavista). -The only festival of St. Christopher in the Calendar falls on the day of -St. James, or July 25th. We may notice that in the earliest map -containing these islands,[195] Cadamosto's name of Bonavista prevails, -as now, over "St. Christopher." - - [Footnote 194: See _Indice cronologico das Navigacos ... dos - Portuguezes_, Lisbon, 1841; Oldham, _op. cit._, pp. 12-13.] - - [Footnote 195: The Benincasa of 1463.] - -2. This charge seems founded on a mistranslation. In the original text -of 1507, after a description of the process of putting out to sea from -Cape Blanco, we have these words:[196] "and the following night there -arose a strong wind from the south-west, and in order not to turn back -we steered west and north-west ... so as to weather and hug the wind for -two days and three nights." That is, the contrary wind met with after -leaving Cape Blanco did not turn the ships back, as they managed to sail -close to it.[197] - - [Footnote 196: "E la nocte sequente ne a fazo un temporal de - garbin cum vento fortevole, diche per non tornar in driedo - tegnessemo la volta di ponente e maistro salvo el vero per - riparar e costizar el tempo doe nocte e III zorni." Oldham, - _loc. cit._ 11.] - - [Footnote 197: Oldham adds: "If _nocte sequente_ means, as it - would seem, the night of the day following that on which Cape - Blanco was passed, the ships would have had time to reach a - point from which a West or West-south-west course would lead - to Bonavista. Moreover, the Latin text gives the wind as - South."] - -It is probable, however, that the text is corrupt, and it is only too -common in records of this time to have mistakes as to points of the -compass creeping into the record of voyages performed some time before. -In any case, it is surely not enough to upset the whole of Cadamosto's -narrative. - -3. Here Cadamosto seems to have made no mistake, in his first printed -text of 1507. The islands have never been properly surveyed, but Prof. -C. Doelter, in his work _Ueber die Kapverden nach dem Rio Grande_ -(1884), speaks of seeing Bonavista from the Pico d'Antonio on Santiago, -together with all the rest of the group, even the more distant Sal and -St. Vincent. It is therefore quite probable that Cadamosto's sailors did -see Santiago from Bonavista, and this feat was certainly possible. - -4. In this once more Cadamosto is clearly right, and the attempt to -discredit him ridiculous. Salt is so abundant in the Cape Verdes, -especially in the western group, that these were at one time called the -"Salt islands." Turtles are also common enough in the rainy season, and -are mentioned by plenty of visitors and residents.[198] Lastly, the -river in Santiago, "a bow-shot across," does not correspond to any -fresh-water stream found there, but by this expression may be intended -an inlet of the sea, like the Rio d'Ouro of Prince Henry's sailors, -north of Arguim. Curiously enough, this very expression--"a bow-shot -wide"--is employed by Dapper of the Estuary at Ribeira Grande in -Santiago; while Blaeuw's _Atlas_ (Amsterdam, 1663) speaks of the same -point in exactly similar terms: "a son embouchure large d'environ un -trait d'arc." - - [Footnote 198: See Astley's _Voyages and Travels_, vol. i, - Book iv, ch. 6.] - - * * * * * - -Thirdly, the attempts of Prince Henry to acquire possession of the -Canaries for Portugal may be noticed. In 1414, Maciot de Bethencourt, -nephew and heir of the famous John, "Jean le Conquerant," having, under -threat of war from Castille, ceded the islands to Pedro Barba de Campos, -Lord of Castro Forte, sailed away to Madeira; and in 1418, according to -some authorities, he made a sale of the "Fortunatae" to Henry of -Portugal. This was not enough for him, as afterwards he made a third -bargain with the Count of Niebla; while meantime Jean de Bethencourt -himself left his conquests by will to his brother Reynaud. Pedro Barba -de Campos soon parted with his new rights, which passed successively to -Fernando Perez of Seville, and the Count of Niebla. But the latter, -though now uniting in himself all Spanish claims to the islands, did not -cling to them, but made over everything to Guillem de las Casas, who -passed on his rights to Fernam Peraza, his son-in-law. While this -transference was going on in Castille and in France, Henry, in the name -of Portugal, attempted in 1424 to settle the question by sending out a -fleet under Fernando de Castro, with 2,500 foot and 120 horse. With this -force he would probably have conquered the Archipelago, in spite of the -costliness and trouble of the undertaking, if the protests of Castille -had not led King John I to discourage the scheme and persuade his son to -defer its execution. - -In 1445,[199] seven of the Prince's caravels visited the islands, -received the submission of the chiefs Bruco and Piste in Gomera (who had -already experienced the Infant's hospitality and become his "grateful -servitors"), and made slave-raids upon the islanders of Palma. Alvaro -Goncalvez de Atayde, Joao de Castilha, Alvaro Dornellas, Affonso Marta, -and the page Diego Goncalvez, with many others, took part in this -descent, which did not altogether spare the friendly Gomerans, and -brought on the perpetrators the severe rebuke of Prince Henry. - - [Footnote 199: _Al._ 1443. See Azurara, _Guinea_, chs. - lxviii-lxix.] - -In 1446, however, he followed up the reconnaissance of 1445 by another -attempt at complete conquest, which also seems to have ended in failure, -though the account that remains is very inadequate; perhaps in the -future it may be supplemented from the disinterred treasures of Spanish -documentary collections. We only know that Henry obtained, in 1446, from -the Regent D. Pedro a charter, giving him the exclusive right to -sanction or forbid all Portuguese voyages to the Canaries; that in 1447 -he conferred the captaincy of Lancarote on Antam Goncalvez,[200] and -that Goncalvez sailed to establish himself there. So far, according to -Azurara; Barros and the Spanish historians would ante-date all these -measures of 1446-7 by several years. In 1455 Cadamosto, sailing in the -Portuguese service, visited and described the islands, and in 1466 -Henry's heir, D. Fernando, made one more attempt to reclaim the Canaries -for Portugal. It failed, and in 1479 the islands were finally adjudged -to Spain, or the now united monarchy of Castille and Aragon. - - [Footnote 200: Presumably the same man who "brought home the - first captives from Guinea" in 1441. Cf. Azurara, _Guinea_, - ch. xcv.] - - * * * * * - -Fourthly, in the Madeira group, colonisation made progress during the -Infant's lifetime. After the discoveries of 1418-20,[201] Madeira itself -was divided up under the feudal lordship of John Goncalvez Zarco and -Tristam Vaz Teixeira; the former receiving the captaincy of the northern -half with Machico for his chief settlement; the latter obtaining the -southern portion, with Funchal as capital, and the Desertas as an -annexe. From the language of the Infant's Charter[202] of September -18th, 1460, this settlement appears to have taken place in 1425, when -the Prince was 35 years old. - - [Footnote 201: Cadamosto's statement that Porto Santo had been - found 27 years before his first voyage, has caused some to - date this journey 1445, instead of 1455, reckoning from - Zarco's discovery of 1418, and has led others to post-date - Zarco's discovery by ten years; but the number XXV is no doubt - a slip for XXXV. This is a very common form of error at this - period. Thus, in the "Cabot" Map of 1544, the year of the - original Cabotian discovery of North America is given as - MCCCCXCIIII, instead of MCCCCXCVII, by a (probable) - malformation of the V, or simple inattention of the - draughtsman. Also, in Grynaeus we have MCCCCCIV for MCCCCLIV.] - - [Footnote 202: Endowing the Order of Christ with the - Spiritualities of these islands.] - -According to Gaspar Fructuoso, Zarco, in clearing a path through the -forests of Madeira, set the woodland on fire, and seven years elapsed -before the last traces of the conflagration were extinguished. The seven -years is, no doubt, an extra touch; but a fire of tremendous severity -must have taken place, from Cadamosto's account.[203] The whole island, -he declares, had once been in flames; the colonists only saved their -lives by plunging into the torrents; and Zarco himself had to stand in a -river-bed for two whole days and nights, with all his family. Yet, -according to Azurara, so much wood was soon exported from the island to -Portugal, that a change was produced in the housebuilding of Spain: -loftier dwellings were built; and the Roman or Arab style was superseded -by one originating in the new discoveries among the Atlantic Islands. -Almost all Portugal, Cadamosto tells us in 1455, was now adorned with -tables[204] and other furniture made from the wood of Madeira. - - [Footnote 203: On his visit in 1455.] - - [Footnote 204: It has been also suggested, that the wooden - crosses set up by Henry's orders in new-discovered lands were - from the material thus provided.] - -In the settlement of Porto Santo, Bartholemew Perestrello, a gentleman -of the household of Prince Henry's brother, the Infant John, took -part[205] with Zarco and Vaz. Perestrello imported rabbits, which -destroyed all the colonists' experiments in crops and vegetable -planting; but receiving the captaincy of the island, he made some profit -from breeding goats and exporting dragon's blood. His grant of Porto -Santo, originally for his lifetime only, was extended by decree of -November 1st, 1446, to a donation in perpetuity for himself and his -descendants. On the death of Bartholemew, Prince Henry bestowed the -captaincy on his son-in-law, Pedro Correa da Cunha, in trust for the -first Governor's son Bartholemew, who was still a minor. Da Cunha later -contracted with young Bartholemew's mother and uncle--the widow and -brother of the first grantee--for a sum of money in return for a cession -of his interim rights; and Prince Henry authorised this contract by a -decree from Lagos (May 17th, 1458), confirmed by King Affonso V at -Cintra (August 17th, 1459). - - [Footnote 205: He accompanied Zarco in the second voyage of - 1420.] - -Young Bartholemew entered into his governorship in 1473, and it was -formally confirmed to him (15th March, 1473) by Affonso V. It was his -sister, a daughter of the elder Bartholemew, named Felipa Moniz de -Perestrello, whom Christopher Columbus married in Lisbon; after which he -lived for some time in Porto Santo, enjoying the use of Perestrello's -papers, maps, and instruments. - -Before many years had passed, Madeira became famous for its corn and -honey, its sugar cane,[206] and, above all, its wine. The Malvoisie[207] -grape, introduced from Crete, throve excellently, and at last produced -the Madeira of commerce. When Cadamosto visited the island, in 1455, he -found vine culture already advanced, and become the staple industry of -the colonists, who exported red and white wine annually to Europe, and -found a market for the vine staves as bows. - - [Footnote 206: Introduced from Sicily.] - - [Footnote 207: "Malmsey," or "Malvasie," from Monemvasia or - Malvasia in the Morea, the original seat of its culture.] - -As early as 1430[208] the Infant issued a charter, regulating the -settlement of Madeira; herein Ayres Ferreira (whose children, "Adam and -Eve," were the first Europeans born in the island) is mentioned as a -companion of Zarco. An early tradition, which has not yet been -substantiated, also maintained that Prince Henry instituted family -registers for his colonists in this group.[209] In 1433 (September -26th), King Duarte, in a charter from Cintra, granted the islands of -Madeira, Porto Santo, and the Desertas to the Infant Henry; and in 1434 -(October 26th), the spiritualities of the same were bestowed on the -Order of Christ.[210] In December, 1452, a contract was made at -Albufeira between the Infant D. Henry and Diego de Teive, one of his -"esquires," for the construction of a water-mill to aid in the -manufacture of cane-sugar,[211] the third part of the produce to go to -the Prince. Finally, in 1455, on Cadamosto's visit, the island possessed -four settlements and 800 inhabitants, and this prosperity seems to have -steadily continued. The charter of 1460[212] has been already noticed. - - [Footnote 208: See Cordeiro, _Historia Insulana_, Bk. III, ch. - XV.] - - [Footnote 209: The late Count de Rilvas communicated this fact - to Mr. R. H. Major.] - - [Footnote 210: _Documentos ... do Torre do Tombo_, p. 2.] - - [Footnote 211: See Gaspar Fructuoso, _Saudades da terra_, ed. - Azevedo (1873), pp. 65, 113, 665; Martins, _Os Filhos de D. - Joao_, pp. 80 and _n._ 1, 258 and _n._ 2.] - - [Footnote 212: This was issued on September 18th, 1460, - bestowing the ecclesiastical revenues of Porto Santo and - Madeira on the Order of Christ, the temporalities on King - Affonso V. and his successors. It must be taken in connection - with the Charters of June 7th, 1454, December 28th, 1458, and - September 15th, 1448, all relating to the trade of Guinea, and - the first two conferring special privileges on the Order of - Christ, or revising such privileges already granted; see the - _Collection_ of Pedro Alvarez, Part III, fols. 17-18; Major, - _Prince Henry_, 303.] - -From the work of the Portuguese among the Atlantic Islands arises one -question of special interest. Did this westward enterprise of Prince -Henry's seamen, which undoubtedly carried them in the Azores and Cape -Verdes a great distance (from 20 to 22 degrees) westward of Portugal, -lead them on further to a discovery of any part of the American -mainland? - -On the strength of an enigmatical inscription in the 1448 Map of Andrea -Bianco, such a discovery of the north-east corner of Brazil in or before -this year has been suggested;[213] but this, it must be admitted, is -quite lacking in demonstrative evidence, however possible in itself. Yet -once more, the "accidental" discovery of this same Land of the Holy -Cross by Cabral in 1500 has been urged to much the same effect. For, if -really accidental, a similar event might well have happened in earlier -years--especially from the time of the Azores settlement of 1432, etc.; -or if not accidental, it was based on information obtained from older -navigators, who reached the same country.[214] Such older navigators -towards the west were said to have been Diego de Teive and Pedro -Velasco, who in 1452 claimed to have sailed more than 150 leagues west -of Fayal; Goncalo Fernandez de Tavira, who in 1462 sailed (in one -tradition) W.N.W. of Madeira and the Canaries; Ruy Goncalvez de Camara, -who in 1473 tried to discover land west of the Cape Verdes; with a -certain number of later instances. Some weight has also been attached to -a statement of Las Casas, that on his third voyage, in 1498, Columbus -planned a southern journey from the Cape Verde Islands in search of -lands--especially because, proceeds Las Casas, "he wished to see what -was the meaning of King John of Portugal, when he said there was _terra -firma_ to the South. Some of the ... inhabitants of ... Santiago came to -... him,[215] and said that to the South-West of the Isle of Fogo[216] -an island was seen, and that King John wished to make discoveries -towards the South-West, and that canoes had been known to go from the -Guinea coast to the West with merchandise." - - [Footnote 213: The inscription apparently runs "Isola - Otinticha xe longa a ponente 1500 mia;" which has been - translated--(1) "Genuine island distant 1,500 miles to the - west." (2) "Genuine island, 1,500 miles long to the west." (3) - "Genuine island extends 1,500 miles to the west." Also, - reading ... a [= e] la sola otinticha. (4) "Is the only - genuine ..." (The first line being altogether separate in - sense from what follows--"xe longa," etc.) Once more, - supplying "questa carta," (5) "This map is the only genuine - one," leaving the second line unintelligible. (6) "Genuine - island, stretching 1,500 miles westwards, ten miles broad." - And lastly, reading Antillia for Otinticha, (7) "Island of - Antillia," etc. (This would explain the difficulty of the - Antillia Isle being otherwise absent from the 1448 Bianco.) - See Desimoni, in _Atti della Societa ligure di Storia patria_, - 1864, vol. iii, p. cxiv; Canale, in _Storia del Commercio - degl'Italiani_, 1866, p. 455; Fischer, _Sammlung ... Welt- und - See-Karten italienischen Ursprungs_, Venice, 1886, p. 209; - _Proceedings R. G. S._, London, March 1895, pp. 221-240. - Whatever the explanation, it must be remembered that this Map - and Inscription were never produced by Portugal as evidence of - a Pre-Columbian discovery, either in 1492-3, or later, in - formal negotiations with Spain--as at Badajoz in 1524. It is - possible that the delineation and legend in question were - added by a later hand; and it is probable that, if really - inserted by Bianco himself, the reference is to one of the - legendary Atlantic Islands under a new form. It cannot well be - identified with that stated by Galvano to have been discovered - about 1447, for the latter was reached by a course of 1,500 - miles due west from the Straits of Gibraltar, which would - bring us to the Azores. The coast line of the "Genuine Island" - is, moreover, quite inconsistent with the north-east - shore-land of South America.] - - [Footnote 214: The most singular point in this controversy is - that the pilots of Cabral's fleet professed to recognise the - new land as the same they had seen marked on an old map - existing in Portugal. This is stated by one John, "Bachelor in - Arts and Medicine, and Physician and Cosmographer to King - Emanuel." He accompanied the expedition of 1500, and declared - that the country where Cabral landed was identical with a - tract marked upon a Mappemonde belonging to Pero Vaz Bisagudo, - a Portuguese.] - - [Footnote 215: Columbus.] - - [Footnote 216: In the Cape Verdes.] - -Further, Antonio Galvano, after speaking of a voyage which took place in -1447, goes on to mention another (undated, but probably conceived by the -author as falling within a year or two of the last) in these terms. "It -is moreover told that in the meantime a Portuguese ship, coming out of -the Straits of Gibraltar, was carried westwards by a storm much further -than was intended, and arrived at an island where there were seven -cities, and people who spoke our language." This, however, is too much -like an echo of the old Spanish tale of the Seven Bishops and their -cities in the Island of "Antillia." - -In the same connection a number of still looser and more doubtful -assertions exist in Portuguese archives and chronicles. Thus, in 1457, -the Infant D. Fernando, as heir of Prince Henry, planned Atlantic -explorations; in 1484 and 1486 similar designs were -entertained--possibly on the strength of Columbus' recent suggestions, -which are known to have directly occasioned one unsuccessful venture at -this time; and in 1473 Joao Vaz da Costa Cortereal was reported, by a -now-exploded legend, to have actually discovered Newfoundland. - - - - -THE "SCHOOL OF SAGRES," ETC. - -Few things in connection with the life of Henry the Navigator are more -interesting than the tradition of his educational and intellectual work, -especially for the furtherance of geography, in the alleged School of -Sagres and other supposed foundations or benefactions. Unfortunately, -this tradition is not as clearly established as it might be, and it has -been made more difficult by constant exaggeration. Not content with -asserting that the Infant aimed at drawing the commerce of Cadiz and -Ceuta--without reckoning other ports--to his town at Sagres, some have -indulged in pictures of a geographical university established by the -Prince upon this headland--pictures which are quite beyond any known -means of verification. These flourishes, however, need not cause one to -run into another extreme, and deny that Sagres became, during the latter -part of Henry's life, especially from 1438 to his death, the centre of -the exploring movement and the scientific study which the Infant -inspired. At Sagres,[217] according to what may be called the older -view--which, resting mainly upon Barros, is adopted by Major, de Veer, -Wauwermans, and even Martins--Prince Henry usually resided, not merely -during the last years of his life, or after his return from the Tangier -expedition of 1437, but from the time of his reappearance in Portugal -after the relief of Ceuta in 1418. At first, however (1418-1438) it was -called Tercena[218] Nabal, or Naval Arsenal, after it emerged from the -stage of a little harbour of refuge for passing ships; and only -afterwards did it become (from 1438 onwards) the Villa do Iffante, "my -town," from which some of Prince Henry's charters are dated. Shortly -before the completion of Azurara's chronicle, according to this view, -the town was fortified with strong walls and enlarged by the building of -new houses.[219] In this settlement (within the narrow space of some 100 -acres), there were said to have been, besides the Infant's own Court or -palace, a church, a chapel,[220] a study, and an observatory (the -earliest in Portugal), together with an arsenal, a dockyard, and a fort. -Here cartography and astronomical geography were diligently studied, and -practical mariners were equipped for their work. - - [Footnote 217: See Azurara, _Guinea_, iv; Barros, _Asia_, - Decade I, i, 16.] - - [Footnote 218: From the Venetian _Darcena_; see Goes, _Chron. - do pr. D. Joao IV_; O. Martins, _Filhos de D. Joao I_, p. 75.] - - [Footnote 219: It retained its importance till the Prince's - death, when it gradually declined; it was sacked by Drake in - 1597; and ruined by earthquakes. Finally it became again as - deserted as before the Infant's time. Ferdinand Denis believed - that before the Lisbon earthquake of 1755 there were traces of - a much earlier habitation of the Sagres Promontory, including - buildings (Moorish?) at least as old as the XIth century. The - headland measures only one kilometre in circuit, half a - kilometre in its extreme length.] - - [Footnote 220: Prince Henry's will refers to the Church of St. - Catherine, and the Chapel of St. Mary; see the _MS. - Collection_ of Pedro Alvarez, iii; Martins, _Os Filhos de D. - Joao_, p. 74. The observatory was not on Sagres Cape proper, - but "un peu en avant quand on vient de l'Ouest" (V. St. - Martin).] - -Two original statements of Portuguese authors have been often quoted to -support this tradition. The first comes from John de Barros, the Livy of -Portugal (A.D. 1496-1570). "In his wish to gain a prosperous result from -his efforts, the Prince devoted great industry and thought to the -matter, and at great expense procured the aid of one Master Jacome[221] -from Majorca, a man skilled in the art of navigation and in the making -of maps and instruments, who was sent for, with certain of the Arab and -Jewish mathematicians, to instruct the Portuguese officers in that -science." Secondly, we have the statement of the mathematician Pedro -Nunes, that the Infant's mariners were "well taught and provided with -instruments and rules of astrology and geometry which all map-makers -should know."[222] On the other hand, it has been contended that there -is no satisfactory evidence of the Infant's town having ever been -finished, or of the Prince ever having lived there continuously, except -during the last years of his life; and that our best authorities do not -warrant us in believing that the settlement was even begun before the -Tangier expedition. Henry's earlier charters are, with one exception, -dated from other places, and his residence before 1438 seems to have -been usually at Lisbon, Lagos, or Reposeira. Further, we have no right -to speak of the "School," or "University," or "Academy" of Sagres; there -may have been both teachers and learners, but there was nothing of an -"institution for instruction" in the Prince's establishment. - - [Footnote 221: Jacob or James, who, according to one - tradition, came to the Infant's "Court" shortly after the - disaster of Tangier, in or about 1438. To this name the - Viscount de Juromenha in his notes to Rackzynski, _Les Arts en - Portugal_, 205, adds that of Master Peter, the cartographic - artist of the Infant, who illuminated his maps in colours and - adorned them with legends and pictures. The existence of this - Peter rests upon a document at Batalha discovered by - Juromenha. See also O. Martins, _Filhos de D. Joao I_, p. 73.] - - [Footnote 222: Wauwermans, _Henri le Navigateur et l'Academie - Portugaise de Sagres_, gives little or no help towards the - controverted question which he assumes as settled in his - title. It is a general essay on the course of - fifteenth-century exploration; its most useful portions are - devoted to tracing the connections between geographical study - in Portugal and the Netherlands.] - -Such is the minimising view; and most, in face of this sharp divergence, -will agree with Baron Nordenskjoeld that a really critical study of the -subject, especially from a local antiquarian, is desirable. Very -plausibly does Nordenskjoeld himself sum up the probabilities of the case -when he concludes that "a small school of navigation, important for the -period in question, has probably received from laudatory biographers the -name of an 'Academy.'"[223] The Swedish geographer, however, adds from -his own special researches some important observations. He believes that -in the La Cosa map of 1500[224] we have work which was based upon the -observations of the Infant's captains, who, as shown in these results, -were evidently able to keep reliable reckoning and take fairly correct -altitudes. "Further, the extension of the normal or typical portolano -along the West coast of Africa, as on the portolanos of Benincasa and -others of the latter part of the fifteenth century, is shown by the -legends of the same to have been based on observations made during the -marine expeditions of Prince Henry." - - [Footnote 223: Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 121 A.] - - [Footnote 224: Plates xliii and xliv of Nordenskjoeld's - _Periplus_.] - -No charts or other productions of the "Sagres School," in any definite -sense of this term, no geographical or astronomical works emanating from -the "Court" of the Infant, are now extant. But it may reasonably be -inferred from passages in Azurara's _Chronicle of Guinea_ that such -charts were not only draughted under the Prince's orders, but used by -his sailors;[225] Cadamosto tells us of the chart he kept on his voyage -of 1455, probably by direction of the Infant; while it is probably true -that the "extension of the portolanos beyond Cape Bojador, in -Benincasa,[226] for instance, as well as in Fra Mauro's work of 1457-9, -depended on information given by native and foreign skippers" sent out -by Henry. Of course, it is obvious, in the light of present knowledge, -that neither he nor his school in any sense invented the portolano type; -although the mention of Master Jacome of Majorca reminds us of one of -the earliest centres of the new scientific cartography[227] (which was -probably first made effective by Catalan skippers and draughtsmen), and -suggests that the Infant was in touch with the best map-science of the -time. "Neither is it correct to say that he introduced hydrographic -plane charts or map graduation in accordance with geographical -co-ordinates." - - [Footnote 225: See Azurara, _Guinea_, ch. lxxviii; - Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 121; Santarem, _Essai sur - Cosmographie_, vol. iii, p. lix. Affonso Cerveira, Azurara's - predecessor, was probably not a "pupil" of the "Sagres - School," as some have supposed.] - - [Footnote 226: Especially in his works of 1467-8 and 1471.] - - [Footnote 227: In the Balearic isles. See pp. cxvii-cxix of - this Introduction.] - -But his life was almost certainly not without direct influence in the -improvement of cartography, and the extension of the scientific type of -map beyond its fourteenth-century limits--an improvement which we see in -the great map of Fra Mauro executed shortly before the Infant's death. -Also, he made his nation take a real interest in geographical discovery, -broke down their superstitious fear of ocean sailing, and made a -beginning in the circumnavigation of Africa. He altered the conditions -of maritime exploration by giving permanence, organisation, and -governmental support to a movement which had up to this time proved -disappointing for lack of these very means. And he certainly improved -the art of shipbuilding, which Cadamosto remarks upon as having rendered -the caravels of Portugal the best sailing ships afloat. - -As to the build of these caravels we are fortunately not without data. -Cadamosto, indeed, though he describes them as the best sailing ships at -sea in his time, does not give any details; but from other sources[228] -it is possible to form some idea of their peculiar features. They were -usually 20-30 metres long, 6-8 metres in breadth; were equipped with -three masts, without rigging-tops, or yards; and had lateen sails -stretched upon long oblique poles, hanging suspended from the masthead. -These "winged arms," when their triangular sails were once spread, -grazed the gunwale of the caravel, the points bending in the air -according to the direction of the wind. They usually ran with all their -sail, turning by means of it, and sailing straight upon a bow-line, -driving before the wind. When they wished to change their course, it was -enough to trim the sails. - - [Footnote 228: See Osorio, _Vida e feitos d'el rei D. Manoel_, - i, p. 193; O. Martins, _Os Filhos de D. Joao I_, p. 75; - Candido Correa, _Official Catalogue of the Naval Exposition of - 1888 in Portugal_, where was exhibited a facsimile of an old - caravel; see also the plans in D. Pacheco Pereira's - _Esmeraldo_, and the article in the _Revista Portuguesa - Colonial_, May 20th, 1898, pp. 32-52. In the last-named study, - which is specially worthy of notice, we have a detailed - account of (1) the _Barca_, (2) the _Barinel_, (3) the - _Caravel_, (4) the _Nau_, which are classed as _navios dos - descobrimentos_, followed by the _navios dos conquistas_, - viz., (5) the _Fusta_, (6) the _Catur_, (7) the _Almadia de - Cathuri_, (8) the _Gale_, (9) the _Galiota_, (10) the - _Brigantim_, (11) the _Galeaca_, (12) the _Taforea_, (13) the - _Galeao_, (14) the _Carraca_. Illustrations of Nos. 1, 3, 4, - 5, 6, 8, 10, and 13 are added.] - -It was with this type of vessel that the Madeira and Canary groups were -"gained from the secrets of the Ocean;" that the Azores, at a distance -of twenty-two degrees west of Portugal, and in the heart of the -Atlantic, were discovered and colonised; and that open sea navigation of -almost equal boldness was successfully employed in the finding and -settlement of the Cape Verdes. Before the end of the year 1446, -according to Azurara's estimate, the Infant had sent out fifty-one of -these ships along the mainland coast of Africa, and they had passed 450 -leagues[229] beyond Cape Bojador, which before the Prince's time was the -furthest point "clearly known on the coast of the Great Sea." Also, the -work of the "School of Sagres" may perhaps be recognised in Azurara's -further claim that "what had before been laid down on the -Mappemonde was not certain, but only by guesswork," whereas now -it was "all from the survey by the eyes of our seamen," and that "all -this coast towards the South with many points our prince commanded to -add to the sailing chart." - - [Footnote 229: Azurara, _Guinea_, ch. lxxviii.] - -It has been noticed that D. Pedro, according to the Portuguese -tradition, presented Henry with a copy of Marco Polo's travels, and a -map of the same, either drawn by the explorer himself or by one who knew -his works, and belonged to his own city. Thereby, we are told, the work -of the Infant was much furthered, and Galvano suggests that the same was -extant in 1528, and that it contained many wonderful anticipations of -later discoveries.[230] - - [Footnote 230: "... Venice ... whence he [Pedro] brought a map - which had all the circuit of the world described. The Strait - of Magellan was called the Dragon's Tail; and there were also - the Cape of Good Hope and the coast of Africa.... Francisco de - Sousa Tavarez told me that in the year 1528, the Infant D. - Fernando showed him a map which had been found in the Cartorio - of Alcobaca, which had been made more than 120 years before, - the which contained all the navigation of India with the Cape - of Good Hope."--Galvano, _Discovery of World, sub ann._ 1428.] - -It has also been surmised, without any certain evidence,[231] that D. -Pedro presented his brother with various maps of Gabriel Valsecca,[232] -and with the writings of Georg Purbach, the instructor of Regiomontanus. -Much more certain and interesting is the allusion to the Infant's -collection of old maps in the history of the discovery of St. Michael -(1443-4) in the Azores. A runaway slave, having escaped to the highest -peak in the Isle of St. Maria, sighted a distant land, and returned to -his master to gain pardon with this news. Prince Henry was informed of -this, consulted his ancient charts, and found them confirm the slave's -discovery. So he sent out Goncalo Velho Cabral to seek for the same. -Cabral failed; but on his returning to the Prince, the latter showed him -from the ancient maps how he had only missed it by a slight error of -direction. On his second trial the explorer was successful, and reached -St. Michael on May 8, 1444. - - [Footnote 231: But see Gaspar Fructuoso, _Saudades da terra_ - (ed. Azevedo, 1873), bk. ii, p. 9; Cordeiro, _Historia - Insulana_, ii, p. 2; Santos, _Memoria sobre dois antigos - mappas, etc._, in _Mem. de Litt. da Academia_, viii, pp. - 275-301; O. Martins, _Os Filhos de D. Joao I_, p. 72.] - - [Footnote 232: One of which (A.D. 1434-1439) is our authority - for the earliest known Portuguese voyage to any part of the - Azores; viz., that of Diego de Sevill in 1427 (a date - hypothetically converted by Major into 1432). This map of - Valsecca's only gives St. Mary and the Formigas as known in - 1439; see pp. cxxxi, cxxxiv of this Introduction.] - - * * * * * - -Prince Henry's connection with the Coimbra-Lisbon University (founded by -King Dinis in 1300) opens another side of the same question. We have -already mentioned the tradition that in 1431 the Infant provided new -quarters in the parish of St. Thomas, in Lisbon, for the teachers and -students, and afterwards established Chairs of Theology and Mathematics. -This has been called by some a "Reform of Ancient Schools" under his -influence and direction;[233] and recent enquiry[234] has endeavoured to -prove that the Protector of Portuguese Studies was also the founder (in -1431) of a Chair of Medicine, and the donor of a room or lecture-hall in -which was painted by his order a picture of Galen. In 1448 the Infant -subsidised the Chair of Theology by a grant of twelve marks of silver -annually from the revenues of Madeira.[235] It is perhaps noteworthy -that the Prince does not appear to have founded any lectureship, or made -any benefaction to promote directly the study of geography, though -ancient texts bearing on this subject were now beginning to attract -considerable attention. It may be open to question how far a university -would then have welcomed an instructor in practical navigation or -draughtsmanship; but students would have probably listened to lectures -upon Ptolemy, or Strabo, or other classical geographers, and thereby a -great impetus might have been given to the new exploring spirit. Thus in -general we may fairly conclude that, so far as the Portuguese seamen of -the next generation, Bartholemew Diaz, Da Gama, Cao, and others, -"received their training from the Infant's School," it was usually -through a rougher and more practical tradition than that of a -class-room--by means of older mariners who had served in the Prince's -ships rather than by university lecturers whom he had appointed. - - [Footnote 233: See O. Martins, _Filhos de D. Joao I_, pp. - 63-4.] - - [Footnote 234: Cf. Max. Lemos, _A medicina em Portugal_, - 1881.] - - [Footnote 235: J. S. Ribeiro, _Historia dos estabel. - scientific, litt. e art. de Portugal_, i, p. 31.] - - - - -MAPS AND SCIENTIFIC GEOGRAPHY UP TO AND DURING PRINCE HENRY'S LIFE. - -Ancient maps were not without high merits in certain cases, and a little -after Prince Henry's time the Renaissance editions of Ptolemy played a -very important part in geographical history. But in the first part of -the fifteenth century neither the work of the Alexandrian astronomer and -cartographer, nor the ancient road maps of the Roman Empire and -surrounding lands[236] seem to have been sufficiently known for the -exercise of much influence in the progress of discovery or of -geographical knowledge. The same result follows, for different reasons, -in the case of almost all the earlier mediaeval maps and charts,[237] -which are quite unscientific in character, and often rather picture -books of natural history legends than delineations of the world. - - [Footnote 236: _E.g._, the Peutinger Table.] - - [Footnote 237: Viz., before the end of the thirteenth century; - see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, ch. vi, on "Geographical - Theory in the Earlier Middle Ages," and especially pp. - 273-284, 327-340, 375-391.] - -Strictly scientific map-making begins with the Mediterranean portolani. -The earliest existing specimen of these is of about 1300, but the type -then formed[238] must have been for some time in process of elaboration; -and it is even probable that a fully-developed example from the middle -of the thirteenth century may yet be discovered. - - [Footnote 238: _E.g._, in the Carte Pisane and the work of - Giovann de Carignano.] - -"A sea-chart--probably a portolano--is mentioned as early as the account -of the Crusade of St. Louis, in 1270."[239] So in Raymond Lulli's _Arbor -Scientiae_, written about 1300, we have reference to compass, chart and -needle, as necessary for sailors.[240] Once again, it is probable that -Andrea Bianco's planisphere of 1436[241] is only a re-edition of a -thirteenth-century work, when the "Normal Portolano" was just in process -of making, but had not reached even the comparative perfection of the -Carte Pisane, Carignano, or Vesconte examples. - - [Footnote 239: See d'Avezac, _Bolletino d. Soc. Geog. Ital._, - 1874, p. 408; Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 16 A.] - - [Footnote 240: See d'Avezac, _Coup d'oeil historique sur la - projection des Cartes de Geographie_ (1863), p. 38.] - - [Footnote 241: Reproduced in part at the end of this edition - of _Azurara_, vol. i, Plate 4.] - -The earliest dated portolan is that of 1311, by Petrus Vesconte; and -from this time the maps of this class, whose central feature is an -accurate Mediterranean coast-line, increase rapidly, being indeed all -reproductions of one type,[242] occasionally introducing additions or -corrections, especially in outlying parts, but not often varying much -from one another in the central portions. The type is reasonably -believed by some[243] to have originated among the Catalans, either of -Spain, France, or the Balearic Isles, well within the thirteenth -century.[244] In connection with this, we may recall the point mentioned -by Barros, that Prince Henry the Navigator obtained the services of -Master Jacome, or James, from Majorca to instruct the Portuguese -captains in navigation, map-making, and the proper handling of nautical -instruments. - - [Footnote 242: Thus Nordenskjoeld sums up after an exhaustive - review of all the chief early portolans: "Not only are the - coast-legends the same, even the ... names in red ink of - places considered of special importance to navigators were not - essentially different in the three centuries from Vesconte to - Voltius. Moreover: (1) The Mediterranean and Black Sea have - exactly the same shape on all these maps; (2) a - distance-scale, with the same unit of length, such as - otherwise is used only on the Spanish and French Mediterranean - coasts, occurs on all these maps, independently of the land of - their origin; (3) the distances across the Mediterranean and - Black Sea, measured with this scale, agree perfectly on the - islands and capes remain almost unaltered on portolanos from - the fourteenth to the sixteenth century. So that it may be - thought proved that all these portolanos are only amended - codices of the same original" (_Periplus_, 45 A).] - - [Footnote 243: _E.g._, Nordenskjoeld, in his last work - (_Periplus_, 46, 47).] - - [Footnote 244: Nordenskjoeld conjectures probably between 1266 - and 1300.] - -These plans of practical seamen are a striking contrast, in their often -modern accuracy, to the results of the literary or theological geography -portrayed in such works as those of the "Beatus School," or of Robert of -Haldingham.[245] Map surveys of this kind were apparently unknown to the -ancient world. The old _Peripli_ were sailing directions, not drawn but -written; and the only Arabic portolan known to exist was copied from an -Italian example. Long after the Italian leadership in exploration and -commerce had begun to pass away, Italian science kept control of -cartographical work; thus, among the early portolani, not only the -majority--413 out of 498--but the most valuable, were executed by the -countrymen of Carignano and Vesconte. - - [Footnote 245: Cf. (1) the Beatus maps of "St. Sever," - "Ashburnham," "Turin," "London," of 1109, "Valladolid," - "Madrid," etc., of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries; - (2) the Hereford _Mappemonde_ of the late thirteenth - century, with which may be compared the Ebstorf world-map of - c. 1300; see Konrad Miller, _Die aeltesten Weltkarten_, Heft v, - 1896.] - -This department of geographical history is only just beginning to be -appreciated at its full value--as marking the vital transition from -ancient to modern, from empirical to scientific--but this need not -surprise us much. The portolani, as has been well said, never had for -their object to provide a popular or fashionable amusement; they were -not drawn to illustrate the works of classical authors or learned -prelates; still less did they illustrate the legends and dreams of -chivalry and historical romance; they were seldom drawn by learned men; -and small enough in return was the acknowledgment which the learned but -too often made them, when the great geographical compilers of the -Renaissance and Reformation times incorporated the earlier coast-charts -in grander and more ambitious works. - -Unquestionably, however, it is in maps of the portolano type that we -must look for Prince Henry's primary geographical teachers, though the -influence of books--and even of the older theoretical designs in -cartography--must not be forgotten. Therefore, to understand his -position--to realise what he had to draw from--we must briefly describe -the chief designs which it was possible for him to consult for his -scientific purposes, for his Ptolemaic ambition, diorthosai ton archaion -pinaka. - -(1) The "Carte Pisane" of the latest thirteenth or earliest fourteenth -century is probably only a copy of an earlier work, though now itself -our earliest example of the portolano type. The Mediterranean on this -example (as well as the Black Sea, where it has survived injury) shows -the new scientific or surveying method, but the Atlantic coasts of Spain -and France, and still more the shore-lines of Britain, are of a -different and inferior character. This alone points to an earlier date -than, _e.g._, the works of Vesconte and Dulcert. In West Africa only a -part of the Maroccan coast now remains. - -(2) The Map of Giovanni di Carignano,[246] of _c._ 1300?-1310, though -much damaged, shows the Black Sea and Britain with contours differing -somewhat from the ordinary portolan; and the same is noticeable in the -Baltic. The West African coast does not extend to Cape Non. Another work -by Carignano, of _c._ 1306, "specially referring to Central Asia," is -said to exist, but its present position is unknown. - - [Footnote 246: Signed "Johannes presbyter, rector Sancti Marci - de Porta Janue me fecit." A priest answering to this - description flourished in Genoa, 1306-1344; this may have been - a younger relative.] - -(3) A portolan of the early fourteenth(?) century, belonging to -Professor Tammar Luxoro, of Genoa, in 1882, and usually called after -him, is believed by Nordenskjoeld to be a "slightly altered copy of the -normal portolano in its original form." In N.W. Africa it only gives us -the shore-line as far as Salle, with a series of names, beginning at -Arzilla.[247] - - [Footnote 247: No Atlantic islands exist on the Tammar Luxoro - portolan.] - -(4) Marino Sanudo the Elder, to his work, _Liber Secretorum fidelium -Crucis_, written between 1306 and 1321, added an atlas of ten maps. -Among these, I-V form an ordinary portolano, corresponding especially -with Vesconte's work,[248] but giving us no special information upon -Africa; while No. VI is the famous map of the world often reproduced. -Here a thoroughly conventional Africa is laid down, of the "Strabonian" -or "Macrobian" type: its length, from east to west, traversed by the -Negro Nile from near the Mountains of the Moon to the Atlantic, is equal -to fully twice the breadth from north to south. The deep inlet in the -West African coast penetrating east to a "Regio VII Montium" immediately -south of the Negro Nile, is a prototype of the similar feature in Fra -Mauro, and is perhaps only an exaggeration of the Sinus Hesperius of -Ptolemy. This map was probably known to Prince Henry, like the book it -accompanied, which contained many important particulars of -fourteenth-century trade and navigation. The Mappemonde is a compromise -between, or combination of, the portolano and the Mediaeval theoretical -map, and is quite a landmark in the history of cartography. - - [Footnote 248: Konrad Kretschmer believes Sanudo's maps to - have been draughted entirely or principally by Vesconte.] - -(5) Pietro Vesconte of Genoa has left three or four works executed -between 1311 and 1321, and still extant, viz.: (alpha) Of 1311, which -lacks the Western Mediterranean and West Africa, what remains giving us -a "normal portolano" of the Levant and Black Sea. (beta) Of 1318, -depicting the entire Mediterranean, etc., with the Atlantic, North Sea -coasts of Europe (in ten plates), and West Africa as far as "Mogador." -(gamma) Of 1318 (in six maps), which for our purposes need not be -discriminated from (beta); and lastly (delta) Of 1320, a map of the -world, with plans of cities, a special chart of Palestine, etc. The -Mappemonde, which principally concerns us here, is extremely like -Sanudo's, and is perhaps the work of the same artist--Vesconte himself. -Another work, of 1321, by Vesconte, is mentioned in Santarem,[249] but -its whereabouts is now unknown. - - [Footnote 249: _Essai sur l'Histoire de la Cosmographie_, i, - 272, ed. of 1849.] - -Once more a work of 1327, signed "Perrinus Vesconte fecit ... MCCCXXVII -in Veneciis" is conjectured to be only another "normal-portolan" by -_Pietro_ Vesconte. - -(6) Angelino Dulcert, a Catalan, composed in August 1339, in Majorca -("in civitate Majoricarum") a portolan of great merit. Dulcert's Baltic -somewhat resembles Carignano's, but with more numerous legends. A star -("the Star in the East") placed by this draughtsman south of the Caspian -is copied, or at least paralleled, in the Atlas Catalan of 1375 (No. 9, -p. cxxvi), in the Andrea Bianco of 1436, and in the Borgian map of -1430-50, as well as in the Anonymous Catalan planisphere hereafter -noticed (No. 14, p. cxxviii). Dulcert's Africa probably served in some -respects as a prototype for the Catalan Atlas of 1375, and Prince Henry -may have studied the Continent in one or other of these delineations, -which are among the most complete pictures of the Sahara coasts and -Sudan interior coming down from any period before that of his voyages. -Some of the Canaries are marked in about their right position, with -Lancarote showing the Cross of Genoa, and Fuerteventura to the south, -while almost in the latitude of Ceuta appear "Canaria," St. Brandan's -Isle, etc. On the mainland a long stretch of shore-line is given beyond -Cape Non or Nun, but it is drawn very conventionally in a S.S.E. -direction, with seven names,[250] or titles, and an inscription of two -lines, the whole seeming to show pretty clearly that the draughtsman -knew nothing at first hand of the coast between Non and Boyador, but was -led to conjecture a continuation of the Desert Littoral. In the -Interior, the Atlas range, the large seated figure of a king with -sceptre, and most of the towns depicted on eminences, reappear with -slight alterations in the Atlas Catalan; which, however, adds many -details. - - [Footnote 250: One being merely "Plagae Arenae."] - -(7) Next comes the most famous, and perhaps in some respects the most -advanced, specimen of the early portolani: that usually quoted as the -Medicean or Laurentian Portolan of 1351 ("Atlante Mediceo," or -"Portolano Laurenziano-Gaddiano"). The author was anonymous, but almost -certainly a Genoese, and his work consists of eight plates, or tables. -The second of these is the Mappemonde, which is the only one that need -be noticed here. The Africa of this map, taken as a whole, is drawn with -a nearer approach to general correctness than on any chart anterior to -the voyage of B. Diaz in 1486;[251] both the Guinea coast to the -Camaroons, and the southern projection of the Continent, are -extraordinarily well conceived for the time. No details or names are -inserted on the W. African mainland shore beyond Cape Bojador and the -River of Gold--"Palolus."[252] In this it is similar to the Pizigani map -of 1367.[253] - - [Footnote 251: See _Azurara_, Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. i, - Reproduction at end, No. 1] - - [Footnote 252: For Pactolus (?).] - - [Footnote 253: A considerable knowledge of the Atlantic - Islands is also shown, sixteen names being given. This number, - however, is less than we have in the _Conoscimiento_ of - slightly earlier date, _c_. 1330 (?).] - -(8) Francisco Pizigano, of Venice, 1367-1373, aided by his brother -Marco, executed two famous works still extant: (alpha) In 1367, a large -chart comprising a good deal beyond the normal portolano's Mediterranean -and Black Sea;--_e.g._, part of the Scandinavian Peninsula, the Baltic, -the Caspian, etc. It is signed, "MCCCLXVII, Hoc opus compoxuid -Franciscus Pizigano Veneciar et domnus In Venexia meffecit Marcus die -xii Decembris." (beta) In 1373, a normal portolano, signed "MCCCLXXIII a -die viii de zugno Francischo Pisigany Venician in Venexia me fecit." The -N.W. Africa of these two maps shows no advance on the Laurentian -Portolano. - -(9) The Atlas Catalan of 1375 is said to have been executed for Charles -V of France, in whose library it was entered with the title, "Une quarte -de mer en tableaux faicte par maniere de unes tables, painte et -histoiree, figuree et escripte, et fermant a quatre fermoners de -cuivre." It is in six plates, the last four of which compose a -mappemonde--"the most comprehensive cartographic work of the fourteenth -century," especially rich in legends, and showing us the normal -portolan, for shore-lines, blended with the theoretical map, for the -interiors of countries, all designed on the most elaborate scale. The -West African coast on this example is brought down to, and a little -beyond, Cape Bojador, southwest of which appear the Catalan explorers of -1346[254] in their boat, with an inscription.[255] Beginning with -Arzilla, and continuing south, we have besides the recognisable Salle, -Cantin, Mogador, and No[n], 35 other names before we reach Cavo de -Buyet(e)der, after which we have only the legend "Danom," and the -conclusion, "Cap de Finister(r)a occidental de Affricha."[256] More -attention is given to the interior of North Africa in this design than -in any other map of the fourteenth century. - - [Footnote 254: Jayme Ferrer, etc.] - - [Footnote 255: Quoted and discussed above, pp. lxiii-lxiv.] - - [Footnote 256: Names are given to twenty-seven islands in the - Atlantic, among them St. Brandan's isle, most of the Canaries, - the whole Madeira group and several of the Azores.] - -(10) Guglielmo Soleri, of Majorca, between _c._ 1380 and 1385, executed -two designs of some value, both "normal-portolans:" (alpha) is undated, -probably executed about 1380, and signed "Guill'mo Soleri civis -Majoricarum me ficit." (beta) is inscribed "Guillmus Solerii civis -Majoricarum me fecit anno MCCCLXXXV." - -In (beta) West Africa has a fairly good extension, a little beyond the -latitude of the Canaries, where the rough and torn southern edge of the -map cuts across all.[257] - - [Footnote 257: The Soleri of 1380 gives twenty Atlantic - islands; nineteen appear in the Soleri of 1385 (some - legendary). In neither is any addition made to earlier lists.] - -(11) Next in order comes an anonymous Atlas of 1384 (?) in six sheets, -usually called, after two of its possessors, the Pinelli-Walckenaer -Portolano. It is probably a Genoese work. Its West Africa extends about -as far as (or a little beyond) the Soleri of 1385, to what is apparently -Cape Bojador, slightly south of the Canaries. Ten names occur beyond C. -Non, among them Cavo de Sablon and Enbucder.[258] The little harbour -existing to the south of Bojador seems indicated here. - - [Footnote 258: Bojador?] - -(12) And now, coming to the fifteenth century, we have first the -"Combitis" Portolan of _c._ 1410--an anonymous work, but inscribed "Haec -tabula ex testamento domini Nicolai de Combitis devenit in Monasterio -Cartusiae florentinae." This is, in some respects, closely similar to -the Vesconte of 1318. - -(13) Another cartographer of the early fifteenth century is Cristoforo -Buondelmonte--otherwise Ensenius--whose "Description of the Cyclades" is -accompanied by maps; who was the author of an important graduated chart -of the North of Europe; and who also left a roughly-sketched -mappemonde--perhaps a copy of a much older work--which may conceivably -have been known to Prince Henry and have encouraged his explorations. -This shows an Africa somewhat similar in contour to Fra Mauro's of -1457-9, but almost without names.[259] - - [Footnote 259: Reproduced in Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 111, - and labelled only "before 1481." The only name on the West - African mainland is well down S.W., "India [portus?] [=p]b[=i]s - fons." The deep indent on the middle of the W. African coast, - noticed in several other maps and even in Fra Mauro, appears - here on a great scale.] - -(14) Last among these works of the "Preparatory Time," we may take an -anonymous Catalan planisphere of the early fifteenth century (in the -National Library of Florence) closely resembling the great Atlas of -1375. - -This completes the list of important maps for the period immediately -preceding the new Portuguese discoveries, and shows us the most likely -examples of cartography for Prince Henry's study. Some of these he may -have owned; many of them he probably inspected in person or by deputy. - -It is probable enough that he was acquainted with some of the -pre-scientific or "theoretical" designs, such as those of the "Beatus" -type from the eighth and subsequent centuries; those which are to be -found illustrating manuscripts of Sallust, Higden, Matthew Paris, St. -Jerome, or Macrobius' Commentary on the "Dream of Scipio;" and those of -Arabic geographers like Edrisi[260]--to name only a few examples--but he -can hardly have derived much assistance from them. The great thirteenth -century wheel-map pictures--as, for instance, those we know as the -Hereford or Ebstorf Mappemondes--expressed the very antithesis of his -spirit; and the same must be said of the greater part of the Mediaeval -cartography before the appearance of the portolani. - - [Footnote 260: Twelfth century.] - -From certain books of travel, such as those of Carpini, Rubruquis, -Odoric, Pegolotti, or Marco Polo, he may, however, have received great -assistance. The merchants and missionaries who opened so much of Asia to -the knowledge of Europe during the Crusading period, furnished the most -direct stimulus for the discovery of a direct ocean route to the -treasures of the East. And to find such a route by the circumnavigation -of Africa was, as we have suggested before, one of the primary objects -of the Infant's life and work. - -But, in addition to the Maps of his predecessors, the Infant was almost -certainly acquainted with some of the chief cartographical works of his -own time, falling within the period of his exploring activity, and we -must finish this brief survey with some notice of these. Continuing the -catalogue, we have - -(15) A map by Mecia de Viladestes of 1413. This is a Catalan portolano, -signed "Mecia de Viladestes me fecit in ano 1413," and is noticeable as -containing a reference to the voyage of Jayme Ferrer in 1346, similar to -that on the great Catalan atlas of 1375.[261] - - [Footnote 261: A work by the same author, of 1457, is said to - be at the Carthusian Monastery of Segorbe, near Valencia, but - it is not yet fully identified, and is supposed by some to be - the same as that just noticed.] - -(16) Four, or possibly five, specimens of Jacobus Giroldis' -draughtsmanship belonging to the years 1422-1446, viz., (alpha) a -Mediterranean portolan of 1422, signed "MCCCCXXII mense Junii die primo -Jachobus de Giroldis Veneciis me fecit;" (beta) a Portolan atlas in six -sheets, of A.D. 1426, thought by some to resemble the work of Andrea -Bianco in river-markings, legends, etc. This work possesses a -distance-scale, but no graduation for latitude. It is inscribed, -"Jachobus de Ziraldis [Ziroldis?] de Veneciis me fecit ... MCCCCXXVI." -The West Africa of this work ends at Bojador ("Buider"), and gives us -thirty-nine names between Arzilla and this point. Its nomenclature here -is very similar to, though somewhat less full than, that of the Catalan -atlas (1375).[262] Besides these two works, Giroldis has left others of -less importance, viz., (gamma), a Portolan atlas of 1443, consisting of -six maps; (delta), a Portolan atlas, also of six maps, dated 1446; -(epsilon?), a Portolano, unsigned, in the Bibliotheca Ambrosiana at -Florence, which is perhaps his work. - - [Footnote 262: The same is the case with the Atlantic Islands; - but though giving us fewer actual isles, it supplies more - names to points therein--thirty-two in all.] - -Passing by the (for our purposes) less important Portolans of Battista -Becharius, or Beccario, of Genoa, executed in 1426 and 1435; of -Francisco de Cesani of Venice (1421), of Claudius Clavus[263] (1427), of -Cholla de Briaticho (1430), there are only about ten maps or atlases -belonging to this period which have still to be noticed, and which with -some probability may be connected with the work of Prince Henry. - - [Footnote 263: An important chart for N. European cartography, - and for the fact that it is one of the earliest graduated - non-Ptolemaic maps.] - -These are--not counting the lost map brought back by D. Pedro from -Venice in 1428,-- - -(17) The Atlas of 1435-1445, by Gratiosus Benincasa, of Ancona. - -(18) The so-called Andrea Bianco of 1436. - -(19) The Andrea Bianco of 1448. - -(20) The Portolano of 1434-39 by Gabriele de Valsecca, of Majorca, -together with one of 1447 by the same draughtsman. - -(21) The anonymous planisphere of 1447. - -(22) The planispheres of 1448 and 1452, by Giovanni Leardo (Leardus), of -Venice. - -(23) The planisphere of 1455, by Bartolommeo Pareto, of Genoa; and - -(24) The planisphere of 1457-9, by Fra Mauro of the Camaldolese Convent -of Murano, in Venice. - -As to these, we need only remark: - -No. (17) is the earliest known work of Gracioso Benincasa, consists of -sixty-two maps, and belongs to a MS. giving sailing directions, etc. Its -West Africa does not call for special remark, though the later -discoveries of Prince Henry's lifetime are admirably illustrated in the -same draughtsman's work of 1468, 1471, etc. - -No. (18) consists of ten maps, including a graduated Ptolemaic -mappemonde, and a circular world-map, somewhat resembling Vesconte, -probably copied and re-edited from a very early portolan, with a certain -theoretical extension.[264] The original of this is supposed by some to -have been a late thirteenth-century work; its West African names and -detailed charting end at Cape Non--an incredibly backward point for the -time of revision, viz., A.D. 1436. A ship is, however, depicted in full -sail far down the west coast[265] of a Continent whose general shape is -conceived as "Strabonian" or "Macrobian," with its length from east to -west, and consequently possessing a long southern shore. The Negro Nile -flows straight from Babylon or Cairo, into the Atlantic, near (but north -of) the picture labelled Rex de Maroco. The western Mediterranean, -Adriatic and AEgaean, as well as the Black Sea and Caspian, are poorly -drawn, and suggest an early and crude type of portolan. - - [Footnote 264: See _Azurara_, Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. i, Map - No. 4 at end of volume.] - - [Footnote 265: Is this an addition of the Editor to bring it - up to date? The reviser must, however, have added very largely - to this map; _e_. _g_., both Russia and Turkey (?), as here - depicted, do not correspond at all to the _late_ thirteenth - century, but agree better with the fifteenth; though for 1436 - Russia seems unduly magnified. _Imperium Tartarorum_ appears - immediately north of the Sea of Azov. The Moslem prince near - the Bosphorus is probably meant for the Ottoman Sultan.] - -No. (19), signed "Andrea Biancho venician comito di galia mi fexe a -LONDRA MCCCCXXXXVIII," was probably executed with a special view of -illustrating the discoveries of the Portuguese along West Africa, and -contains the enigmatical inscription in the S.W., which some have -construed into a Portuguese discovery of South America about this -time.[266] Besides the interest of this controversy, and of the fact -that it was one of the first scientific maps drawn in England, this -chart gives us in West Africa some of the earliest indications of the -new Portuguese discoveries. Thus, beyond Cape Bojador, or Buyedor, we -have on the mainland shore-line twenty-seven names reaching to Cape Roxo -or Rosso, and including Rio d'Oro, Porto do Cavalleiro ("Pro -Chavalero"), the Port of Gale ("Pedra de Gala"), Cape Branco, Cape St. -Anne, and Cape Verde. - - [Footnote 266: See pp. ciii-cvi.] - -This example has often been spoken of as the earliest map-register of -Prince Henry's discoveries, but herein it must yield to - -No. (20), the Valsecca (Vallesecha) of 1434-9, which mentions the -discoveries of Diego de Sevill in the Azores in 1427,[267] and maps the -north-west coast of Africa scientifically to Cape Bojador (Bujeteder) -and "theoretically" for some way beyond. - - [Footnote 267: See p. cxiv of this Introduction.] - -No. (21), of 1447, inscribed, "... Vera cosmographorum cum marino -accordata terra, quorundam frivolis narrationibus rejectis MCCCCXLVII," -denotes, as Nordenskjoeld points out, not any connection with Marinus of -Tyre (by means of a since lost MS., or otherwise), but merely the -author's purpose, viz., "to present here a picture of the world, -according to the conception of learned cosmographers, adapted to or -grouped round a skipper-chart or portolan of the Inner Sea." - -West Africa, in this chart, does not present anything specially -noteworthy. - -No. (22). Similar in purpose to No. (8) are both the Leardo Maps of 1448 -and 1452, which in detail are somewhat similar to the Bianco of 1436. - -The West African coast of these Designs does not call for special -notice. - -No. (23), of 1455, signed "Presbiter Bartolomeus de Pareto civis Janue -... composuit ... MCCCCLV. in Janua," is not of high value for its date, -and shows no evidence of correspondence with Prince Henry's work. The -West Africa of this design need not be specially noticed here. - -No. (24), the most famous of the whole series, is more fully noticed on -pp. cxl-cxliv. Fra Mauro was, perhaps, helped by Cadamosto among others. -It is noteworthy that the Doge Foscarini, in the letter quoted below, -pp. cxl-cxli, couples the success of Cadamosto and the work of Fra -Mauro, as two things which should induce Prince Henry to persevere.[268] - - [Footnote 268: See Major, _Henry Navigator_, p. 312.] - -A new mappemonde,[269] discovered by Kretschmer in the Vatican Library, -and noticed in his monograph of 1891, is of 1448; while under date of -1444, Santarem refers to a "Portolan portugais inedit," which is not -further known. - - [Footnote 269: The "Walsperger," _Eine neue mittelaelterliche - Weltkarte_.] - -These were the works[270] which in cartography bore most closely upon -the Infant's explorations; and we may here summarise the evidence of the -same as to the advance of knowledge along the West African coast and -among the Atlantic Islands. - - [Footnote 270: On all these maps, see especially G. Uzielli - and P. Amat di S. Filippo, _Studi biographici e bibliographici - sulla storia della Geografia in Italia_, ii, Mappemonde, etc., - dei secoli xiii-xvii, Roma, 1882--especially pp. 49, 52, 54, - 55, 57-8, 60, 62, 64, 66, 72-3, 230-1; Theobald Fischer, - _Sammlung Mittelaelterlicher Welt und See-karten_, Venice, - 1886, pp. 111, 117-9, 127, 150-5, 207-213, 220; Santarem, - _Atlas_, 1849; Santarem, _Essai sur l'histoire de la - Cosmographie_, etc., 1849-52; Santarem, _Notices sur plusieurs - monuments geographiques du moyen age_, etc. (Bull. Soc. Geog., - 3e serie, vii, Paris, 1847), especially pp. 289, 295; - Santarem, _Recherches sur la priorite des decouvertes - portugaises_, 1842; C. Desimoni and L. T. Belgrano, "_Atlante - ... posseduto dal Prof. Tammar Luxoro_ ..." in _Atti della - societa ligure di storia patria_, v, Genoa, 1867; K. - Kretschmer, _Marino Sanudo der Altere_, in _Zeitschrift d. - Ges. f. Erdkunde_, Berlin, xxvi, 1891; H. Simonsfeld, in - _Neues Archiv fuer altere deutsche Geschichtskunde_, vii, - especially pp. 43, etc., Hannover, 1881; E. T. Hamy, _La - mappemonde d'Angelino Dulcert_ (Bull. Geog. Hist, et Descr., - 1886-7); ibid., _Les origines de la Cartographie de l'Europe - Septentrionale_, 1888; ibid., _Cresques lo Juheu, note sur un - geographe juif Catalan de la fin du XIVe siecle_, 1891; - Jomard, _Atlas ("Monuments de la Geographe"), 1862; Choix de - Documents Geographiques conserves a la Bibleque Nata'e_, - especially p. 4, Paris, 1883; Buchon and Tastu, _Notices et - Extraits des MSS. de la Bibliotheque du Roi_, xiv, 2nd partie, - Paris, 1841, especially p. 67; G. Marcel, _Recueil des - Portolans_, Paris, 1886; Hommaire de Hell, in _Bulletin de la - Soc. de Geog._, 3e serie, vii, Paris, 1847, p. 302; M. A. P. - d'Avezac (-Macaya) "... _Notice sur un Atlas de la Bibleque - Walckenaer_" (Bull. Soc. Geog., 3e serie, viii, Paris, 1847,) - especially p. 142, etc.; P. Matkovic, in _Mittheilungen der K. - K. Geog. Gesellsch._, vi, p. 83, etc., Vienna, 1862; - Cortambert, _Introduction a l'Atlas ... par feu M. Jomard_ - (Bull. Soc. Geog., 6e serie, xviii, Paris, 1879) p. 74; R. H. - Major, _Henry the Navigator_, London, 1868; _Notice des objets - exposes dans la section de Geographie_, Paris, 1889 - (Exposition), especially p. 14; Lelewel, _Geographie de Moyen - Age_, especially _Epilogue_, pp. 167-184, Brussels, 1857; - Placido Zurla, _Il Mappemonde di Fra Mauro Camaldolese_, - Venice, 1806; A. E. Nordenskjoeld, _Facsimile Atlas_, - Stockholm, 1886; _Periplus_, Stockholm, 1897.] - -At the beginning of the fourteenth century, as we have seen, there is no -cartographical evidence of knowledge extending far beyond the Straits of -Gibraltar--either down the mainland shore or among the Islands in the -Ocean. But on Dulcert's Portolan of 1339, and on other productions of -the same epoch, such as the _Conoscimiento_ of about 1330, we meet with -some of the Islands, and with the Continental coast as far as Bojador. -Thus, in the _Conoscimiento_ and the Laurentian Portolano of 1351, "the -most important of the Azores, the Madeira group, and the Canary Islands, -are denoted by the names they still bear," or by the prototypes of these -names.[271] The same Medicean or Laurentian map of 1351, the Pizzigani -of 1367-1373, the Catalan[272] of 1375, and others, "bear inscriptions -even beyond C. Bojador"--inscriptions, however, which do not in their -scattered and half-fabulous character give any decisive evidence of -actual exploration to the south of this point before Henry's time.[273] -Moreover, the shape of Africa in the "Atlante Mediceo" of 1351,[274] -suggests--though it can hardly be said to prove--actual observations far -beyond Cape Bojador made by the crews of storm-driven or India-seeking -ships. But, after all, the map knowledge shown of Africa to the south of -latitude 26 deg. N. was so incomplete and so vague--perhaps even in the -Laurentian Portolan the engrafting of a great theory on a tiny plant of -fact--that the claim of first discovery in more southern regions cannot -well be refused to Gil Eannes, Dinis Diaz, Cadamosto, and the other -explorers of the Infant's school. - - [Footnote 271: _E.g._, Legname for Madeira, "The Isle of - Wood."] - - [Footnote 272: We must note that the ship of the Catalan - explorers, with the accompanying legend commemorative of the - expedition of 1346, is depicted in this map _as well to the - south of Bojador_.] - - [Footnote 273: Though Nordenskjoeld seems to think otherwise.] - - [Footnote 274: See _Azurara_, vol. i, Plate 1, at end of - volume.] - -On the other hand, all the Atlantic groups, except the Cape Verdes and -some of the Azores, were evidently known in whole or part to some of the -fourteenth-century navigators and draughtsmen. - -A good deal of hearsay knowledge about the interior of Africa is also -indicated, as we have seen, in some of these maps, especially the -Dulcert of 1339, and the Catalan of 1375; and in this connection we must -refer to what has been said upon the trade-routes of North Africa; but -these elaborate pictures of mountain ranges, Moslem kings, traders with -their camels, and towns on eminences, have little more pretence to -scientific accuracy than the Negro Nile of so many old geographers, -which is probably a mistaken combination of the real but separate -courses of the Benue, the Niger, and the Senegal. - -Once more we have seen that the first two portolani plainly influenced -by Prince Henry's discoveries are the Valsecca[275] of 1434-9 and the -1448 map of Andrea Bianco, drawn in London; and that the 1436 Bianco is -probably a copy of a thirteenth-century work, showing no clear evidence -of the new explorations. As to the Bianco of 1448, we may here add a -word to what has been already said. On this example we find the west -coast of Africa end suddenly with Cape Rosso, or Roxo, immediately south -of Cape Verde, and "from this point the coast is drawn straight eastward -in a style which indicates that the country beyond is unknown;" the -"outline of this southern shore of Africa being delineated according to -the maps of the Macrobius type." The work of 1448 is frequently copied -in following years; as, for example, on several designs of Gratiosus -Benincasa (1435 to 1482), wherein the west coast of Africa, from Ceuta -to Cape Verde, "has the same contours and the same names."[276] All of -these charts are believed by Nordenskjoeld to be copies of the same -Portuguese original. On the other hand, "Benincasa's Atlas of 1471 is -widely divergent as regards the legends, and extends much further -south.[277] It reproduces the discoveries along the coast down to Pedro -de Sintra's voyage of 1462-3, and seems in part to be based on direct -information from Cadamosto."[278] - - [Footnote 275: The Valsecca Map delineates the West African - coast to Cape Bojador (C. de Bujeteder). Beyond this the - outline of the coast is "suggested" for a distance about as - great as from the Straits to Bojador, but with no names or - legends except "Plagens arenosas," "Tarafal," "Bujeteder," and - at the extreme south, "Tisilgame."] - - [Footnote 276: This is especially true of the Benincasa of - 1467. Nordenskjoeld gives twenty-eight parallel names from this - and the Bianco of 1448 between Bojador and Capes Verde and - Rosso.] - - [Footnote 277: To Rio de Palmeri, immediately beyond Cape St. - Anne.] - - [Footnote 278: This may be seen, as Nordenskjoeld suggests - (_Periplus_, p. 127), by comparing the names on the lower part - of Benincasa's West Africa with the following names occurring - in Cadamosto's account of De Sintra's voyage: Rio di Besegue, - Capo di Verga, Capo di Sagres, Rio di San Vicenzo, Rio Verde, - Cape Liedo, Fiume rosso. Capo rosso, Isola rossa, Rio di Santa - Maria della nave, Isola di Scanni, Capo di Santa Anna, Fiume - della palme, Rio de Fiume, Capo di monte, Capo Cortesi, Bosco - di Santa Maria. Benincasa, however, appears to have access to - other sources besides Cadamosto, as many of his names are not - found in the latter.] - -Lastly, a more special notice must be taken of the great map of Fra -Mauro, 1457-9. - -In this undertaking[279] Andrea Bianco is said to have assisted, and the -work was (either originally or in copy) executed for the Portuguese -Government, and assisted by the same. King Affonso V supplied the -draughtsmen with charts on which the recent discoveries of Prince -Henry's seamen were laid down. Payment was liberal (12 to 15 sous a day -to every one of the common artisans and copyists); and the Doge -Francesco Foscarini, "when he witnessed the plan and the beginning of -Mauro's work," trusted that Prince Henry would find therein fresh -reasons for pressing on his explorations. The completed mappemonde was -sent to Portugal, in charge of Stefano Trevigiano, on April 24th, 1459. -This was based, perhaps, in part on the map, or maps, illustrating the -voyages of Marco Polo, in the Doges' Palace in Venice, apparently on one -of the walls of the Sala della Scudo. The "Polo" portions of the New -Design were, however, chiefly in the Far East. In N.W. Africa, Cape -Verde and Cape Rosso are marked, and near the S.W. coast of the -Continent is a long inscription about the Portuguese voyages, stating -that the latter "here gave new names to rivers, bays, harbours, etc., -and that they made new charts, of which he (Fra Mauro) had had many in -his possession." At the extreme south point of Africa is the name -"Diab," with a legend telling how an Indian junk was said to have been -storm-driven to this point in about 1420, and (without reaching land) to -have sailed further westward for 2,000 miles during forty days. After -this the Indians turned back, and after seventy days' sail, returned to -Cavo di Diab, where they found on shore a huge bird's egg, as large as a -barrel.[280] Fra Mauro had also himself spoken with a trustworthy -person, who said that he had sailed from India past Sofala to "Garbin," -a place located in the middle of the west coast of Africa close to -"Dafur." "Fundan," again, a little south of Cape Rosso, may represent -some Portuguese coast-name which has not elsewhere survived. - - [Footnote 279: See Zurla, _Il Mappemonde di Fra Mauro_, - Venezia, 1806, p. 62; Humboldt's _Kritische Untersuchungen_, - i, p. 274; Ongania and Santarem's Reproductions of the Map - itself; Nordenskjoeld's _Periplus_, 127-8.] - - [Footnote 280: Egg of the Rukh, or Roc?] - -Yet, apart from these references, there is but little evidence of the -new discoveries forthcoming, and, from a critical point of view, Fra -Mauro's planisphere is somewhat disappointing. True it is in certain -regions (its Mediterranean and Black Sea, for instance), of the -portolano type, but in the more outlying parts of the world, and even in -much of Africa, it is far more similar to one of the old Macrobius type -of wheel-maps (continued in such fifteenth-century specimens[281] as the -"Borgian" design of _c._ 1430), than to a specimen of enlightened -cartography like the "Laurentian" example of 1351. The traditional -centre at Jerusalem is not taken, but a point slightly north of Babylon -serves instead. In Africa numerous tribes and cities are marked even -beyond the Equator, in regions inscribed as "Inhabitabiles propter -calorem;" but the general shape of the west coast is hardly -satisfactory. Fra Mauro knows nothing of the great bend of the Guinea -coast; N.W. Africa appears not as a great projection, but only as a -gently-sloping shoulder of land; Cape Verde is not the westernmost point -of the Continent. This position is given to the traditional "Promontory -of Seven Mountains" (north of the Western Nile), which we have met with -in earlier examples. To the south of the Green Cape appears a long and -narrow inlet of sea,[282] which can hardly be supposed to represent in -any way the South coast of "Guinea" from Sierra Leone to Benin, but -perhaps is a combination and exaggeration of the great estuaries so -recently visited by Henry's seamen--the Gambia, the Casamansa, the Rio -Grande or Geba, and others. The Western or Negro Nile is drawn as -flowing straight from Meroe in Nubia to the Atlantic, passing through a -great swamp (Lake Chad?), an elongated piece of open water in the -country of Melli (the Middle Niger in flood?), and the course of the -Senegal. South of Cape Roxo, the coast, trending gradually south-east, -exhibits a very broken contour and is fringed with many -islands--evidence only too certain that the draughtsman is working by -the light of imagination. Finally, although Africa is rightly conceived -as on the whole projecting into the Southern Ocean, and having its -length or greatest dimension from south to north rather than from east -to west, it is greatly twisted out of shape by the inclination S.E., -which bends round its southmost point almost to the longitude of -Guzerat.[283] The general size of the Continent, however, is more -accurately guessed[284] than on most maps of this or earlier time. Here -Fra Mauro is nearer the truth even than the Laurentian Portolano of -1351, so far superior to the work of 1457-9 in many respects. Parallels -of latitude and meridians of longitude are not indicated in the -Camaldolese mappemonde, which has been sometimes referred to as "an -immeasurable advance on all earlier cartography;" and the importance of -this famous design, as an index to current geographical ideas, and as a -world-picture of great size and magnificence, possessing in its time -considerable official importance, must not lead us to take it as an -example of cartographical perfection. - - [Footnote 281: Cp. also the elliptical Florentine example of - 1447 (Nordenskjoeld, _Facsimile Atlas_, 116), or Leardus' - Mappemondes of 1448 and 1452 (_ibid._ 61).] - - [Footnote 282: "Sinus Ethiopicus:" very similar to that - depicted on the Leardus of 1448. On the southern side of this - is "Fundan."] - - [Footnote 283: Perhaps a Ptolemaic concession.] - - [Footnote 284: Still more is this the case with Asia, where - Fra Mauro is in some ways more satisfactory than anywhere - else, and contrasts well even with the "Harleian" or Dieppe - Map of _c._ 1536, and many other similar works.] - - * * * * * - -The use of the magnetic needle is essentially connected with the -portolan type of map; this instrument was well known to Prince Henry's -sailors, and is referred to by the Infant himself as being, like the -sailing chart, a necessity for navigators.[285] But it could hardly come -into general employment till men reached beyond the mediaeval stage of a -magnetic needle enclosed in a tube so as to float on water. - - [Footnote 285: _Azurara_, ch. ix.] - -In the Discovery of the Compass four stages may be distinguished: - -(1) The discovery of a species of stone with polar-magnetic qualities, -_i.e._, with the power of attracting iron. - -(2) The discovery that steel or hardened iron could be made -polar-magnetic by rubbing it with a lode-stone. - -(3) The discovery that the magnet (or magnetised iron) possessed the -quality of definite direction, one of its poles always indicating the -north, if it were so supported or suspended that it could move freely. - -(4) The discovery of using the magnetised iron needle as a compass. - -The first dates from a high antiquity, and is noticed by Plato, -Theophrastus, Pliny, Ptolemy, Claudian, and many writers of the Mediaeval -as well as of the Classical period. The subsequent advances we cannot -date, for Europe, earlier than the twelfth century; when Alexander -Neckam and Guyot de Provins (_c._ 1190-1200) show us that some -investigators had advanced as far as the third of the stages above -recounted. - -It is now generally understood that magnetic cars, "based on the same -principle as the compass," were used in China much earlier than this. -The Helleno-Roman world of antiquity, in describing the magnet, only -dwelt on its attraction for iron, and did not notice its power of -indicating the poles; whereas the Celestials were aware in the first -place of the communication of magnetic fluid to iron, and in the second -place of the mysterious power of iron so magnetized, as early as about -A.D. 120. The earliest use of the water-compass in China is fixed by -Klaproth at A.D. 1111-17; and as to the magnetic figures or magnetic -cars with which in earlier times Chinese junks sailed to the south of -Asia, and Chinese travellers made their way across the plains and -mountains to the west of their country, it must not be assumed that -their use was universal. Thus, in the fifth century A.D., when Wu-Ti, -afterwards Emperor, stormed Singanfu (417 A.D.), he seized upon one of -these as a great curiosity. - -It is uncertain, as already remarked, when the complete compass, or even -the polarity of the magnet, was first discovered in Europe. We may, -however, note the following evidence: - -(1) Alexander Neckam, an English monk of St. Albans (born 1157, died -1217), who had studied for some time in the University of Paris, refers -more than once to what we may suppose was a compass needle, placed on a -metal point.[286] This, he implies, was then in common use among -sailors, and was not merely a secret of the learned. For, "when the -mariners cannot see the sun clearly in murky weather or at night, and -cannot tell which way their prow is tending, they put a needle above a -magnet, which revolves until its point looks North and then stands -still." These words were probably written between 1190-1200. - - [Footnote 286: Cf. Neckam's references. (alpha) In his work, - _De Utensilibus_: "Qui ergo munitam vult habere navem ... - habeat etiam acum jaculo superpositam: rotabitur enim et - circumvolvetur, donec cuspis acus respiciat Septentrionem, - sicque comprehendent quo tendere debeant nautae, cum Cynosura - latet in aeris turbatione, quamvis ea occasum nunquam teneat - propter circuli brevitatem." (beta) In his _De Naturis Rerum_, - c. 98: "Nautae ... mare legentes, cum beneficium claritatis - solis in tempore nubilo non sentiunt, aut ... cum caligine - ... tenebrarum mundus obvolvitur, acum super magnetem ponunt, - quae circulariter circumvolvitur usque dum ejus motu cessante, - cuspis ipsius Septentrionalem Plagam respiciat."] - -(2) Guyot de Provins, a satirist of Languedoc, in his poem, _La Bible_, -written about 1200, wishes the Pope would more nearly resemble the -Pole-star,[287] which always stands immovable in the firmament and -guides the sailor. Even in darkness and mist can the Pole-star make -itself felt. For the mariner has only to place in a vessel of water a -straw pierced by a needle which has been rubbed with a black and ugly -stone, that will draw iron to itself; and the point of the needle -unfailingly turns towards the Pole-star. - - [Footnote 287: "La tresmontaine."] - -(3) Jacques de Vitry, the French historian-bishop, writing about 1218, -in his _Historia Orientalis_, speaks of "the iron needle which always -turns to the North Star after it has touched the magnet" or -"adamant."[288] - - [Footnote 288: "Acus ferrea, postquam adamantem contigerit, ad - stellam septentrionalem ... semper convertitur; unde valde - necessarium est navigantibus in mari."] - -(4) "An unknown singer of the same period" speaks of sailors to -Friesland, Venice, Greece or Acre, finding in the Pole-star a sign-post -in heaven. Even in darkness and mist the star can still help them, for -it has the same power as the magnet of attracting iron. So mariners -attach an iron needle to a piece of cork and rub it with a black -lodestone. The cork and needle are then put into water, and never fail -to point to the north. - -(5) Brunetto Latini, writing about 1260, tells how Roger Bacon showed -him[289] a magnet, a stone black and ugly, and explained its use. If one -rubbed a needle with it, and then put the needle, fixed to a straw, in -water, the point of the needle always turned towards "the Star." By this -the sailor could hold a straight course, whether the stars were visible -or no. - - [Footnote 289: In Oxford, A.D. 1258. This is not a very - certain tradition.] - -(6) In the _Landnamabok_, or Icelandic Book of Settlement, the main text -of which was finished before 1148, there occurs a passage, probably -added about 1300,[290] which describes a voyage of the ninth century -(_c._ 868) to Iceland, and explains the use of ravens to direct this -early course--"for at that time the sailors of the northern countries -had not yet any lodestone." - - [Footnote 290: See Nordenskjoeld, _Periplus_, 50. "The - _Landnamabok_ was written by Are Torgillson Frode, who died in - 1148;" but "the passage here in question first occurs in a - copy or revision by Hauk Erlandsson, who lived at the end of - the thirteenth century and the beginning of the fourteenth."] - -(7) The Arabic author of the _Bailak el Kibjaki_, or "Handbook for -Merchants in the Science of Stones," relates how, in 1242, on a voyage -from Tripoli to Alexandria, he himself witnessed the use of the -polarized needle. He adds that Moslem merchants sailing to India, -instead of the magnet-needle attached to a straw, tube or cork, used a -hollow iron fish which, thrown into water, pointed north and south. - -"Subsequently the instrument was improved by degrees, till it assumed -the shape of a box, containing a needle moving freely on a metal point, -and covered by a compass-rose." It is here probably that the share of -Amalfi is to be found,[291] and it may have been Flavio Gioja, or some -other citizen of the oldest commercial republic of Italy, who first -fitted the magnet into the box, and connected it with the compass-card, -thus making it generally and easily available.[292] - - [Footnote 291: "Prima dedit nautis usum magnetis Amalphis."] - - [Footnote 292: Such a compass-box is figured on the margins of - some MSS. of Dati's _Sphera_ of the early fifteenth century. - See Nordenskjoeld _Periplus_, p. 45.] - -This it certainly was not in Latini's time. "No mariner could use it -(the polarized magnet), nor would sailors venture themselves to sea ... -with an instrument so like one of infernal make." In the latter part of -the thirteenth century, and not before, its use seems to have crept in -among Mediterranean pilots and captains, and in the course of the -fourteenth century it was almost universally accepted. - -A mistake has been made on one point. The first scientific (or -portolano) type of map is generally associated with the first scientific -use of the magnet; but portolani began while men had not advanced beyond -the use of the primitive water-compass above described; and "accurate -determination by means of this" must have been very difficult on a -tossing sea. "A comparison of the contours of the Mediterranean, -according to various portolanos, with a modern chart, shows that the -normal portolano contained no mistake due to the misdirection of the -compass."[293] Nor do the earliest portolani contain any compass-roses -or wind-roses. Gradually these were introduced into the new charts,_ -e.g._, they are found in the Catalan Atlas of 1375, in the Pinelli of -1384, and in many fifteenth-century portolani; but not till the -sixteenth century do we have a number of these roses drawn on the same -map-sheet. - - [Footnote 293: _Periplus_, p. 47.] - -The use of the quadrant by Prince Henry and his sailors is expressly -mentioned by Diego Gomez; but neither in this case, nor in that of the -compass, are we warranted in assuming (as some authorities have done) -that to the Infant is due the first use of astronomical instruments at -sea. - - - C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY. - - 13, THE PARAGON, BLACKHEATH. - _March 27th, 1899._ - - - FACSIMILE OF PRINCE HENRY'S INITIAL SIGNATURE. - [I. D. A. = Iffante Dom Anrique.] - - [Illustration: autograph] - - [Illustration: map of western Africa - HAKLUYT. S. I. v. C] - - - - - AZURARA'S CHRONICLE - - OF THE - - DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF - GUINEA. - - - - -CHAPTER XLI. - -How they took the ten Moors. - - -For that night there was no other agreement, save that each one took all -the rest he could; but on the next day they all joined together to -advise what they ought to do, for it was not a suitable place in which -to take prolonged repose. And the captains, falling to talk about the -matter, agreed among themselves that they should enter into their boats -with certain of their people, and Luis Affonso Cayado as captain (who -was to go along the shore), and that he should land with some of his -men, leaving with the boats another in his place. Then he was to make -his way by land with those men whom he took with him, and the boats were -to follow after him a short way from the beach, while the caravels came -two leagues behind, so as not to be discovered. And as they marched in -this order they fell in with the track of Moors who were going into the -Upland, and they went in doubt whether they should follow that track and -go after them, holding that it might be a perilous matter to enter so -far into the country where they had been now discovered, as they did not -know the people that might be in the land. But their will, which was now -burning to accomplish the affair, left no place to bare reason; and -without more fear they went forward till they arrived at a place about -three leagues further on where there were some few Moors, the which not -only lacked courage to defend themselves, but even the heart to fly. And -these were in all ten, counting men, women, and children. - - - - -CHAPTER XLII. - -How Alvaro Vasquez took the thirty-five Moors. - - -When those ten Moors had been brought off to the caravels, Alvaro -Vasquez, like a man of noble birth, being desirous to show to all the -others that he loved the service of his lord, spake with Dinis Eannes, -to whom appertained the charge of the government for that day, saying -that it appeared to him a good thing to order the people to go forth, -since their coming from their own country was principally for that end. -"How can you ask," said Dinis Eannes, "that we should again sally forth -where we have been so often, insomuch that all this land has had warning -of our presence? And of two things me seemeth that one would happen; -either we should not light upon any Moors to take away, or we should -encounter so many that it would be to our great danger to make an attack -upon them; and so much the more as I am ill disposed for a fight by -reason of weariness. Wherefore me thinketh it would not be well for us -to sally forth again, as far as this land lieth, but that we should go -onwards till we come to a place where we know well they could not be -advised of us." And as they were going in accordance with that resolve, -one part of the night being already passed, Alvaro Vasquez, still -constant to his first design, came again to Dinis Eannes, and begged him -to let him go on shore and entrust him with the charge of his captaincy, -for that he knew many would go with him of right good will. "Inasmuch as -this sally pleaseth you so greatly," said Dinis Eannes, "I only ask you -that in your going you take good advisement that you bring no harm on -yourselves nor sorrow on the rest of us." Then Alvaro Vasquez called -Diego Gil, that other esquire of whom we spoke before, for he knew him -for a brave man and one of his own upbringing; and they went through the -other caravels in such wise that they gathered together those persons -whom they thought sufficient for their safety. And all together they -went on shore--there being yet some part of the night left for their -march--but ere they had pressed on any farther, Alvaro Vasquez, wishful -to admonish them, spake unto them thus. "Friends and Gentlemen, although -I am not one of those three principal captains whom we brought with us -from our kingdom, let it suffice that I am committed to you as captain -by him who had the charge to command you. And because want of order is -often a greater obstacle[A] than the multitude of the enemy, I desire -first to know of you if it please you to have me for captain in this -affair, that I may command you as men well pleased to receive -governance; for much better were it that you should tell me now at this -present, where we cannot well receive any harm, than when we are away -from here, in some place where your disobedience might do hurt, not only -to me, but also to every one of us in this company." - - [Footnote A: To victory.] - -"We are all well content," said the others with one voice, "that you -should be our captain, and well it pleaseth us to obey you as fully as -any one of the other captains, and even better, if we can more perfectly -do it."[B] - - [Footnote B: Our intended action.] - -"Now," said he, "it seemeth well to me that we should go forward -according to the same ordinance as on the other day, to wit, that I -should go with some of you others along the land, and that the remainder -should keep in the boats within call of us." And so, setting out and -following the coast a good way, they fell in with a cape, to which they -gave the name of St. Anne;[N113] and immediately after that they lighted -upon an arm of the sea which ran up into the land about four leagues, -and appeared to them as though it were a river. And on reaching the -entrance of the same, Alvaro Vasquez waited for the others in the boats, -and when they had come up he bade them wait for him there, whilst he -went along that water, for he conceived that if any people lived in that -land it would be there. The others said that such an expedition would be -very perilous, if only because the sun was already very high, and the -heat of it was great, and they were very weary for the great lack they -had had of sleep, and the toil of some in rowing, and of others in going -on foot; and all the more because even if there were in that place a -number of inhabitants, yet they could not make any good booty among -them, because of necessity they would discern them from afar; and that -if the natives perceived themselves strong enough to fight with them, -they would await them, but if not, they could put themselves in safety -quite easily. Alvaro Vasquez nevertheless pursued his journey as one who -had determined to accomplish some great matter if his fortune were not -contrary; and so, going forward about a league and a half, one of the -company said to the Captain, "Methinks I see along this stream some -rising objects like houses." The Captain looked attentively, and right -well perceived that it was a village, and so it appeared to all the -others who were there. "Now," said Alvaro Vasquez, "our booty is before -our eyes, but it is so clearly discovered that of necessity we shall be -seen before we can arrive at it; and because it doth not appear to me to -be so great a settlement as that it can hold a people with whom we -cannot cope, still, in order that we may achieve some sort of success, -let each one run as fast as he can, and so let us stoutly fall upon -them, and if we are not able to make captives of the young men, yet let -us seize upon the old men, the women, and the little children, and let -us take such advisement that whosoever putteth himself on his defence -shall be slain without pity; and as to the others, let us seize them as -best we can." And before he had quite finished these reasons, many of -them began to increase their pace, while others were running as fast as -they could; and the Moors,[N114] like unwary people, little recking of -such a danger, when their enemies came upon them, were all thrown into -that confusion which the fortune of the case required. And when they saw -men coming upon them so suddenly and so boldly, and armed with weapons -quite strange to them, they were altogether amazed. Whereat our men took -so much the greater boldness, seeing their timorous disorder, and at -once began to seize upon as many of them as they could, and seeing that -some sought to put themselves on their defence, they slew them without -mercy. But the affair lasted not long at that time, for that the enemy -soon began to fly. And there were many amongst them who then looked on -their wives and children for the last time, and in a short space the -booty would have been much larger if that arm of the sea had not been so -near that many of them escaped into it, inasmuch as for the most part, -not only the men but also the women and the children, all knew how to -swim. And others who were bold and light-footed, trusting in their -fleetness, escaped through all; though some were deceived in it, for -they found others of our men who followed and captured them in spite of -their lightness of foot, so that in all there were taken captive -thirty-five, besides some that perished. Of a surety that Esquire who, -as we have said, was their captain, found no little praise for that deed -of his, since for a great space they discoursed of his energy and -diligence, giving him thanks for the great toil he had undergone, as -well for the service of the Infant as for the profit of them all in that -journey. And, moreover, those who had stayed in the caravels were not a -little glad at the coming of their partners with so good a profit, and -this joy of theirs was much increased when they had heard in full -measure the particulars of the adventure which the others had had. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIII. - -How they returned on shore, and of the Moor that they took. - - -Now the others who had remained in the caravels, seeing the toil of -their partners, conceived that it would be to their great loss if they -did not dispose themselves to some other matter as great, so that in -future they should not receive dishonour. And so some of them joined -together on the following night, and entering into their boats, they -travelled two days and two nights and landed, but with all their great -toil they were not able to capture more than one Moor; and with his -guidance they set out to search for some three villages, which were a -good way in the Upland. But they did not find in them anything that they -could carry off, for they were already emptied of people, since the -Moors who had fled had warned the whole country as far as their news -could reach. And so they turned back to their ships, ill satisfied with -the toil they had taken. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIV. - -How they sailed to the Land of the Negroes. - - -And now, perceiving that they could win no further profit in that land -by reason of the advisement that the Moors had already received, the -captains began to consult with the chief men of their ships concerning -the manner of the action they should take. - -"We," said some, "are not able, nor ought we to wait longer in this -land, since we know that our stay brings no profit with it, but rather -manifest loss, for we are wasting our provisions and wearying our bodies -without hope of success. Wherefore it would be a counsel profitable for -us, since God hath given us enough, that we should turn back to our -country, contenting ourselves with the booty we have taken, the which is -not so small that it will not be of value sufficient to compensate for -our toils, and to save us from shame in the presence of our neighbours." - -"Of a surety," replied others, "such a return would be shameful for such -men as we are, for if we were to turn back in this wise it would be -indeed an abatement of our honour; but let us go to the land of the -negroes, where Dinis Diaz with one only ship went last year to make his -capture; and even if we do nothing more than see the land, and -afterwards give a relation thereof to the lord Infant, this would be to -our honour.[C] Let us reach it, then, since we are so near, and though -we accomplish but little, a great profit will be ours." All agreed that -it was very well that they should go to that land, for it might be that -God would then give them a greater success than they expected. - - [Footnote C: Lit., "would be a part of," etc.] - -And so they hoisted their sails forthwith and pursued their voyage, and -sailing on their course a space of 80 leagues they came near to the -coast of Guinea,[N115] where they made them ready with their boats to -land, but when the black men caught sight of them they ran down to the -shore with their shields and assegais, as men who sought to make -themselves ready for battle; but although they showed so fierce a -countenance, yet our men would have gone on shore if the roughness of -the sea had consented thereto; and, far as they were from the shore, our -men did yet perceive that it was a land very green, peopled by human -folk and tame cattle, which the inhabitants of the land had with them -for their use. And they would have gone further on still, but the storm -increased upon them with much distemperature of the weather, so that -they were forced to turn back without remedy. - - - - -CHAPTER XLV. - -How they forced their way upon shore. - - -Now that tempest lasted for the space of three days, and they were kept -continually running backwards before a contrary wind, but after those -three days were ended, that great tempest abated, and the weather became -serene, when they had now come to the point where[N116] they had -previously captured the seven Moors; and on that day the captaincy -happened to be with Mafaldo, and he waited for the other caravels to -come up. And when they were all assembled in full day light, he came -upon the deck of his ship and spake thus to the other captains: "You see -right well that we are near to the place where we took the seven Moors, -and you know that according to the track of those men which we lighted -on, and the nets of their fishery, the land ought in reason to be -peopled. Wherefore, if you think it well, I desire to go on shore and -see if I can obtain any booty." And as you see that among many men there -are always divers purposes, some began at first to say that such a sally -appeared to them useless, since they had got enough wherewith to make -their return to their own land, as they had already said before they set -out for the land of the Negroes. Others again said that, forasmuch as -the expedition was perilous, they ought to go by night and not by day. - -"Now," said Mafaldo, "I am your captain to-day, and you are one and all -bound to obey me as fully as you would obey the Infant our lord if he -were present, and you may suppose that I do not love my life less than -each one of you loveth his. Wherefore, my purpose is, notwithstanding -your reasonings, to sally forth, for even supposing that the land be -peopled it is not to be presumed that the Moors will be even now on the -shore waiting for us. And if we go by day we shall have reason to see -the country better, and know in what direction we have to go." - -The others replied that it sufficed he was captain, for though the -contrary opinion might be in favour with some of the company, it was -necessary they should obey him; but they begged him to consider well the -affair, for they would not turn back, no, not for any mishap that might -befall them. The boats were at once lowered, and those who were to go -forth were accoutred ready for starting, and, in fact, set out at once. -They were in all about thirty-five men-at-arms, and as they went on -their way towards the land, one of the men in the boats said to the -captain, "I know not if you see what I do?" "And what do you see," said -the captain, "that we do not?" "I see," said he, "as me thinketh, that -those black things that are upon those banks of sand are the heads of -men, and the more closely I look at them, the more it seemeth to me that -I am right, and if you look narrowly you will see that they are moving." -And the captain ordered the boats to stop still a little, whereat the -Moors concluded that they were discovered, and forthwith they discovered -themselves to the number of fifty men, apparelled for fighting, though -with no other arms than lances. And when all had thus come forth, -Mafaldo made his boats approach near to the shore, at which the Moors -showed great pleasure, some wading into the water as high as their -necks, and others lower, all of them desirous to get at the Christians. -And when Mafaldo saw them thus on the beach, displaying a countenance of -such hardihood, he signed to the other boats to draw near to him; and -when they were all together he made them stop rowing, and began to speak -to them in this wise: "Friends, you know the end for which we came forth -from our country; how it was for the service of God, and of the Infant -our lord, and for the honour and profit of ourselves, wherein by the -grace of that great Lord who created all things, we have had a good -enough profit of our booty without any danger to ourselves; yet all our -honour is in being 500 leagues from our country in unknown lands, -increasing our past victories with new adventures. And since God knoweth -our good wills, He hath appointed us a place and time in the which we -may gain an honourable victory; for you see before you those Moors with -such pride, as if they held us in siege with great advantage to -themselves and without hope of succour, provoking us, like men secure of -victory over things already vanquished. And although they are more in -number than we by a third, yet they are but Moors, and we are -Christians, one of whom ought to suffice for two of them. For God is He -in whose power lieth victory, and He knoweth our good wills in His holy -service. But if we do not join battle with them it would be to our great -dishonour, and we should make them full of courage against any others of -our Law. Wherefore my counsel is, that the boats should all three -together row straight among them, and then that each one should do the -best he can." - -"Your purpose," said the others, "is good enough and full of profit, but -what are we to do if many more of their people are lying hidden? For -just as these were lying in wait, so there may now be ambushed a much -greater number of them unknown to us, and if there is a snare laid and -we land, our perdition is assured." Others did not seek to correct these -matters, but began to complain, saying that if they were always to -reason thus, they would never do a single brave deed. "Is it right," -said they, "to see our honour before our eyes, and to leave the matter -thus through fear of a hap so doubtful? All the men opposed to us are -not sufficient to withstand ten of ours in a fight. For they are but a -handful of Moorish knaves, who have never learnt to fight except like -beasts, and the first man to be wounded among them will frighten all the -others, so that they will not know how to face our arms any longer. Bold -indeed would be the men that have their armed ships in the Strait of -Ceuta, and through all the Levant Sea, if they were to dread such a -hostile gathering as this." These last reasons were well in accord with -the will of the captain, and those that spake them were much praised of -him. - -Wherefore he commanded that in each boat three men should place -themselves in the prow with lances and shields to protect themselves and -those that rowed, if perchance they should be shot at by the Moors; and -as soon as they should have rowed the boats ashore, these men were to -leap out at once with their weapons. And he commanded the cross-bow men -to keep their cross-bows charged, ordering their shots in such wise that -their bolts should be employed to the best advantage. And after this he -had the boats rowed as vigorously as possible, telling them to go bow -forward among the Moors as had been before determined; the which matter -was straightway put in action; and all shouting with a loud voice, "St. -George," "St. James," "Portugal," leapt out upon them as men who feared -little the valour of their enemies. And as if in a matter which God -Himself willed to ordain, the Moors at the first onset at once -discharged their arms, from which no Christian received any dangerous -hurt; but, on the contrary, they proved of use later on, for our men -possessed themselves of these arms and used them as if they had been -their own. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVI. - -Of the battle that they had, and of the Moors that they took. - - -When the Moors had lost their arms the Christians considered the victory -as won, and began to strike their enemies very briskly like men burning -with the first wrath,[D] and when some had fallen dead upon the ground, -the others began to fly. And you can imagine what haste they would be -in; but although the swiftness of the two parties was unequal by reason -of the arms that our men carried, and although they were not so used to -running, yet the will, that often increaseth the power,[E] made them -equal to their enemy, so that four or five of those Moors became utterly -weary, and when our men came up with them they sought the last remedy -for their safety, and they threw themselves on the ground as though they -besought mercy. And this they obtained, more especially because if our -men had killed them the profit would not have been so great. And those -in front awaiting the others, who were coming on behind, spake with -them, saying that it would be well nevertheless to follow up those -Moors; for it could not be but that they had wives and children -thereabouts; and that their journey should not be towards any other part -except where they had left them; for though they were wearied they could -not be so weary but that if they could catch sight of those women and -children they would take a great part of them. And so, leaving some to -guard those captives, they went forward, quickening their forces as much -as possible. And the Moors, before they arrived at their habitation, -began to give tongue, though they were wearied, as men who called or -warned other people whom they perceived to be near them, and this made -the Christians perceive that their lodgment could not be far off. - - [Footnote D: Of battle.] - - [Footnote E: Of combatants.] - -For that cry of theirs was nothing else but their warning of their wives -and sons, that they might be able to place themselves in safety before -they reached them. And at their cries the women came out of the -settlement, and because the land is very flat they saw how swiftly their -husbands were hastening along, followed by our men. For which reason all -of them began to take up their children on their necks, and others in -their arms, and others before them, guiding them so as best to escape; -and so flying, each their own way, through that plain, the Christians -caught sight of them and their children, which was the principal part of -their satisfaction. And they waxed bold in hope that their strength -would not diminish or prevent their following up the pursuit; and though -they were already weary enough, they now quickened their pace like men -who desired to come where their wills led them. But since the distance -was great and they were already very much weakened, the Moorish women -also having but freshly started, they were not able to follow very far; -so that after taking a few they could not go forward any more; nay, it -was needful for them to await the others who were coming behind, and -tell them of their weakness, which had reached such a point that they -felt without the strength so much as to return. Wherefore they decided -to turn back, seeing that they could do no more; but first of all they -took some repose there, the which was very necessary to them, seeing the -greatness of their toil. And so the booty on that day amounted to twelve -captives, what of men and women; but above all their gain, the valour -with which they assailed their enemies was worthy of high honour, and I -believe that up to this point no Moors had been taken with so honourable -a victory as these were. Oh how some of those others who had stayed in -the ships dispraised themselves, and blamed their captains because they -had not helped them to a share in that honour. Nor were they able to -listen gladly to the others in all the recital of their victory, for it -appeared to them that they had done nothing in comparison with the toil -of the others. There they began to take counsel what should be their -course after that achievement; and leaving out the long debate they had -about this, it was finally determined to enter into certain bays which -were between Cape Branco and Cape Tira;[N117] for they considered that -in those islands they could not fail to make some gain. And in this all -agreed, since the hope of profit was of equal strength in the purposes -of all. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVII. - -How they found the turtles in the Island. - - -The next day they took their course as they had determined, and when -they got within the shoals they saw an island which was further out than -all the others, but small and very sandy. Here they put out their boats -to see if they could find anything that they looked for; and well it -appeared that the Moors had been there but a little time before, from -the nets and other fishing tackle that they found, and especially a -great multitude of turtles,[N118] which were about one hundred and fifty -in number. And since all those who read[F] this history may not have a -knowledge of this animal, let them know that turtles are nothing but -sea-tortoises, whose shells are as large as shields; and I have seen -some like them in this our Kingdom in the lake of Obidos, which is -between Atouguya and Pederneira. And although in these islands there is -an abundance of good things caught in the sea, the Moors deem this -creature of especial value. Now our men, considering that those people -had passed to the other islands--for it seems they had caught sight of -them--agreed not to take anything of what they found there, for the -Moors would surely return to the island, and this would be a part of -their security, by means of which, when they themselves returned -thither, they could get a victory over them. - - [Footnote F: Lit., will read.] - - - - -CHAPTER XLVIII. - -How they returned again to the Island, and of the Christians that -perished. - - -Fortune would be false to its nature were it always to turn in one -direction; so now, playing its accustomed part, it would not permit our -ships to return altogether joyful with their share of victory; for, as -it is written in the _Commentaries_ of Caesar, enemies cannot endure a -continued distress, nor friends a constant pleasure. Therefore we will -narrate this event, sad though it be, in this place, that our history -may keep its right order. And it was so, that on the next day very -early, the boats returned to the Island according to the agreement they -had made before, but they did not find there the nets nor the other -tackle of fishery, but only the turtles which were tied with ropes; but -they supposed that the Moors, although they had snatched away their -tackling, could not be very far distant; and so, standing there and -looking out on every side, they saw another Island, which was separated -by an arm of the sea that ran between the two, to wit, that in which -they were, and the other they saw there. And being anxious to meet with -those Moors, and thinking that fortune would not be less gracious to -them in that encounter than in all the others they had had in that -voyage, they determined to go to the said Island, to see if they could -light upon what they so desired to meet, not knowing the hidden secret -that contrary fortune had in store for them. So with haste they put -themselves into their boats, in the which they passed over to the said -Island, and like men of small advisement, not seeking to consider the -hurt that might befall them, they began to spread themselves over the -Island as boldly as if they were going through their own property in -time of great security. And as Bernard said in the Rule which he gave to -Richard, Lord of Castello Ambrosio, upon the government of his -household, that he who doth not consider that his enemy may meditate -that which he himself meditateth, exposeth himself to danger; so the -Moors having the same thought that our men had had, and standing on -their guard more carefully, had arranged three ambushes as well as they -could, behind some mounds of sand that were there, where they waited -until they perceived that our men were near them. Then, seeing their -great advantage, they discovered their treachery, and came out stoutly -upon our men, like those who sought to avenge the captivity of their -relations and friends. And although their multitude was great in -comparison of the fewness of our people, yet the latter did not turn -back, but faced them like men in whom fear had not got the upper hand of -valour: contending with their enemies a very great space, during which -the Moors received great hurt, for the blows of the Christians were not -dealt in vain; but at last our people, seeing the greatness of the -danger and how they needs must retire, began to retreat, not like men -who fled, but with all the caution and valour that such a case required. -And, of a surety, the battle was very great, and fought as by men who -did so with right good will; but the greater part of the hurt, till they -arrived at the boats, fell ever upon the Moors, for of them many died in -that retreat, whereas of the Christians, though some were wounded, not -one had yet fallen. And when they had now arrived near the boats, since -that of Alvaro Gil was the nearest or easiest to enter, there were -gathered into that one, and also into Mafaldo's, the greater part of our -Christians; but the remainder, seeking to regain the ship's boat of -Goncallo Pacheco, fell into the extremest peril, for the boat was large, -and though it had the lightest load, yet they were not able to launch it -like the other boats, which were smaller, so that it stuck fast upon the -shore: for it seemeth that the tide was in the last quarter of its ebb. -And some of those men who knew how to swim, seeing their danger so near -at hand, threw themselves into the water, in which they saved their -lives by swimming; but the others, who did not know that art, were -forced to frame their wills to patience in the receiving of a troublous -death, defending themselves, however, as long as strength gave them aid. -And so there was an end made of seven, whose souls may God, in His -mercy, receive in the habitation of the Saints. - -And as the Holy Scripture saith, that he who prayeth for another prayeth -for himself, may it please you who read this history to present your -prayer to God, that by your intercession their souls may receive some -increase in glory. The others in the two boats, seeing the death of -those men happen in this manner, betook themselves with great sadness to -the caravels; and in this sadness they departed to Arguim[N119] to take -in water, of which they were much in need. And the Moors took the[G] -boat to the river of Tider, where they broke up the greater part of her, -for they tore out the planks with the nails, but I wot not to what end, -for their wit did not suffice to make good use of these. And some said -afterwards that they had heard it said by some of those Moors who -chanced to fall into our hands, that their countrymen ate those dead -men; and although, on the other hand, other of our captives denied this, -seeking to excuse their countrymen of a matter so monstrous, at any rate -it is certain that their custom is to eat the liver of their captives -and to drink their blood: not as a general thing, but only, as was said, -in the case of those who had killed their fathers, or sons, or brothers, -counting this as a very great vengeance. And this seemeth to me a matter -of no doubt, as 'tis said in the book of Marco Polo[N120] that many -nations in those Eastern parts were generally accustomed to those -cannibal actions; and I see, too, that it is even now a common mode of -speech among us, when we reason of some man who beareth hatred against -another, that he hath such ill-will to his adversary that, if he could, -he would eat his liver and drink his blood. - - [Footnote G: Captured.] - -But now let us leave these matters, and return to our history. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIX. - -How Lancarote and the others of Lagos asked of the Infant permission to -go to Guinea. - - -Meseemeth the memory of the death of Goncallo de Sintra should have -profited those of whose hurt I have spoken in the last chapter, for by -it they might have taken some warnings and very easily escaped the -destruction that befell them; and it would have profited them, I say, if -they had left their boats afloat, considering the custom[H] of the sea, -since they could not fix the time of their return for certain; but the -good fortune of their other enterprises gave them an hope that was not -sure, for they thought that it would assist them in this affair even as -in others. - - [Footnote H: Of ebb and flow.] - -But now, leaving these matters on one side, let us collect our strength -and go out again and avenge these men. So you must know that Lancarote, -that knight of whom we have spoken, being as he was Collector of the -Royal Taxes[I][N121] in Lagos, came to the Infant, together with the -judges and the alcayde and the officers of the corporation of that town, -in the name of all the chief men of the place, and spake to him in this -wise:-- - - [Footnote I: Almoxarife.] - -"It is well known to your Highness how the dwellers in this our town, -from the time that Ceuta was taken even unto this present, have always -rendered service, and do still render service, with their bodies and -ships, in the war against the Moors, for the service of God and of the -King our lord. And so in the time of the other kings, when the coast of -this kingdom was harassed by the Moors, our ships were the first to arm -against them, as it is found in writings and remembered in the memories -of men of great age. Therefore, my lord, since your Grace gave order to -seek for this land of Guinea, you know well how in this place you have -fitted out the more part of your armaments, wherein you received all the -service that lay in our power. And since, my lord, after the due -obedience we must render to the King, your nephew, our lord, we are most -chiefly bound to love and serve you, we have been considering some -manner in which our service to you may be of special moment, in such -wise that by the desert of our great toil, our honour may be exalted in -the memories of the men of future ages. And even if we were to receive -no more guerdon for our toil than that, we should hold it as sufficient; -but we are certain that over and above this we shall gain great profit, -especially in the hope we have of receiving from your lordship great -rewards on our return from this service of ours. And in truth, my Lord," -said they, "the deed will be of such a sort that the dwellers in this -place, even after your time, so long as there is an inhabited region -amongst us, will be bound to pray God for you. - -"And if some in their malice should seek to be so ingrate as to strive -to deny this, in presence of your benefits, which they will have daily -before their eyes, they would themselves be their own chief accusers, -for they will see before their eyes great lineages of servants, both men -and women, which they have obtained for their service, and their houses -abounding in bread, which hath come to them from the isles which were -peopled through your means; yea, and there are ancient writings which -will perpetually speak of the great privileges and liberties which they -obtained from you. Wherefore, my Lord, we having considered about all -this; and seeing that you toil every day more and more in the war -against the Moors; and learning that, in the expedition that Lancarote -made with his caravels, a great multitude of Moors was found at the isle -of Tider, wherein Goncallo de Sintra was afterwards slain; and -perceiving that[J] the Moors of the said island are now able to cause -great hindrance to your ships--therefore we desire, with the approval of -your Grace, to take arms against them, and either by death or capture to -break their strength and power in such wise that your ships may sail -along all that coast without fear of any. And if God shall crown our -deed with a victorious issue, we shall be able, besides effecting the -destruction of our enemies, to make booty of great worth, through which -you will receive for your fifth a great profit, and in this we also -shall not be without our share. And to this, my Lord, may it please you -to make your answer, that we may speedily pursue our voyage, while the -summer time giveth us favourable weather therefor." - - [Footnote J: Lit., inasmuch as.] - - - - -CHAPTER L. - -How the Infant replied to the men of Lagos, and of the armament that was -made ready against the said island. - - -"Great matters," replied the Infant, "be often disprized where things of -small moment are much commended; for better is the mean man who -liberally offereth his whole self than the grandee who in niggardly wise -tendereth his share. And, moreover, the offering of your good wills is -of greater price than the great services of more powerful men, which -were not granted me with so good a grace. And, for my certitude of this, -I need not a surer testimony than your past deeds, by the which I am -constrained to honour and advance you, with that love and good will -which I show to the chief men of each one of my towns or villages, in -the which, by the grace of the King my Lord, I hold, after him, full and -entire jurisdiction. And as for the permission you require of me to go -against the Moors of the Isle of Tider, it is much to my pleasure to -grant it you, and to grant you also for this my grace and aid: yea, such -a request as yours is much to be commended, for one should not so much -prize the hope of a share in profit as discern and praise the good will -which has moved you to this. - -"And now, forthwith," said he, "you can put your matters in train for -starting, and you may ask of me anything which you require to aid you in -your preparations, for I will not be less liberal to you in this than I -would be to any of my Household who by my own especial command were -making themselves ready for the said voyage." - -And at these words of his all made great obeisance, kissing his hands in -the name of all those others for whom they had come. Now, when all the -others in the place had heard the message, they began at once to make -ready to arm their caravels and pursue their voyage as speedily as they -could; and the news of this armament went out through all parts of the -Kingdom, which news stirred up others to join themselves to the said -company. But I believe that this was not without the especial order of -the Infant, since, as I have said before, no one could go to Guinea -without the allowance of that lord. - - - - -CHAPTER LI. - -How the caravels quitted Lagos, and what captains were in them. - - -On this occasion it happened that the Infant Dom Henry was summoned on -the part of his brother Dom Pedro, who was Regent of the kingdom in the -name of the King, as we have said already, to go to Coimbra and knight -Dom Pedro of Portugal, eldest son of the said Regent, who was then -Constable of these realms; and who was ordered to go to Castille, as in -fact he did. Forasmuch as the King Don John the Second, who was then -King of that realm, was in trouble with his cousins, the King of Navarre -and the Infant Don Henry, who was master of the Order of Santiago, and -other grandees of that kingdom who were with them, because of the great -enmities which had sprung up between the said King and those lords, -owing to the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna. For he, being a man of common -origin and manners, by superabundance of fortune or some other hidden -secret, came to such a pitch of power that he did whatever he pleased in -the kingdom, so that for his sake were slain and destroyed the principal -men of Castille, as you will learn more at length in the General -Chronicle of the kingdom, since of necessity the said actions must be -touched on there. Right well did the Infant Dom Pedro give the world to -understand the great dignity that he recognised in his brother, for he -held it as a greater honour that his son should receive knighthood at -the hand of his uncle than at that of any other Prince of Spain. - -And among the things which I have heard say the Infant spake to that son -of his, when he left him, was this: that he charged him to remember the -order of chivalry which he had received, and especially from whose hand -he had received it, the which matter was no small charge for him. But -before the Infant Dom Henry had thus set out from Lagos, he left in the -chief command of all those ships, Lancarote, the same knight of whom we -have already spoken; and this was done with the consent of all the other -captains: for though there were then a sufficiency of notable persons -worthy of great honour, yet, knowing the judgment and discretion of that -man, it was their pleasure that he should have this charge. For there -was there Sueiro da Costa, Alcayde of that city of Lagos, who was a -nobleman and a fidalgo, brought up from boyhood in the court of the -King, Dom Edward; and who happened to have been in many notable actions. -For he was in the battle of Monvedro[N122] with the King, Don Fernando -of Aragon, against the men of Valencia,[K] and he was at the leaguer -of[N123] Balaguer,[L] in which were performed very great matters; and he -was with the King Ladislaus[M] when he assailed the city of Rome; and he -was with the King Louis of Provence in all his war; and he was at the -battle of Agincourt, which was a very great and mighty battle, between -the Kings of France and England; and he was in the battle of -Vallamont[N] with the Constable of France against the Duke of Ossestre; -and in the battle of Montsecur, in which were the Count of Foix[O] and -the Count of Armagnac; and he was at the taking of Soissons[P] and at -the raising of the sieges of Arrasa[Q] and Ceuta,[R] in which matters he -always approved himself a very valiant man of arms. And this Sueiro da -Costa was father-in-law of Lancarote.[N124] And there were also in that -captaincy Alvaro de Freitas, Commander of Aljazur, which belongeth to -the order of Santiago, a nobleman, and one who had made very great -prizes among the Moors of Granada, and of Bellamarim; and Gomez Pirez, -commander of the King's galley, of whom we have already spoken in -another chapter; and Rodriguez Eannes of Travacos, a servant of the -Regent, who was a very zealous squire, and toiled to the utmost of his -power to increase his honour. And there was also Pallenco, a man who had -often fought against the Moors, and who spent his whole life in the -service of God and of the kingdom, undertaking and accomplishing by -himself very great actions (as we have said in the General Chronicle of -the Kingdom) after Ceuta was taken. Other good and honourable persons -chanced to be in the said company, whom we omit to mention, so as not to -be too lengthy: such as Gil Eannes, a knight and dweller in that town, -and Stevam Affonso, and others. And to speak briefly there were armed in -that place and year[N125] fourteen caravels, besides some others that -were armed in Lisbon and in the Madeira Islands, to wit, those of Dinis -Diaz,[N126] who was the first to reach the land of the Negroes, and of -Tristam,[S][N127] one of the captains of the island,[T] who went there -in person with his caravel; besides the vessel of Alvaro Goncalvez -d'Atayde, who was then preceptor to the King, and afterwards Count of -Atouguya; moreover, John Goncalvez Zarco, who had the other captaincy in -Madeira,[U] sent there two caravels; and other ships were there, of -whose masters we do not care to make express mention in this place. Only -it were well you should know that in this year there were armed to go to -that land of the Negroes twenty-six caravels, not counting the Fusta of -Pallenco; and among these the thirteen ships of Lagos started first, and -after them the others, each one as it best could; but they did not all -together take part in the affair of Tider. - - [Footnote K: Vallenca.] - - [Footnote L: Vallaquer.] - - [Footnote M: Lancaraao.] - - [Footnote N: Cabo de Caaes.] - - [Footnote O: Fooes.] - - [Footnote P: Sanso[=o]es.] - - [Footnote Q: Ras.] - - [Footnote R: Cepta.] - - [Footnote S: Vaz.] - - [Footnote T: Madeira.] - - [Footnote U: Besides Tristam Vaz.] - -And as the history cannot be recounted as well as might be, for that the -voyage was not made by all the caravels in company, we will only say -what we can, in the best manner that we can speak. - - - - -CHAPTER LII. - -Of how the caravels met at Cape Branco, and how Laurence Diaz fell in -with the caravels of Lisbon. - - -It was on the tenth day of August when the fourteen caravels set out -from Lagos; and forasmuch as they were not able to follow one route in -company, and many times tempests overtook them which separated one from -the other, they made agreement as usual to await one another at Cape -Branco. And starting all together with a favourable tide and wind for -their journey, when they were only a little way distant from the coast, -some of the ships began to show that they sailed better than the others, -and among them all that of Laurence Diaz began to take the lead. But -now, leaving this vessel and the others to pursue their voyage, we will -return a little to speak of the three caravels of Lisbon, which were -left in grievous case by reason of the loss of their seven men who were -slain, and we will see if we can give them any consolation. And it was -so, that after that event of ill fortune, while they were wholly -desperate of obtaining vengeance on that occasion, they made sail -towards the isle of Arguim, where they arrived with the intention of -watering, and thence proceeding to the kingdom.[V] And when they were -just ready to set out, they began, as it chanced, to speak about their -voyage: to wit, how many leagues they should follow in one course and -how many in another, when the sail of the ship of Laurence Diaz began to -appear. And when they saw this, all were so much the more joyful, -especially as they knew that it was a ship of Christian folk, and what -was more, of Christians from this Kingdom of Portugal, because no vessel -of that kind, or like unto it, was to be seen in that part save what -came from our land. Suffice it that this caravel joined the others, -whereat the minds both of the one and of the other party were very -joyful, and especially the minds of those who were there before, when -Laurence Diaz told them of the coming of the other caravels, and of the -purpose for which they came. "You others," said Laurence Diaz, "should -take great delight in our arrival, as it seemeth to me; and since you -desire revenge for the hurt you have sustained, you have now an -opportunity to take such vengeance. And since the being avenged by other -hands could not be so much to your contentment, you should now put off -your departure, that you may be with us in the conquest of this island, -by the which you will have manifold gain. First you will obtain honour -and profit; and secondly you will witness the injury of your enemies, -along with the vengeance taken for your hurt; while in the third place -you will be the first to take the news of this to the lord Infant, and -may it please God that the news I speak of be such as we hope, for -thereby your reception shall be so much the better, and with a greater -increase of reward." - - [Footnote V: Of Portugal.] - -"You may well believe, Laurence Diaz," answered those captains, "that no -other words were needed to move us to such a deed, but only our own good -wills; but on account of certain difficulties amongst ourselves, it is -necessary that we first take counsel about what you say." - -"That should be done at once," said Laurence Diaz, "for my stay here -must not be long, inasmuch as I fear that the other caravels will be -already at the island, and I should have a great displeasure if they -were to accomplish anything without me." - -The others said they would speak about the matter that very night, and -very early they would give him an answer. And to leave out their -prolixities, I will say in a word that their councils were divided. On -the one side some said that despite all contrary reasons they ought to -make their way straight home, since they already had booty with which -they could reasonably make their voyage, and this was all the more -necessary as provisions were failing them, which all could see right -well. Moreover, the accomplishment of that deed (to which Laurence Diaz -urged them) was not certain; for it might be that the caravels would -encounter some contrary fortune, by which occasion they would be stayed, -to no purpose wasting their victuals, in which rested the sustenance of -their life. Others, however, said that it would be a great disgrace to -them if they were so near and did not join themselves to the company -which essayed that action. "Were we already" said they, "half way on our -voyage, and chanced upon such an encounter, we should turn back;[W] how -much the more therefore, when we are now, as it were, on the shores of -the said island, and when we are invited to it for the service of God -and the lord Infant. Of a surety we should be ill-accounted of were we -to leave such an emprise for any consideration at all." - - [Footnote W: And join the enterprise.] - -All fell in with this accord, for the greater part of the company agreed -with this second resolution. Thereupon they arranged to order their -provision in such wise that the victuals might last them a longer time; -and so much were their wills disposed to this venture that some said -that, in good sooth, it would be better to throw a moiety of those -Moors[X] into the sea, rather than relinquish a matter so honourable for -their sakes, and one in which they might get vengeance for the death of -their companions. The agreement was thus concluded, and on the next day -they gave their answer to Laurence Diaz, in whose company they started -at once for the Ilha das Garcas, where for three days they waited the -coming of the other caravels, refreshing themselves with the birds of -that island, of which there was there a great multitude. More especially -may we speak of some birds there, that are not in our land, which are -called hornbills, and are all white, of a size greater than swans, and -with beaks of a cubit's length or more, and three fingers in breadth; -and they look like the engraved sheaths of swords, so wrought and with -such ornamentation as if they had been made artificially with the aid of -fire to give them beauty; and the mouth and maw is so great that the leg -of a man, however large it were, would go into it as far as the -knee.[N128] Now when those three days were passed the other caravels -began to come, arriving at Cape Branco two by two and three by three, as -they chanced to meet. But there did not meet there more than nine ships, -to wit, those of Lancarote and of Sueiro da Costa, and of Alvaro de -Freitas, and of Gil Eannes, and of Gomez Pirez, and certain others of -the town of Lagos. - - [Footnote X: Their prisoners.] - - - - -CHAPTER LIII. - -Of how Lancarote held a council at Cape Branco. - - -Those nine caravels being thus met together, for they had yet no news of -that of Laurence Diaz, Lancarote bade all the other captains go on shore -that he might speak with them about the course that might seem good for -them to take; and these captains were very quickly ready. And when they -were all together joined in council, Lancarote said: "My noble friends, -although it pleased the lord Infant my lord, to give me charge of your -captaincies, you being of such honourable estate as you are, yet I fail -not to know, as is right, how to treat you with the honour that I ought, -and in this wise give you that authority which your honourable persons -merit; and putting aside Sueiro da Costa, whom I regard as a father by -reason of his daughter who is my wife, I hold nearly all of you[Y] as -brothers, some by our having been brought up together, and some by -ancient friendship, and others by long acquaintance. Therefore I hope -that you will counsel and aid me as a friend and brother, beyond what -you are bound in reason to do, in such wise that I may be a worthy -captain of such honourable personages as you, for I do not purpose to do -anything, either great or small, without your counsel. And for God's -sake, let each one imagine that the charge[Z] is principally his own, -and so, as if it were a private matter, let him labour to discover -proper remedies for our case. And in truth I am right glad when I -consider that I am consulting such discreet personages, who have seen -and experienced such great and honourable matters, and whose experience -will be a very great help in our undertaking, since the government and -direction of the matters which are to come depend chiefly upon the good -understanding of things past." "Now," said he, "we here assembled are -nine caravels, as you see, and you know that in all we set out fourteen -from Portugal. I desire therefore to know of you what it seemeth to you -that we should do. Whether perchance we ought to start at once as we -are, or whether it would be better to await the others who have to -come." - - [Footnote Y: Lit., you others.] - - [Footnote Z: Of this expedition.] - -"We thank you for your good purpose," said Alvaro de Freitas (speaking -for himself and the others, for being a knight as he was, and moreover -of high and noble rank, as we have said already, it pleased all the -other captains to give him that authority). "We thank you," said he, -"and you may be sure that there is not any one here who will not aid and -counsel you, not only as captain and friend, but as if you were his own -self; and the reasons for this are many, and therefore I now forbear to -touch upon them. Let it suffice that all of us know you for a brave and -valiant man, so much so that not only are you deserving of the captaincy -of these few men and ships, but of many more besides. And as to the -counsel that you ask, it seemeth to me that although all the fourteen -caravels must meet together for the invasion of the Island of Tider, as -was agreed at our outcoming, yet I think it would be well if we who have -arrived here already were to go at once to the Ilha das Garcas,[N129] -and there wait two or three days, according to the arrangement that we -have. For that is a place where we cannot be seen by the other side, but -if we remain near this Cape we shall readily be discovered, in which -case we shall not escape one of two things: either the Moors will leave -that Island, or so many will enter it that when we wish to attack it we -shall be in very great danger. And if peradventure those other five -caravels do not arrive at the Ilha das Garcas within a few days, my -determination would be not to wait any longer for them, but simply to -carry out what we have[N130] been ordered. And if it be the will of God -to aid us, as I hope in Him, since it is in His service before all else -that we are come here, that aid which will be ours when we are all met -together will likewise be the portion of those of us who are here, or -peradventure in greater measure, since just as we feel our necessity to -be the greater, so we shall have recourse to His aid with greater -devotion; and whereas when we were all joined together, we should place -our hope in the strength of men, now, seeing ourselves to be few in -number, we shall rest our chief succour on His aid. And now, from -henceforth, said he, you will be able to ordain that which seemeth to -you to have the advantage over my counsel." "In good sooth," replied -they all, "your counsel is so good and so profitable that anything we -should say over and above would be superfluous, or perchance even -mischievous, as distracting us from the true path in which your good -words have set us." - - - - -CHAPTER LIV. - -Of how they found the other caravels at the Isle of Herons, and of the -counsel that they took. - - -Great pleasure was theirs when they came within sight of the Ilha das -Garcas and saw the four caravels which were lying at rest, in whatsoever -guise they were there; for it mattered not whether they formed part of -their company, since they knew them to be from the kingdom of Portugal, -wherefore they hoped that their assistance would supply the want of the -others which they expected before. The news of this sight ran through -all the caravels, as they came up one after another, and in this all -received great pleasure, and especially the common people, in that they -saw the captains had taken their determination to attempt the -enterprise, and would not now be hindered by the non-arrival of the -others, as hath been written above. And as people who did not know how -to conceal their gladness, they made their instruments to sound, and -raised chants, and so fell to eating and drinking as men full of good -confidence of victory. And arriving at the ships that lay anchored -there, they charged their bombards and culverins, and made therewith a -salute in signal of the pleasure of their hearts, in the which pleasure -the others who were already lying there at rest were not without their -share. But all this increased twofold the sorrow of the Moors who lay, -as they had been put, under the decks of the vessels, for though they -could not understand the language, yet the sound of the voices right -well assured them of the opposite of what they desired. I will not -occupy myself in describing the embracings of our men when they all met -together, forasmuch as reason itself will tell you what they must have -been at such a place and time; only let us imagine that we see them leap -from ship to ship, and that those who had set out from Portugal more -recently, now offered to their comrades who had gone before the food of -which they knew they stood in need. And so, in doing this and in taking -repose at night, they spent their time until the next day, when by the -order of Lancarote they went on shore, in order that all might take -counsel together. And when they were assembled, he said how all could -right well perceive the delay of the other caravels, and how God willed -that they should meet there those three ships which some time ago had -set out from the kingdom, together with one of the five,[AA] which -before they hoped to meet. And he showed them that now there lacked but -one of their complement of fourteen. So that while they had already -resolved to attack their enemies with nine ships, they could the more -readily do so with thirteen, but that they should consider if it were -well to depart straightway, or to wait some little time longer. - - [Footnote AA: _I.e._, the ship of Laurence Diaz.] - -All said that the delay would be harmful, and they saw no profit in it, -and that they ought to start at once with good fortune, and the earlier -they could begin that action the better it would be; and in this all -agreed, for in such a time and place there was no fear of contrary -suggestions, nor of companions betraying their secrets to the enemy. -"Now, then, that you have resolved," said Lancarote, "to set out upon -this enterprise in any case, it were well that you, who have already -seen many dispositions appertaining to such an enterprise as this, -should remind yourselves of them, and aid me in arranging our -expedition, that we may go on in good order." And omitting all the -various opinions which were mooted in their debate, it was finally -determined that they should proceed on this wise. From the whole company -that was in the caravels they were to choose two hundred and -twenty-eight men, because it appeareth that they needed so many in the -partition that had been ordered of their forces, and of these the -footmen and lancers were to go in the battle of which Alvaro de Freitas -was captain. Behind him followed Lancarote with all the crossbowmen and -archers, and in the rear guard were Sueiro da Costa and Dinis Eannes de -Graa with all the men-at-arms. And they determined to start very early, -so that before dawn they might attack the settlement of Tider Island; -and three boats with pilots in them went before the caravels, the pilots -being men who had already been in that land, and who knew the way. - - - - -CHAPTER LV. - -How those people landed on the Island of Tider. - - -I am wroth with those pilots in that they so far wandered from the -course they should have taken, for of a surety if fortune had not -intermeddled in the mistake of that voyage, the victory would have been -much more perfect. But the blame for this was not so much with the -pilots as with the darkness of the night, for although they had been -there before, the previous occasions were not so many that these men -could fairly be blamed very much for their mistakes at this time. -Perhaps, too, the true cause of the misadventure was the water, which -was at the neap, so that our men found it in many places so shallow that -they could not float[AB]; so that finding themselves on dry ground they -were compelled to wait for the aid of the flood tide, which they did not -get till it was high noon. Oh, what complaints were to be heard among -our men at seeing themselves thus hindered of their purpose by something -in which their strength could avail nothing. "Ah, God," said they, "Thou -willest to be less favourable to this our enterprise than Thou hast been -many times to others, who had not so fervent a purpose to serve Thee -This day, on which Thy Holy Name might have cause to be so much -glorified and our honour so much exalted, Thou givest place to the -feeble power of one element of Thy creation, which is of force to hinder -us. Have mercy on us by Thy sacred pity, and aid us, for we are Thy -servants, sinners though we be, for the greatness of Thy benignity is -more than the multitude of our sins. And if Thou didst exert Thy power -to open a way for the Children of Israel through the midst of the -waters, and madest the sun to turn back at the request of Joshua against -the course of Nature, why wilt Thou not show as great a favour to this -Thy people, so that Thy miracle may appear before our eyes, and that -these waters may rise before their time, and that our voyage may be -directed to gain a perfect victory." - - [Footnote AB: Their boats.] - -So toiled those seamen during that night as best they could, but for the -two reasons that I have already given, they did not reach the island -till the sun was high. And before they arrived at the harbour where they -had to disembark, they arranged that all the caravels should join -together, and they sailed in so close together that the men jumped from -one into another. And then there arose among them a new opinion, for -some said that it was not in reason that they should land, inasmuch as -it was well known that many Moors were collected there, and they would -certainly be more in number than they were before, on account of the -caravels from Lisbon, which had visited the place some days ago and had -lost in that island, not fifteen days before, the seven men of whom we -spoke. At least, they said, they ought not to land that day, inasmuch as -they supposed that the Moors were numerous, and were lying hid in -ambushes, since none appeared. And this surmise was not confined to a -few, but prevailed throughout the greater part of the rank and file. -"Friends," said the captains, "it is for war, and for war alone, that we -are come to this land; and this being so, we must not be timid, for if -we fight our battle by day it will be much more to our honour than if we -fight by night--attacking the Moors of this island, and expelling them, -by sheer force of arms rather than by any cunning or stratagem. Better -the former way of battle, even if we fail to kill or take a single man, -than the latter with a night capture of a thousand prisoners. And so in -God's name," said they, "let us set forth at once, and let us take land -in our predetermined order". And with these words they began forthwith -to disembark, and as soon as they were all on shore, they put their -ranks in order; and Lancarote, by agreement with all the other captains, -took the Banner of the Crusade, which the Infant Dom Henry had given him -(and you already know how those who died under the said banner were -absolved from sin and punishment, according to the grant of the Holy -Father, whose mandate you have seen and the tenor thereof). And this -banner was entrusted to Gil Eannes,[N131] Knight of the Infant's -Household, a native of Lagos, about whom we have spoken to you before. -And although Lancarote understood the value and virtues of this man, yet -he made him swear forthwith and took fealty of him, that not for fear -nor for danger would he leave the said banner till death; and the others -also swore to him that in consequence they would toil to guard and -defend him even to the last moment of their life. And when these things -were done, our men, so arrayed, began to move forward in the -predetermined order, and went a space of three leagues over sand, the -day being very hot, till they arrived at the place of Tider,[AC] which -is in the interior of the said island, close to which they saw a -multitude of Moors drawn up as if to fight. Now this sight was a very -joyful one to the Christians, and so they bade "sound the trumpets," and -went at them with right good will; but the Moors, losing their first -courage, began to fly, casting themselves into the water and swimming -across a creek which maketh that land an island, to the which[AD] their -women and children had passed over already with all their poor goods; -but they were not able with all their haste to prevent our men from -killing eight of them and taking four. And there one of the men of Lagos -was wounded, for he sought to outstrip the others to show his valour, so -that almost of his own free will he received the said wounds of the -which he afterwards died when at sea, and may the Lord God receive his -soul into the company of the saints. And so the Moors having been -routed, the Christians, perceiving that a longer stay there would not -profit them, betook themselves to that place where the enemy had had -their habitations before, and there they found a supply of water, which -after the heat and toil they had suffered gave them great pleasure, for -many would have perished with thirst if they had not found it. Also they -discovered there cotton trees, although there were not many of them. - - [Footnote AC: Tidre.] - - [Footnote AD: Viz., island.] - -Now the weariness of some of our men was so great that they could not by -any means return on foot; but they found a great succour for their need -in some asses, of which there were many in the island, and riding on -these they returned to their ships. But before they entered into their -boats, there were some that asked that noble man, Sueiro da Costa, that -he would consent to be knighted; and to this he agreed, either at the -pressing demands of his friends, or because he desired it for his own -greater honour: saying that it pleased him so long as he received it -from the hand of Alvaro de Freitas,[N132] since he knew him to be such a -knight that his own knighthood would be beyond reproach. And at this all -the company were very glad, and especially those chief men who knew -him.[AE] And so that noble man was made a knight, and I marvel at his so -long toiling in the profession of arms and being so distinguished in the -same, without ever having been willing to receive that honour of -knighthood until this occasion. Of a surety, saith our Author, I well -believe that though Alvaro de Freitas was such a noble knight, and it -had happened to him to create others like him,[AF] yet never had his -sword touched the head of so noble and so eminent a man; nor was the -said Alvaro de Freitas a little honoured by the circumstance that Sueiro -da Costa sought to be knighted at his hand, when he could have obtained -the same from very honourable kings and great princes, who would have -been very content to show him that grace for the knowledge they had of -his great valour. - - [Footnote AE: Sueiro da Costa.] - - [Footnote AF: Sueiro da Costa.] - -That night they went back to their caravels to rest, and on the next day -they went on shore, to perform the knighting of Dinis Eannes de Graa, -the which was likewise done by the hand of Alvaro de Freitas. And there -the caravels of Lisbon took leave of the others, because they perceived -that their stay there was no longer necessary, and provisions failed -them, so that if their voyage were delayed by any contrary hap they -would of necessity be placed in great suffering. But it may well be -believed that if they had known that so many Moors were yet to be slain -and taken in that island, they would not have departed so quickly,[AG] -if only for the fulfilment of a greater vengeance. Of the other Moors -who were taken at Tider, Lancarote and the other captains sent one to -Cape St. Vincent; and to Sta. Maria da Augua da Lupe, a hermitage which -is in that district of Lagos, they sent another to be sold, that with -the price of him ornaments might be bought for that church. - - [Footnote AG: But would have waited.] - - - - -CHAPTER LVI. - -How they returned again to Tider, and of the Moors that they took. - - -Me seemeth it is not necessary that we should speak of the arrival of -the caravels at Lisbon, nor that we should fill up this writing of ours -with a recital of the sale of the Moors, as we found it in the account -of Affonso Cerveira, from whom we have borrowed this record; for already -the men of that city[AH] were accustomed to the coming of Moors from -that land: for, as saith Fra Gil de Roma, in the first part of his first -book,[N133] _De Regimine Principum_, "the property of temporal goods, as -regards the desires of men is of such a kind that before a man -possesseth them, they appear to him much more valuable than in truth -they are; but after he hath acquired them, the contrary happeneth, for -however vast and good they may be, he holdeth them not in so great -account." And returning to our history: as soon as those three caravels -had set out, there arrived other three out of those four which had -failed to come before, and among these there was no small complaining -that they had not been with their companions at the invasion of the -island; for although the fighting was not greater than we have related, -it appeared to them that whatever they might do they could not hope to -win any honour;[AI] and so like men who felt jealous at it, they called -upon the others forthwith to order a sortie upon the land: and upon this -matter they took counsel, and after some debate they determined that the -three smallest caravels should go to the ford of the creek of Tider, and -that the people of the other caravels should go likewise in the boats. -For it might be that the natives would return to the island, in which -case they could take some of them in that spot. - - [Footnote AH: Lisbon.] - - [Footnote AI: After what had already been accomplished.] - -And beginning to put their plan in action, they set out in the night; -yet they were not able to reach the passage till day. And arriving -there, they saw the Moors on the other side; and the Christians being in -front of the ford--which was a broad sheet of water, though shallow, -except for the distance of a stone's cast that could not be crossed -without swimming--the Moors stood still on the other side of it looking -at them.[AJ] But of them they seemed to have small fear indeed; and -their countenances showed that it was so, for they were dancing and -rejoicing like men who are secure from their enemies, to whom they made -those signs, as if to enrage them by scoffing at their approach. But it -would have been well for them if they had been better advised, and -especially if they had remained further in the creek, where the water -was deep, for so they would have been in greater security in regard to -what chanced to them afterwards. The Christians, besides the desire they -had to get at them, when they saw their behaviour, which was that of -enemies who despised them, felt doubly eager to fight, although the -Moors were many more in number. - - [Footnote AJ: The Christians.] - -So, although they suffered great hindrance from the water, which was -between ebb and flow, the ardent desire they had forced them to pursue -their purpose. And so they began to enter into the water till they came -to that deep place which could not be passed without swimming, and -arriving there they halted, as they held the crossing to be dangerous. -And while they stood there battling as it were with themselves, for -courage urged them on, and fear replied to courage with the threat of -death, there happened to be among them a youth of the Infant's chamber, -whom I afterwards knew as a noble esquire, and who was now going as -purser in one of these caravels--for it was the custom of the Infant not -to give the position of an esquire to any youth of his court till he had -exercised himself in some feat of arms; and according to their merit he -granted them in the future such dignity as he thought they deserved. Now -this youth, who was named Diego Goncalvez, mastered by the ardour of his -courage, spake to a man of Lagos who was near him, called Pero -Allemam[N134] (I do not know if it was because he was a native of that -country of Germany, or if it was a nickname that had been given him), -and asked him if he would join him in swimming across. "By my faith," -replied the other, "you could not ask me a matter I would grant you with -greater willingness;" and before he had finished his answer he plunged -into the water and began to swim, and the youth with him; and after him -an esquire of the Infant's Household, named Gil Goncalvez, who had been -at the taking of the first Moorish prisoners, under the captaincy of -Antam Goncalvez, and also in the war waged against those other Moors who -border upon our Spain, and he had the reputation of being a valiant man. -And immediately after them went another youth of the Prince's Household, -who was named Lionel Gil, and a son of that knight to whom the banner of -the crusade had been entrusted, and many others followed after these. -But the enemy, though they saw them, judged this movement of their toil -to be but play, boldly trusting in their multitude, and thinking that -victory would hasten to them as it had come the other day, when they -slew the seven men from the other caravels. But our men, as soon as they -gained a foothold, stood erect and pressed on as far as they could until -the enemy fell on them. So the Christians, in order to gain the land, -and the Moors in order to prevent them, began their fight, plying their -lances, by the which there could well be seen the hatred there was -between them. But the fight on the part of the Moors was not so much -from enmity as in defence of their women and children, and still more -for the salvation of their own lives. Our men wondered greatly at the -courage they perceived in their enemies; and though the comparison was -unequal in the number of the two parties, for the Moorish company was -very much greater, yet, God being willing to aid His own, they slew out -of hand sixteen, and the others were routed in a very short space. And -although the love of their women and children was of surpassing strength -before all other passions of theirs, as is natural in all men, yet, -seeing themselves routed, all their care was to provide for their own -safety; for, however terrible other matters may be, death doth put an -end to all. And so, being conquered, they began to fly, and there -perished many of them. But because the heat was very great, and our men -were sore wearied, they were not able to pursue them far; but they took -fifty-seven of them, and with them returned to the caravels. - - - - -CHAPTER LVII. - -How they went to Tira. - - -Though all had toiled in that action, and though all deserve a meed of -praise and honour for the same, yet principally the aforesaid Diego -Goncalvez and that man of Lagos who passed over with him are to be -praised, for the reason that I have already mentioned: for to the -beginnings of an enterprise the greater praises are due. And, in fact, -it was so regarded by the Infant, for he bestowed a rich reward upon -them afterwards, as he was ever accustomed to do upon those who served -him well. So, when those captured Moors had been brought on board the -ships, our men began at once to ask of some of them, separately, where -they thought they would find the others that had escaped from the -company; and our prisoners made reply that their opinion was that the -rest would be at a settlement called Tira, which was on the mainland by -the sea-shore, about eight leagues distant. And considering that the -earlier they went after them the more profitable their going would be, -for they imagined that such a short time having elapsed they would find -the Moors quite off their guard--for this reason, then, they set off at -once that very night with three caravels, the smallest and lightest in -their fleet, and all the other people went in the boats, taking with -them two Moorish women to show them the way. And in the first quarter of -the night they arrived at a point where they left their ships and -landed; and because they did not conceive it yet to be a fit time to -start, they rested there till the dawn began to break, and by the aid of -its brightness they began to make their way. And coming to a crossing of -a little arm of the sea, they fell in with a multitude of canoes, among -which was the boat which the Moors had taken from the caravels of -Lisbon, but it was now almost broken up. However, they took it with them -to carry back to the caravels. And passing on, they fell in with a Moor, -whom they killed--as I believe because he himself sought the way to it. -And so they arrived over against Tira and two other villages, but they -did not find in these anything that they sought, since the Moors had all -fled. And so they had to turn back to the caravels, and thence they -passed over to Tider, where they rested by reason of the water that was -there. While they were staying there, the captains bade some of them go -for asses, that the weak ones might return on them to the ships; and -while these were carrying out what had been commanded them, they met -with five Moors, whom they took with but little trouble. And so being -returned, Lancarote said that as it was now late they should rest for -that night, and that on the next day he wished to discuss certain -matters with them, which they would know then. - - - - -CHAPTER LVIII. - -Of the words that Lancarote spake. - - -On the next day, when all the principal men were met together by order -of the chief captain, as you have heard already, as well as all the -others who wished to come, Lancarote said:--"Friends and gentlemen,--In -that it was the grace of the Infant, our lord, to make me your captain, -and your pleasure and will consented that it should be so, and because I -here represent his person, I now in his name thank you all for your -great toil and good will, which I have found in one and all of you in -this action, whereto you came in his service: the which I will myself -recount to him when it please God that we stand again before him, in -such wise that for the deserts of your toil you may obtain that guerdon -which you so justly merit. - -"Now you know how we set out from our town with the main object of -coming to the conquest of this island, and as God hath willed to -despatch and guide us to it, we owe Him for this much thanks; for even -though we did not take so many Moors as formerly, yet our victory was -adequate, since in half a day we surrounded and attacked them as you -have seen, and great as was their number, they left the field to our -triumph, and we entered into their country and took their property -without any hindrance; thus securing for ourselves honour and praise -among all those who shall have a true understanding of the matter. And -as for our coming here, according to the plan we brought with us, the -matter has been performed, so that I cease to be your captain: for, -according to the directions that I have from the lord Infant,[N135] -after the capture of this island each one of you may do what he -pleaseth, so as to go wherever he may perceive his advantage or profit -to lie. And so it seemeth good to me that these few prisoners we have -taken should be divided in such wise that each one may have his own -rightful share and go wherever he think best. And for my part, I assure -you that I am ready for whatever toil or peril may come to me in the -service of God and of the Infant, my lord, for with so small a booty I -do not intend to go back to his presence." All the rest replied that -what Lancarote had said was very well considered, and they began -forthwith to divide the booty[AK] into equal parts, according to which -each one received what his lot gave him. And after that, Lancarote -required of all the other captains what they were wishful to do. Sueiro -da Costa and Vicente Diaz, the owner of a ship, and Gil Eannes and -Martin Vicente, pilot, and John Diaz, also owner of a ship, replied that -forasmuch as their caravels were small and winter was very near, they -held it as perilous to remain and proceed any further, wherefore they -intended to return home to Portugal. But of the manner of their return -we will speak fully later on in this history. - - [Footnote AK: Of captives.] - - - - -CHAPTER LIX. - -Of the words which Gomez Pirez spoke, and how they went to the land of -Guinea. - - -Gomez Pirez, who was there in that caravel of the King as chief captain, -being a man of valour and authority, began to speak of his purpose -before them all on this wise: "Me seemeth," said he, "that the -determination of the captains of these little caravels is to turn back -to the kingdom, in fear of the danger that may come upon them if the -winter finds them further than we are now. But as for you others, -honorable sirs and friends, you know right well the will of the lord -Infant: how much store he setteth on knowing somewhat of the land of the -Negroes, and especially of the river of Nile,[N136] for which reason I -am resolved to make my voyage to that land, toiling as much as I can to -get at it; and I purpose also to gain the most perfect knowledge that I -can of other matters, and on this I place all my hope of the greatest -guerdon that I can gain on this voyage: a guerdon that will not be small -for me, for I know how the lord Infant will show me grace and honour for -it, whereby I may obtain a greater profit; and since I have a ship good -enough, I should do wrong in taking any other course than this,[AL] and -if any one of the rest of you desire to keep me company I will hold fast -to all your ordinance so long as it be not outside this plan of mine." - - [Footnote AL: Viz., pushing forward.] - -"Of a truth I tell you," replied Lancarote, "that this purpose of yours -was also mine above all else, before you had said anything concerning -it; and it pleaseth me to fall in with your proposal, inasmuch as it was -so commanded me of the Infant, my lord." "And I," said Alvaro de -Freitas, "am not a man to hold aloof from such a company; but I say, let -us press on by all means whither soever you desire to go, be it even to -the terrestrial Paradise."[N137] With these men three others agreed, to -wit, Rodrigue Annes de Travacos, a knight of the Regent's household, and -Laurence Diaz of the same standing in the household of the Infant Dom -Henry, and Vicente Diaz, a trader. And all these, being settled in this -purpose, began at once to pursue their voyage. And after these there set -out other two caravels, to wit, one of Tavilla, and another belonging to -a man of Lagos called Bicanco, but concerning the voyage of these latter -we will defer our account to another place, forasmuch as they did not -arrive at the land of the Negroes. - -And so those six caravels having set out, pursued their way along the -coast, and pressed on so far that they passed the land of Sahara, -belonging to those Moors which are called Azanegues, the which land is -very easy to distinguish from the other[AM] by reason of the extensive -sands that are there, and after it by the verdure which is not to be -seen in it[AN] on account of the great dearth of water there, which -causeth an exceeding dryness of the soil. And to this land resort -usually all the swallows, and also all the birds that appear at certain -times in this our kingdom, to wit, storks, quails, turtle-doves, -wry-necks, nightingales and linnets, and other birds of various species. -And many are there, by reason of the cold of the winter, that go from -this land[AO] and journey to that one[AP] for the sake of its warmth. -But other kinds of birds leave it in the winter, such as falcons, -herons, ring-doves, thrushes, and other birds that breed in that land, -and afterwards they come and take refuge in this because of the food -they find here suitable to their nature. And of these birds the men of -the caravels found many upon the sea, and others on land at their -breeding-places. And since I have begun to speak of this matter, I will -not omit to say a little more about the divers other kinds of birds and -fishes that I hear are to be found in that land: among which we may -speak first of all of some birds called flamingoes, which are of the -same size as herons, with necks as long, but with short feathers; also -their heads are small in comparison with their bodies, but their beaks -are huge, though short, and so heavy that their necks are not well able -to support the weight of them, in such wise that for the aid of these -same necks they always have their beaks against their legs and rested -upon them, or else upon their feathers for the residue of the -time.[N138] And there also are other birds larger than swans, called -hornbills, of which I have already spoken. And as for the fishes of -these parts, there are some that have mouths three or four palms long, -some smaller and others larger, in which mouths there are teeth both on -the one side and on the other, so close together that a finger could not -be put between one and another, and all are of fine bone, a little -larger than those of a saw and farther apart; and these fish are some as -large as and others greater than sharks, and the jaw-bones of these are -in size not greater than those of other fish. And there is another kind -of fish there, as small as mullet, that have, as it were, crowns on -their heads, like gills, through which they breathe; and if they are -turned over and put with these crowns below in a basin, they lay hold so -firmly that on attempting to withdraw them they lift the basin with -them, even as the lampreys do with their mouths while they are -quite[N139] alive. And there are also many other birds and animals and -fish in that land whose appearance we do not care to describe at length, -as it would be an occasion of wandering too far from our history. - - [Footnote AM: Which they had now come to.] - - [Footnote AN: The Sahara.] - - [Footnote AO: Portugal.] - - [Footnote AP: The Sahara.] - - - - -CHAPTER LX. - -How those caravels arrived at the river of Nile, and of the Guineas that -they took. - - -Now these caravels having passed by the land of Sahara, as hath been -said, came in sight of the two palm trees[N140] that Dinis Diaz had met -with before, by which they understood that they were at the beginning of -the land of the Negroes. And at this sight they were glad indeed, and -would have landed at once, but they found the sea so rough upon that -coast that by no manner of means could they accomplish their purpose. -And some of those who were present said afterwards that it was clear -from the smell that came off the land how good must be the fruits of -that country, for it was so delicious that from the point they reached, -though they were on the sea, it seemed to them that they stood in some -gracious fruit garden ordained for the sole end of their delight. And if -our men showed on their side a great desire of gaining the land, no less -did the natives of it show their eagerness to receive them into it; but -of the reception they offered I do not care to speak, for according to -the signs they made to our men from the first, they did not intend to -abandon the beach without very great loss to one side or the other. Now -the people of this green land[N141] are wholly black, and hence this is -called Land of the Negroes, or Land of Guinea. Wherefore also the men -and women thereof are called "Guineas," as if one were to say "Black -Men." And when the men in the caravels saw the first palms and lofty -trees as we have related, they understood right well that they were -close to the river of Nile, at the point where it floweth into the -western sea, the which river is there called the Senegal.[AQ] For the -Infant had told them that in little more than 20 leagues after the -sighting of those trees they should look out for the same river, for so -he had learnt from several of his Azanegue prisoners.[N142] And so, as -they were going along scanning the coast to see if they could discern -the river, they perceived before them, as it might be about two leagues -of land measure, a certain colour in the water of the sea which was -different from the rest, for this was of the colour of mud. And they -thought that this might arise from shoals, so they took their soundings -for the safety of their ships, but they found no difference in this -place from the others in which there was no such movement, and at this -they were all amazed, especially by the difference in colour. And it -happened that one of those who were throwing in the sounding lead, by -chance and without any certain knowledge, put his hand to his mouth and -found the water sweet. "Here we have another marvel," cried he to the -others, "for this water is sweet;" and at this they threw a bucket -forthwith into the sea and put the water to the test, all drinking of it -as a thing in which nothing was wanting to make it as good as possible. -"Of a surety," said they, "we are near the river of Nile, for it seemeth -that this water belongeth to the same, and by its great might the stream -doth cut through the sea and so entereth into it."[N143] Thereat they -made signs to the other caravels, and all of them began to coast in and -look for the river, and they were not very long in arriving at the -estuary. - - [Footnote AQ: Canaga.] - -And when they were close to its mouth, they let down their anchors on -the seaward side, and the crew of the caravel of Vicente Diaz launched -their boat, and into it jumped as many as eight men, and among them was -that Esquire of Lagos called Stevam Affonso, of whom we have already -spoken, and who afterwards died in [AR]Canary; he had undertaken a part -of the armament of that caravel. - - [Footnote AR: Grand.] - -And as all the eight were going in the boat, one of them, looking out -towards the mouth of the river, espied the door of a hut, and said to -his companions: "I know not how the huts of this land are built, but -judging by the fashion of those I have seen before, that should be a hut -that I see before me, and I presume it belongs to fishing folk who have -come to fish in this stream. And if you think well, it seemeth to me -that we ought to go and land beyond that point, in such wise that we may -not be discovered from the door of the hut; and let some land, and -approach from behind those sandbanks, and if any natives are lying in -the hut, it may be that they will take them before they are perceived." -Now it appeared to the others that this was good advice, and so they -began to put it into execution. And as soon as they reached the land, -Stevam Affonso leapt out, and five others with him, and they proceeded -in the manner that the other had suggested. And while they were going -thus concealed even until they neared the hut, they saw come out of it a -negro boy, stark naked, with a spear in his hand. Him they seized at -once, and coming up close to the hut, they lighted upon a girl, his -sister, who was[AS] about eight years old. This boy the Infant -afterwards caused to be taught to read and write, with all other -knowledge that a Christian should have; and many Christians there be who -have not this knowledge as perfectly as he had, for he was taught the -prayer of Pater Noster, and the Ave Maria, and the Articles of Faith, -and the precepts of the Law,[AT] and the various works of mercy, and -many other things; so that some said of this youth that the Infant had -bidden train him for a priest, with the purpose of sending him back to -his native land, there to preach the faith of Jesus Christ. But I -believe that afterwards he died without ever reaching man's estate. So -those men entered into the hut, where they found a black shield made of -hide, quite round in shape, a little larger than those used in that -country, the which had in the middle of it a boss of the same hide as -the shield itself, to wit, of an elephant's ear, as was afterwards -learnt from certain Guineas who saw it; for they said that they made all -their shields of the hide of that animal, and that they found it so much -thicker than was necessary[AU] that they cut off from it more than half, -lessening it with devices they had made for this purpose. And the same -men said, moreover, that the size of the elephants was so great that the -flesh of one would make a good meal for 2,500 men, and that this meat -they reckoned among themselves to be very good, and that they made no -use of the tusks, but threw them away; and I learnt that in the East of -this part of the Mediterranean Sea[N144] the tusks of one of those -elephants were well worth 1,000 doubloons. And when they had captured -those young prisoners and articles of plunder, they took them forthwith -to their boat. "Well were it," said Stevam Affonso to the others, "if we -were to go through this country near here, to see if we can find the -father and mother of these children, for, judging by their age and -disposition, it cannot be that the parents would leave them and go far -off." The others said that he should go, with good luck, wherever he -pleased, for there was nothing to prevent them following him. And after -they had journeyed a short way, Stevam Affonso began to hear the blows -of an axe, or of some other iron instrument, with which some one was -carpentering upon a piece of timber, and he stopped a little to assure -himself of what he had heard, and put the others into the same -attention. And then they all recognised that they were near what they -sought. "Now," said he, "do you come behind and allow me to go in front, -because, if we all move forward in company, however softly we walk, we -shall be discovered without fail, so that ere we come at him, whosoever -he be, if alone, he must needs fly and put himself in safety; but if I -go softly and crouching down, I shall be able to capture him by a sudden -surprise without his perceiving me; but do not be so slow of pace that -you will come late to my aid, where perhaps I may be in such danger as -to need you." - - [Footnote AS: Lit., would be.] - - [Footnote AT: Of God.] - - [Footnote AU: For a shield.] - -And they agreeing to this, Stevam Affonso began to move forward; and -what with the careful guard that he kept in stepping quietly, and the -intentness with which the Guinea laboured at his work, he never -perceived the approach of his enemy till the latter leapt upon him. And -I say leapt, since Stevam Affonso was of small frame and slender, while -the Guinea was of quite different build; and so he[AV] seized him -lustily by the hair, so that when the Guinea raised himself erect, -Stevam Affonso remained hanging in the air with his feet off the ground. -The Guinea was a brave and powerful man, and he thought it a reproach -that he should thus be subjected by so small a thing. Also he wondered -within himself what this thing could be; but though he struggled very -hard, he was never able to free himself, and so strongly had his enemy -entwined himself in his hair, that the efforts of those two men could be -compared to nothing else than a rash and fearless hound who has fixed on -the ear of some mighty bull. And, to speak truth, the help that the rest -of the company were to render to Stevam Affonso seemed to be rather -tardy, so that I believe that his heart had quite repented him of his -first purpose. And if at this point there had been room for a bargain, I -know he would have deemed it profitable to leave his gain to secure -himself from loss. But while those two were in their struggle, Affonso's -companions came upon them, and seized the Guinea by his arms and neck in -order to bind him. And Stevam Affonso, thinking that he was now taken -into custody and in the hands of the others, let go of his hair; -whereupon, the Guinea, seeing that his head was free, shook off the -others from his arms, flinging them away on either side, and began to -flee. And it was of little avail to the others to pursue him, for his -agility gave him a great advantage over his pursuers in running, and in -his course he took refuge in a wood full of thick undergrowth; and while -the others thought they had him, and sought to find him, he was already -in his hut, with the intention of saving his children and taking his -arms, which he had left with them. But all his former toil was nothing -in comparison of the great grief which came upon him at the absence of -his children, whom he found gone--but as there yet remained for him a -ray of hope, and he thought that perchance they were hidden somewhere, -he began to look towards every side to see if he could catch any glimpse -of them. And at this appeared Vicente Diaz, that trader who was the -chief captain of that caravel to which the boat belonged wherein the -others had come on land. And it appears that he, thinking that he was -only coming out to walk along the shore, as he was wont to do in Lagos -town, had not troubled to bring with him any arms except a boat-hook. -But the Guinea, as soon as he caught sight of him, burning with rage as -you may well imagine, made for him with right good will. - - [Footnote AV: Affonso.] - -And although Vicente Diaz saw him coming on with such fury, and -understood that for his own defence it were well he had somewhat better -arms, yet thinking that flight would not profit him, but rather do him -harm in many ways, he awaited his enemy without shewing him any sign of -fear. And the Guinea rushing boldly upon him, gave him forthwith a wound -in the face with his assegai, with the which he cut open the whole of -one of his jaws; in return for this the Guinea received another wound, -though not so fell a one as that which he had just bestowed. And because -their weapons were not sufficient for such a struggle, they threw them -aside and wrestled; and so for a short space they were rolling one over -the other, each one striving for victory. And while this was proceeding, -Vicente Diaz saw another Guinea, one who was passing from youth to -manhood; and he came to aid his countryman; and although the first -Guinea was so strenuous and brave and inclined to fight with such good -will as we have described, he could not have escaped being made prisoner -if the second man had not come up: and for fear of him he[AW] now had to -loose his hold of the first.[AX] And at this moment came up the other -Portuguese, but the Guinea, being now once again free from his enemy's -hands, began to put himself in safety with his companion, like men -accustomed to running, little fearing the enemy who attempted to pursue -them. And at last our men turned back to their caravels, with the small -booty they had already stored in their boats. - - [Footnote AW: Diaz.] - - [Footnote AX: The Guinea.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXI. - -In which the author relateth some things concerning the River of Nile. - - -Meseemeth that since in this last chapter I have spoken of how our -caravels arrived at the river of Nile, I ought now to tell you something -of its marvels, so that our Prince may receive the greater honour for -his mandate to our men to make booty upon the waters of the most noble -river of the world. And about the greatness of this river there are -marvellous testimonies, for these have spoken of it, to wit: Aristotle -and Ptolemy, Pliny and Homer, Isidore, Lucan, and Paulus Orosius,[N145] -and many other learned men; but not even they knew how to give a full -recital of its marvels. And in the first place, Paulus Orosius saith, -that the river appeareth to issue from the coast where the Red Sea -beginneth, at the point which the Greeks call Mossylon Emporion;[N146] -and thence, he saith, it goeth towards the west and passeth through many -lands, and maketh in the midst of its waters an isle called Meroe. And -this city is in the lordship of Ethiopia, in which Moses was by command -of Pharaoh with all the power of Egypt, even as Josephus Rabanus[N147] -and Master Peter write; and he saith that it was anciently called Saba, -and, was the head of the kingdom of Ethiopia, but that after a long time -Cambyses, who was king of that land, gave to that city the name of -Meroe,[N148] for love of one of his sisters, as Master Peter relateth. -But Master Gondolfo[N149] saith, in the ninth part of the book he wrote -called _Pantheon_, that before it had that other name this place was -called Nadabet, and that this was the first name the city had -immediately after its foundation. And so the Nile, winding at this -island, maketh its course toward the north, and thence turneth toward -the south,[AY] and according to the description that he[AZ] hath, it -overfloweth its banks at certain times of the year, and watereth all the -plains of Egypt. - - [Footnote AY: Lit., the midday.] - - [Footnote AZ: Gondolfo.] - -But Pliny relateth the story in another fashion, for he saith that the -founts whence riseth this river of Nile are not certainly known to any -man, and that the river goeth for a very long way through desert -countries and through lands so hot that they would take fire and blaze -up if it were not for the river; and he saith also that many have toiled -much to get to the knowledge of the place where this stream doth rise, -but he who gained most knowledge of the same was the King Juba, who left -it written that he had found that the river of Nile rose in a mountain -called Atlas, which is in the land of Mauritania, at the furthest -extremity of Africa towards the west, not very far from the great -sea,[BA] and that it riseth from a fountain where it maketh a great pool -called Nullidom, in which breed certain fish, some called _Allaltetes_, -and others _Coracinus_, and others _Sillurus_; and it is said moreover -that the crocodiles breed there too. - - [Footnote BA: Atlantic.] - -And as to this, it is recounted that the inhabitants of the city of -Caesarea,[BB] which is in that same land of Mauritania, took a -crocodile[N150] and put it in one of their temples called Eseo; and that -for many years it remained there in testimony that the said crocodiles -were to be found in that pool; and he relateth that it was found by some -men of that land who examined the matter, and found it well proved that, -according as it snowed and rained in the land of Mauritania, where that -fountain is, in like manner rose or fell the Nile itself. And that after -it issueth from that part and reacheth the land of the sands, it will -not run over the surface of those sands nor through places altogether -desert or miserable, but that it vanisheth there, and so floweth hidden -beneath the sand for the space of many days. And they say, too, that -after it arriveth at the other Mauritania Caesariensis, which is not a -sandy land, it cometh up over the ground and there maketh another lake, -in the which breed those same animals and creatures which breed in the -other; and therefore men believe that all this water cometh from the -Nile, and that after it floweth out from there and cometh to the other -sandy districts which are beyond Mauritania and towards Ethiopia, it -again disappeareth and runneth for the space of twenty days underground -till it is within the land of Ethiopia. And here again it cometh up -above the ground, showing clearly that it riseth from a fountain like -that other in Mauritania, which is called Nigris, where also breed the -same animals and other things that we have described before. - - [Footnote BB: Cherchel.] - -And thenceforth it[BC] runneth ever above ground without any more hiding -of itself beneath the soil, and parteth Africa from Ethiopia, and maketh -great lakes from the which the men of that country derive their -maintenance; and in the same way are to be found there all the creatures -which breed in the other places of the said river. And from the place -where it beginneth to run above ground without again taking its course -subterranean, down to the place where it commenceth to divide itself, it -is called Niger; and in this part its stream is already very great, and -here it maketh of itself three parts, each one of which is a river by -itself. And of these three rivers, one entereth Ethiopia and divideth -the same in the middle, and this is called Astapus, that is to say, -according to the language of that land, a water that runneth out of -darkness. And this river watereth many islands which are so great that, -in passing by the smallest of them, though it runneth in its course very -briskly, it doth consume five days. But the noblest of these islands is -that called Meroe, which we have named above; and the second branch of -these three is that called Astaboras,[BD] the which in their language is -as much as to say "an arm of the water which cometh out of darkness," -and this taketh its course towards the left; the third of these three is -called Astusapes, which meaneth "the water of the lake," and this also -floweth towards the left; and these streams, so far as they flow -separately, are called by these names that we have given. But when they -are all joined together in one river, the stream taketh its own proper -name, to wit, "the Nile;" but it is not called so before, though all -these streams be one water. And when it leaveth the islands, it shutteth -itself up in certain mountains, but in no part doth it flow so angrily -and with such a rushing stream as when it cometh to a place of Ethiopia -called Catadupia,[BE] and thenceforth its bed is strewn with many great -rocks for a long space. And these break it in its course, and the river -goeth dashing through those rocks and maketh a very great noise -therewith: so much so, that the learned say that no pregnant women dare -dwell within two leagues of the same, in that the terror caused by this -noise straightway maketh them to miscarry. - - [Footnote BC: The Nile.] - - [Footnote BD: Astabores.] - - [Footnote BE: The Cataracts.] - -And coming forth from that multitude of great rocks, the strength of the -waters is now broken, and the stream floweth as if wearied, and the -current of the water is very gentle. And as soon as it entereth the -plains of Egypt, it divideth many islands which have other names than -those they used to have; and thence it maketh its way directly to the -sea; but before that it formeth many lakes and marshes by which are -watered all the plains of Egypt; and thereafter the river entereth the -sea in one stream near the city which is called Damietta. - - - - -CHAPTER LXII. - -Of the might of the Nile according to the Astronomers, and of its -increase. - - -What man could decide the great contention there is among the learned -concerning the source and power of this river: for Alexander, who was -the most powerful of the Kings, to whom the province of Memphis in Egypt -made prayer, conceived a grudge against the Nile, for that he was not -able to learn the truth of the aforesaid source, though he was lord of -the world. And this covetousness was not only in him, but it was also -found among the Kings of Egypt, and of Persia, and of Macedonia, and of -Greece. But we will here describe in some small measure the course of -this river, according to the Astronomers, who say that Mercury is the -source of power over the waters, and that he hath influence over them; -and that when he is in that part of the heaven where the stars of the -sign of Leo are in conjunction with the stars of the sign of Cancer, or -with the star Sirius, to wit, that which is called the Dog -star,[BF][N151] whence those days are called the Dog days, he poureth -out flames full of fury from his mouth, and altereth thereby the circle -of the year, and the weather also changeth, for then the summer endeth -and autumn beginneth. And again, when the signs of Capricorn and Cancer -are in conjunction, under which the outflow of the Nile is hidden, and -when the star of Mercury is in conjunction with those signs, Mercury -being lord of the waters, striketh on the mouths, that is to say, in -those parts through which the Nile floweth, being under the fire of his -constellation; then the Nile openeth its fount and floweth forth; and -even as the sea waxeth with the waxing of the moon, so riseth the Nile -as if Mercury commanded it, and increaseth till it covereth the land -whence Egypt hath all its principal nutriment. And it doth not gather -its waters together, nor return into its bed until the night hath as -many hours as the day. And in old time there were some who said that the -rising of this stream was chiefly because of the snows of Ethiopia, but -this we find is not so, for the north doth not look upon those mountains -of Ethiopia; no, not any one of the Bears of either pole, to wit, Ellice -and Cynosure,[N152] neither the greater nor the less, which bring the -chill and are the cause of snows and frosts; nor doth the north-east -wind,[BG] which bringeth the frost with it. - - [Footnote BF: Canicolla.] - - [Footnote BG: Blow upon these mountains.] - -And of this there is a good and sufficient testimony in the very colour -of that same people of Ethiopia, whose blood is burnt by the great heat -of the sun, which there hath the full power of its heat, and the breath -of the south-west wind,[BH] which is the hottest of all winds; whence -the men of that land have their colour exceeding black; and moreover, no -river, whatever it be, that swelleth for reason of the snow or ice that -hath recourse to it, is augmented except from the time of the entry of -the summer season; for then the snow and ice begin to melt by reason of -the heat; but the Nile doth not raise its waters so high, nor do they -swell in its bed before the rising of that same Dog Star, nor do its -waters reach outwards to their banks until the day is equal to the -night, which is in the month of September, when the sun entereth into -the sign of Libra. From all which it appeareth clearly that the Nile -doth not follow the rule of any other waters; but when the sky becometh -distempered in the midst of the great heat of the sun, the Nile issueth -forth with the swelling of its waters, and this is under the belt of the -mid-day, which is scorching hot. - - [Footnote BH: Aurego.] - -And this it doth that the flame of the axis of the firmament, by reason -of its increase, may not set fire to the land and burn it. And so the -Nile is as it were a succour to the world, because when the mouth of Leo -is kindled, and when Cancer burneth over its city of Syene in Egypt, -then riseth this river against the mouths of the twain, to temper their -fire, the which is a matter of the utmost need to the peoples of the -earth. - -And so it spreadeth its waters over the land, not to return to its bed -till the sun shall have come to the time of autumn and lessened its -strength, when the shadows begin to fall in the city of Meroe, where the -trees cast no shadows in summer time, so directly passeth the sun[N153] -overhead above everything. And so, in conclusion, to the great might of -the Nile we may apply those words wherewith Bishop Achoreus spake of it -to Caesar, as Lucan writeth: "Oh," said he, "great and mighty stream, -which risest from the midst of the axis of the firmament, and venturest -to raise thy waters over their banks against the sign of Cancer when -that is in the fulness of its heat; thou who proceedest straight towards -the north-east with thy waters, and takest thy course through the midst -of the plain; thou who turnest thence to the west and again to the east; -thou who dost reveal thyself sometimes in Arabia and sometimes in the -sands of Libya, displaying thyself to the peoples of those lands, -performing so many great benefits for them--of a truth the men of those -regions could not dispense with thee or live without thee, and these are -the first races of men that behold thee. Thy power is to issue forth at -the solstices, the which do fall, the one in December and the other in -June, and thou increasest in the alien winter which is not thine. To -thee is it granted by nature to go through both the axes of the -firmament, to wit: the axis of the north and that of the south; thy foam -fighteth with the stars, so high dost thou cause it to rise by thy -power; and before thy waves do all things tremble. What can I say of -thee, except that thou art as it were the navel of the world: for even -as the creatures which lie in the wombs of their mothers are governed by -the navels of their bodies, a like comparison may be made of thy -greatness in affairs of the earth." - - - - -CHAPTER LXIII. - -How the Caravels set forth from the river, and of the voyage which they -made. - - -All these secrets and marvels did the genius of our prince bring before -the eyes of the people of our kingdom, for although all the matters here -spoken of concerning the marvels of the Nile[N154] could not be -witnessed by his own eyes, for that were impossible, it was a great -matter that his ships arrived there, where 'tis not recorded that any -other ship of these parts had ever come. And this may truthfully be -affirmed according to the matters which at the beginning of this book I -have related concerning the passage of Cape Bojador, and also from the -astonishment which the natives of that land showed when they saw the -first ships, for they went to them imagining they were fish, or some -other natural product of the sea.[N155] But now returning to our -history, after that deed was thus concluded, it was the wish of all the -three captains to endeavour to make an honourable booty, adventuring -their bodies in whatsoever peril might be necessary; but it appeareth -that the wind veered sharply round to south, wherefore it was convenient -to set sail at once. And as they were cruising up and down in order to -see what the weather purposed to do, the wind turned to the north, and -with this they made their way towards Cape Verde, where Dinis Diaz had -been the other year. And they went on as far as was possible for all the -caravels to join them, except that of Rodrigueannes de Travacos, which -lost its company and made thereafter that voyage which will be related. - -And the five caravels being directly over against the Cape, saw an -island, where they landed to see if it were peopled; they found that it -was deserted, only they discovered there a great multitude of she goats. -And of these they took some to refresh themselves withal; and they -reported that these were in no way different from the goats of our -country, except that their ears were larger. From the same island also -they took water and went on further, until they found another island, in -the which they saw fresh skins of goats and other things, from which -they understood that other caravels had gone on in front of them; and in -further proof of this they found the Arms of the Infant carved upon the -trees, and also the letters which composed his motto. "Of a surety I -doubt," saith our author, "if since the great power of Alexander and of -Caesar, there hath been any prince in the world that ever had the marks -of his conquest set up so far from his own land." - -And by those signs, which those men of the caravels found there on the -trees, they understood that some others had already gone on in front, -and so they decided to turn back to their ships; and, as they afterwards -discovered, it was the caravel of John Goncalves Zarco, captain of the -isle of Madeira, that had preceded them. - -And because there were so many of those blacks[BI] on land that by no -means could they disembark either by day or night, Gomez Pirez sought to -show that he desired to go among them on peaceful terms, and so placed -upon the shore a cake and a mirror and a sheet of paper on which he drew -a cross. And the natives when they came there and found those things, -broke up the cake and threw it far away, and with their assegais they -cast at the mirror, till they had broken it in many pieces, and the -paper they tore, showing that they cared not for any of these things. - - [Footnote BI: Guineas.] - -"Since it is so," said Gomez Pirez to his crossbowmen, "shoot at them -with your bows that they may at least understand that we are people who -can do them hurt, whenever they will not agree to a friendly -understanding." But the blacks seeing the others' intention, began to -pay them back, launching at them also their arrows and assegais, some of -which our men brought home to this kingdom. And the arrows are so made -that they have no feathers, nor a notch for the string to enter, but -they are all smooth and short, and made of rushes or reeds, and their -iron points are long and some are made of wood fixed in the shafts, -which are like the iron spindles with which the women of this country -spin. And they use also other little harpoons of iron, the which darts -are all equally poisoned with plants. And their assegais are each made -with seven or eight harpoon-like prongs, and the plant they use is very -venomous. - -And in that island in which the arms of the Infant[N156] were carved -they found trees of great size, and of strange forms, and among these -was one which was not less than 108 palms in circuit at the foot. And -this tree[N157] doth not grow very high, but is about as lofty as the -walnut-tree, and from its middle bark they make very good thread for -cordage, and it burneth like flax. The fruit is like a gourd, and its -seeds are like filberts, and this fruit they eat green, and the seeds -they dry. And of these there is a great abundance, and I believe they -use them for their maintenance after the green faileth them. And some -there were who said they saw there birds which appeared to them to be -parrots. - -So all the captains there agreed to make sail, with the intention of -entering into the River of Nile, but no one was able to light upon it -save Lawrence Diaz, that squire of the Infant's. And he, because he was -alone, did not dare enter into the river, but he went with the little -boat to the place where they took the blacks on the outward voyage; -howbeit he turned back without doing anything worthy of mention. And -since he did not fall in with the convoy again he came straight to -Lagos. And in this wise Gomez Pirez lost the company of the other -caravels; and following his course towards Portugal, after taking in -water at the isle of Arguim, he came to the Rio do Ouro,[N158] and -sailed as far up as the port where he had been the preceding year with -Antam Goncalvez and Diego Affonso, and there presently the Moors came, -and in taking security of them he learnt there were no merchants there. -But they sold him a black for the price of five doubloons, which he paid -them by certain things he gave them in their stead. Also they brought -him water on their camels, and gave him meat and made him a sufficiency -of good reception; and above all they showed such confidence that -without any hesitancy so many entered into the caravel, that he was not -very well pleased, and would not consent that any more should enter; but -at last, without causing them[BJ] any injury, he had them put on land, -making an agreement with them that next year, in the month of July, he -would return there, when he would find blacks in abundance, and gold, -and merchandise by which he might gain much profit. Moreover, Gomez -Pirez brought back from that voyage a great many skins of sea-calves, -with the which he loaded his ship and so returned to the kingdom.[N159] - - [Footnote BJ: The blacks.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXIV. - -Of how Lancarote and Alvaro de Freitas captured a dozen Moors. - - -It were unreasonable in our account of these caravels not to return to -the place whereto we took them first; and since we have now described -the return of some of them to the kingdom, we would recount the fortune -of the rest, and we will speak at once of Lancarote and of Alvaro de -Freitas. And it was so, that while Vicente Diaz was with both these -captains--and I mean that same Vicente Diaz who, as we have said -already, was wounded by the Guinea upon the shore of the Nile--by chance -he was parted from the company of the others; and inasmuch as it was -night, he was not able to return very quickly to his friends. But while -we leave him pursuing his way alone, it is fit that we should speak of -the achievements of the others. Now they were not well content with the -booty they had taken, and both of them determined to toil for the -increase of their first gain, and so pursuing their way towards Tider, -for there they thought they might yet light upon some matter of which -they could make booty, they came to the point of Tira. And here they -spake with their company, and said: that as they knew the land was -peopled, it seemed good to them that they should go out of their ships -and land and strive to see if they could obtain any gain. And on this -motion there was no discussion, but all said they would do as it pleased -him, for they well knew that they had such captains that none but -profitable counsel could come from them. - -The boats were at once made ready, and the captains embarked in them -with their men, leaving the caravels guarded as was proper. And of those -who were in the boats they disembarked some who were to go on by land; -and the others, who remained in the boats, made their way under shelter -of the land. And while both the one and the other party were going on -their way, those on shore said that they had lighted on a track of men -who had passed by that way, and also the track seemed to them to be -fresh, and in it they discovered the footprints of women and children. - -"Then let us follow after these," said the captains, "for since the -track is so fresh it must be that they who made it are not very far -off." - -And as they had a good will for this action, and the track was clearly -to be seen, they were led on a very great distance, but they could not -yet spy the Moors they sought; so that some there were who said that so -distant an expedition was beyond reason and that they ought to turn -back. But the others, more vehement in their covetousness for gain, did -not pay any heed to the words of the former, and pursued their way none -the less. - -And as they went forward, not very far from there, while traversing a -sandhill, they saw the Moors, who were journeying in a hollow. "Now," -said those who there bore the office of captains, to these others, "you -can show your good will by toiling in the pursuit of those foemen." And -although our men were already somewhat wearied, it appeared to them as -if they had only that moment issued from their ships, so great desire -had they to come up with the enemy. And this desire they now put into -practice very quickly, for the Moors were hardly able to issue forth -before our men were up with them; and some, that endeavoured to offer a -defence, in a brief space learnt the error of their sect, for without -any pity our men killed them very speedily, in so much that there -remained alive no more than twelve, whom they took back as their -prisoners. And although the booty was not great in comparison of other -spoil which had already been made in that land, yet were they all very -glad of it; and this because the victory had been obtained by so few men -rather than because of the share of gain that fell to the lot of each. - - - - -CHAPTER LXV. - -How Lancarote and Alvaro de Freitas and Vicente Diaz took fifty-seven -Moors. - - -So having obtained that booty, small as it was, the captains made -agreement to go straight to the Isle of Arguim, there to take in the -water they needed, and to discuss the future of the voyage. And arriving -at the said island--which they had first reconnoitred for the sake of -security--as soon as they ascertained that the Isle was free from -enemies, they all landed. And after they had taken a little rest they -laid in their water, which gave them a singular pleasure, for one of the -chief refreshments in which maritime folk delight, after they have been -some time at sea, is good water, whenever they can obtain it. And so -reposing there that night, on the next day, while they were on the point -of holding a council, one began to say that it appeared to him that he -saw a sail coming towards them, and when all looked in that direction -they perceived it was a caravel. And this they supposed to be the ship -of Vicente Diaz, which a little time before had parted company with -them; and for this reason they put off their council, because they -sought that all should join in it. - -And when the caravel had come up to them, they asked Vicente Diaz to be -so good as to land and take part in that council of theirs. "My -friends," said he, "you will have patience till my people can take -refreshment with the water of this island, for we have come here with a -great desire for it." And having finished their refreshment, they began -their council; and herein the captains put forward that their intent was -to endeavour to make some further booty, for as to returning with so -small a profit, that would be a reproach for persons such as they were. - -"Friends," said some, "your proposal would be good if the place were -such that by toiling one might hope to receive some profit; but this -land, as you know, is already turned upside down, and it hath been -disturbed a thousand times, and the caravels go by it every day, so that -there is not a Moor, however simple he may be, that dareth to set foot -on all this land; but rather reason teacheth that they must have been -terrified and fled from here as far as they could. Wherefore it -appeareth to us that it would be well to content ourselves with the -booty we have, and that we should make our voyage straightway to our own -kingdom and not waste time in a matter which we so plainly know to be -impossible of profit for us." - -"Truth it is," said others, "that this land hath been roused even as you -say, wherefore one of two things must needs be: Either the Moors are -very far from here; or if they are here they will be so prepared as to -be able to await any hostile attack that may be made upon them without -fear, so that where we look for a capture they perchance may take us. -And even if we pay heed to nothing else, consider what happened to the -caravels of Lisbon, for they having obtained a cargo with which they -could have very reasonably returned, sought to put all to the hazard of -a venture, the result of which was as you have heard." - -The third opinion, which was that of the captains and of some of the -picked men, was delayed a little, but they maintained nevertheless, that -the landing was not to be given up. "You know," said they, "how in the -isle of Tider[N160] were killed some Moors and others were taken, so -that they cannot be counted at their former number, and the remainder -are half conquered, for as you saw they fled before the points of our -lances, as people who did not dare to try their strength against ours. -But let us go and see if we can light upon any there, for if they are -there it cannot be but that either of their flesh or their wool we shall -take some quantity. And if perchance the island is now void of -inhabitants, we can then give sure news of this to the Infant our lord; -and from this it would appear that our expedition was not without great -profit, since the Moors were not content to fly from us once, but with -the fear of us had altogether abandoned their huts and the land where -they were born and lived." - -Firmly stood by this opinion most of the chief men; yet the lower people -nevertheless desired that no other matter should be undertaken, but that -they should turn back to the kingdom. Howbeit they had to agree to the -opinion of those who were worth more and understood better than they; -and so they began presently to start on their expedition, and before -night fell they arrived off the island, where they dropped their -anchors, though not very close to it, and stayed there until they saw -the sun had finished his daily toil. - -Then when the sky was covered by the shades of night, they launched -their boats and embarked in them and stationed themselves at the arm of -the sea which ran on the land side, though in front of the said land -there is another island called Cerina.[N161] And so they landed on -Tider, but did not find anyone, wherefore they turned back and retired -to their boats and went forward so far that it was already sun rise. - -And Lancarote issued forth from the side of Cerina and went along by -land, ordering the boats to make their way by water; and when they saw -that they found nothing, Lancarote said to the others that it would be -well to go forward to a certain promontory, and all agreed with him. And -while seeking to prepare themselves and to gather themselves together -for starting, Lancarote heard an ass bray. - -"Meseemeth," said he to the others, "I hear the bray of an ass, as -though some pleasure were in store for us; for perchance it is God's -will that we should not depart hence without booty." And because there -was no doubt of what he had heard, he told them to await him there, and -that he would go upon some sandhills to see what that could be. And -while the others were waiting, he mounted up the sandhills, and from -there looking round on all sides he saw the Moors where they stood, many -more in number than our men. And these Moors were getting ready their -asses and gathering up their baggage, as men who sought to leave that -place, with little care of what in a few hours would overtake them. -Truth it is that they were endeavouring to set out, but they deemed not -it was upon so long a journey. - -But Lancarote, as soon as he had seen them, descended very quietly from -the place where he was, and came and gave the news to the others, and -you know well how glad they would be when they heard it. "Now, God be -praised," said he, "we have what we sought. The Moors are here, just -ready to move away. They are more in number than we: if you will only -labour the victory is ours. Strengthen your hearts and make your feet -swift, for on the first encounter will depend the whole of our victory." - -It were impossible to tell how great was the exultation then felt by -all, for scarcely had Lancarote finished these words of his when all -moved off at a run. Yet so well did they do this that they moved without -noise till they were upon the sandhills, but when they arrived there -they were not able to control their desires that urged them to cry out. -And when they appeared over against the Moors they lifted up their -voices, the which were not a whit less than the strength of each one -availed; and when the Moors heard these they were very much affrighted -and disordered. And now our men began to run forward, shouting out their -accustomed cries, to wit, "St. James," "Portugal," "St. George;" but the -sound of these was not very pleasant to the enemy, so that they had not -leisure to place their pack-saddles upon their asses. And those who had -the packs upon their necks freed themselves from these burdens, and what -was more noteworthy, some who had their children upon their shoulders, -seeing that they could not save them, let them fall upon the ground, -with how great a crash you may imagine. And so in this anguish they -began to fly, not all together, nor by one road, but each one by -himself, quite leaving behind their women and children, without any hope -of remedy. Yet true it is that some there were, who though they -perceived the manifest discomfiture of their party, had the courage to -show some defence, the which were very quickly despatched from life. And -finally of all the people there were taken fifty-seven; some others were -killed and again others escaped. Oh, if only among those who fled there -had been some little understanding of higher things. Of a surety I -believe, that the same haste which they showed in flying, they would -then have made in coming to where they might have saved their souls and -restored their affairs in this life. For although it might appear to -them that, living as they were, they were living in freedom, their -bodies really lay in much greater captivity, considering the nature of -the country and the bestiality of their life, than if they were living -among us under an alien rule, and this all the more because of the -perdition of their souls, a matter which above all others should have -been perceived by them. - -Of a surety, although their bodily eyes did not perceive any part of -this good fortune of theirs,[BK] yet the eyes of the understanding, to -wit of the soul pure and clean with unending glory, having received in -this world the holy sacraments, and departed from this life with some -little portion of faith, would quickly be able to recognise the former -error of their blindness. - - [Footnote BK: In being taken captive.] - -Here did those three caravels make an end of that voyage and turned -themselves back to the kingdom, not a little content with the advantage -they perceived they had gained over the others their comrades in this -meeting with their latest booty. - -But now let us speak of those who are still at sea, in order to give you -an account of their whole achievement. - - - - -CHAPTER LXVI. - -How Rodrigueannes and Dinis Diaz joined company. - - -I am right sorry that in this history I cannot keep that order which -reason demandeth, because the matter of the said history was so treated -that many times it is necessary for me to make a chapter where else I -could pass on with two words as at this present. For now, in order to -join the caravel of Rodrigueannes with that of Dinis Diaz, it behoveth -me to make a new rubric. Now these caravels having separated from the -company of the others, went on seeking for them, and came together in so -doing. And seeing how that of the other company they were not able to -learn any more, the two then sailed together: but of what afterwards -happened to them we will speak further on. - - - - -CHAPTER LXVII. - -How the five caravels returned to the kingdom, and of what they did -beforehand. - - -Thus, as we have already said in our former chapters, these matters -happened according as fortune gave them to happen. And in order that I -may return with all the caravels to Lagos as I have promised, and as it -is necessary, I desire in this present chapter to speak of those five, -which separated themselves from the company of the rest after the -invasion of the isle of Tider. For there was that honourable knight -Sueiro da Costa, alcayde of Lagos, and four other captains, neighbours -and natives of that place; and they, having agreed to turn back, as we -have said, discussed among themselves the prosecution of their voyage, -as it appeared to them that their first booty was a small matter, though -an honourable, in comparison of their great toil and expense. - -"We are not able," said some, "to alter our first opinion, in -determining to make our return, both on account of the small size of our -ships, and that we may not seem to be men of many opinions. But it would -be well for us, nevertheless, to prosecute our voyage and try whether we -can, on our course, obtain anything by way of adding to our booty, -though in reason it must be little on account of the many visits which -our ships have already made to this land. Still, we should not omit to -try, and peradventure God may give us some good result. But in order to -direct this matter with some foundation of reason, there is no other -place so fitting, and where our toil may have such good hope of victory, -as that arm of the sea which is at Cape Branco, and into this we will -enter and see whither it leadeth. And it may be that, if it entereth far -into the land, we may light on something near there of which we may make -booty: and if not, we need toil but little in that enterprise." - -All agreed that what those first speakers had said was well spoken, and -sailing in that direction they arrived at the said river. And herein -entering a little space, they anchored their ships, and then letting -down their boats, they began to endeavour themselves to reach the end of -the river. And, following the course of this for four leagues, they -arrived at the end of it.[N162] And here they agreed to disembark to see -if they could light upon any inhabited place where they could take some -souls to add to the scantiness of their first booty. But they doubted in -themselves of getting anything, as they knew that the land was prepared -and had been so often invaded; only they toiled in this matter, -constrained at least by the need of telling their companions that they -had been on shore. - -And landing thus they sent on ahead to reconnoitre the land, but they -had not followed very far, when they saw before them a few huts. And -upon these they rushed without waiting for any agreement, and there they -came upon some few Moors, of whom they captured eight. - -And seeking to learn from them if there were thereabouts any other -settlement, and to this end threatening some of them, they were not able -to learn anything but that in all this land there was no other -settlement. And in this all the eight were agreed, after each one had -been taken aside in turn. And for this reason it was needful for them to -return to their ships, with the intention of now returning to their -homes, without spending any more trouble in the matter, since they -understood that they could not gain any further profit by more toil. And -in agreement with this decision were all the others who belonged to the -Caravels, except only the Alcayde of Lagos, who said that he still -wished to return to Tider in order to make ransom of a Mooress, and of -the son of a lord of that place. And although he was counselled to the -contrary, yet would he never abandon his design, howbeit afterwards he -repented of it sorely. And arriving at the island, he began to make -signs to the Moors, who had come down to the shore as soon as they saw -the caravel sailing towards them. - -And of them he had one Moor for his security while he surrendered the -master of the caravel, and a Jew who was in his company. But when the -Moors had them in their power, the Mooress, of whom the Alcayde sought -to make the ransom, threw herself into the water, and like one practised -in that kind of thing very quickly got to land and joined her relations -and her friends. And on account of this the Moors considered that they -ought not to give up the hostages without an advantage over what they at -first had purposed; and finally they refused to surrender those whom -they had until they[BL] should give them three Moors. Which matter, -although it was a hard thing for the Alcayde to do, was yet condescended -to by him, seeing the necessity of the case; howbeit he blamed himself -in that he had not followed the first advice of his companions. And -seeing how he could make no further profit in that ransom, he turned -back to the Kingdom. - - [Footnote BL: The Portuguese.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXVIII. - -How the caravel of Alvaro Goncalvez d'Atayde and that of Picanco and the -other of Tavilla sailed in company, and of the Canarians that they -captured. - - -We have told in other chapters how the caravel of Tavilla and the other -of Picanco parted company with the others when they went to Guinea, -where it befell that they agreed together to return to Portugal. And on -their return voyage they met with the caravel of Alvaro Goncalvez -d'Atayde, whose captain was one John de Castilha, and on asking him -whither he was going, he said that he was voyaging to Guinea. "But," -said the others, "what availeth your going at such a time as this, for -we have just come from there, as you see, and winter is beginning, and -therefore if you pursue your journey further you will imperil your life -and gain little honour and less profit; but if you think good to follow -our advice, return with us and we will go to the island of Palma, and -see if we can make a capture of some of those Canarians there." - -And although John de Castilha had doubts about so returning, because it -did not appear to him a sure thing from the accounts he had heard of the -inhabitants of that island, how that they were difficult to capture, yet -compelled by the reasons the others gave him, he had to return with -them. And so, going all in company, they arrived at the island of -Gomera, where, wishful to go on shore, they espied many Canarians, of -whom they took security before wholly leaving their boats. The Canarians -granted them this without any reluctance, like men whose wills were more -inclined to do them service than to put difficulties in their way. And -immediately came there two chiefs of that island, who said how they were -servants of the Infant Don Henry (and not without good reason, for they -had previously been in the house of the King of Castile and the King of -Portugal), and how in neither of them had they met with the favours they -afterwards received from the Infant Don Henry; for while they were in -his house they had from him a right excellent entertainment as long as -they stayed there; and, in short[BM] he had clothed them very well, and -sent them in his ships to their own land, on which account they were -very ready to do him every service. "But," said they of the caravels, -"we are also his men and servants, and by his command we left our -country; wherefore if such is your mind, you have now the occasion of -showing it right well, for we would go to the island of Palma and essay -to take some captives, in the which your assistance would be very useful -to us, if you would send with us some of these your subjects to aid and -direct us, for we are unacquainted with the land, and have no knowledge -of the ways of its inhabitants in their fighting." Now Bruco was the -name of one of these chiefs, and the other's name was Piste, and they -replied together that they were well pleased to toil in any matter that -was for the service of the lord Infant Don Henry, and that they rendered -many thanks to God for giving them the opportunity of showing what a -good will they had for it; "and that you may see," said Piste, "the -desire I have to serve him, I will accompany you and bring with me as -many Canarians as you wish." - - [Footnote BM: They declared that.] - -"It seemeth to me," saith the author, "that the gratitude of these men -bringeth shame on many who had received greater and better things from -this our Prince, and yet came not by a great way to so perfect a -knowledge of it. Oh, what a dishonour for those who were brought up in -his household, and whom he afterwards placed in dignities and lordships, -but who, clean forgetful of this, deserted him when their service was of -need; and the names and deeds of these we will relate in the history of -the Kingdom when we come to speak of the siege of Tangier." - -And so that captain offered himself with his person and men, of whom he -straightway had embarked in the ships as many as the captains wished to -receive, and then they set sail forthwith, directing their course to the -other Island of Palma, where they arrived when it was almost morning. -And although reason would not have allowed them to land at such an hour, -nevertheless they agreed together to go on shore forthwith. "For," said -they, "we have already been perceived, and if we wait at all, our booty -will be labour lost, for the Canarians will put themselves in safety, -while if we land forthwith we shall be able to capture some; for -although they are fleet of foot, yet there will be men among us that -will follow them; and for sure the owners of those flocks who are -wandering there before our eyes, will hasten up and get them in, for it -is their custom to take almost as much toil about them as on their own -behalf." And although such a resolve was perilous, yet it met with the -approval of all of them; and so in a very short space they were all set -on shore, as well the Portuguese as the Canarians.[BN] And as they were -pursuing their way at no great distance from the beach, they perceived -that the Canarians[BO] were flying, and as they commenced to follow -them, one of the company said to the others: "Wherefore undertake a vain -toil in running after those men? for however much you labour, you will -not be able to come up with them; but rather let us follow those ewes -and rams which are going up that crag, for of a surety the most part of -those who are with them are youths and women, and if we follow them well -we are bound to capture some." And these words were scarcely finished -when all our men began to run, leaving the other Canarians, whose track -they had already commenced to follow up. But those shepherds entered -with their flock into a valley so deep and so dangerous that it was -easier to marvel at than to relate how any could make their passage -through it. - - [Footnote BN: Who were friendly.] - - [Footnote BO: Natives of Palma.] - -But the Christians, both Portuguese and Canarians, followed them up with -such zeal that just as the first began to enter into the valley, ours -were already nigh unto them, and so all together they entered the -valley, in such a way that the shepherds were obliged to take shelter -among an expanse of rocky crags, the roughness of which was a marvellous -thing; but much more marvellous was the ease with which the Canarians of -that island made their way among those rocks, as though in sucking the -milk from their mothers' breasts, they had commenced to walk in those -places. And as the Psylli and Marmaridae,[BP] who live beyond the Libyan -desert, know their sons to be sprung from their own bodies if -straightway in their first boyhood they handle without fear the great -poisons of that desert as they are offered to them by their fathers; so -the Canarians of this island consider that their sons, if they are not -born with this agility, have been generated by some wicked adultery. - - [Footnote BP: The text has "Sillos ou Marmorios."] - -But what about our countrymen, desirous to follow after them, for -although they saw the roughness of the ground, yet they did not desist -from pursuing them; and there a youth of noble heart, in running over -those rocks, slipped from a very large and rough crag, and falling down, -died. And think not that this misfortune happened only to that native of -our realm, for many Canarians fell in the same way and died: for -although Nature from old time had given them to walk among those rocky -hills, yet on account of the haste of their enemies, whom they perceived -to be near them, and deeming that to be their last remedy, where the -crags were roughest, thither with the better will they made their way, -thinking that their foes would fear to pursue them. - -And if that Diego Goncalvez, a page of the Infant's household (of whom I -have already spoken in the chapter where I related how he was the first -to throw himself in and swim at the Island where they took the -fifty-eight Moors), if he, I say, received praise for his excellent -courage, I may truthfully increase it much more on this occasion unto -him, as unto the man who before all others bore himself conspicuously on -that day. And certainly with great reason may I here blame fortune for -this youth, who had been rewarded by his lord the Infant with a recent -marriage in the City of Lisbon, and had collected in his house a great -abundance of wealth for the sustaining of his life, when a fire came -upon it by the negligence of a servitor of his. And this burned all the -things that he had, but fortune was so kindly to him that it left them -some poor garments with the which they escaped from the said house. The -toil of our men was great on that day, although not so much in the -fighting. Yet that was perilous enough, especially on account of the -multitude of stones with which the Canarians chiefly combat their -enemies, for they are strong in the arm, and very deadly with their -shots. And it is right hard for any one else to strike them, for so well -do they know how to avoid blows, especially of anything thrown, that, -marksman though a man be, only after a long time and through great good -fortune is he able to hit them. And they carry other arms well according -with their bestial mode of life, to wit, long lances with sharp horns at -the heads instead of iron points, and others sharpened like them at the -lower ends. - -But although the labour was so great, yet was it a beautiful thing to -look upon; for anyone who had seen their skirmish, so disordered and -confused, and in such a place--(the Christians engaged in capturing the -Canarians and separating the flock from amongst them for the better -securing of their booty, and the enemy busying themselves for the saving -of their lives and of their flocks as best they could)--would say that -such a sight was more delectable than any other that fell short of this -ending. And so the booty of that day was seventeen Canarians, what of -men and women, and among the latter they captured one who was of -wondrous size for a woman, and they said that she was Queen of a part of -that island. And after they had collected together their prisoners and -the flock, they began to retreat towards their boats, but they were -followed up by the Canarians so closely that they were obliged to leave -them the greater part of the flock they had taken from them, and owing -to this our men had much toil in their retreating. - - - - -CHAPTER LXIX. - -How they took certain Canarians, despite the surety. - - -And when all were in their ships, they raised their sails and returned -to the other island whence they had departed before; and because they -had received much help from those first Canarians whom they had with -them, they rendered great thanks to that Chief in the name of the Infant -their lord for the toil that he had undergone for his service, and much -more for the goodwill with which he had undertaken it, putting him in -the hope of receiving for it many other and greater guerdons than those -he had received before. And of a surety their promise was not in vain, -for afterwards that Chief, who was called Piste came to this kingdom, -with others from that land, and they obtained many favours and much -hospitality from the Infant, on account of which I can well believe they -did not repent of their former toil. And of this I, who collected and -put in order this history, can be a sure witness; for it happened that I -was in the Kingdom of the Algarve in the house of this Prince[N163] at -the time when these Canarians were staying there, and I saw well how -they were treated. And I believe that that Chief, and some of those who -accompanied him, stayed so long in this kingdom, that they made an end -of their lives there. And I have said already how John de Castilha, who -was captain of that caravel of Alvaro Goncalvez d'Atayde, did not arrive -in Guinea as the others did, nor do I find that he made any other booty, -but only those Canarians which they took there; and this seemed to him a -very small thing with which to return to the Kingdom, especially as all -the other caravels had a great advantage over him which he in his heart -felt to be an injury. And so he imagined an ugly device by which he -might make some increase in that little which he was carrying, and he -began to treat with the others that they would be pleased to seize some -part of these Canarians in spite of the sureties. And as covetousness is -the root of all evils, though such a proceeding seemed devoid of reason -to many, yet they had to consent to what John de Castilha on so many -grounds showed them to be profitable. And because it seemed to them an -ugly thing to take any of those men who had aided them so well, they -moved from that place and went to another port. And there some -Canarians, trusting in our men, went to the caravel, and these, I -believe, were twenty-one in number, and with them they made sail to -Portugal. But the Infant, having knowledge of this, was very wroth with -those captains, and straightway he caused the Canarians to be brought to -his own house, and had them very nobly attired and returned to their own -land. And there the natives bestowed much praise on the Prince for such -a virtuous act, and were on this account much the more inclined to serve -him. And of the first coming of these Canarians to this our Kingdom, and -of many other things that passed concerning them, we will speak more -fully in the general chronicle of the acts of our Kingdom. - - - - -CHAPTER LXX. - -Of how Tristam of the Island[BQ] went towards Cape Branco. - - -We have already told how Tristam, one of the captains of the Island of -Madeira, had armed a caravel to go in company with the others. And -although he had a right good will to serve the Infant and much desired -to profit himself (for he was abundantly covetous), yet such was his -fortune that as soon as he passed Cape Branco, immediately the wind -became contrary for him. And thereat he turned backwards; and although -he afterwards toiled hard to return and pursue his first way, yet never -again was he able to fill his sails save with a contrary wind, and with -this he returned to the island from which he had started. Also Alvaro -Dornellas, an esquire and servant of the Infant, and a good man and -brave, armed another caravel, in the which he laboured hard to achieve -some deed for his honour, yet was he never able to capture more than two -Canarians, whom he took in one of those islands; and with them he sent -back his caravel, giving the charge to an esquire to have it repaired -for him and to return there against the next year. And further on we -will relate something of the fortune of this esquire, in that he toiled -greatly for his honour. - - [Footnote BQ: Madeira.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXI. - -Of how the men of Pallenco took the six Moors. - - -Dinis Diaz, as we have already said, armed a caravel of Don Alvaro de -Castro and started at the beginning in company with Pallenco, who was -taking out a pinnace, not that he intended to make use of it in aught -save only in entering the river of Nile; for since it was an old one, he -meant to abandon it whenever he should perceive it to be past service. -And so the two, pursuing their voyage, came to the Isle of Arguim, and -after they had taken in water, they agreed to continue so far on their -way until they reached the land of the Negroes, according to the purpose -with which they had set out from this Kingdom. And when they had already -passed a good distance beyond the point of Santa Anna[N164] and were -becalmed one day, Pallenco said that it would not be an evil thing to -land some men, who might essay to make capture of the Moors. "Wherefore -is it," replied Dinis Diaz, "that men should be employed in such an -adventure? Let us rather go straight on our way, for if God shall bring -us to that land of Guinea, we shall surely find Moors more than -sufficient to load our ships." True it is, as Dinis Diaz said, that many -Moors were to be found there, but they were not so easy to capture as he -thought; for, believe me, they are very brave men and full of artifices -in their defence, and this you will see clearly in the next chapters -when we shall speak of their combats. "Friend," replied Pallenco, "even -though it happen that we take many Moors there, what shall we lose if -God give us some here first? At any rate," said he, "it seemeth well to -me that we should try if we can take them, and it might please God now -for us to capture so many here as to save us from voyaging further for -this time." "Since it is so," said Dinis Diaz, "order it as you please." -So Pallenco straightway made ready his pinnace to go on shore, and -although the sea was very calm, yet there was a very great surf on the -coast which never permitted the pinnace to touch the beach; but he, -desirous of finishing what he had begun, said to his company: "You see, -my friends, that the roughness of the sea near this coast will not allow -us to touch the shore; nevertheless my will would be to land, but as I -know not how to swim, it would be folly for me to dare such a thing. But -if there are any amongst you that can go on shore by swimming, I will -surely thank them much to do it, and afterwards you will not be without -that praise which good men and true deserve for their valorous deeds." -"It is true," replied some, "that we have a good will to do your -pleasure, but two dangers will follow from it. The first is that we know -not how we shall get on shore, for these waves here may pitch us about -in such wise that we lose the mastery over our limbs and we shall perish -very quickly, for such things have already happened on other occasions. -The second danger is that, if we go on land and meet some people with -whom perchance we ought not to fight without your aid, and if the sea is -in such a state that you cannot reach the shore, what shall we do?" And -as you see that where many men are, their opinions differ, so whilst -Pallenco was listening to the reasons these men gave, others went apart -and would not hear any part of that counsel, but suddenly appeared naked -before Pallenco, prepared to throw themselves into the water. "Here we -are," said they, "order us what to do, for death is the same in every -part, and if God hath determined that we should die in His service, this -is the best time in which to finish our lives." After this, admonished -by their captain, they made ready their clothes and arms as well as they -could and fell to swimming; and so it pleased God that, rough as the sea -was there, all twelve of them gained the shore as they had left the -ships. Then they began to take their way along the beach, and they had -not gone far when one of them who was in front spake to the others, -telling them to be quiet, for that he saw the footprints of people, and -the best was that they appeared to him to be recent. "Meseemeth," said -he, "that we should go after them, for by the appearance of their -footmarks, they ought not to be far off." "And for what," said the -others, "did we adventure ourselves before our companions to leap into -the sea, if we were to do otherwise?" Then they ordered three men to go -in front and to keep their eyes on the track, and the others were to -follow after them. And when they had gone in that expectation for the -space of two leagues, they discovered a valley, and herein those men who -were in the van caught sight of the Moors whose track they were -following; but they seemed to them to be so few that, with the good will -that was in them, they felt grieved, even though they had a greater -assurance of victory. And so they turned their faces toward the others, -who were coming behind, to advise them of the booty that was before -them; and their words were brief, for scarcely had they begun to speak -of "Moors" when the men behind were already beginning to run, and to -raise their battle-cries as they ran; and the sound of these both warned -and saddened their enemies. But for the last there was no other remedy -save flight, for they had little care of their poor and scanty goods; -and sure I am that those who escaped thence were slow to return with -longing regret for their baggage. Now our men had commenced their chace -early, and were already wearied by their landing from the pinnace and by -their going along the road; therefore they were not able to follow much -upon the track; and on this account their booty was much diminished, for -they captured no more than nine persons. "It would be well," said some, -"were we to set aside six of our people to take these prisoners to the -ships, and that the other six remaining should search through that thick -undergrowth, for there perchance we shall find some[BR] in hiding." -Accordingly those who were to return with the captives straightway -separated from the others and began to bind their prisoners in the best -way they could; but it seemeth that they did it not as well as the case -required, although six were sufficient for[BS] nine, as you have already -heard that others had previously convoyed many more without any contrary -hap. And since women are usually stubborn, one woman of that company -began to take it in conceipt to refuse to walk, throwing herself on the -ground and letting herself be dragged along by the hair and the legs, -having no pity on herself; and her over-great stubbornness compelled our -men to leave her there bound, intending to return for her another day. -And as they were going along in this contention, the others[BT] began to -disperse, fleeing some to one side and some to another, and two of them -got away, not counting the Mooress whom they had already left bound; and -though our men laboured hard to catch them, they were not successful, -for it appeareth that the spot was such that they were easily able to -conceal themselves. And so they were forced to bring those six to the -beach with many complaints of their ill fortune; and herein the others -shared who arrived later without having found anything. Some among them -still wished to return for the Mooress who had been left behind in -bonds, but as it was very late and the sea was dangerous, they gave up -the attempt, and afterward they had no opportunity, for the pinnace -departed straightway; and so remained the Mooress with her foolish -stubbornness, strongly bound in that wood, wherein I believe she would -meet with a troublous death, for those who escaped thence, being -frightened by the first encounter, would not return that way very soon. -And as these ships went on their course, the wind began to freshen and -to blow very strongly, and so greatly were the said ships beaten about -by the storm that the pinnace commenced to leak and to take in so much -water that Pallenco perceived that it could not well voyage any further. -For if it did, there was a doubt whether it would reach the place he -desired, and also there might chance to come such a wind that the -caravel would be separated from them, and their lives would be put in -peril. So he said to Dinis Diaz that he should receive him into his -ship, and also the rest of the crew, together with all the fittings and -tackle of the pinnace, as well as much of the wood for fuel; and when -these had been brought on board, they scuttled the pinnace and set -forward on their voyage. - - [Footnote BR: Natives.] - - [Footnote BS: _I.e._, to guard.] - - [Footnote BT: Captives.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXII. - -Of what happened to Rodrigueannes de Travacos and Dinis Diaz. - - -We have already told how Rodrigueannes and Dinis Diaz sailed in company, -but this is the fitting place where it behoveth us to declare certainly -all that happened to them. And it was so, that they, sailing in company -after the manner we have already told, which we believe was after the -scuttling of the pinnace, came to Cape Verde; and thence they went to -the islands,[N165] and took in water, and knew for sure by the tracks -all over them that other ships had already passed by that way. From -there they began to make proof of the Guineas, in search of whom they -had come there, but they found them so well prepared, that though they -essayed to get on shore many a time, they always encountered such a bold -defence that they dared not come to close quarters. "It may be," said -Dinis Diaz, "that these men will not be so brave in the night time as by -day; therefore I wish to try what their courage is, and I can readily -know it this next night." And this in fact was put in practice, for as -soon as the sun had quite hidden its light, he went on shore, taking -with him two men, and came upon two inhabited places which seemed to him -so large that he thought it best to leave them, for his expedition was -not in order to adventure anything, but only that he might advise his -other comrades of what they should do. Then he returned to the ship and -there described to Rodrigueannes and the others all that he had found. -"We," said he, "should be acting with small judgment, were we wishful to -adventure a conflict like this; for I discovered a village divided into -two large parts full of habitations, and you know that the people of -this land are not so easily captured as we desire, for they are very -strong men, very wary and very well prepared in their combats, and the -worst is that they have their arrows poisoned with a very dangerous -herb. Wherefore it seemeth to me that we ought to turn back, for all our -toil will be the cause of our death, if we should make an attempt upon -these people." To this the others replied that it was well said, for -they all knew that he spake the truth. Then they mended their sails and -commenced to leave. Now Dinis Diaz said that he had seen one thing on -that island that seemed to him a novelty, as far as his knowledge went, -that is he saw, among the cows, two strange animals, very ugly in -comparison with the other cattle; but as these two were going in company -with them, I hold that they might perchance be buffaloes,[N166] which -are animals in the nature of oxen. And it was so, that as those men were -returning, Rodrigueannes, who was leaving that land ill-contented -because he had found no opportunity of displaying the good-will he -nourished to achieve some honourable action, said to Dinis Diaz that it -seemed to him it would be well were they to send some of their men on -shore, for it might happen that some Moors would come to seize the wood -of the pinnace which they had left scuttled, and if they chanced on -them, they could not fail to capture some. And as Dinis Diaz agreed with -this, they put out their boats, in the which they dispatched twenty men -to the shore. And clear it is that Rodrigueannes was not mistaken in his -thought, for the Moors were already engaged in collecting that wood on -the shore; and when they saw that the boats were coming to the land, -they drew away a space from the beach, as men who said: "these are -arrived in search of us, therefore let us seek out a way by which we may -not only secure ourselves, but even do them hurt as well." So they threw -themselves into two ambushes with the object of enticing our men away -from the shore and employing their strength safely and without danger to -themselves. Meanwhile the Christians landed, and halted for a space to -order their movements, and this because they discovered such traces of -the Moors that they thought they could not be removed far from there; -yet they perceived by the number of the footmarks that the enemy was -many more in number than their forces could cope with, and this made -some ask that they should return, saying that it was not a thing to be -attempted. But others said, "There is no help for it; we are already on -shore, and it would be a disgrace were we to turn back; let the boats -return, and let us go forward in search of our enemies, and let all our -fortune rest in God's hand." And of the first twenty that were there six -turned back to the boats to take them to the ships, and the fourteen[BU] -went forward as they found that the tracks led in the direction of the -Upland. But their toil in marching was not long, for lo, the first -ambuscade began to disclose itself, and in it there would be about forty -Moors, who issued forth against them[BV] very eagerly, like men who felt -they had victory in their grasp, as well by reason of their numbers, -which were greater, as on account of the others who were lying in the -other ambuscade, on whom they relied to come and aid them. But although -the Moors came on thus boldly, the Christians did not turn their backs -to them, but on the contrary made ready their weapons, and after the -manner of fearless men awaited the coming of their foes. And after this -there began a very fierce combat between them, in the which lances and -arrows were not without employment, and they found neither harness nor -coat of mail to stay their course. Now there were no stones on the field -of which the Moors could much avail themselves; and as they were without -armour and the Christians employed all their efforts in wounding and -slaying them, the Moors began to feel themselves overmatched, and they -withdrew from our men as far as they could. And in this fight a page of -the Infant's Household, called Martin Pereira, toiled hard, and his -shield was as full of the enemy's weapons as though it were the back of -a porcupine when he lifteth his quills. - - [Footnote BU: In text, Eighteen.] - - [Footnote BV: The Portuguese.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXIII. - -Of how those in the second ambuscade disclosed themselves, and how the -Moors were vanquished. - - -The Moors did not draw off so far that the combat between the two sides -continued any the less fierce, and the chief reason of this was that -they expected succour from the second ambuscade, although it already -seemed to them that it tarried more than was reasonable. However, there -sallied forth at last twenty-five Moors, who lay in the said ambuscade, -and their loud cries did much to revive the courage of their companions, -and now you can understand how great would be the toil of our -Christians, with their scanty numbers placed amid so many foes. Of a -surety their fortitude showed itself very great on that occasion, for -though they were already wearied, and so many fresh fighters came upon -them, yet did they in no wise change their aspect which they had worn -before, and so like good men and brave they began to fight, calling out -one to the other that "damned was the man who turned back in such an -affair as the present." And those Moors of the first combat, though they -had previously shown signs of being vanquished, turned again very boldly -to renew the struggle, the which was very fierce between them; but the -Christians punished them so sorely that the enemy were already becoming -fearful, and did not readily approach where our men had the greatest -force. But this did not protect them, for the one or the other failed -not to receive mortal wounds, with the which they very soon finished the -term of their existence. And so it went on for a short while, until the -Moors saw some of their comrades fall and almost the greater part -wounded, and then they perceived that the longer they stayed there, the -worse would be the hurt inflicted on them. Wherefore they began although -quite at the first encounter they saw their companions engaged in that -fight, were encouraged to think that they would need no other -assistance, save that which none of us can dispense with, to wit, that -of our Lord God, and they were very joyous at the marvellous courage -they perceived in those men. But after they saw how the other ambush -came up, they feared much that they would not be able to stand against -them, wherefore they endeavoured as speedily as they could to give them -aid; but since the distance was great, they were not able to reach the -scene of the combat very quickly. And in a short time the Moors were all -fled, but our men did not follow up their track on account of the great -toil they had gone through, for thereby they were greatly fatigued. And -so they returned, with the others who were coming in their support, to -take shelter in their ships and attend to their wounds, for few were -without these, either great or small, according to the share of luck -that befell each man. And the Moors, when they saw how the Christians -were already returning, retraced their steps to the scene of the fight, -intending to carry off one of those dead men who it seemeth was -considered a noble amongst them; and our men perceiving their mind, -turned back against them to renew the fight. But the enemy, warned by -the hurt they had received before, left the dead man they were even then -bearing off, and took to flight as fast as they could, so that it seemed -to our men to be needful that they should return to their ships to give -rest and cure to their weary and wounded. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXIV. - -Of how Rodrigueannes and Dinis Diaz returned to the kingdom,[BW] and of -what befell them on their voyage. - - -And though it be that I have already told of noble and great deeds in -this Chronicle, of a surety it is not without a cause that I add the -toil of those fourteen men to the praise of all the good, for their -merits are worthy of great honour among the living, and much more I -believe before the face of that Eternal Lord (whose centre, as -Hermes[N167] saith, is in every part in an infinite manner and whose -circumference is nowhere), for from Him shall their souls receive -glorious bliss. And to make an end of the actions of these two caravels, -I will say briefly that as soon as this fight was over, the captains -agreed to return straight to the Kingdom. But when they reached the Cape -of Tira, they both came to an accord to put on shore certain men, to see -whether they could still make any booty, though they knew for certain -that the land had been searched many times before. And so when these -were landed, to the number of fifty, they began to make their way along -the beach until they met with the footprints of men that led towards the -interior, and as the tracks appeared recent, they informed their -captains of it. And from them they received commandment to set aside -some of their number who should go forward and follow up the track until -they came upon the Moors who had made it. And as the land was very -level, the Moors caught sight of our men from a distance and began to -flee, and though the Christians ran hard after them they were never able -to follow them; but it happened that two youths of the company met with -a Moor whom they brought back with them as an evidence of their great -toil. And thence they forthwith made sail to Lisbon, where having paid -to the Infant his due, they had of him honour and reward. - - [Footnote BW: Of Portugal.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXV. - -Of how the caravel of John Goncalvez Zarco arrived at the land of the -Negroes. - - -It still remaineth for me to relate the hap of the caravel of John -Goncalvez Zarco, who, to my thinking, bore himself in this affair more -without hope of gain than any of the others sent there; for all those -others, as you have already heard, had a mind to profit themselves, as -well as to do service to the Infant. But this John Goncalvez was noble -in all his actions, and so he wished the world to know that for his -Lord's service alone he disposed himself to have that voyage made. And -therefore he armed a very fine caravel, and the captaincy of this he -bestowed on his nephew, named Alvaro Fernandez, whom the Infant had -brought up in his household, and he ordered him to have regard to no -other profit, save only to see and know any new thing he could. And he -was not to hinder himself by making raids in the land of the Moors, but -to take his way straight to the land of the Negroes and thenceforward to -lengthen his voyage as much as he could,[N168] and endeavour to bring -some new thing to the Infant his lord, such as he thought would give him -pleasure. The caravel was well victualled and it was manned by men ready -for toils, and Alvaro Fernandez was young in years and audacious. So -they directed their voyage, determined to second the purpose of him who -had dispatched them, and they went sailing over that great ocean sea -until they reached the River of Nile,[N169] and they knew it by the -signs I have before mentioned, and took on board two pipes of water, one -of which they brought to the city of Lisbon. And I know not if -Alexander, who was one of the monarchs of the world, drank in his days -of water that had been brought him from so far. From hence they went -forward until they passed Cape Verde, beyond which they descried an -island[N170] on the which they landed to see if they could meet with any -natives, but they observed that caution in their own regard which they -felt to be proper in such a place. And as they were going through the -island, they found tame goats without any persons guarding them, or -indeed dwelling in any part of that island, and then they took their -refreshment of them; and we have already told how the others found their -tracks when they came to those islands, for this Alvaro Fernandez was -there first, and because the story could not be told in any other manner -we have related it first of all in the way you have heard. Thence they -went forward to the spot where the palm tree is, and that huge tree of -which we have left an account in the other chapters, and here they found -the arms of the Infant, with his device and motto. There they came to an -agreement to go and lie near unto the Cape, for it might be that some -canoes would come to them with which they could hold converse, at least -by signs, for they had no other interpreter. And when they were as near -to the Cape as it might be a third of a league, they cast anchor and -rested as they had arranged; but they had not been there long when from -the land there set out two boats, manned by ten Guineas, who straightway -began to make their way direct to the ship, like men who came in peace. -And when they were near, they made a signal asking security, which was -granted them, and immediately without any other precaution, five of them -went on board the caravel, where Alvaro Fernandez had them entertained -as hospitably as he was able, giving orders to provide them with food -and drink and all other good company that could be made them. And after -this they departed, giving signs of great contentment, but it seemeth -that they had come with something different conceived in their minds. -And as soon as they reached the land they told the rest of their fellows -all they had found, and from this it seemed to them that they could -easily capture them.[BX] And with this design there put off six boats -with thirty-five or forty of their company prepared like men who meant -to fight; but when they were near, they felt a fear of coming up to the -caravel, and so they stayed a little distance off without daring to make -an attack. And when Alvaro Fernandez perceived that they dared not come -to him, he commanded his boat to be lowered and in it he ordered eight -men to place themselves, from among the readiest that he found for the -duty; and he arranged that the boat should be on the further side of the -caravel so that it might not be seen by the enemy, in the hope that they -would approach nearer to the ship. And the Guineas lay some way off -until one of their boats took courage to move more forward and issued -forth from the others towards the caravel, and in it were five brave and -stout Guineas, distinguished in this respect among the others of the -company. And as soon as Alvaro Fernandez perceived that this boat was -already in a position for him to be able to reach it before it could -receive help from the others, he ordered his own to issue forth quickly -and go against it. And by the great advantage of our men in their manner -of rowing they were soon upon the enemy, who seeing themselves thus -overtaken, and having no hope of defence, leapt into the water, while -the other boats fled towards the land. But our men had very great toil -in the capture of those who were swimming, for they dived like -cormorants, so that they could not get a hold of them; yet they soon -captured one, though not without some difficulty; but the capture of the -second caused them to lose all the others. For he was so valiant that -two men, very mighty as they were, could not drag him into the boat -until they took a boathook and caught him above one eye, and the pain of -this made him abate his courage and allow himself to be put inside the -boat. And with these two captives they returned to the ship. And since -Alvaro Fernandez saw that it was of no profit for him to remain in that -spot, and that it might rather injure him, because they already had -knowledge of him, he said that he wished to go on further to see if he -could find some new thing to bring to the Infant his lord. And departing -hence, they arrived at a Cape where there were many bare palm trees -without palms, and they named this Cape of the Masts.[BY][N171] And -going forward on their course, Alvaro Fernandez made seven men embark in -the boat and ordered them to row along the coast, and as they went, they -caught sight of four Guineas seated by the water's edge; and as the men -in the boat saw that they were not perceived by them, six of them leapt -out and pursued their way, concealing themselves as much as they could -until they were near to the Guineas, when they began to run to capture -them. And it seemeth to me that these Guineas were archers who were -going to kill their wild game in the hills with poison, even as the -bowmen do in this our Spain.[BZ] And as soon as they caught sight of our -men, they got up very hastily and began to flee, without having time to -put arrows in their bows; but though our men ran a long way they could -never take them, although at times they came close to them, and the -reason was that these men go naked and have only very short hair, so -that it is not possible to capture them by it. And so they got clear of -our men, who yet seized their bows and quivers and arrows, together with -a quantity of wild boar's flesh that they had roasted. And among these -animals that they found was one that looked like a hind,[N172] which -these Guineas were taking with a basket as a muzzle over its mouth to -keep it from eating; and, so far as our men could see, they were using -that animal as a decoy, that it might draw the other deer to them by its -gentleness. And since they saw it so tame they would not kill it; and -then they returned to their ships, where they took their resolve to come -to the Kingdom, making their way straight to the Island of Madeira, and -thence to the City of Lisbon. And there they found the Infant and -received many bounties at his hands, in the which John Goncalvez had no -small share on account of the good will that had moved him to serve the -Infant in that enterprise. And this was the caravel which in this year -went further than all the others that voyaged to that land. - - [Footnote BX: The Portuguese.] - - [Footnote BY: Cabo dos Matos.] - - [Footnote BZ: The word Spain is here used to designate the - whole Peninsula, as was usual at that time.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXVI. - -How the Author beginneth to speak of the manner of that land. - - -It is well that we should here leave these matters at rest for a space -and treat of the limits of those lands through the which our people -journeyed in the labours of which we have spoken, in order that you may -have an understanding of the delusion in which our forefathers ever -lived who were affrighted to pass that Cape for fear of those things of -which we have told in the beginning of this book; and also that you may -see how great praise our Prince deserveth, by bringing their doubts -before the presence not only of us who are now living, but also of all -others who will be born in the time to come. And because one of the -things which they alleged to be a hindrance to the passage into these -lands consisted of the very strong currents that were there, on account -of which it was impossible for any ship to navigate those seas, you now -have a clear knowledge of their former error in that you have seen -vessels come and go as free from danger as in any part of the other -seas. They further alleged that the lands were all sandy and without any -inhabitants, and true it is that in the matter of the sands they were -not altogether deceived, but these were not so great as they thought; -while as to the inhabitants, you have clearly seen the contrary to be -the fact, since you witness the dwellers in those parts each day before -your eyes, although their inhabited places are chiefly villages and very -few towns. For from the Cape of Bojador to the kingdom of Tunis there -will not be in the whole, what with towns and places fortified for -defence, as many as fifty. They were no less at fault as regards the -depth of the sea, for they had it marked on their charts that the shores -were so shallow that at the distance of a league from the land there was -only a fathom of water; but this was found not to be so, for the ships -have had and have sufficient depth for their management, except for -certain shoals; and thus dwellings[N173] were made that exist on certain -sandbanks, as you will find now in the navigating charts[N174] which the -Infant caused to be prepared. - -In the land of the Negroes there is no walled place save that which they -call Oadem,[N175] nor are there any settlements except some by the -water's edge, of straw houses, the which were emptied of their dwellers -by those that went there in the ships of this land. True it is that the -whole land is generally peopled, but their mode of living is only in -tents and carts,[N176] such as we use here when our princes do happen to -go upon a warlike march; and those who were captured there gave -testimony of this, and also John Fernandez, of whom we have already -spoken, related much concerning the same. All their principal study and -toil is in guarding their flocks, to wit, cows and sheep and goats and -camels, and they change their camp almost every day, for the longest -they can rest in one spot will be eight days. And some of their chief -men possess tame mares, of which they breed horses, though very few. - -Their food consisteth for the great part of milk, and sometimes a little -meat and the seeds of wild herbs that they gather in those mountains, -and some who have been there have said that these herbs (but of them -there are few)[N177] seem to be the millet of that land. Also they eat -wheat when they can obtain it, in the same way that we in this land eat -confetti.[N178] And for many months of the year they and their horses -and dogs maintain themselves by no other thing except the drinking of -milk. And those that live by the sea shore eat nothing save fish, and -all for the most part without either bread or anything else, except the -water that they drink, and they generally eat their fish raw and dried. -Their clothing consisteth of a skin vest and breeches of the same, but -some of the more honourable wear bournouses; and some pre-eminent men, -who are almost above all the others, have good garments, like the other -Moors, and good horses and good saddles, and good stirrups, but these -are very few. - -The women wear bournouses which are like mantles, with the which they -only cover their faces, and by that they think they have covered all -their shame, for they leave their bodies quite naked. "For sure," saith -he who compiled this history, "this is one of the things by the which -one may discern their great bestiality,[N179] for if they had some -particle of reason they would follow nature, and cover those parts only -which by its shewing ought to be covered, for we see how naturally in -each one of these shameful parts it placeth a circle of hair in proof -that it wished to hide them; and also some naturalists hold that if -those hairs be let alone, they will grow so much as to hide all the -parts of your shame." And the wives of the most honourable men wear -rings of gold in their nostrils and ears, as well as other jewels. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXVII. - -Of the things that happened to John Fernandez. - - -That we may assist in the knowledge of these matters, let us relate in -this place the hap of John Fernandez[N180] in this land during those -seven months in which he stayed there in the service of the Lord Infant, -as you have already heard. Now he, remaining there in the power of the -relations of that Moor whom Antam Goncalvez brought to this land, was -conducted by them with his garments and biscuit and some corn that was -left to him, and also his wearing apparel; and these things were all -taken from him against his will, and he was only given a bournous like -each of the other Moors wore. And the men with whom he thus remained -were shepherds, and they departed to their country with their sheep, and -he went with them.[N181] And he reported that this country is all sandy, -without any grass, except in the riverine lands or low-lying parts, -where there is some grass from which the herds obtain their poor -nutriment; but there are hills and mountains all of sand.[N182] And this -land runneth from Tagazza[CA][N183] as far as the land of the Negroes, -and it joineth with the Mediterranean Sea at the extremity of the -kingdom of Tunis and Momdebarque. And from there all the land is like -this I have described, even from the Mediterranean Sea as far as the -Negroes and Alexandria, all peopled by shepherd folk in greater or -smaller numbers, according as they find pasturage for their flocks; and -there are no trees in it save small ones, such as the fig-tree of -Hell[CB] or the thorn, and in some places there are palms.[N184] And all -the water[N185] is from wells, for there are no running streams, save in -a very few spots, and the breadth of this land will be three thousand -leagues and its length a thousand, and there is no noble place in it -save Alexandria and Cairo. - - [Footnote CA: In text "Tagaoz."] - - [Footnote CB: The _Palma Christi_.] - -Now the characters in which they write[N186] and the language which they -speak are not like those of the other Moors, but are clean different; -yet they are all of the sect of Mohammed, and are called Arabs[CC] and -Azanegues and Berbers.[N187] And they all go in the manner I have -already said, to wit, in tents with their herds, wherever it pleaseth -them, without any rule or governance or law, for each goeth as he -willeth and doeth what pleaseth him in so far as he hath power. They -make war with the Negroes more by thieving than by force, for they have -not so great strength as these last.[N188] And to their land come some -Moors and they sell them of those Negroes whom they have kidnapped, or -else they take them to Momdebarque, which is beyond the kingdom of -Tunis, to sell[N189] to the Christian merchants who go there, and they -give them these slaves in exchange for bread and some other things, just -as they do now at the Rio do Ouro, as will be related further on. And -'tis well for you to know that in all the land of Africa which -stretcheth from Egypt to the West, the Moors have no other kingdom than -the kingdom of Fez, in the which lieth that of Marocco and of Tafilet; -and the kingdom of Tunis, in which is that of Tlemcen[CD] and of Bugia; -and all the rest of the country is possessed by these Arabs and -Azanegues, who are shepherds on horseback and foot, and who travel over -the plains as I have already related. And it is said that in the land of -the Negroes there is another kingdom called Melli, but this is not -certain;[N190] for they bring the Negroes from that kingdom, and sell -them like the others, whereas 'tis manifest that if they were Moors they -would not sell them so. - - [Footnote CC: In text "Alarves."] - - [Footnote CD: In text "Tremecam."] - -And returning to the hap of John Fernandez, who went off thus with those -shepherds; He reported that, as he journeyed with them over those sands -he oftentimes had not sufficient milk. And it fell out one day that two -horsemen passed by there who were journeying in the direction of that -Ahude Meymam, of whom we have already spoken before, and they asked this -John Fernandez if he wished to go to the place where that Moor lived? -"Well it pleaseth me," answered John Fernandez, "for I have heard that -he is a noble man, and I would fain go to see and know him." So then the -others placed him on a camel and they began to journey in the direction -where they thought the Moor was, and they travelled so far that the -water they were carrying fell very low, on which account they went three -days without drinking. And he saith that they know not the place where -any people dwell save by keeping their eyes on the heavens,[N191] and -where they see crows and _hussos francos_,[N192] they judge there are -people, for in all that country there is no fixed road save those that -go by the sea coast. And that John Fernandez said that those Moors with -whom he travelled guided themselves by the winds alone, as is done on -the sea, and by those birds which we have already mentioned. And they -journeyed so far through that land, enduring their thirst, until they -reached the place where was that Ahude Meymam with his sons and with -others who accompanied him, in number as many as one hundred and fifty -men. And to him John Fernandez made his reverence, and the Moor received -him right well, and ordered him to be supplied with the food on which he -supported himself, to wit, milk, so that at the time he was picked up by -the caravels he was well nourished and of a good colour. He reported -that the heats of that land are very great, and so is the dust of those -sands, and the men on foot many, and therefore few on horseback, for the -remainder who are not such as to travel on foot go on camels, of which -latter some are white and make fifty leagues[N193] in the day. And there -is a great sufficiency of these camels, not of the white in particular, -but of all colours, and there are also many flocks and herds, though the -pastures be so few, as we have already noted. And he further saith that -they have captive Negroes, and that the men of rank possess abundant -gold, which they bring from that land where the Negroes live; and that -there are in that land many ostriches[CE] and deer, and gazelles and -partridges and hares, and that the swallows which depart hence[CF] in -the summer go and winter there on those sands, and I believe this is on -account of the heat; and other small birds go there as well, but he -saith that the storks pass over to the land of the Negroes, where they -abide through the winter. - - [Footnote CE: In text "Emas."] - - [Footnote CF: Portugal.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXVIII. - -Of the leagues that the caravels of the Infant went beyond the Cape, and -of other things of all kinds. - - -It was the opinion among many people in Spain, and of other parts as -well, that those great birds called ostriches did not hatch their eggs, -but that as soon as they laid them on the sand they left them there; but -it was found to be quite the contrary, for they lay twenty and thirty -eggs and hatch them like other birds. And he[CG] reporteth that the -things in that land, by which those who live by merchandise may gain -profit, are those Negroes, whereof they have many whom they kidnap; and -gold, which they get from the land of the latter; and hides, and wool, -and butter, together with cheeses, of which there are many there; and -also dates in great abundance, which are brought from another part, and -amber, and the perfume of the civet, and resin,[N194] and oil, and skins -of sea-wolves, which are in great numbers in the Rio do Ouro as you have -heard. And they could also obtain somewhat of the merchandise of Guinea, -of which there are many kinds and very good, as will be recounted -further on. And it was found that up to this era of 1446 years from the -birth of Jesus Christ, fifty and one caravels had voyaged to those -parts; but of the sum of the Moors that they captured we will speak at -the end of this first book. And these caravels passed beyond the -Cape[CH] four hundred and fifty leagues. And it is found that all that -coast goeth to the south, with many promontories, according to what this -our Prince had added to the navigating chart. And it should be -understood that what had been known for certain of the coast of the -great sea was six hundred[N195] leagues, and to them are now added these -four hundred and fifty. And what was shown on the _mappemonde_ with -respect to this coast was not true, for they only depicted it at hazard; -but this which is now placed on the charts was a matter witnessed by the -eye, as you have already heard.[N196] - - [Footnote CG: Fernandez.] - - [Footnote CH: Bojador.] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXIX. - -Which speaketh of the Island of Canary and of the manner of living -there. - - -Meseemeth I ought to give an account of many things in this book, for if -I speak of them so briefly, those that read the history will remain -still in desire and wishful to learn the details by which to perfect -their knowledge. And since I told in the beginning of this book how the -Infant Don Henry despatched an expedition to the Canary Islands, and -afterwards how the ships sailed there to make some captures, I would now -set forth the number of these islands and the manner of their -inhabitants, and of their beliefs, and after that, everything that -pertaineth to them. And, as I have found in ancient writings, in the -time that the King Don Henry reigned in Castile, who was son of Don John -the first, who was vanquished at the battle of Aljubarrota, a certain -nobleman of France called Monsieur Jean de Bethencourt, who was a noble -and Catholic man, and desired to render service to God, having learnt -that these islands belonged to infidels, set out from his country with -the purpose of subduing them. And coming into Castile he obtained ships -and men, more than he brought, and he went against them and had great -toil in their conquest; but at last he made subject three, and four -remained to be subdued. And for that Monsieur Jean had now used all the -provisions and money which he brought with him, he was obliged to go -back to his country with the intention of returning again to finish the -conquest of the whole number; and in those three which he had already -conquered he left as captain a nephew of his, called Monsieur -Maciot.[N197] But Monsieur Jean, when he arrived in France, returned no -more to this land; some said because he fell ill of grave disorders -which prevented him from returning to accomplish his good purpose; -others again declared that he was kept back by the King of France on -account of the wars in which he was engaged, in the which he needed his -services; so the said Monsieur Maciot remained there for a time until he -passed over to the Island of Madeira, as will be related further on. And -the peopling of these three islands, at the time of the putting together -of this book, was as follows: in the island called Lancarote there dwelt -sixty men, and in that of Fuerteventura eighty, and in the other, called -Ferro, there would be twelve men. And these are the three which were -subdued by that great lord of France. And all their inhabitants are -Christians, and carry out among them the divine offices, having churches -and priests. But there is another island called Gomera, which Monsieur -Maciot laboured to conquer with the aid of some Castilians whom he took -in his company, and they were unable to perfect their conquest, although -among those Canarians there are some Christians. And the number of its -inhabitants will be seven hundred men, and in the other island of Palma -there dwell five. And in the sixth island, which is that of Teneriffe or -Inferno, because it hath on the top a chasm through which fire -continually issueth forth, there dwell six thousand fighting men. The -seventh island they call Grand Canary, in which there will be five -thousand fighting men. These three islands, from the commencement of the -world, have never been subdued, but many men have already been carried -off from them, and by means of these nearly all their manner of life -hath been learnt. And because they seemed to me very different from the -usage of other races, I would here discourse a little about it, so that -those who have received such grace from the Lord that they are outside -the tale of such bestiality, may praise the Lord for it, because it -pleased Him that all things should be made in such different manners, -and that those who are placed in the holy law of Christ, and for His -love would suffer some hardness of life, may get them great courage to -enable them to support it well, when they recollect that these others -are men likewise and that they spend such a hard and rough life with -pleasure and delight to themselves. Now of all these islands which I -have already named Grand Canary is the largest, and it will be in -circumference six-and-thirty leagues. Its people are not without -cunning, but of little good faith; and they know that there is a God -from whom those who work good will receive good, and those who work evil -will receive evil. And they have two men amongst them whom they call -kings, and one duke, but all the rule of the island is in the hands of -certain knights, who cannot be less than one hundred and ninety in -number, nor as many as two hundred. And when five or six of these are -dead, the other knights meet together and select as many more of them -who are also the sons of knights, for they must not choose others, and -these they put in the place of those who are dead, so that the number -may always be full. And some declare that these men are of the noblest -birth recorded, for they have ever been of the lineage of knights -without admixture of villein blood. And these knights know their creed, -but the others know nothing of it, but say only that they believe what -their knights believe. And they must violate all the virgin girls, and -after one of the knights hath slept with the girl, then her father or he -may marry her to whomsoever he pleaseth. But before they sleep with them -they fatten them with milk until their skin is wrinkled like that of a -fig, for they hold that the thin girl is not as good as the fat one; and -they say that so the womb is enlarged, enabling them to bear big -children. And so, when she is stout, they exhibit her naked to those -knights, and he who hath a mind to violate her, telleth her father that -she is now fat enough. And her father or mother maketh her enter into -the sea during some days for a certain time in each day, and she is then -relieved of some of her excessive fatness, and then they take her to the -knight, and when she hath been violated her father taketh her home. - -These people fight with stones, and have no other arms save a short -stick to hit with. They are very daring and strong fighters on the land, -which is very stony, and they defend it well. All of them go naked and -only wear a fork of coloured palm-leaves round about them by way of -breeches, which hideth their shame, but many of them lack even this. -They possess neither gold, nor silver, or money, nor jewels, nor any -engines of warfare, save some things they make with stones, which they -use in the place of hangers, and with which they also construct the -houses wherein they dwell. They hold all gold and silver and every other -metal in disdain, counting it folly in him who desireth them, and -commonly there is none among them that hath a different opinion from the -others. Neither care they for clothes of any kind, much or little; but -rather they mock at the man who prizeth them, as they do with one who -prizeth gold and silver, and all the other things I have mentioned; only -they set great store on iron, which they fashion by the aid of these -stones and make hooks of it to fish with. They have wheat and barley, -but they are without the wit to make bread, and only make meal which -they devour with flesh and butter. And they have many figs and dragon's -blood trees, and dates, though poor ones, and they have also herbs which -they eat. And they possess moreover sheep and goats and a sufficiency of -pigs. And they number five thousand fighting men, as I have said above. -They only shave with stones. Some of them call themselves Christians; -and after the Infant sent Don Fernando de Castro there with his fleet, -in the which he carried two thousand and five hundred men and one -hundred and twenty horses, many of them became Christians; and because -Don Fernando was fearful that the victuals he carried would not last, he -left without conquering them altogether. And afterwards the Infant -wished to send another expedition there, but the King of Castile -interfered in the matter, saying that the Islands belonged to his -conquest, which of a surety is not so. And hereby this very pious -undertaking, to wit, that this people might live under the law of -Christ, still remained to be accomplished. But this fleet was dispatched -there in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred twenty and four. -The inhabitants of the island think it a great evil to kill flesh or -skin it, and so if they get a Christian from abroad, they are rejoiced -for him to be their butcher. And when they cannot obtain as many as they -need for that trade, they seek out the worst men in the island for this -charge, and the women will have nothing to do with these persons, and -the men will not eat with them, for they hold them to be worse than -lepers among us. They light fires by sticks, rubbing one against the -other. The mothers suckle their children with disgust, so that the -greater part of the rearing of their babies is done by the teats of -she-goats. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXX. - -Which speaketh of the Island of Gomera. - - -The fighting of the men of the island of Gomera is done with small rods -like arrows, sharp and burnt in the fire. They go about naked without -any clothes, and have little shame at it; for they make a mockery of -clothes, saying that they are but sacks in which men put themselves. -They have only a small amount of barley and the flesh of pigs and goats, -but little of all this. Their food is chiefly milk and herbs, like the -beasts, and the roots of rushes, and rarely meat; they eat dirty and -foul things such as rats, fleas, lice, and ticks, and consider them all -as good viands. They possess no houses, but live in holes and huts. -Their women are almost common, and when anyone cometh where another is, -at once the latter giveth him his woman by way of hospitality, and him -that doeth otherwise, they hold as a bad man.[N198] Wherefore the sons -do not inherit among them, but only their nephews, sons of their -sisters. The greater part of their time they spend in dancing and -singing, for their whole luxury consisteth in sport without work. They -place all their happiness in the commerce of the sexes, for they have no -teaching of a law, but only believe that there is a God. They will be -seven hundred fighting men, who have a duke and certain headmen. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXI. - -Of the Island of Inferno or Teneriffe. - - -Meseemeth I find a betterment of life among those inhabitants of the -island of Inferno, for they are well supplied with wheat and barley and -vegetables, with many pigs and sheep and goats, and they go clothed in -skins; but they possess not houses, but only huts and dens, in the which -they spend their lives. Also they draw in their privy parts, as horses -do, who only extend them when they have to generate issue, or to make -water. And they hold it to be as evil to act otherwise as we do in the -case of those who go about without small clothes. Their fighting is done -with staves made of the inner wood of the pine, fashioned like great -javelins, very sharp, burnt in the fire, and dry. And they number from -eight to nine bands, each with a king, whom they must always take with -them, although death come to him, until the other who succeedeth to the -lordship after him happeneth to die, so that they always have with them -one dead and the other alive. And so, when the other dieth and there are -two dead, and they have to abandon one according to their bestial -ordinance, or more rightly I will say, custom, they bear him to a pit in -which they throw him, and he who carrieth him on his neck exclaimeth as -he throws him--"May he go to salvation." And these men are strong and -daring, and have wives of their own, and they live more like men than -some of these others; they fight one with the other, and in this all -their principal care consisteth, and they believe that there is a God. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXII. - -Of the Island of Palma. - - -The inhabitants of this island of Palma have neither bread nor -vegetables, but only sheep and milk and herbs, and maintain themselves -on these; they know not to recognise God nor any faith, but only think -they believe; like the other cattle they are very bestial; and they say -they have certain among them who are called kings; and their fighting is -done with staves like the men of Teneriffe, except that where an iron -head should be, they put a sharp horn, and another at the lower end, -though not so sharp an one as that at the top. They have no fish, nor do -the men of this island eat them; and, while those of all the other -islands do just the contrary, seeking means to capture them and making -use of them in their housekeeping, these men only do not eat fish nor -are they at the pains to capture them. And the number of inhabitants -will be five hundred men, which is a great marvel, that being so few -they have never been conquered from the beginning of the world; and from -this it is evident how all things are only as God willeth them to be, -and at the times and within the bounds that please Him. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXIII. - -Of how the Island of Madeira was peopled, and also the other Islands -that are in that part. - - -Since I have related, in the fifth Chapter of this work, where I spoke -of the especial things which the Infant performed for the service of God -and the honour of the realm, how that among the other matters -accomplished by him was the peopling of these islands, I would here tell -briefly of the said peopling, and the more particularly as in the past -few chapters I have spoken of the Canary Islands. Now it was so, that in -the household of the Infant there were two noble esquires, brought up by -that lord, men young in years and fit for great deeds. And after the -Infant returned from raising the siege of Ceuta, when the united power -of those Moorish Kings had encircled it, these men begged him to put -them in the way to perform some honourable deed, like men who desired it -much, for it seemed to them that their time was ill spent if they did -not toil in some undertaking with their bodies. And the Infant, -perceiving their good wills, bade them make ready a vessel in which they -were to go on a warlike enterprise against the Moors, directing them to -voyage in search of the land of Guinea, which he already had purposed to -discover.[N199] And since it pleased God to ordain such a benefit, both -for this Kingdom and also for many other parts, He guided them so that, -even with the weather against them, they reached the island that is now -called Porto Santo, being nigh to the island of Madeira, the which may -be seven leagues in circumference. And so they remained there for some -days and right well examined the land, and it seemed to them that it -would be a very profitable thing to people it. And returning thence to -the Kingdom, they spoke of it to the Infant, and described the goodness -of the land and the desire they had as to its peopling; and this pleased -the Infant much, and he straightway took order for them to obtain what -was needful to enable them to return to the said island. And as they -were busied in the work of making ready for their departure, there -joined himself to their company Bartholomew Perestrello, a nobleman of -the household of the Infant Don John; and these men, having all their -things ready, set out on their voyage to the said island. And it -happened that among the things they took with them to stock the said -island was a she-rabbit, which had been given to Bartholomew Perestrello -by a friend of his, and the rabbit went in a hutch pregnant, and it came -about that it gave birth to young on the sea, and so they took all these -to the island. And when they were lodged in their huts, to make ready -houses for themselves, they set free that female rabbit with her young -to breed; and these in a very short time multiplied so much as to -overspread the land, so that our men could sow nothing that was not -destroyed by them. - -And it is a marvel how they found in the year following their arrival, -that although they killed a very great quantity of these rabbits, there -yet remained no lack of them. Wherefore they abandoned that island and -passed over to the other isle of Madeira, which will be forty leagues in -circumference, and twelve leagues distant from Porto Santo; and there -stayed the two, to wit, John Goncalvez and Tristam, and Bartholomew -Perestrello returned to the kingdom. This second island they discovered -to be good, especially in very noble flowing waters, which are made to -irrigate what part they will; and there they began to make very great -sowings, from the which they obtained most abundant crops. From that -time they saw that the land had good air and was healthy, and they found -many birds, which in the beginning they were wont to capture in their -hands, and they discovered many other good things in the said island. So -they let the Infant know all this, and he straightway laboured to send -there other people and ornaments for a church, and clerics, so that in a -very brief space a great portion of that land was put to use. And the -Infant, considering how those two men were the pioneers of this -settlement, bestowed on them the chief governance of the island, to wit, -on John Goncalvez Zarco, who was a noble man and had been made a knight -at the siege of Tangier in a battle that the Infant won there upon a -Thursday, of which the history of the Kingdom maketh a fuller mention. -And this John Goncalvez had already been present at very great actions, -and especially at the raising of the siege of Ceuta and the overthrow of -the Moors that took place on the day of arrival. And to this man the -Infant gave the governance of the portion of the island called Funchal, -and the other part called Machico[CI][N200] he bestowed on Tristam, who -also was dubbed a knight in a foray that was made at Ceuta; and he was a -very daring man, but not so noble in every other respect as John -Goncalvez. And the beginning of the peopling of this island took place -in the year of the birth of Jesus Christ one thousand and four hundred -and twenty; and at the time of the making of this history it was peopled -reasonably well, for there were in it one hundred and fifty inhabitants, -besides other persons such as traders and unmarried men and women and -youths, and boys and girls who had been born on the said island, as well -as clerics and friars, and others who came and went for their -merchandise and for those things which they cannot dispense with in that -island. And in the year one thousand and four hundred and forty-five the -Infant despatched a knight called Goncallo Velho,[N201] who was a -Commander of the Order of Christ, to go and people other two islands -that are distant from those one hundred and seventy leagues to the -north-west. And one of these the Infant Don Pedro began to people with -the approval of his brother; but his death followed shortly, therefore -it remained afterwards for the Infant Don Henry to continue this work. -And to this island Don Pedro had assigned the name of St. Michael, on -account of the singular devotion which he had ever felt to that Saint. -And the Infant Don Henry also caused to return to the island of Porto -Santo, for the purpose of peopling it, Bartholomew Perestrello, the same -man who had first voyaged there with John Goncalvez and Tristam; but -owing to the multitude of rabbits, which are almost without end, no -tillage is possible there, but many cattle are reared there, and -dragon's blood is also collected there and brought for sale to this -Kingdom, and taken to many other parts as well. And he turned out cattle -on another island which lieth seven leagues from the island of Madeira, -intending to have it peopled like the other, and its name is Deserta. -And of these seven islands, four are as large as that of Madeira and -three are smaller. And for the profit of the Order of Christ, whose -governor the Infant was at the time of the said peopling, he gave the -said Order all the revenues ecclesiastical of the island of Madeira and -of Porto Santo and all the revenues both ecclesiastical and temporal of -the other island, of which he made Goncallo Velho Commander. And beside -all this he bequeathed to the said Order the tithes and half the sugar -produce of the Island of St. Michael. - - [Footnote CI: In the text, "Machito."] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXIV. - -Of how the Infant Don Henry required of the King the right over the -Canaries. - - -In the year 1446 the Infant began to make ready his ships to return to -the said conquest, but before doing aught in the same, he requested the -Infant Don Pedro, his brother, who at that time was ruling the Kingdom -in the name of the King, to give him a Letter forbidding all the -subjects of these realms from daring to go to the Canary Islands, to -make war or treat of merchandise, without the command of the said -Infant. This letter was granted him, and beside this he was privileged -to enjoy a fifth of whatever should be brought from there; and this was -very rightly given him, considering the great expense which that noble -Prince had incurred in the matter of the said conquest. And though we -found the substance of that letter set forth in the former book written -by Affonso Cerveira, by aid of which we prosecute this history, yet we -care not to transcribe it, for it is no new thing to any one of -experience to see such writings, and well we know that their style would -rather induce weariness in readers, so trite is it, than the desire to -see their accustomed reasonings.[N201a] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXV. - -Of how the caravel of Alvaro Dornellas returned, and of the Canarians -that he took. - - -Now in this chapter it behoveth us to return to the action of Alvaro -Dornellas, about whom we wrote that he stayed in the Canary Islands. And -he let himself remain there out of shame, for it seemed to him that he -would be blamed if he were to turn back to the kingdom without any -booty, by means of which some portion of his toil might be known. And it -was so, that Affonso Marta brought his caravel, as we have told, and -this was despatched to the Madeira Islands. For here the said Alvaro -Dornellas ordered him to take in provisions against the price he should -receive for the sale of two Canarians that he forwarded in her, and he -remained to pay those persons from whom he had borrowed them in -merchandise equal in value. But by the chance of the weather he failed -to make the Islands, and was forced to enter the river-mouth at Lisbon, -where at that season was one John Dornellas, an esquire of the King, a -man of noble birth, brought up in the household of the King Don John and -the King Don Edward, and a cousin of this Alvaro Dornellas of whom we -are speaking, who had an equal share with him in the ownership of the -said caravel. And both were of one mind to go in her, only they accorded -not as to the date of their first departure, when John Dornellas -received command of the King, ordering him to abstain for the time from -making the said voyage, for so it was necessary for his service. And -when that esquire saw how the caravel came, he knew the necessity in -which his cousin must be, and he at once had provisions and men got -ready in haste so that the ship might be furnished, and he also took -merchandise, by means of which he thought his cousin might satisfy his -debt in respect of the captives he had taken. Now this John Dornellas -was a man of courage, and longed to accomplish great actions, and so he -made his voyage with despatch, although it was at great expense to -himself, and arrived in a short time at that island where his cousin -was, namely, the one called Fuerteventura. And Alvaro Dornellas arrived -there as soon as he knew of his coming, and taking aside his cousin, he -said to him: "In that I have informed these Castilians that this caravel -is all mine (which I said that they might have cause to help me better -in my actions, thinking that you would not come to this land, and also -more especially that I might fit out by their help a pinnace that is -here), I beg of you, even though this thing may be in some part a -lessening of your honour, that for my sake you will be pleased to endure -it, and advise all[CJ] to say none the less that the ship is mine, and -that as a thing of mine it arrived here, with all it containeth. And -from this moment, dear cousin, it remaineth for you to command me in -some other matter, albeit a greater one, at a future time; and you may -be well assured that, beside the reasons I have, if I receive this -favour of you, I shall perform it with such good will as you shall see." -"By God, cousin," replied John Dornellas, "though it be somewhat of a -hardship for me to lessen my honour, being the man I am and with the -upbringing I have had, yet I am well pleased to put all out of sight in -order to do your will, although some of the men who come with me are -persons of such rank that they have accompanied me here more out of -friendship than from hope of profit. For here I have Diego Vasquez -Portocarreiro, an esquire of the King our lord, and other good men; but -I will endeavour what I can in the business." And this in fact he did, -so that all ended as Alvaro Dornellas desired. But this much you ought -to know, that he acted afterwards quite contrary to what his words -showed. For but little time had passed when John Dornellas perceived his -deceit, and on account of this they were henceforth in very great -contention, and almost came to slaying one another over it, but the -matter is not fit unto this place. And so when both men came to this -first agreement, they straightway armed the pinnace, and arrived in -company at the Island of Gomera, where Alvaro Dornellas, as the captain, -spake with the chief men of the island and asked them, on behalf of the -Infant Don Henry, that they would give him some assistance to go to the -island of Palma to make some captures. And they with good will granted -him as much as he required. And so taking some of those Canarians to aid -them, they reached a port of the island of Palma, where they landed and -at once concealed themselves in a valley, because it was in the day time -and they feared to be discovered. But as soon as night fell, they began -to journey through the island without any guide or sure path by which to -direct them to any certain part, but only at any venture that God might -be pleased to ordain for them, until they arrived at a place where they -heard the barking of dogs, and knew by this that they were nigh to an -inhabited spot. "Now that we are already sure of that we seek," said -some, "let us rest here in this valley, and very early, God permitting, -we will go against them, for our going now might bring to us rather -injury than benefit." And so they reposed there until they saw it was -time to attack their foes, and then they charged them with such vigour -that in a very brief space they captured twenty. And since the Canarians -gave them much trouble in their attempts to deliver their relations and -friends, and also to avenge others who were left for dead, John -Dornellas said to his cousin that he should take the captives and go on -in advance with them, and he would hold in check the others, so that -they might not diminish the booty; and in this stay, although they were -hard pressed, yet they availed to escape from them, leaving fifteen of -them dead in that valley, and none of the Christians died, and only two -were wounded. And so they returned to the island of Gomera, where Alvaro -Dornellas was compelled to stay, while his cousin departed to the -Kingdom. But such lack of provisions overtook them that they looked for -no other remedy than to eat some of those captives, as they felt they -could be saved in no other way. However, it pleased God that before they -came to this extremity, they made the port of Tavira,[CK] which is in -the kingdom of the Algarve.[N202] - - [Footnote CJ: Your men.] - - [Footnote CK: The text has the old form, "Tavilla."] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXVI. - -Of how Nuno Tristam was slain in the land of Guinea, and of those who -died with him. - - -Ah, in what brief words do I find enregistered[N202a] the record of the -death of such a noble knight as was this Nuno Tristam, of whose sudden -end I purpose to speak in the present chapter. And of a surety I could -not pass it by without tears, did I not know, almost by divine forecast, -the eternal delight his soul tasteth, for it seemeth to me that I should -be reckoned as covetous by all true Catholics were I to bewail the death -of one whom it hath pleased God to make a sharer in His immortality. And -of a surety, inasmuch as he was the first knight who by himself bestowed -that honour[CL] on another in that land, and as I made a commencement of -this book with an account of the booty he obtained, so did I feel almost -resolved to conclude it with his death, giving to his divine soul the -primary seat of celestial glory as the firstfruits of all the others -who for God's sake were to meet their end in that land. Now this noble -knight was perfectly informed of the great desire and purpose of our -virtuous Prince, being one who from such an early youth had been brought -up in his household; and seeing how the Prince was toiling to send his -ships to the land of the Negroes and much further yet, if he might -accomplish it; and hearing that some caravels had already passed the -river of Nile, and the things that were reported from there; it seemed -to him that if he were not to make himself one of that elect company and -to render service to the Infant his lord in that land in any good thing -that might be done or encountered there, he could not obtain the name of -a good man and true. Wherefore he straightway made him ready a caravel, -and having it armed, he began his voyage and stayed not in any part, but -pursued his course toward the land of the Negroes. And passing by Cape -Verde, he went sixty leagues further on and came unto a river, in the -which it seemed to him that there ought to be some inhabited places. -Wherefore he caused to be launched two small boats he was carrying, and -in them there entered twenty-two men, to wit, ten in one and twelve in -the other. And as they began to take their way up the river, the tide -was rising with the which they entered, and they made for some -habitations that they espied on the right hand. And it came to pass that -before they went on shore, there appeared from the other side twelve -boats, in the which there would be as many as seventy or eighty Guineas, -all Negroes, with bows in their hands. And because the water was rising, -one of the boats of the Guineas crossed to the other side and put on -shore those it was carrying, and thence they began to shoot arrows at -our men in the boats. And the others[CM] who remained in the boats -bestirred themselves as much as they could to get at our men, and as -soon as they perceived themselves to be within reach, they discharged -that accursed ammunition of theirs all full of poison upon the bodies of -our countrymen. And so they held on in pursuit of them until they had -reached the caravel which was lying outside the river in the open sea; -and they[CN] were all hit by those poisoned arrows, in such wise that -before they came on board four of them died in the boats. And so, -wounded as they were, they made fast their small boats to the ship, and -commenced to make ready for their voyage, seeing their case, how -perilous it was; but they were not able to lift their anchors for the -multitude of arrows with which they were attacked, and they were -constrained to cut the cables so that not one remained. And so they -began to make sail, leaving the boats behind, for they could not hoist -them up. And it came to pass that of the twenty-two men that left the -ship only two escaped, to wit, one Andre Diaz and another Alvaro da -Costa, both esquires of the Infant and natives of the City of Evora; and -the remaining nineteen[CO] died, for that poison was so artfully -composed that a slight wound, if it only let blood, brought men to their -last end. And there died that noble Knight Nuno Tristam,[N203] very -desirous as he was of this present life, in that there was no place left -him to buy his death like a brave man. And there died also another -Knight called John Correa and one Duarte Dollanda and Estevam Dalmeida -and Diego Machado, men of noble birth and young in years, brought up by -the Infant in his household; as well as other esquires and foot soldiers -of the same upbringing; and seamen and others of the ship's company. - - [Footnote CL: Of knighthood.] - - [Footnote CM: Guineas.] - - [Footnote CN: Our men.] - - [Footnote CO: Not counting Tristam himself.] - -Suffice it to say that they numbered in all twenty-one,[N203a] for of -the seven that had remained in the caravel two were also wounded as they -were trying to raise the anchors. But whom will you have to make ready -this ship that she may pursue her voyage and depart from among that evil -race? for the two esquires who remained, as we said, did not wholly -escape from that peril, for being wounded they came near unto death, and -lay ill quite twenty days, not being able to render any aid to the -others who were toiling to direct the caravel. And these latter were not -more than five in number, to wit, a sailor lad very little acquainted -with the art of navigating, and a boy of the Infant's household called -Airas Tinoco, who went as purser, and a Guinea boy who had been captured -with the first prisoners taken in that land, and two other boys, both -quite young, who were living with some of those esquires that died -there. Of a surety, compassion is due to their great toil at that hour. -They went weeping and sorrowing for the death of such a captain and of -the others their comrades and friends, and were from that time in fear -of the hateful enemies they knew to be near them, from whose deadly -wounds so many and such brave men had died in a very brief space. And -especially they sorrowed because they found so slight a remedy whereby -to seek their safety; for the sailor lad, in whom they were all putting -their hope, confessed openly his scant knowledge, saying that he knew -not how to direct the course of a ship or to work at anything of that -kind in such wise as to be serviceable; but only if directed by another -he would do what he could, as he was bidden. O, Thou great and supreme -succour of all the forsaken and afflicted, who dost never desert those -that cry out to Thee in their most great necessity, and who now didst -hear the cries of these men who made their moan to Thee, fixing their -eyes on the height of the clouds and calling upon Thee to hasten to -their aid; clearly didst Thou show that Thou heardest their prayers when -in such a brief space Thou didst send them heavenly aid. For Thou didst -give courage and understanding to a youth who had been born and brought -up in Olivenca, an inland town far removed from the sea; and he, -enlightened by divine grace, piloted the ship, and bade the seaman steer -directly to the north, declining a little to the east, namely, to the -wind that is called north-east, for he thought that there lay the -kingdom of Portugal, towards which they wished to make their voyage. And -as they were going thus on their way, after a part of the day was over, -they went to see Nuno Tristam and the other wounded men, and they found -them dead, so that they were obliged to throw them into the sea; and on -that day they threw in fifteen, and four remained in the boats, and two -they threw in the next day. But I write not of the feelings that would -be theirs when they cast those bodies upon the multitude of waters, -burying their flesh in the bellies of fish. But what importeth it to us -if our bodies lack sepulture? since in our own flesh we shall see our -Saviour, according to the determination of Holy Scripture, for it is the -same thing whether we lie in the sea or the land, and whether we be -eaten of fishes or of birds. Our chief concern is in those works of ours -by which after our death we shall find the truth of all these matters -that here we see in figure; and since we all believe and confess that -the Pope is our Chief Vicar and Supreme Pontiff, through whose power we -shall be able to receive absolution or condemnation, according to the -authority of the Gospel, we are as true Catholics bound to believe that -those whom he shall absolve, if they fulfil the conditions of his -decree, will be placed in the company of the saints. Therefore we can -say with justice to these men: "Beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur." -And moreover, all who read this history will obtain a reward from God, -if they make a memorial of the death of these men in their prayers, for -inasmuch as they died in the service of God and their lord, their death -is happy. Now this youth whom I have mentioned was that same Airas -Tinoco of whom I spoke above, and in him God put such grace that for two -months together he directed the course of that ship; but all were -doubtful what their end would be, for in all those two months they never -caught sight of land. And at the end of this time they sighted a pinnace -which was on warlike business, and they had great fear at the sight, for -they thought it belonged to Moors; but after they found it pertained to -a Galician pirate whose name was Pero Falcom, a new joy came upon them, -and much more so when they were told that they were off the coast of -Portugal, opposite a place belonging to the Master-ship of Santiago, -called Sines.[N204] And so they arrived at Lagos, and thence they went -to the Infant to tell him of the tragical fortune of their voyage, and -laid before him the multitude of arrows by the which their companions -had died. The Infant had great displeasure at the loss of these men, for -wellnigh the whole number of them had he brought up, and although he -well believed that their souls had found salvation, yet could he not -prevent a sorrow for that humanity which was brought up in his presence -for the space of so many years. And so, like a lord who felt that their -deaths had come to pass in his service, he afterward had an especial -care of their wives and children. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXVII. - -Of how Alvaro Fernandez returned again to the land of the Negroes, and -of the things he accomplished there. - - -One of the signs by which a noble heart is recognised is that it hath no -contentment in small matters, but ever seeketh some betterment, that its -honour may be increased among the deeds of the noble both in its own -land and outside it. And this may we justly say of John Goncalvez, -captain of the island;[CP] for he, not satisfied by the other voyage -that his ship had made in the previous year to the land of the Negroes, -made ready once more to dispatch there that same Alvaro Fernandez with -his caravel well armed, and charged him to make his way still further -onward to the utmost of his power, and to toil for some booty which by -its novelty and greatness might give testimony of the good will he had -to serve that lord who had brought him up. Now Alvaro Fernandez -undertook this matter as an honourable burden, like one who had no less -desire[CQ] to carry through the mandate which his uncle had laid upon -him. And when the ship had been provisioned, they made their voyage -straight to Cape Verde, whereat in the past year they had captured the -two Guineas of whom we have spoken in another place, and thence they -passed on to the Cape of Masts,[N205] and made a stay there to put some -men on shore. And for the sole purpose of seeing the land, seven of them -joined together, and these, when they had been landed upon the beach, -discovered the footprints of men leading along a certain path. And they -followed them up and reached a well where they found goats, which it -seemeth the Guineas had left there, and this would be, I think, because -they perceived that they were being followed. The Christians went so far -and no further, for they dared not pursue their course, and returning to -their caravel, they voyaged on, and putting out their boat, found on -land some elephant's dung of the bigness of a man, according to the -judgment of those that saw it; and because it seemed not a place wherein -to make booty they returned again to their caravel. And so journeying -along the sea coast, in a few days they went on shore again, and came -upon a village, and its inhabitants issued forth like men who showed -they had a will to defend their houses, and among them came one armed -with a good buckler and an assegai in his hand. And Alvaro Fernandez -seeing him, and judging him to be the leader of the band, went stoutly -at him, and gave him such a great wound with his lance that he fell down -dead, and then he took from him his shield and assegai; and these he -brought home to the Infant along with some other things, as will be -related further on. - - [Footnote CP: Madeira.] - - [Footnote CQ: Than his uncle.] - -Now the Guineas, perceiving that man to be dead, paused from their -fighting, and it appeared to our men to be neither the time nor the -place to withdraw them from that fear. But rather they returned to their -ship and on the next day landed a little way distant from there, where -they espied some of the wives of those Guineas walking. And it seemeth -that they were going nigh to a creek collecting shell-fish, and they -captured one of them, who would be as much as thirty years of age, with -a son of hers who would be of about two, and also a young girl of -fourteen years, who had well-formed limbs and also a favourable presence -for a Guinea; but the strength of the woman was much to be marvelled at, -for not one of the three men who came upon her but would have had a -great labour in attempting to get her to the boat. And so one of our -men, seeing the delay they were making, during which it might be that -some of the dwellers of the land would come upon them, conceived it well -to take her son from her and to carry him to the boat; and love of the -child compelled the mother to follow after it, without great pressure on -the part of the two who were bringing her. From this place they went on -further for a certain distance until they lighted upon a river,[N206] -into the which they entered with the boat, and in some houses that they -found they captured a woman, and after they had brought her to the -caravel, they returned once more to the river, intending to journey -higher up in order to try and make some good booty. And as they were -pursuing their voyage thus, there came upon them four or five boats of -Guineas prepared like men who would defend their land, and our men in -the boat were not desirous to try a combat with them, seeing the great -advantage their enemies had, and especially because they feared the -great peril that lay in the poison with which they shot. And so they -began to retreat to their ship as well as they could, but seeing how one -of those boats was much in front of the others, they turned round upon -it, but it retired towards its companions, and as our men were trying to -reach it before it escaped (for it seemeth that it was already distant a -good way from the company) their boat came so near that one of those -Guineas made a shot at it and happened to hit Alvaro Fernandez with an -arrow in the leg. But since he had already been warned of its poison, he -drew out that arrow very quickly and had the wound washed with urine and -olive oil, and then anointed it very well with theriack, and it pleased -God that it availed him, although his health was in very troublous case, -for during certain days he was in the very act of passing away from -life. The others on the caravel, although they saw their captain thus -wounded, desisted not from voyaging forward along that coast until they -arrived at a narrow strip of sand stretching in front of a great bay, -and here they put out their boat and went inside to see what kind of -land they would find; and when they were in sight of the beach they saw -coming toward them full 120 Guineas, some with shields and assegais, -others with bows. And as soon as they came near the water these began to -play and dance like men far removed from any sorrow; but our men in the -boat, wishful to escape from the invitation to that festival, returned -to their ship. And this took place 110 leagues beyond Cape Verde,[N207] -and all that coast trendeth commonly to the south. And this caravel went -further this year than all the others, wherefore with right good will a -guerdon of 200 doubloons was granted unto it, that is to say 100 which -the Infant Don Pedro, who was then Regent, ordered to be given, and -another 100 which it obtained from the Infant Don Henry. And had it not -been for the illness of Alvaro Fernandez, by which he was much disabled, -the caravel would have gone further still, but it was obliged to return -from that last place I have mentioned, and it came straight to the Isle -of Arguim, and thence to the Cape of the Ransom, where they found that -Ahude Meymam of whom we have already spoken at times in this history. -And although they did not carry an interpreter, yet by making signs they -obtained a negress, whom the Moors gave them in exchange for some cloths -they brought with them, and had they not brought so little they could -have obtained much more, judging by the desire that the Moors showed. -And thence they made their voyage towards the Kingdom, where they -received the doubloons as I have already said, together with many other -guerdons from the Infant their lord, who was very joyful at their coming -on account of the advance they had made in their expedition. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXVIII. - -Of how the nine caravels departed from Lagos, and of the Moors they -captured. - - -Although the news of the death of Nuno Tristam caused in many people of -our Kingdom a great fear of following up the war they had commenced; for -the one party said to the other that it was a very doubtful matter to -undertake fighting with men who so plainly carried death about with -them; yet there were not wanting men to attempt the enterprise with good -will. For manifest as the danger was, yet sufficient for all things were -the hearts of those who would fain earn the name of good men; and -especially were they moved to this by the knowledge they had of the -Infant's desire and by seeing the great increasements that he made to -those who toiled thereat, for, as Vegetius saith, "Men are valiant where -valour is rewarded." And so in this year certain captains, with nine -caravels, were moved to go to that land of the Negroes; and of these the -first was Gil Eannes, a knight who dwelt in the town of Lagos. And the -second was a noble esquire brought up in the Infant's household from -early boyhood. Now this was a very bold youth, and none the less endowed -with many other good qualities, and you will find his deeds writ more -fully in the Chronicle of the Kingdom, and especially where it speaketh -of the great deeds that were achieved in Ceuta; and this man's name was -Francisco Vallarinho. The third was that Stevam Affonso of whom we have -already spoken in other places of this our history, and he had under his -captaincy three caravels. There was Laurence Diaz, of whom we have also -spoken ere now, and Laurence Delvas and John Bernaldez, a pilot, each of -whom brought his caravel. And there was moreover in this company a -caravel belonging to the Bishop of Algarve, which an esquire of his -commanded. And these,[CR] by the Infant's ordinance, went to the Island -of Madeira to take in their supplies; and from the said Island there -departed, with these caravels that went from this land,[CS] two ships, -to wit, one commanded by its owner, Tristam, one of the captains who -lived in the isle, and another in which sailed Garcia Homem, son-in-law -to John Goncalvez Zarco, the other captain. And so making their voyage -all together, they arrived at the Island of Gomera, and here they landed -the nineteen Canarians who had been captured in spite of the sureties, -as you have heard further back; and they also took up certain men who -had remained there belonging to the Infant's household and to the Island -of Madeira. "Now," said those on the ships to the Canarians of that -island, "we would fain try our fortune in the Island of Palma, if -perchance we can make any booty wherewith to do service to the Infant -our lord; and we would know for our better despatch if it will please -you to give us some of your men who are ready to help us." "You know -already," replied the Canarians by means of their interpreters, "that -everything which is for the service of the Infant we will do with all -our power." And true it is that they all went to the said island; but -their going availed them nought, because the Canarians were already -forewarned by sight of the caravel of Laurence Diaz, which had arrived -there some days before. And after the great labour they had gone through -in this affair, the two caravels of the Island returned, perceiving that -they could not make any booty. But Gil Eannes, that knight of Lagos, and -the others, pursued their voyage until they arrived sixty leagues beyond -Cape Verde, where they met with a river which was of a good width, and -into it they entered with their caravels;[N208] but that entry was not -very profitable for the Bishop's caravel, forasmuch as it chanced to -touch on a sand-bank and sprang a leak, in such wise that they could not -get it off any more; but the crew escaped with everything they cared to -take from it. And while some were occupied with this, Stevam Affonso and -his brother went on shore; but the inhabitants were in another part, and -intending to go in search of them they departed from there, guiding -themselves by the glimpse of a track they found near the place. And -after pursuing their way for some little distance they said they found -much of the land sown, and many cotton trees and many fields sown with -rice, and also other trees of different kinds. And he[CT] said that all -that land seemed to him like marshes. - - [Footnote CR: Caravels.] - - [Footnote CS: Portugal.] - - [Footnote CT: Stevam.] - -And it appeareth that Diegaffonso had gone on in front before the -others, and with him fifteen of those who had a pre-eminent desire to -achieve some deed, among whom was a youth of the Infant's household -called John Villes, who was with them as purser. And as they were -entering into a very thick grove of trees, the Guineas issued out -against them from one side with their assegais and bows, and came as -near them as they could, and Fortune so willed it that of the seven who -were wounded five died straightway on the spot, of whom two were -Portuguese and three strangers. And as the affair was at this point, -Stevam Affonso arrived with the others who were coming behind. And he, -seeing the perilous place they were in, brought them all back as best he -could, and in this retirement they had not a little trouble, because the -Guineas were numerous and carried hurtful weapons, even as you perceive -those were which in such a brief space killed our men. And at this time -four youths who were brought up in the Infant's household received a -pre-eminent meed of praise, and the chief of them was that Diego -Goncalvez, a noble esquire, of whose manly parts we have already left an -account in other places. Another was one Henry Lourenco, who was also a -youth desirous of toil for the increase of his honour. And of the other -two one had for his name Affonseannes, and one Fernandeannes. And as -soon as they arrived at their caravels they held a council and agreed to -return, seeing that they were already discovered, and that their ships -were overflowing with the crew they had taken from the Bishop's caravel. -But although they gave this reason, I hold that the principal cause of -their departure was the fear of their enemies, whose terrible manner of -fighting was such as to strike any man of understanding with great -terror. For it cannot be named true courage, unless they had some other -and greater need of fighting, willingly to enter into combat with men -who they knew had the power to do them so much injury. And there -remained the bodies of those dead men among the thickness of the trees, -and their souls departed to see the things of the other world; and may -it please God, if they are not yet in His holy kingdom, to take them to -Himself. And for pity's sake, all ye others that hold the Christian -faith, say your prayers for them, for in asking for them ye ask for -yourselves also. And the caravels returning as they had arranged, -arrived at the Island of Arguim to provide themselves with water, of -which they had need. And then they determined to go to the Cape of the -Ransom,[N209] where they went on shore and found the track of some -Moors. And although by reason of the heat a journey by land was very -perilous, yet considering that they were returning without booty to the -kingdom, they felt constrained to adventure the risk, and so they began -to follow up that track until after two leagues they reached the Moors -and with little labour captured eight and forty of them. And thence they -resolved to make their way straight to the Kingdom; and so in truth did -all save only Stevam Affonso, who sailed to the Island of Palma, where -he went on shore with the greater part of those he brought with him. And -there they happened to light at once upon some Canarians, of whom they -took two women; but this was not fated to pass without a very harmful -return on the part of the enemy. For they turned upon our men as they -were carrying off the booty, and attacked them so boldly that there were -some there who would willingly have left a part of that spoil to any who -would have secured them from destruction. But that bold and good esquire -Diego Goncalvez, forgetting not his courage, stoutly took a crossbow -from the hands of one of those archers there, and also the bolts and -quiver, and placing himself among our men shot at the Canarians; and so -much did he toil in the using of his arrows that in a very brief space -he killed seven of those enemies. And among them there died one of their -kings, who was recognised by a palm he carried in his hand, for it -seemeth that their custom is for a king to have that pre-eminence among -the others. And as you know that with all men it is a natural thing that -when the chief dieth all the others do fly, so those men, seeing their -captain to be dead, ceased from their fighting, giving place to our men -that they might put themselves in safety; and so they came to the -Kingdom with their booty, although one of those Canarian women died -before they disembarked at the town of Lagos. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXXIX. - -How Gomez Pirez went to the Rio do Ouro, and of the Moors that he -captured. - - -When this year of 1446 arrived, Gomez Pirez remembered what he had said -to the Moors when he came to the Rio do Ouro in the year preceding; and -forasmuch as he could not pass to that land without the licence and aid -of the Infant, he began to require of him that he would assist him to go -whither he had promised the Moors to return. And omitting some other -reasonings that passed between them the Infant granted him the said -licence and made him ready two caravels, that is to say, one decked and -the other a fishing-boat, in which were twenty men (or with Gomez Pirez -one and twenty), and among them was a youth of the Infant's household -called John Gorizo, who had it in charge to write down all the receipts -and expenses with the Moors.[N210] And it was already the accustomed -thing for all the ships that were sent out by the Infant, when they left -this realm, to go first of all to the Island of Madeira to take in their -victuals; and so soon as they arrived there Gomez Pirez spake with that -purser and said that he would depart immediately towards the Rio do Ouro -in the smaller caravel; and that John Gorizo should remain in the other -and take in the things they had to carry; and that when the latter -arrived there he[CU] would have arranged his traffic with the Moors. And -so the first caravel departed, and arrived at the entering in of the Rio -do Ouro, where they lay on their anchors for a space. "Let us go," said -Gomez Pirez to the men he brought with him, "to the end of this river, -where I promised the Moors the year before that I would come and -traffic, for there is no reason in our staying here, since the Moors -appear not." And so they made their voyage there and arrived at a port -called Porto da Caldeira,[N211] where they cast anchor. And in order -that the Moors might have knowledge of their coming, on the day after -their arrival Gomez Pirez bade them make a small smoky fire on a hill -that was near the port. And when he saw that they came not on that day -he had another made, and others also by night and by day until, after -three days were passed, the Moors began to arrive, and Gomez Pirez began -to speak with them by means of his interpreters, asking them to have -some Guineas brought there, in exchange for whom he would give them -cloth. "We," replied they, "are not merchants, nor are there any near -here, but they are all engaged in trafficking in the Upland; yet, if -they knew it, they would make great endeavour to come here, for they are -men well supplied both with Guineas and gold, as well as some other -things with which you might be well content."[N212] Then spake Gomez -Pirez to some of those men, and asked them to go and summon them, saying -he would give them a certain fee for it; but the Moors received the -money and pretended they were going to call them, but in the end they -would never put themselves to the trouble of it, although Gomez Pirez -waited there for the space of one-and-twenty days. And so full of trust -were the Moors toward our men that five or six of them willingly entered -into the caravel, and meanwhile there arrived the other ship of John -Gorizo, which had remained in the Island. And when the one-and-twenty -days were passed, and Gomez Pirez perceived how the Moors were cheating -him, and how they would not go and summon the merchants, he said to them -that until then he had granted them security in the name of the Lord -Infant his lord, but that since they did not deal straightly, from -henceforth they were to beware of him and to consider the security as -ended. And so forthwith he drave out all the men he had in the caravel, -and made sail forthwith, moving away four leagues from thence to the -other side of the river; and on the day after he had arrived there, he -saw two Moors coming towards the beach, and these by his command were -captured in brief space. Gomez Pirez spake with them apart, and asked -them if they had news of any other Moors being at hand. "We know," -replied they, "that ten are gone to an island that is at the end of this -river, and that there is an inhabited place near there in which there -will be some forty or fifty souls." "Now, since this is so," said Gomez -Pirez to John Gorizo, "make you ready six of your other men and take one -of these boats and go on shore in search of those Moors who are in the -island, as this man telleth me; and be careful," added he, "that you -find a way to seize them before they throw themselves into the water, -because I hear that all are very expert swimmers, and they might escape -you if you were not advised of this." - - [Footnote CU: Pirez.] - -So these men departed, and Gomez Pirez had another boat made ready, in -the which he put eleven men with himself and went on shore, and there he -spake to them in this wise: "My friends, you well know how we are come -to this part chiefly to do service to God, and then to the Lord Infant -our master, and all this not without a profitable return for ourselves. -And because I have learned that in front of that island whither I -despatched those other companions of ours, there is a village containing -some forty or fifty souls, the most that can fight therein will number -from twenty to five and twenty, and I truly believe that if we go -against them as we ought, we shall make a great booty among them without -grave peril to ourselves. Wherefore my advice is that we set out against -them forthwith, so that if any of those on the island escape, they may -not be able to give the news of our coming to warn our foe and to cause -him to flee. And this I make known to you as a man who desireth your -counsel and approval." "What needeth there," replied the others, "any -more talking or taking of counsel, but rather go you whither you wish, -and God be with you. We will follow as we ought; for in regard to a man -of such authority, and one who hath seen and passed through so many -dangers both on sea and land, it would be matter of scorn if any of us -were to think of correcting what you had determined." Now let us leave -these men in their good purpose and speak of the six who went to the -island; for these put all their energy in rowing their boat to arrive at -that Island before the tide ebbed, because the Moors could easily escape -at low water. And when they came near it, they agreed that four of them -should go on shore and that two should proceed in the boat along the -land, so that if the Moors attempted to throw themselves into the water, -they could easily seize them, and also that if it were needful for them -to leap forth and help their companions, they could do so. And as the -four were making their way by land, the Moors caught sight of them, and -either because they were men of courage or because they thought they had -an advantage, they straightway rushed upon the Christians, hurling their -assegais at a very short distance from them. These our men received upon -their shields, and then they came to close combat, in which the four men -had the better of the enemy, but the two men who were in the boat seeing -clearly the toil of their companions, sprang upon land to aid them, and -their coming was a sign of defeat for the foe, who began at once to -retire and then altogether took to flight. And of the ten, which was the -number of the Moors, two who tried to throw themselves into the water -were drowned forthwith, either because they knew not well how to swim or -for some other hindrance. And when the Christians saw that they were -throwing themselves into the water, they leapt into their boat, and so -inside and out they captured the eight. And when they had them bound, -John Gorizo said to the others: "Let us go to the land whither we saw -Gomez Pirez faring in the other boat, for he departed immediately after -us, and of a surety it was only because he willed to attack the village -which the Moors told him was situate there. And since we have now -accomplished our undertaking, let us go and aid him, for perchance he -will need our help, or at any rate they will at least know our good -will." And this John Gorizo said, because when they were going to the -Island, they well perceived the course that the other boat was taking. -And all held this counsel to be good; and so leaving these men now to -follow their way to where Gomez Pirez goeth, let us speak of the fortune -of the others. - - - - -CHAPTER XC. - -Of the Moors that Gomez Pirez took in the other village. - - -Returning now to the deed of Gomez Pirez, let us suppose that council to -be ended and consider that they are faring on their way, guided by those -Moors whose words persuaded them to leave their ship. And it was so, -that as they were already going near unto where they were told the -village stood, they espied the Moors coming out of their encampment, and -Gomez Pirez, catching sight of them, shouted lustily to the others to -pursue them. "Run," said he, "for all our victory is in the speed of our -feet, as you see that the foemen are beginning to make them ready." And -his command was more than enough in their ears, for hardly had he -uttered the first word, when they were already among the Moors, and -crying out "Santiago" and "Portugal," in a very brief space they leapt -into the middle of the village, and there at the first onset seized one -and twenty of those people, what of men, women, and children. But I -believe the most of these would be such as could not flee, for of the -twelve Christians who reached that place, four separated themselves from -the rest and ran after those that were flying; yet their toil availed -them little, for they could never come up with them to take them, and at -last their strength commenced to fail and they started to turn back. And -as they were returning to their ships, well content with their victory, -they met with the others who were coming to their aid, and there was -united an almost equal joyfulness, for each party on its side was -content with the victory it had gained, and much more because this had -been without any loss. And so they went to their ships, where they took -rest with the victuals they had, offering one to the other with a right -good will, as is done in places where the like meetings take place, for -a common proverb saith: "A poor man hath joy in a little." Gomez Pirez -would not allow himself altogether to rest upon this victory, and -content himself with what he had already gained, but while the others -were in converse he took aside one of those Moors and asked him if he -knew of any inhabited place near at hand. And he replied that he only -knew one, but it was six leagues off, and this would hold not less than -a hundred souls. "It were all one," said Gomez Pirez, "if there were -three hundred of them, for we will go on all the same, since we are at -the matter;" and so he ordered sail to be made on the sudden, and -directed his ships whither the Moor pointed out to him that the village -lay. And when he perceived that he was already four leagues from the -place he had left, he had his boat put on shore with seventeen men of -those he thought the best and the most daring, and three he left to -guard the caravels. And then he had the Moor put in front as a guide. -And because it seemeth they went by night, and the Moor knew not -certainly where the place lay, but could only make guess of it, they -would have passed it by, had it not been for the barking of a dog, by -whose voice they discovered the place where the Moors were lying and -turned back on them. But when they had reached the village, morning -commenced to break, so that part of the Moors were already gone afield. -However, with their accustomed cry, they came upon the place, and though -the Moors defended themselves, they captured one and thirty of them; and -I think this would be because it appeareth that the greater and -principal men were already away, and the others that remained were old -men and women and children. And they straightway asked of these what had -become of the others who had departed thence? "They are," answered they, -"three leagues from here toward the sea-shore, whither they went in -search of food for themselves and for us." "Well, then," said Gomez -Pirez, "my purpose is that we should go against them, for since we have -already undertaken this toil, we should err if we did not make an end of -it; wherefore eat something if you have it with you, that you may take -some refreshment, and let us use one of these men to direct us to where -these Moors are." True it is there were some there who would willingly -have rested, if the contrary reasonings of the captain and of other some -who agreed with his design had not prevented them. "Take two men of this -company," said Gomez Pirez to John Fernandez (that good esquire of whom -we have already told you how he went seven months in that land), "and -conduct these Moors to the ships, and we will go in search of the others -who left here before we arrived to-day." - - - - -CHAPTER XCI. - -Of what happened to John Fernandez when he was taking along the Moors. - - -Now as John Fernandez was going on his way with his prisoners in front -of him, feeling not very sure that he would not find some foemen who -perchance would make him lose his booty; and as he was looking around -him on every side, for the land was level;[N213] he happened to espy, -some distance off, five persons coming towards him. And he was very glad -at the sight, because it appeared to him that they were coming straight -for him; but he began to ponder thereon. "Now," said he to the others, -"you can see those Moors there how they are coming straight for us. -Meseemeth they are five while we are three, and one of us must needs -guard the prisoners; so do you," quoth he to John Bertollomeu, "remain -with them in the rear, and Lourenceannes and I will move on towards -those who are coming, and we will go straight against them. For the -further off we fight from these prisoners so much the more will it be to -our advantage, since it might happen that they would mingle with those -we have and it would be an occasion for some of the last to get free." -And on this they began to pursue their way straight toward those who -came against them, thinking they were fighting Moors, but they found it -quite otherwise, for all five were women, and these they took with right -good will, as something that increased their capital without toil; and -then they conducted them with the others to their ships. - - - - -CHAPTER XCII. - -How Gomez Pirez and the others who were with him took the other Moors. - - -So Gomez Pirez pursued his voyage, as you have heard he had said to the -others after they reached the village; and when he was now distant a -good space from the place where they had made their booty, he caught -sight of a Moor coming on an ass; and it appeareth that he had left the -spot where the other Moors remained. But as soon as the Moor caught -sight of our men he threw himself from his ass and began to turn back, -running to where he had left his companions. And since the land was -level, and the Moor was fresh, and had sight of our men coming a long -way off; because of all this the Christians could not follow him, being -greatly wearied from the toil and loss of sleep they had now had for two -days. But they kept him in sight as long as they were able, and at the -end they were obliged to lose him, yet they failed not to keep a -straight course until they reached the huts of a village, where it -seemeth the other Moors were, and in it they found no one; and this -would be about the hour of terce. And as they were gazing around the -moorland as far as their eyes could reach, they perceived the Moors who -had set out from thence; and tired as they were, they followed after -them by the space of a league and a half, when they came upon them by -the sea, near which they had retreated to some very great rocks;[N214] -and our men laboured to seek them out, but many as they were, yet on -account of the difficulty of the place, they could not capture more than -seven. And so they persevered in this toil all that day until nearly -nightfall, but over and above their weariness, they sorely felt hunger -and thirst, for which they had no remedy. And when they had searched all -the places they deemed likely for anyone to hide in, they agreed to turn -back. And true it is that some declared it would be well for some of -them to remain there that night, to see if those Moors would come out, -who were lying hid, but there was no one who dared to remain, so weakly -did they feel their bodies to be; but rather they determined one and all -to turn back to their caravels. And it seemeth that it pleased our Lord -God to have a mind to their weakness, for He ordained that they should -meet upon that path, by the which they were going, two camels already -saddled. And this was a great help to their repose, for they took it in -turn to ride them until they came to their ships, where they found they -had a booty of nine-and-seventy souls. - -On the next day it was agreed among them that inasmuch as their ships -were not able to lodge so many Moors on account of the salt they were -carrying from this realm--and this was in order to salt the skins of the -sea-calves lest they should have no other booty, or perchance it was to -enter into ransoming with the Moors--therefore they should throw all -that salt overboard, as in fact they did. And they were minded still to -depart and run down that other coast, and on account of a storm that -came upon them, they determined there to caulk their ships that they -might the better encounter the fortunes of the sea as they returned. And -when their ships had finished their repairing, Gomez Pirez took aside -one of those Moors to know where there might be any other Moors that he -could capture; but although the Moor told him where lay certain villages -and they went to them, directing their course toward the south, they -found neither Moor nor Mooress in them nor any other creature. And so -they made their way by certain places where the Moor thought they would -find them, until they were right well assured that the Moors had -knowledge of them, and that it would be lost labour for them to go -further in their search. Wherefore they agreed to turn back to the -Kingdom, seeing that their food was failing them, and especially their -water, of which they could have no fresh supply in that land. And so -they directed their voyage until they returned to Lagos, on the borders -of which the Infant was staying at a place that is called Mexilhueira. - - - - -CHAPTER XCIII. - -Of the caravel that went to Meca, and of the Moors that it found. - - -In the following year, which was 1447 from the birth of Christ, the -Infant considering that the Moors would not enter into trafficking at -the Rio do Ouro, and that even though they had been minded to do it -aforetime, yet now their good will would be altogether lacking on -account of the Moors who had been captured by Gomez Pirez, as you have -heard at length, wished to make trial if perchance the matter might -better be accomplished by trafficking at that place which is called -Meca.[N215] And that he might also obtain a better knowledge of that -land, he straightway ordered them to make ready a caravel of an esquire -of his called Diego Gil, the which was a man who had right well served -him in the wars of the Moors both by land and by sea. And after he had -taken order for these things, he had tidings that a merchant of Castile, -named Marcos Cisfontes, was possessed of twenty-six Moors, from that -place, who were already ransomed in exchange for certain Guineas. And in -order that his ship might have some cargo on its outward voyage, he let -the said merchant know that, if it pleased him, his Moors should be -transported to that place in the caravel which he had made ready, if -only he would give him a certain part of his profits in the said ransom. -And to say truth, it was not so much the hope of gain from those men, as -for two other reasons, that the Infant was content to do this--in the -first place that he might have a better opportunity of seeing the land -and knowing in what manner they would enter into the traffic of -merchandise; and in the second place, that he might bring from thence -those Guineas,[N216] for he believed they would receive the faith of -Christ. That merchant was right well pleased with the terms the Infant -sent to offer him, and so the caravel was immediately got ready and the -cargo embarked, and the ship made its voyage straight to Meca, where -they talked much about the trafficking, but could not bring anything to -an agreement. Wherefore John Fernandez, that esquire who had remained -for those seven months among the Moors of the Sahara, as you have -already heard, spake to Diego Gil and to Rodrigueannes, another esquire -whom the Infant was sending there to carry out the trafficking, and also -to a Castilian merchant who was there to ransom the Moors. And he said: -"If you are willing, I will go on land to arrange this ransom." And -taking his sureties, he went amongst them, and bargained in such wise -that he had fifty-one Guineas brought to the caravel, in exchange for -whom eighteen Moors[N217] were given. And then it came to pass that the -wind arose with such force from the side of the South that he was -obliged to raise sail and return to the Kingdom. Then there was brought -to the Infant a lion, which he afterwards sent to a place in Ireland -which is called Galway, to a servitor of his who dwelt in that land, for -they knew that never had such a beast been seen in that part. And so -John Fernandez remained until another ship returned for him. And in this -same year Antam Goncalvez returned to the Rio do Ouro to see if he could -persuade the Moors to come to traffick, but his going there turned out -to be very dangerous. For as he was lying on his anchors up the river, -the Moors straightway came down to the beach. And among them was one who -clearly showed that he held lordship over them, and of him Antam -Goncalvez received sureties; but he warned him that he was not to trust -the others except when he himself was present. And it was so, that when -that Moor was distant from there, because the other Moors showed signs -of confidence to the Christians, Antam Goncalvez willed to go on land, -thinking moreover that the Moor who had given him security would be -there. And as soon as he came near the shore, and saw not that captain -or lord of the enemy, he would not land. But as he could not well speak -with them, being at a distance, he had the boat pulled very near the -beach, and there the foemen clearly discovered the hidden guile that was -in them, for they hurled their assegais like men who would fain display -the mortal enmity they felt for our people. And had it not been for the -great hardihood of Antam Goncalvez, he had there met his end in a brief -space with all his company. But as it was, he had the boat rowed off -very lustily, though this could not be accomplished except with much -labour, for the multitude of assegais that fell upon them. But it -pleased God that they escaped out of that place and left some of those -Moors wounded; and of the Christians one was wounded in such wise that -within a few days he made his end, whenas the ship was already at sea. - -And in this same year there went another caravel of a servitor of the -Infant, whose name was George Goncalvez, in which voyaged the said -Goncalvez and another; and they brought back from the Rio do Ouro much -oil and many skins of sea-calves. And in this chapter the affairs of -this year come to an end, for we find no other deeds in it that are -worthy of being recounted. - - - - -CHAPTER XCIV. - -How Vallarte went to the land of Guinea, and the fashion of his -remaining there. - - -The fame of the affair having spread through the different parts of the -world, it arrived at the Court of the King of Denmark and Sweden and -Norway;[N218] and as you see how noble men venture themselves with the -desire to see and know such things, it came to pass that a gentleman of -the household of that Prince, covetous of seeing the world, received his -license and came to this realm. And staying for a time in the house of -the Infant, he came one day and asked him that he would be pleased to -arm him a caravel and put him in the way to go to the land of the -Negroes. The Infant, as he was easily moved to anything wherein a good -man might gain for himself honour or increase, straightway ordered a -caravel to be armed as completely as might be, and told him to go to -Cape Verde and see if they could obtain sureties from the King of that -land, for he was informed that this man was a very great lord; and he -was to convey the Prince's letters to him and also to tell him certain -things from himself for the service of God and His holy faith. And all -this because they assured him the said King was a Christian; and the -conclusion of all was, that if he did truly hold the law of Christ, it -would please him to aid in the war against the Moors of Africa, in the -which the King Don Affonso, who then reigned in Portugal, and the Infant -in his name, with the others their vassals and countrymen, were -continually toiling. All things were very quickly ready, and that -esquire, who was named Vallarte, embarked in his ship, and with him a -Knight of the Order of Christ called Fernandaffonso, who was of the -Infant's service and upbringing, and was sent by him in that caravel -because Vallarte was a foreigner and knew not so well the customs and -ways of the ship's company. And he came in order that he might direct -the sailors and other matters that pertained to the governance of the -vessel, and also that he might be as it were an envoy, if they chanced -to see that King. And therefore he took two natives of that land as -interpreters; but the chief captaincy belonged to Vallarte. And after -enduring great toils on the sea, they made such a voyage that six months -after the day that they first left Lisbon, they reached the Island of -Palma that is in the land of the Negroes near Cape Verde. And there they -took counsel about the manner in which they should henceforth act, -according to the regulations they carried with them from the Infant; and -then they sailed forward because that was not yet the port where they -had to rest. And when they were at the extremity of the cape, in a place -which among the natives of that land is called Abram, they had their -boat put out and went on shore, and Vallarte went in it with some others -and they found many of those Negroes already there. And Vallarte asked -them to give him one of their people and he would give them one of his, -so that there might be security between them and they could have their -parleying; but they made reply that such a thing they could not do -without the leave of a knight who lived there as a governor of that -land, whose name was Guitanye. And he, as soon as he knew of this -requirement, came there and was well pleased to grant what Vallarte -asked. And as soon as one of these Negroes had reached the caravel, -Fernandaffonso, who knew our Portuguese language best, began to speak -with him, saying as follows: "The reason why we required of you to come -to this ship was that you might tell your lord, by our authority, how we -are the subjects of a great and powerful Prince of Spain, who is at the -limits of the west, and by whose command we have come here to converse -on his behalf with the great and good King of this land." And they -caused him to read one of the letters they were carrying, the which was -declared to him by one of their interpreters, so that he might repeat it -to that knight who had sent him there. "How much soever," quoth he, "you -desire to see Boor, who is our great King, you cannot for the present -have a message from him, for it is certain that he is very distant from -here, busied in making war upon another great lord who willeth not to -obey him." "And if he were still in his house," said Fernandaffonso, "in -how many days could they go to him with our message and also return with -the reply?" "From six to seven days would be the greatest delay," -replied the Guinea. "Then," said Fernandaffonso, "it would be well for -you to tell this knight with whom you live to send a man there with the -message, and to let him know all that I have already told you, and if -your lord will do after this wise he will render a great service to his -king and bring much profit to his land." "Now," said the Guinea, "I will -tell all very truly to Guitanye." - -Then they presented him with victuals, of the which he ate and drank, -and afterward gave him one of the letters they brought, for him to show -it to his lord; and this, he was to say, contained what they had told -him, and he was to bear it as a token of friendship. But already when -that Guinea reached the land, where was the knight who had despatched -him, another like unto him was there named Satam, and another known as -Minef, who had arrived there a little time before. And of this last the -foulness was extreme, and those who were there said that nothing more -foul could be painted, and his apparel was no great testimony to his -honour, for he appeared there very ill-clad, although he had a greater -power than some of the others. And whilst that Guinea was telling the -knight of his embassy, the boat lay near the beach waiting for a reply, -the which was very difficile to come at because the Guineas crowded -round the man who came from the caravel, with a mind to know what he -said, and also with desire to see the letter he bore, so that the -knights were put to great trouble to remove them from there for a space. -And in the end they could get no reply in all that day, although the -knight went far into the water to speak with those in the boat, for such -was the multitude of Guineas that they would never let him finish, and -so all was left over for the next day, on which the boat went ashore -very early. But the knight was already there in a canoe wherewith he -would have journeyed to the caravel, but when he saw the boat coming he -returned ashore. And he had a she-goat brought, and a kid, and paste, -and boiled flour with butter, and bread with meal, and corn in the ear, -and an elephant's tooth, and some seed of which that bread was made, and -milk, and palm wine. And there happened to be there a knight who had -arrived that same night, called Amallam, and he was the son of an uncle -of that Guitanye by whose favour he had received that land, and it -seemeth he would fain have spoken with those in the boat, but the Guinea -would not allow him, saying that it was not right, as he had commenced -the matter. And on this account he advised our men to return and take -away those things for their refreshment, and after they had eaten to -come back; and in the meanwhile they would hold their council. But if -before this they were divided in mind through their conversing, they -were much more so in the afternoon; and because we should have to be -very prolix were we to recount minutely all that passed between one and -the other in their parleying, let it suffice to say that this knight -Guitanye went several times to the caravel, making the journey in a -canoe and taking four men with him. And he talked with our men -concerning the traffic, and said that he was able to set everything in -order, because that, when King Boor bestowed land on a knight, the -latter could do therewith like the king himself, so that whatever he -did, the king held it as well done. Howbeit, our men said that they -carried orders to do nothing until they should have first spoken to that -king, and upon this matter there passed much reasoning; and the end was -that he should nevertheless send to the house of the king with their -message. And whilst they were tarrying for the messenger who was there, -that Guitanye went to the ship in all security, taking with him of the -best viands that he had, with elephant's teeth, and certain other -things, and he also received drink-money, and cloth, with other precious -articles that our men gave him, and he showed himself to be very content -with their converse. And one day they came to ask him that he would have -an elephant killed for them, to strip off its skin, and teeth, and -bones, with some part of the flesh, to which the Guinea replied that -this could be accomplished without great toil. "Then," said Vallarte, -"if you will put us in the way to this, for each one of us two that -returneth here, you shall have a tent of linen cloth, in the which from -twenty-five to thirty men can lodge, and so light that one can carry it -on his neck." And our men went many times to the land with him and were -at his call, but not so near that they could capture them. And it -happened once on a time that the boat was near to the shore and with the -rush of the sea it touched on the dry land, whereupon those in it were -much affrighted; and when the knight perceived it, he told them to be of -good courage, for all those were his men, and they would do them no -displeasure; and so in everything that Guinea knight showed himself to -be a true man. But Fortune, aided at times by the ill counsel of some, -ordained matters in such wise that our men had not so agreeable an end -to this commencement. For it was so, that whilst that Guitanye was in -search of the elephant as he had promised, Vallarte, like a man of -little discretion, would go on shore one day, for it seemeth that for -some time they had called him. And true it is that he was told -beforehand that he should abstain from going, yet he must needs land, as -a man summoned by Fortune to witness the hour of his great trouble. And -as he was near the shore, there appeared a Negro carrying a gourd with -wine or water, and pretending that he was desirous to give it him; and -Vallarte bade those who were rowing to draw near; and although some said -to him that such an approach was unwise, yet they had to obey his -orders, to the great injury of all. For as the boat was being taken into -shore they went so near the land, to take the said gourd from the negro, -that it touched ground. And whilst Vallarte was looking at a multitude -of those Negroes who were lying under the shade of a tree, one of the -interpreters they carried, called Affonso, made as though he would take -the gourd and let himself slip out. And when the others perceived this -and tried to bring the boat back, there came upon them a wave and -overturned it altogether; and then the Negroes hastened up very lustily -and fell in a body on the boat, hurling their assegais. So that of all -the number who set out from the caravel in that journey, there returned -not to the ship more than one, who threw himself into the water and -swam; but we find not what end the others had, inasmuch as that man who -came away by swimming said that he only saw one slain, and that when he -looked behind him, yea, three or four times, he always saw Vallarte -seated on the poop of the boat. But at the time when we were writing -this history, there came into the Infant's power some captives who were -natives of that part, and they said that in a castle very far inland -were four Christians, of whom one was dead already, but the other three -were still living, and some held that these would be the lost men, -according to the tokens that the Negro gave. And Fernandaffonso, -considering this untoward event, and also that he had no boat wherewith -he could return on shore to gain news of the others, had his anchors -raised and returned to the Kingdom.[N219] - - - - -CHAPTER XCV. - -How Antam Goncalvez went and received the Island of Lancarote in the -Infant's name. - - -Of so well tried a usance in that land of the Moors were now the -dwellers in Lagos, that not only were they content to go there and make -war on the inhabitants, but there were some even who, not satiate with -fishing in the accustomed places of their fathers and grand-fathers, -essayed to go and fish in the seas of that coast. And they sought -license of the Infant and promised him a certain sum for it, that he -would let them pass there and set in order their fishery. And I believe -that this was not required in vain, for it may well be conceived that -some of those who had gone there before had perceived the sea to be so -replete with fish that they were moved to make such a request. Wherefore -having arranged with the Infant for a certain quantity of money which -they had to give him for the right which belonged to him there, they -directed their expedition, sailing on their course until they reached a -place called the Cabo dos Ruyvos.[N220] And here they began to set in -order their fishery, and of the fish they found a very great abundance. -And when they had been there for some days and already had a good part -of their fish dried, and another portion set upon poles to dry it, the -Moors came upon them, very wroth at such daring, and they almost killed -the fishermen, and this in fact they would have done if it had not been -for their good diligence in retreating. So that in the end they turned -all their anger upon the fish that was spread out to dry, and this they -cut in pieces with their arms with no less anger than they would have -done to their foemen if they could have reached them. And two of those -fishermen were wounded in that retirement, though not with dangerous -wounds, but only with such that they were healed of them in a very brief -space. And they turned back to their native town, not repenting them of -their voyage, for they brought with them sufficient gain in the fish -that they had already dried and packed in their ship in precaution -against the fortune that afterwards happened to them. And in this year -the Infant, who was desirous to follow up much further his first design, -seeing that for matters to come to better perfection he needed one of -the Islands of Canary, contracted with that Monsieur Maciot, of whom we -have already spoken, who had the lordship of the Island of Lancarote, to -give it up to him. And he, satisfied by a present or fixed rent for -every year, gave up the said Island with all its seigniory to the -Infant, and the latter made chief captain thereof that noble knight -Antam Goncalvez, first of all; and he went and took possession of the -said Island in his name, and remained therein some time animating its -inhabitants to the service and obedience of his lord with such benignity -and sweetness that in a very brief space his virtue was confessed of -all. - - - - -CHAPTER XCVI. - -Wherein the Author declareth how many souls were brought to this Kingdom -from the beginning of this Conquest. - - -At the commencement of this book I assigned five reasons by which our -high-souled Prince was moved to send his ships so often in the toil of -this Conquest, and because me seemeth I have given you a plentiful -understanding of the first four in the chapters wherein I spake of the -different parts into which those Eastern lands may be divided, it -remaineth for me to tell of the fifth reason, and to fix the certain -number of the souls of infidels who have come from those lands to this, -through the virtue and talents of our glorious Prince. And I counted -these souls and found they were nine hundred twenty and seven, of whom, -as I have said before, the greater part were turned into the true path -of salvation.[N221] See now how numerous would be the generation that -could issue from these, and what taking of a city or of a town could -yield greater honour than that of which I have spoken up to now; for -leaving out these first and those who have descended, and until the end -of the world may descend, from them, many more came afterwards, as in -the following book you will learn. For it was needful that we should -here make an end at the deeds of this year 1448 from the birth of -Christ; because at this time the King Don Affonso of Portugal, 5th of -that name and 12th in the number of Kings, had the entire rule of his -kingdoms, being then of the age of 17 years, and married to the very -virtuous and illustrious princess, the Queen Donna Isabel, who was -daughter to the Infant Don Pedro, Duke of Coimbra and Lord of Montemor, -the same that in the past years had governed the Kingdom in the King's -name, as in some parts of this history we have recorded, and as you will -find much more perfectly in the general Chronicle of the Kingdom. So -considering how that all other things, as it were, became new with the -new ruler, it appeared to us fitting that all books of his acts and -histories should here commence. And, moreover, as it seemeth to us that -the volume we have already written is of reasonable size, we have here -made an end, intending, as hath been said, to make another book that -shall reach to the end of the Infant's deeds, although the matters that -follow were not accomplished with such toil and bravery as in the past. -For after this year, the affairs of these parts were henceforth treated -more by trafficking and bargaining of merchants than by bravery and toil -in arms.[N222] - - - - -CHAPTER XCVII. - -In which the Author putteth a final conclusion to his work. - - -Every work to be perfect requireth to be placed in the ternary number, -that is to say, it must have a beginning, a middle, and an end; and for -the more perfect understanding of this, it is well we should know that -there are three ternaries in the General Universal of the world, and the -first of these we call "super-excellent," and we can find no certain -name to signify its perfection to us, for it is unknown of sensuality, -and common natures cannot understand it; but an obedient faith, with -great humility, rendered more lively by the grace of God, placeth in it -a steadfast strength. And therefore that philosopher and theologian, -Albert the Great,[N223] in the 1st chapter of the _Celestial Hierarchy_, -giveth three degrees of understanding by which God may be known. - -And the first he compareth to the birds that fly by night, such as bats, -owls, and other such, whose sight can in no way endure the sun's -brightness; which also the prince of philosophers affirmeth in his -_Metaphysics_, saying that our understanding is such (compared to the -things that in their essence, as far as Nature runneth, are manifest) as -the eye of the owl or bat in comparison with the brightness of the Sun. -For such a vision have those who involve themselves in the desires of -the earth, placing all their affection in what they receive from the -images that are felt, and by this obstruct their understanding, so that -it knoweth nothing of the Divine Being. And in the second he maketh -comparison of the other birds that have a stronger sense and endure the -heat of the Sun, but when they regard its splendour their eyes do -constantly tremble; and in this manner do some act, who, withdrawing -themselves far from external objects follow after Speculation by -Understanding, and removing their minds far from Materiality see the -Deity from afar with trembling; but as they desire to understand with -human reason, it faileth them frequently and they fall into error, even -as fell a part of the great philosophers who were not illumined by the -light of Faith. The third vision is possessed by the beauteous eagles, -which can gaze with the organ of vision upon the resplendent orb of this -Planet, and by these we may principally understand those that read in -the book of life and know all things as far as their understanding -extendeth without other investigation. And so the men, who in the -knowledge of God wish to obtain entire strength, subdue themselves to -the Holy Gospel, and taking solace from what they understand, adore with -humble and great reverence that which by subtlety they cannot embrace, -and faithfully confess with the Doctor Saint Thomas in the ninth article -of the 10th question of the book called _De Potentia Dei_, that in God -there is one real circle wholly enclosed in a perfect ternary, because -He comprehendeth Himself and speaketh and begetteth an Eternal Word in -which He vieweth Himself and all things. And from the Father and Son -there is breathed forth a tender issue by which the Divine essence is -beloved and all that proceedeth from it. And so where was the -Commencement of Understanding, there the Loving Will maketh its End. And -we have an example of this in ourselves; for, if we consider what we -understand, a certain knowledge is generated in the soul, and then the -understanding offereth to the will that it may freely take what pleaseth -it most; and it, receptive of the tender object, inclineth by affection -to that by which the understanding was first moved. - -In this manner is finished the circle which is super-spiritual and -infinite in height, and in itself cannot proceed beyond the ternary in -which it endeth. The second circular ternary is that of nature which -includeth in it all the creatures, and it may be imagined in this wise: -let us take some fountain that never faileth, from which a certain river -taketh its birth, and following its course according to the vigour that -it received in the commencement, it returneth to that fount at last from -which it originally proceeded. And so all things have their commencement -in the Lord God, the general cause and continuing in the Life they -receive from Him, they have their last end in that from which they had -their first beginning. - -And by this ternary (which is in them of beginning, middle, and final -end), saith the Philosopher, in the book that he made in which he -discoursed of the Heaven and the World, that the ternary is the number -in everything, and that it encloseth in itself the like perfection and -middle and certain end, and that from it no creature is exempt. And on -this account it was anciently established that God should be praised as -a ternary. - -The third ternary circle we call Moral, and it belongeth to the works -that are done by us, the which commence in the credit that the Lord God -willeth to give them, for He doeth them chiefly, and we are instruments -set in the midst, which He useth at His pleasure, working His will and -accomplishing them as He pleaseth; and for the confirming of this it is -written in the Gospel of St. Luke that if we do all that is commanded of -us, we may know that we are unprofitable servants, for we only perform -that to which we are constrained. And of a certainty all that we can do -is vanity, since it can be accomplished without us, and we deserve -nothing in it except as far as it pleaseth the Creator to grant us of -His mercy, by doing us the excellent favour of making use of us in His -actions, and willing that we be instruments in some of the things that -He doeth. And this pleaseth His goodness, because He findeth in us some -work of His by which we may earn a good reward. And therefore wise men -perceiving this infinite mercy, that maketh them to be what they are, -and understanding that all good works proceed from Him by His imperial -pleasure, confess that they deserve nothing for what they may do; and -they labour to fulfil this circle, so that their every act may terminate -in that beginning where it commenced. - - * * * * * - -And because you, most high and excellent Prince, among mortals, and -according to my thinking, most virtuous lord, chiefly for the sake of -thanksgiving didst order me, Gomez Eannes de Azurara, your servant and -creature, and through your munificence, Knight and Commander in the -Order of Christ, to compose this book, with good reason it seemeth fit -that in thanksgiving I should make an end of it. And since the Apostle -Saint Paul teacheth us in all things to give thanks to God, as is -contained in the Epistle which he sent to the men of Thessalonica; so, -making the circle of my work, I put the final term in that Helper who -was invoked by my will in the commencement; and I offer to the Infinite -Personal Ternary whatsoever thanks I can, for I have not the power to -give as many as I owe: firstly, to the Father super-essential, from whom -universally proceed all things, to Him I give thanks for the talent he -gave me to commence this work; and then to the Son super-spiritual, who -had no commencement of being, to Him I give thanks for the help He -bestowed on me to continue what I had commenced; and then to the Holy -Spirit super-natural, from whom we have all good things by His -benevolence, to Him I give thanks for the inspiration by which He moved -your Highness to lay this command upon me and not on any other of your -countrymen and subjects, of whom you could have had many. And jointly to -all the Three Persons who compose the Ineffable Trinity and -Super-essential Unity, our one only true Lord God, I offer thanks for -the ending, because all things have concluded better than I thought -before. - - * * * * * - -And this work was finished in the Library that this King Don Affonso -made in Lisbon, on the 18th day of February, being written in this first -volume by John Goncalvez, Esquire and Scrivener of the books of the said -Lord King. And to this lord may the most infinite, benign, and merciful -God ever grant increase of good works and virtues better and better all -the days and years of his life, and give him the fruit of His blessing -that he may ever render Him thanks and praise, because He is his Maker -and Creator. In the year of Jesus Christ 1453. - - DEO GRACIAS. - - - - -NOTES. - -[_N.B.--The page references are to the Hakluyt Society's translation_]. - -[Endnote 1: (p. 2). _St. Thomas, who was the most clear teacher among -the Doctors of Theology_, i.e., St. Thomas Aquinas, greatest of the -Schoolmen ("Doctor Angelicus"); born at Rocca Secca, near Aquino, 1225 -(according to some 1227); Professor of Theology at Cologne 1248, at -Paris 1253 and 1269, at Rome 1261, etc., at Naples 1272 (Doctor of -Theology, 1257). Died at Fossa Nuova, in the diocese of Terracino, 1274; -canonised 1323; declared a Doctor of the Church, 1567; author, among -many other writings, of the _Summa Theologiae_, the greatest monument of -Roman divinity. Aquinas completed the fusion of the re-discovered -Aristotelian philosophy with church doctrine, which in the earlier -Middle Ages had been hampered by the imperfect knowledge of Aristotelian -texts in the Latin world, but which had for some time been preparing, -_e.g._, in the work of Peter Lombard (d. 1164), and even earlier. -Aquinas also marks the temporary intellectual victory of the Church, in -the thirteenth century, over the free-thinking and disruptive tendencies -which had shown themselves so threatening in the twelfth. See K. Werner, -_Thomas von Aquino_, Regensburg, 1858-59; Feugueray, _Essai sur les -doctrines politiques de St. T. d'A._, Paris, 1857; De Liechty, _Albert -le grand et St. T. d'A._, Paris, 1880. Encken, _Die Philosophie des T. -von A._, Halle, 1886.] - -[Endnote 2: (p. 3). _When the King John ... went to take Ceuta_, viz., -in 1415, in company with his sons, Edward (Duarte), Pedro, and Henry, -and a force of 50,000 soldiers. See especially Oliveira Martins, _Os -Filhos de D. Joao I_ (1891), ch. ii; Azurara's _Chronica de Ceuta_; Mat. -Pisano, _De bello Septensi_; Major's _Henry Navigator_, 1868 ed., pp. -26-43; "Life" of the same, in _Heroes of the Nations Series_, ch. viii.] - -[Endnote 3: (p. 4). _Duke John, Lord of Lancam._--On this Santarem has -the following: [The Duke of whom our author speaks was probably John of -Lancon, one of the Paladins of Charles the Great, concerning whose deeds -there exists a MS. poem of the thirteenth century in the Collection of -MSS. in the Royal Library of Paris (No. 8; 203). This reference cannot -be to John I, Duke of Alencon, seeing that it does not appear that any -history of his deeds was ever written].--S.] - -[Endnote 4: (p. 4). _Deeds of the Cid Ruy Diaz._--[Here our author -probably refers to the poem of the Cid, copies of which were spread -through Spain from the twelfth century (see the _Coleccion de Poesias -castellanas anteriores al siglo_ XV, Madrid, 1779-90). In the time of -Azurara there was no _one_ chronicle of the Cid's deeds; see Herder, -_Der Cid nach Spanischen Romanzen besungen_ 1857(-59), who translates -eighty romances published on this subject; Southey's _Chronicle of the -Cid_, London, 1808].--S. See also _The Cid_ (H. B. Clarke) in _Heroes of -the Nations Series_; R. P. A. Dozy, _Hist. Pol-Litt. d'Espagne, -Moyen-age_, i, 320-706; _Le Cid ... Nouveaux Documents_, 1860; J. Cornu, -_Etudes_, 1881 (_Romania_, x, 75-99); Canton Zalazar, _Los restos del -Cid_, 1883.] - -[Endnote 5: (p. 4). _The Count Nunalvarez Pereira._--The "Holy -Constable," one of the Portuguese leaders in the Nationalist rising of -1383-5, which set the House of Aviz on the Portuguese throne. Azurara is -credited with the (doubtful) authorship of a work on the miracles of the -Holy Constable. See the Introduction to vol. i of this Edition, pp. -liii-liv, and Oliveira Martins' _Vida de Nun'Alvares_, Lisbon 1893; also -the latter's _Os Filhos de D. Joao I_, chs. i, ii; Major's _Henry -Navigator_, pp. 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 21, 78.] - -[Endnote 6: (p. 5). _Pillars of Hercules_, or Straits of Gibraltar; -called by some Arabic geographers (_e.g._, Mas'udi) the Strait of the -Idols of Copper. The conquest of Ceuta in 1415 gave Portugal a great -hold over this "narrow passage," and in 1418 Prince Henry aspired to -seize Gibraltar, which would have made his country complete master of -the same, but his project was discountenanced by his father's -government. We may refer to Galvano's story of a Portuguese ship -starting from here, shortly after 1447 (?), being driven out to certain -islands in the Atlantic; to the Infant's settlement at Sagres being in -tolerable proximity; and to Azurara's (and others') reckoning of -distances along new-discovered coasts from the same. See Azurara, -_Guinea_, ch. v.] - -[Endnote 7: (p. 5). _The Church of Santiago_, i.e., St. James of -Compostella, in Galicia.--[In this passage our author refers to the -celebrated diploma of King D. Ramiro about the battle of Clavijo, though -he does not cite that document, and also to the _Chronicle of Sampiro_. -On these two documents the reader can consult Masdeu, _Historia Critica -de Espana_, tom. xii, p. 214, etc.; tom. xiii, 390; and tom. xvi--Voto -de S. Thiago Suppl. 1.].--S.] - -[Endnote 8: (p. 7). _Sentences of St. Thomas and St. Gregory_, i.e., -of St. Thomas Aquinas and Pope (St.) Gregory the Great (A.D. 590-604).] - -[Endnote 9: (p. 7). _Garamantes_, _etc._--Properly the inhabitants of -Fezzan--"Garama," or "Phazania" in classical language. Garamantes ... -ethnos mega ischyros says Herodotus (iv, 183). Yet like the Nasamones -and other nations of this part, they are apparently conceived of by H. -as a people confined to a single oasis of the desert. The Garamantes' -land, H. adds, is thirty days' journey from the Lotos Eaters on the -North coast of Africa, which is about the true distance from Mourzuk, in -Fezzan, to Tripoli (see the journeys of Captain Lyon in 1820, and of -Colonel Monteil in 1892). The oasis, ten days' journey beyond the -Garamantes, inhabited by the Atarantes or Atlantes, may be the -Herodotean conception of Tibesti. - -Compare the story, in Herodotus, ii, 32, 33, of five Nasamonians, from -the shore of the Great Syrtes, crossing the deserts to the south of -Libya to an inhabited region, far west of their home, with fruit trees, -extensive marshes, a city inhabited by Black People of small stature, a -river flowing from west to east containing crocodiles: probably either -the modern Bornu or one of the Negro states on the Middle Niger. - -Pliny (_Hist Nat._, v, 5, Sec.36) records the conquest of the Garamantes by -Cornelius Balbus in B.C. 20, when the Romans captured Cydamus (Ghadames -in south-west Tripoli) and Garama ("clarissimum oppidum," the Germa of -the present day, whence the name "Garamantes"). - -In the time of Vespasian the more direct route from Oea or Tripoli to -Phazania was discovered (Pliny, _l. c._). In the reign of Tiberius, -during the revolt of Tacfarinas in Numidia, the Garamantes supported the -rebel, and after his defeat sent to Rome to sue for pardon, an unusual -embassy, as Tacitus remarks ("Garamantum legati, raro in urbe visi"). -From Fezzan, in later days (about time of Trajan?) started the -remarkable expeditions of Septimius Flaccus and Julius Maternus to the -"Ethiopian land" (Sudan) and Agisymba (Region of Lake Chad?) in the -south, which reached inhabited country after a march of three and four -months respectively across the desert (see Ptolemy, i, 8, Sec.5, from -Marinus of Tyre, now lost except in Pt.'s citations). The original -conquest by Balbus is probably referred to in Virgil's _AEneid VI_, 795, -in the prophecy of Augustus' triumphs:-- - - "Super et Garamantes et Indos Proferet imperium." - -_The Ethiopians ... under the Shadow of Mount Caucasus_ is an extreme -instance of the mediaeval geography met with so frequently in Azurara, as -no African "Mt. Caucasus" has ever been identified, even as a barbarous -misnomer for one of the African ranges; while Ethiopia, however confused -the reference, always starts from the ancient knowledge of the Sudan, -and especially the Eastern or Egyptian Sudan (see below). - -The Caucasus, here used, perhaps, like "Taurus," or "Alps," in the -general sense of "lofty mountains," was a great centre of mediaeval myth. -Here was situated, according to most authorities, the wall of Alexander, -when with an iron rampart he shut up Gog and Magog, and "twenty-two -nations of evil men" from invading the fertile countries of the south -(see _Koran_, chs. xv, xviii; the Arabic record of "Sallam the -interpreter," sent to the Caucasus about 840 by the Caliph -Wathek-Billah; Ibn Khordadbeh, c. 880; St. Jerome _On Genesis_, x, 2, -and _On Ezekiel_, xxxviii-ix; St. Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, xx, 11; -St. Ambrose, _De Fide ad Gratianum_, ii, 4; St. Isidore, _Origines_, ix, -2; xiv, 3; and the _Commentaries_ of Andrew and Aretes of Caesarea _On -the Apocalypse_ of A.D. _c._ 400 and _c._ 540; _Dawn of Modern -Geography_, pp. 335-8, 425-434).] - -[Endnote 10: (p. 7). _Indians of Greater and Lesser India_ is a -regular mediaeval term for the inhabitants of India proper and of -south-western Asia, sometimes including Abyssinia. Another frequent -division was threefold: India Prima, Secunda, Tertia, or Greater, -Lesser, and Middle, as in Marco Polo, Bk. III, chs. i, xxxviii-xxxix. -Most commonly, Greater India means India west of Ganges; Lesser India -corresponds to the classical _India extra Gangem_, or Assam, Burma, -Siam, etc.; and Middle India stands for Abyssinia, and perhaps for some -parts of the Arabian coast, as far as the Persian Gulf. On this passage -we must also notice the following MS. notes:-- - -[alpha. _Garamantes, Ethiopians and Indians._--It must be understood that -these are three peoples, as saith Isidore in his sixth book [_i.e._, _of -the Etymologies_ or _Origins of St. Isidore of Seville_, _written c. -A.D. 600_], to wit, the Asperi, Garamantes and Indians. The Asperi are -in the west, the Garamantes in the middle, the Indians in the east. He -reckoned with the Garamantes, the Tregodites [_Troglodytes or -Trogodites_] because they are their neighbours. Alfargano [_Mohammed -Alfergani, or of Ferghanah on the Upper Oxus, a great Mohammedan -geographer of the ninth century, author of a "Book of Celestial -Movements" translated into Hebrew and from Hebrew into Latin, which also -described the chief towns and countries of the world_] placed Meroe, -which is Queen of the Nations, between the Nubians and the Indians. The -Garamantes are so called from Garama, which is the capital of their -Kingdom, and the castle of which standeth between Inenense and Ethiopia, -where is a fountain which cooleth with the heat of the day, and groweth -hot with the cold of the night. Ethiopia is over against Egypt and -Africa, on the southern part thereof; from the east it stretcheth over -against the west even to the Ethiopian Sea. And because much of the -people of these three nations are Christians, and because they desired -to see the world, they came to these parts of Spain, where they received -great gifts from the Infant, on account of which the author hath given -this description in his chapter thereupon. - -beta. _Caucasus._--This mount is so called from Candor, the which -stretcheth from India to Taurus, in its length, through various peoples -and tongues, and therefore is variously named. Some say that Mt. -Caucasus and Mt. Taurus are all one, but Orosius reproveth this -opinion.] On the fountain of Garama, cf. Solinus, xxx, i.] - -[Endnote 11: (p. 7). _To visit the Apostle_, viz., St. James of -Compostella, patron saint of Spain, and traditionally the "Apostle" of -that country. Santiago de Compostella was once the capital of Galicia; -it lies 55 kilometres south of Coruna, on the north bank, and near the -source, of the River Sar, which flows into the Ulla. The town is built -round the Cathedral, which claims to possess the body of St. James. A -star was said to have originally shown the place of this relic, hence -"Compostella" (Campus stellae). The body of the great church was -commenced in 1082 and completed in 1128; the cloisters were finished in -1533. An earlier church of the later ninth century had been destroyed in -997 by the Arabs under the famous "hagib" Almanzor, who also restored -Barcelona to the Western Caliphate, and nearly crushed all the Christian -kingdoms of Spain. For centuries Compostella was the most famous and -fashionable place of pilgrimage, next to Rome, in Europe. It is referred -to in Chaucer, Prologue to _Canterbury Tales_, l. 466, in the -description of the "Wife of Bath:" - - "At Rome she hadde been, and at Boloyne - In Galice at Saint Jame, and at Coloyne."] - -[Endnote 12: (p. 8). _Ancient and venerable city of Thebes._--Here we -have again a MS. note. - -[We must understand that there are two cities of Thebes--the one in -Egypt and the other in Greece. That in Greece was the selfsame which in -the time of Pharaoh Nicrao (_Necho_, _see Herodotus, ii_, _158-9: -Josephus Antiq. Jud._) was called Jersem, as saith Marco Polo, whence -came the Kings of Thebes who reigned in Egypt C I R (_190_) years. And -this was one of the places which were given to Jacob, by the countenance -of his son Joseph, when by the needs of hunger he went with his eleven -sons to Egypt, as it is writ in Genesis. And Saint Isidore saith in his -xvth book (_of Origins_) that Cadmus built Thebes in Egypt, and that he, -passing into Greece, founded the other and Grecian Thebes, in the -province of Acaya (_Achaia_), the which is now called the land of the -Prince of the Amoreans.] - -It is not necessary to dwell on the additional confusion furnished by -this "explanation"--Thebes given to the Israelites (as part of Goshen?), -Cadmus building the Egyptian Thebes, Achaia for Boeotia, and so forth; -but the point really noticeable is that in Azurara's text the "dwellers -on the Nile who possess Thebes" came in here as "wearing the Prince's -livery:" _i.e._, the negroes of the Senegal are supposed to live on the -western branch of the Nile, which mediaeval conceptions obstinately -brought from Egypt or Nubia to the Atlantic, and which Prince Henry's -seamen thought they had discovered when they reached the Senegal; just -as later in the Gambia, the Niger, and the Congo, other equivalents were -imagined for the Negro Nile of Edrisi, and the West African -river-courses of Pliny and Ptolemy. Cf. chs. xxx, xxxi, lx-lxii, of this -Chronicle.] - -[Endnote 13: (p. 8). _Wisdom of the Italians ... labyrinth._--Here we -have another original MS. note. [Labyrinth is so much as to say anything -into which a man having entered cannot go out again (_so Prince Henry, -in Azurara, vol. i, p. 8 (ch. ii), has "entered a labyrinth of Glory"_). -And therefore, saith Ovid, in his _Metamorphoses_, that Pasiphae, wife -of Minos, king of Crete, conceived the Minotaur, who was half man and -half bull. The which was imprisoned by Daedalus in the Labyrinth into -which whatsoever entered knew not how to come out, and whosoever was -without knew not how to enter. And of this Labyrinth speaketh Seneca in -the _Tragedy_, where he treated of the matter of Hippolytus and Phedra]. - -Azurara's reference to the distinctive virtues of the four great peoples -here noticed is interesting, especially from the fact that Prince -Henry's mother was an Englishwoman; that the Emperor (now a purely -German sovereign, though still in name "holy and Roman"), invited him to -enter his service (see ch. vi); that the Pope (like Henry VI (?) King of -England) made him similar offers; that his scientific and practical -connections with Italy were very important; and that his sister Isabel -was married to the Duke of Burgundy. "The wisdom of the Italians" was -nowhere more conspicuous at that time than in geography. Italians -initiated the great mediaeval and renaissance movement of discovery both -by land and sea (cf. John de Plano Carpini, Marco, Nicolo, and Matteo -Polo, Malocello, Tedisio Dorio, the Vivaldi, the Genoese captains and -pilots of 1341, precursors of Varthema, the Cabots, Verrazano, and -Columbus). Italians also constructed the first scientific maps or -Portolani (existing specimens from 1300 show out of 498 examples 413 of -Italian origin, including all the more famous and perfect). Lastly, -Italians probably brought the use of the magnet to higher efficiency; -though they did not "invent" the same, it is likely that they were the -first to fit the magnet into a box and connect it with a compass-card. -"Prima dedit nautis _usum_ magnetis Amalphis." - -Also, we may recall that the Infant Don Pedro, Henry's brother, brought -home from Venice in 1428 a map illustrating a copy of Marco Polo (see p. -liv of the Introduction to this volume), and that the most important -map-draughtsmen of the Prince's lifetime were Andrea Bianco, Fra Mauro, -and Gratiosus Benincasa. From 1317, when King Diniz appointed the -Genoese Emmanuele Pesagno Admiral of Portugal, and contracted for a -regular supply of Genoese pilots and captains, down to the Infant's -earlier years, when the Genoese tried to secure a "lease" of Sagres -promontory as a naval station, and even to the time when the Venetian -Cadamosto sailed in his service (1455-6), and Antoniotto Uso di Mare and -Antonio de Noli were to be found in the same employment, the connection -between Portuguese and Italian seamanship was very close--a relationship -almost of daughter and mother.] - -[Endnote 14: (p. 9). _From the islands thou didst people in the -Ocean_, etc. ... _wood from those parts._ - -Here Azurara gives some references to the products raised in the -newly-colonised groups of "African Islands"--corn, honey, wax, and -especially wood, on which Santarem remarks:-- - -[This interesting detail shows that the wood (Madeira) transported to -Portugal from the islands newly discovered by the Infant D. Henrique, -chiefly from the isle of Madeira, was in such quantity as to cause a -change in the system of construction of houses in towns, by increasing -the number of storeys, and raising the height of the houses, thus -bringing in a new style of building instead of the Roman and Arabic -systems then probably followed. This probability acquires more weight in -view of the system of lighting at Lisbon ordered by King Ferdinand, as -appears from a document in the Archives of the Municipality of Lisbon. -So this detail related by Azurara is a very curious one for the history -of our architecture.]--S.] - -[Endnote 15: (p. 9). _Dwellers in the Algarve_ (_Alfagher_), i.e., the -extreme southern portion of Portugal, including Cape St. Vincent, the -cities of Lagos, Faro and Tavira, and Sagres (off C. St. V.), the -special residence of the Prince himself. Later, the plural title -"Algarves" was applied to this Province, in conjunction with the -possessions of Portugal on the North African coast immediately fronting -the Spanish peninsula, viz., Ceuta, "Alcacer Seguer," Anafe, Tangier, -Arzila, etc.] - -[Endnote 16: (p. 10). _Moors ... on this side the Straits and also -beyond._--Moors who on "this side the Straits" had "died" from Prince -Henry's lance might be difficult to find; but of "those beyond" the -reference is more particularly to the conquest of Ceuta, 1415; the -relief of the same, 1418; the abortive attempt on Tangier, 1437; and the -raids upon the Azanegue Moors between Cape Bojador and the Senegal, _c._ -1441-1450. The African campaign of 1458, which resulted in the capture -of Alcacer the Little, cannot, of course, be included here.] - -[Endnote 17: (p. 10). _That false schismatic Mohammed._--In the -ordinary style of mediaeval reference, as followed by Father Maracci and -the older European school of Arabic learning. The progress of the Moslem -faith in North Africa was rapid in the Mediterranean coast zone, but -comparatively slow in the Sahara and Sudan. See Introduction to vol. ii, -pp. xliii-lix, and W. T. Arnold, _Missions of Islam_.] - -[Endnote 18: (p. 11). _Duchess of Burgundy._--The Infanta Isabel, -Prince Henry's sister, was niece of a King of England, viz., as Santarem -says, of Henry IV, son of John, Duke of Lancaster. [By this connection -our Infant was a great-grandson of Edward III, and at the same time a -descendant of the last kings of the Capetian house, and likewise allied -to the family of Valois. The Infanta Donna Philippa was married to the -Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, on January 10th, 1429. She was not -only endowed with very eminent qualities, but was also of rare beauty. -She had great influence on public affairs. The Duke, her husband, -instituted the celebrated order of the Golden Fleece to celebrate this -marriage. This princess died at Dijon, December 17th, 1472. From this -alliance came many descendants. She was equally beloved by her brothers, -and especially by King D. Edward (Duarte), who, in his _Leal -Conselheiro_ (ch. xliv, "Da Amizade"), speaks of the great affection and -regret which he felt for her. The festivities which took place at Bruges -on her arrival were among the most sumptuous of the Middle Ages].--S.] - -[Endnote 19: (p. 12). _The Philosopher_, i.e., Aristotle, in Azurara's -day regarded among Christians as the "master of them that knew." The -transformation of Aristotle into a storehouse of Christian theology was -a long process, which was perhaps most completely successful in the -hands of Thomas Aquinas.] - -[Endnote 20: (p. 14). _As in his Chronicle_, i.e., _The Chronicle of -the Reign of Affonso V, the African_, attributed by Barros and Goes to -Azurara himself, and perhaps embodied (partially) in Ruy de Pina's -existing chronicle of the monarch. (See Azurara, Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. -i, Introduction, pp. lxi-lxiii.) We must notice that a little earlier -(p. 13, top of our version), on Azurara's reference to Prince Henry as -an "uncrowned prince" (cf. Azurara, vol. ii, Introduction, p. xix). -Santarem remarks: - -[This detail, recorded by Azurara, a contemporary writer, shows the -error into which Fr. Luiz de Souza fell in his _Historia de S. -Domingos_, liv. vi, fol. 331, by saying that the Infant was elected King -of Cyprus: an error which Jose Soares da Silva repeated in his _Memorias -d'El Rei D. Joao I_; whereas if the words of Azurara were not sufficient -to demonstrate the contrary, the dates and facts of history would prove -the errors of those authors. As a matter of fact, the kingdom of Cyprus, -which Richard, King of England, took from the Greeks in 1191, was -immediately ceded by that Prince to Guy of Lusignan, whose posterity -reigned in that kingdom till 1487; and as our Infant was born in 1394 -and died in 1460, it was not possible for him to be elected sovereign of -a kingdom ruled by a legitimate line of monarchs. Besides this, in the -list of the Latin or Frank Kings of Cyprus, the name of D. Henry is not -found. It is to be presumed that Fr. Luiz de Souza confounded Henry, -Prince of Galilee, son of James I, King of Cyprus, with our Infant D. -Henry.]--S. - -Also, on the words _Atlas the Giant_ (middle of p. 13 in our version), -there is another original MS. note: - -[Atlas was king of the land in the west of Europe and of that in the -west of Africa, brother of Prometheus, that great wise man and -philosopher descended from Japhet, the giant. And this Atlas was -considered the greatest astrologer living in the world at his time. And -his knowledge of the stars made him give such true forecasts of matters -which were fated to happen, that men said in his time that he sustained -the heaven upon his shoulders. And as Lucas saith, he was the first who -invented the art of painting in the city of Corinth, which is in -Greece.] - -On this Santarem remarks:-- - -[Here our author mixes up all the historical and mythological traditions -from Greek and Latin authors relative to Atlas. Diodorus Siculus and -Plato are not cited by Azurara, who, however, relates that Atlas was -king of the West of Europe and of the West of Africa; but he forgets to -say that he reigned over the Atlantes, as Herodotus says, and confounds -Prometheus with "Japhet," whose son he was, viz., according to -Apollodorus, Diodorus Siculus, and all the ancient writers. Diodorus -says in effect that Atlas had taught astronomy to Hercules, but our -author confounds the three princes of this name, and made a mistake in -citing Lucas de Tuy (continuer of the _Chronicle_ of Isidore of Seville) -as saying that Atlas was the first who invented the art of painting in -the city of Corinth. The origin of this art was unknown to the ancients. -It is true that Sicyon and Corinth disputed the glory of the discovery, -but the discoverer according to most of the ancient authors was -Cleanthes of Corinth and not Atlas, as Azurara says. According to -others, the discovery was due to Philocles the Egyptian.]--S. - -The Atlas chain of N. Africa has been the subject of persistent -exaggeration. The Greek pillar of heaven (derived from Carthaginian? -seamen) probably referred to Teneriffe. No summit in the Atlas range -answers to the legend. Though Miltsin rises to 11,400 feet, neither this -nor any other peak can be supposed to represent the idea of towering -height embodied in the story. We may notice the enormous over-proportion -of the Atlas in some of the most important maps which Prince Henry and -his seamen had to consult (_e.g._, Dulcert of 1339, the Catalan of -1375). See Introduction, vol. ii, pp. cxxiii-iv, cxxvi.] - -[Endnote 21: (p. 14). _Tangier ... the most perilous affair in which -he ever stood before or after_, viz., in 1437. The conquest of Ceuta -(aided perhaps by the earlier discoveries of Prince Henry's seamen) had -made some in Portugal eager for more African conquests, and in 1433 King -Duarte (Edward) on his accession was induced by his brothers Henry and -Ferdinand, against the opinion of his next brother Pedro, to take up the -project of an attack on Tangier. The Papal Court gave only a very -doubtful approval to the war, but on August 22, 1437, an expedition -sailed for Ceuta. Tetuan was captured, and on September 23 Prince Henry -began the siege of Tangier, but his attacks on the town were repulsed; -the Portuguese were surrounded by overwhelming forces which had come -down from Marocco, Fez, and Tafilet for the relief of the city; and on -October 25 the assailants surrendered with the honours of war, on -condition that Ceuta should be given up with all the Moorish prisoners -then in Portuguese hands, and that the Portuguese should abstain for 100 -years from any further attack upon the Moors of this part of Barbary. -Prince Ferdinand was left with twelve nobles as hostages for the -performance of the treaty. The convention was repudiated in Portugal, -and Ferdinand, the "constant Prince," died in his captivity June 3, -1443. Like Regulus in Roman tradition, he advised his countrymen against -the enemy's terms of ransom, - - "Lest bought with price of Ceita's potent town - To public welfare be preferred his own." - -Camoeens: _Lusiads_, iv, 52 (Burton).] - -[Endnote 22: (p. 14). _Because Tully commandeth._--It is -characteristic of Azurara's school and time that he should declare his -preference for truthful writing because a great classic recommended the -same.] - -[Endnote 23: (p. 15). _College of Celestial virtues._--Contrasted with -the previous reference, this gives a good idea of Azurara's mental -outlook--on one side towards Greek and Latin antiquity, on another to -the Catholic theology. The Christian side of the Mediaeval Renaissance -had not, in Portugal, been overpowered by the Pagan. We may remember, as -to the context here, that on the capture of Ceuta the chief mosque was -at once turned into the Cathedral.] - -[Endnote 24: (p. 16). _Districts of the Beira ... and Entre Douro e -Minho._ The three northern provinces of Portugal:--The Beira, comprising -most of the land between the Tagus and the Douro (except the S.W. -portion); the Tral (or Traz) os Montes, the N.E. extremity; and the -Entre Douro e Minho, the N.W. extremity of the Kingdom. Here was the -cradle of the state--for the principality granted in 1095 by Alfonso VI -of Leon to the free-lance, Henry of Burgundy, was entirely within the -limits of these provinces, and was at first almost entirely confined to -lands North of the Mondego, being composed of the counties of Coimbra -and Oporto.] - -[Endnote 25: (p. 16). _The two cities_, viz., The citadel and the -lower town of Ceuta, which together covered the neck of a long peninsula -running out some three miles eastward from the African mainland, and -broadening again beyond the eastern wall of Ceuta into a hilly square of -country. The citadel covered the isthmus which joined the peninsula to -the mainland. East of the citadel was Almina, containing "the outer and -larger division of the city, as well as the seven hills from which Ceuta -derived its name," the highest of which was in the middle of the -peninsula, and was called El Acho, from the fortress on its summit. "On -the north side of the peninsula, from the citadel to the foot of this -last-mentioned hill, the city was protected by another lofty wall." -According to some, the old name of _Septa_ was derived from the town's -seven hills; it was ancient, being repaired, enlarged and re-fortified -by Justinian in the course of his restoration of the Roman Empire in the -Western Mediterranean.] - -[Endnote 26: (p. 17). _A duke ... in the Algarve_, viz., Duke of Viseu -and Lord of Covilham. His investiture took place at Tavira in the -Algarve, immediately on the return of the Ceuta expedition. Together -with his elder brother Pedro, whom King John at the same time made Duke -of Coimbra, Henry was the first of Portuguese dukes. This title was -introduced into England as early as 1337, and the Infant's mother was -the daughter of one of the first English dukes, "old John of Gaunt, -time-honoured Lancaster."] - -[Endnote 27: (p. 17). _The people of Fez ... of Bugya._--This Moslem -league of 1418 against Portuguese Ceuta comprised nearly all the -neighbouring Islamic states (1) Fez--the centre of Moslem culture in -Western "Barbary," a very troublesome state, politically, to the great -ruling dynasties in N.W. Africa--contained two towns at this time, -called respectively the town of the Andalusi, or Spaniards--from the -European (Moslem) emigrants who lived there--and the town of the -Kairwani, from Kairwan ("Cairoan"), the holy city of Tunis. The founder -of the greatness of Fez was Idris, whose dynasty reigned there A.D. -788-985. It was captured by Abd-el-Mumen ben Ali, the Almohade, in 1145. -It was also besieged in 960, 979, 1045, 1048, 1069, 1248, 1250. See Leo -Africanus (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 143-5, 393, 416-486, 589-606. (2) -_Granada_ was still a Moslem Kingdom, as it remained till its capture by -Ferdinand and Isabella in 1492. It was now (1418) ruled by the -successors of Mohammed-al-Hamar, who in 1236 gathered the relics of the -western Caliphate into the Kingdom of Granada. In 1340 the Granadine -attempt, in alliance with Berber help from Africa, to recover southern -Spain for Islam, had been defeated in the great battle of the Tarifa, or -Salado (one of the first engagements where cannon were used); but -Granada still (in the fifteenth century) retained considerable strength. -(3) _Tunis._--Leo Africanus mentions its capture by Okba (Akbah) in the -seventh century A.D., by the Almoravides in the eleventh century, and by -Abd-el Mumen ben Ali, the Almohade, in the twelfth century. It was -unsuccessfully attacked at times by those states whose trade with it was -most important, _e.g._, by Louis IX of France in his crusade of 1270; by -the Genoese, 1388-90; by the Kings of Sicily, 1289-1335; and by other -foreign states; but remained for the most part independent, from the -breakup of the Almohade empire till its capture by Barbarossa for the -Ottomans in 1531. See Leo Africanus, pp. 699, 716, 753. (4) -_Marocco._--The city of Marocco was founded, A.D. 1070-2 according to -some, 1062-3 according to others (A.H. 454), by Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, the -Almoravide. Under both Almoravides and Almohades its greatness steadily -increased. Abd-el-Mumen ben Ali took it for the latter, and under his -grandson, Yakub Almansor, it became the Almohade capital (A.D. 1189-90). -The Beni-Merini succeeding to power in these parts in the thirteenth -century, removed the seat of government to Fez (1269-1470). See Leo -Africanus, pp. 262-272, 351-359. Early in the sixteenth century the -Portuguese, under Nuno Fernandez d'Ataide, Governor of Safi, attacked -Marocco without success. A district called Marocco was much older than -the city. "Marakiyah," in Masudi (iii, p. 241, Meynard and Courteille), -is used of a district to which the Berbers emigrated. (5) _Bugia_, -_Bougie_, anciently also _Bujaia_ and _Bejaia_, a very ancient city. -Carthage had a settlement here; Augustus established a Roman colony with -the title of Colonia Julia Augusta Saldantum ("Saldaa"). It fell into -the power of the Vandals in the fifth, of the Arabs in the sixth, -century; and during the earlier Caliphate it carried on a considerable -trade, especially with the Christian states of the Western -Mediterranean. This trade continued to flourish during the later Middle -Ages; and we may instance, not only the favourable descriptions of -Edrisi (_c._ 1154) and of Leo Africanus (1494-1552), but also the Pisan -commerce (of about 1250-64) both in merchandise and in learning, with -this city, as well as the Aragonese treaties of 1309 and 1314, and the -Pisan embassy of 1378, as a few examples out of many. In 1068, En-Naser -having restored and embellished the town, made it his capital, re-naming -it En-Naseria; Abd-el-Mumen ben Ali subjected it to the Almohade empire -in 1152; in 1509 Count Peter of Navarre seized it, and the Spaniards -held it till 1555. From 1833 it has been a French possession. See Edrisi -(Jaubert), vol. i, pp. 202, 236-8, 241, 245-6, 258, 269; Leo Africanus, -Hakluyt Soc. edn. pp. 126, 143-4, 699, 700, 745, 932.] - -[Endnote 28: (p. 17). _Chance of taking Gibraltar ... did not offer -itself to him._--This project is especially notable in the light of -later history, as of the years 1704, 1729, 1779-82, and of earlier -times, _e.g._, 710. Prince Henry seems to have been one of the few men -who valued aright (before quite modern times) the position from which -the Arabs advanced to the Conquest of Spain, and from which the English -obtained so great a hold over the Mediterranean. It was only in the -later sixteenth century that one can discover anything like a widespread -perception of Gibraltar's importance.] - -[Endnote 29: (p. 18). _Canary Islands._--Here Azurara probably refers -to the projects of 1424-5, though his words may apply to Henry's efforts -in 1418, or in 1445-6, to acquire the Canaries for Portugal (see -Introduction to vol. ii, p. xcvi-xcviii). - -The "great Armada ... to shew the natives the way of the holy faith" is -very characteristic of Azurara.] - -[Endnote 30: (p. 18). _Governed Ceuta ... left the government to King -Affonso at the beginning of his reign._--On this, Santarem has the -following note:-- - -[The 35 years during which the Infant governed Ceuta must be understood -in the sense that during the reigns of his father and brother and nephew -(till Affonso V reached his majority) he directed the affairs of Ceuta, -but not that he governed that place by residing there. The dates and -facts recorded show that we must understand what is here said in this -sense, seeing that the Infant, after the capture of that city (Ceuta) in -August 1415, returned to the Kingdom (of Portugal); and there was left -as Governor of Ceuta D. Pedro de Menezes, who held this command for -twenty-two years (_D. N. do Leao_, cap. 97). The Infant returned to -Africa in 1437 for the unfortunate campaign of Tangier. After this -expedition he fell ill in Ceuta and stayed there only five months, and -thence again returned to Portugal, and spent the greater part of his -time in the Algarve, occupied with his maritime expeditions. He went -back for the third time to Africa with King D. Affonso V for the -campaign of Alcacer in 1456, returning immediately afterwards to Sagres. - -Beyond this, it should be noticed that the sons of King D. John I had -charge of the presidency and direction of various branches of State -administration. D. Duarte (Edward) was, in the life of the King his -father, entrusted with the presidency of the Supreme Court of Judicature -and with the duty of despatching business in Council, as is recorded by -him in detail in ch. xxx of the _Leal Conselheiro_. The Infant D. Henry -had charge of all African business, and so by implication of everything -relating to Ceuta. - -Finally, the sublime words of King D. Duarte to D. Duarte de Menezes, -when he said, "If I am not deceived in you, not even to give it to a son -of mine will I deprive you of the captaincy of Ceuta" (Azurara, -_Chronica de D. Duarte_, ch. xliii), show that the Infant D. Henry was -not then properly Governor of Ceuta; although he was formally appointed -to that post on July 5th, 1450, he never actually occupied it (see -Souza, prov. of Bk. v, No. 51).]--S.] - -[Endnote 31: (p. 18). _The fear of his vessels kept in security ... -the merchants who traded between East and West._--This important detail -has not been noticed sufficiently in lives of D. Henry. If Azurara -really means that the Infant's fleet preserved the coasts of Spain from -all fear of the piracy which then, as later, endangered the commerce of -the Western Mediterranean, we can only regret that no further details -have come down to us about this point. For such a task the Prince must -have maintained a pretty large navy: though it is noticeable that piracy -seems to have been worse on the so-called Christian side in the mediaeval -period; and not till after the fifteenth century, and the establishment -of Turkish suzerainty, was it as bad on the Moslem side (see Mas Latrie, -_Relations de l'Afrique Septentrionale avec les Chretiens au Moyen Age_, -passim, and especially pp. 4, 5, 61-2, 117, 128-30, 161-208, 340-5, 453, -469, 534). The forbearance of the Barbary States with Christian -freebooting from the eleventh century to the sixteenth, their tolerance -of Christian colonies in their midst, and the special favours constantly -shown to individual Christians, would surprise those who think only of -Algerine, Tunisian, or Maroccan piracy and "Salee rovers." Roger II of -Sicily is a striking exception to this disgraceful rule. In the earlier -Middle Ages, some of the Christian Republics of Italy even joined -Moslems in slave-raiding upon other Christians (see _Dawn of Modern -Geography_, pp. 203-4).] - -[Endnote 32: (p. 18). _Peopled five Islands ... especially Madeira_ -(see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xcviii-cii).] - -[Endnote 33: (p. 19). _Alfarrobeira, where ... Don Pedro was ... -defeated._--D. Pedro, the eldest of the uncrowned sons of King John I, -was famous for his journeys in Europe, ending in 1428, when he returned -from Venice with many treasures, among others a MS. copy of Marco Polo, -and a map of the traveller's route (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. -liv). He was still more famous for his wise government of Portugal as -Regent for his young nephew, Affonso V, 1439-47. He took part in the -campaign of Ceuta, 1415; advised vainly against the Tangier campaign of -1437; married his daughter Isabel to the King in 1447 (May); was worried -into a semblance of rebellion, 1448-9, and was killed in a battle at the -rivulet of Alfarrobeira, between Aljubarrota and Lisbon, in May 1449. - -On his companion, the Count of Avranches ("Dabranxes" in Azurara), -Santarem has a note remarking that he, D. Alvaro Vaz d'Almada, was [made -a Count (of Avranches) in Normandy, by gift of the King of England -(Henry V), after the battle of Azincourt, when he was also created a -knight of the Order of the Garter.] - -He was sometimes called, in the affected Renaissance fashion of the -time, the "Spanish Hercules;" but he also had fallen into disfavour with -Affonso V. He escaped from imprisonment at Cintra, joined D. Pedro in -Coimbra (the latter's dukedom), and marched with him to his death (see -Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xvi-xviii).] - -[Endnote 34: (p. 19). _Order of Christ ... Mother-convent ... Sacred -uses._--Prince Henry was Grand Master of the Order of Christ, founded by -King Diniz in 1319, in place of the Templars, whose property in great -measure it inherited (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xviii-xix). - -The mother-convent of the Order of Christ was at Thomar, in the -(Portuguese) province of Estremadura, 45 kilometres N.N.E. of Santarem, -or a little N.W. of Abrantes, and is noticeable for its sumptuous -architecture. It was founded originally as a house of the Templars by -Donna Theresa, mother of Affonso Henriques, first King of Portugal; it -was enlarged and rebuilt in 1180 and 1320. At the latter date it passed, -with the reconstitution of Diniz, from the Templars to the Order of -Christ.] - -[Endnote 35: (p. 19). _St. Mary of Belem ... Pombal ... Soure ... -Chair of Theology ... St. Mary of Victory ... yearly revenue_ (and see -next sentence of text).--This is the _locus classicus_ on the -benefactions of the Prince (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. cvi-cix). - -St. Mary of Belem, "near the sea at Restello," a chapel where the -Infant's mariners could pay their devotions the last thing before -putting out to sea from Lisbon, or return thanks after a voyage, was -superseded by the more sumptuous edifice of Kings Emanuel and John III, -known as the Jeronymos, and named "the Lusiads in stone," which, with -the exception of Batalha, is the noblest of Portuguese buildings. Da -Gama, however, when starting for and returning from India, had only -Prince Henry's little chapel available. - -Pombal, in Estremadura, and Soure, in Beira, are both a little S.W. of -Coimbra: Pombal being further in the direction of Leiria.] - -[Endnote 36: (p. 20). _Ready to go to Ceuta ... desisted._--This -abortive African expedition belongs to the reign of Affonso V, and -apparently to the years immediately subsequent to the Tangier disaster -of 1437 (see Introduction to vol. ii. pp. xvi-xvii).] - -[Endnote 37: (p. 21). _The Infant's town ... So named ... by -writing._--The settlement at Sagres. On this Santarem has the following -notes:-- - -[alpha. We see by our author's account what was the state in 1453 of the -town of which the Infant had laid the foundations in 1416, and to which -at first was given the name of "Tercena Naval" (Naval Arsenal), from the -Venetian word "Darcena," an arsenal for the construction and docking of -galleys; it afterwards received the name of Villa do Infante (the -Infant's town), and later on that of Sagres--derived from Sagro, Sacrum, -the famous Promontorium Sacrum of the ancients, according to D. -Francisco Manoel, _Epanaphoras_, p. 310. It should be noted that the -celebrated Cadamosto, who had speech with the Infant in 1455, at Cape -St. Vincent, does not give the name of the town, though he speaks of the -interview which he had with him (Henry) at Rapozeira]. - -[beta. In writing "Callez" for "Cadiz" in this paragraph, our author -follows the corrupt nomenclature of the authors and MSS. of the Middle -Ages, which altered the name of that city from the Gades of Pliny (v, -19), Macrobius, Silius Italicus (xvi, 468), Columella (viii, ch. xvi), a -form more like the primitive Gadir (a hedge) in the Phoenician or Punic -language. The corrupt terms Calles, Callis, etc., are, however, met with -even in documents of the sixteenth century. See the letters of Vespucci -in the edition of Gruninger (1509)]. - -[gamma. As to this reference to the Genoese (desiring to buy Sagres from -Portugal), the meaning must be that they offered great sums of money for -the concession of a place in the new town for the establishment there of -a factory, and perhaps of a colony, similar to those they possessed in -the Black Sea, as especially Caffa (now Theodosia, in the Crimea), or -Smyrna in the Archipelago. It is, however, improbable that they proposed -to the Infant the cession of a town of which he did not hold the -sovereignty. The Republic of Genoa had preserved very close relations -with Portugal from the commencement of the monarchy, and could not be -ignorant that even the Sovereigns of the country were not able to -alienate any portion of the land without the consent of the Cortes (on -this subject see Part III of our _Memorias sobre as Cortes_). Howsoever -the case may have been, the detail referred to by our author illustrates -the prudence of the Portuguese Government of that time in having -resisted such a proposal, in view of the fact that the Republic of Genoa -had by its immense naval power obtained from the Moorish and African -princes the concession of various important points in Asia and Africa; -and had also procured from the Greek Emperors the cession of the suburbs -of Pera and Galata in Constantinople, and the isles of Scios, Mitylene -(Lesbos), and Tenedos in the Archipelago. The reader will find it worth -his attention that Portugal refused to accede to a similar offer when -the Emperors of the East and of Germany, the Kings of Sicily, Castile, -Aragon, and the Sultans of Egypt constantly sought the alliance of that -Republic and the protection of its powerful marine. True it is that the -power of Genoa had already then begun to decline and to become -enfeebled, but none the less important are the details given by Azurara -and the observations which we have offered for the consideration of the -reader]. - -As to the connections of Genoa with Spain, we may add the following:-- - -Genoese relations with Barcelona became active in the twelfth century. -In 1127 the Republic concluded a commercial treaty with Count Raymond -Berenger III, and formed an offensive and defensive alliance with the -same Prince in 1147. As a result, the allies took Almeria and Tortosa. -In this conquest two-thirds went to the Count, one-third to the Genoese. -In 1153 they sold their new possessions to Count Raymond for money and -trading rights; but in 1149 they concluded a treaty of peace and -commerce with the Moorish King of Valencia, and in 1181 a similar treaty -with the King of Majorca. As early as 1315 the Genoese had begun a -direct trade by sea with the Low Countries, passing round the Spanish -coast. After the conquest of Seville by Ferdinand III they also obtained -important trade privileges in that city, especially those enjoyed by a -grant of May 22nd, 1251. By this time they had ousted all their Italian -rivals in the trade of the Western Mediterranean, and there held a -position analogous almost to that of Venice under the Latin empire of -Constantinople. In 1267 all the Genoese consuls in Spain were put under -a Consul-General at Ceuta. In 1278 Genoa concluded a treaty of peace and -commerce with Granada. In 1317 the Genoese, Emmanuel Pessanha (Pezagno), -became Lord High Admiral of Portugal: Genoese captains and pilots were -employed in the Spanish exploring voyage to the Canaries in 1341; and a -regular contingent of Genoese pilots and captains was maintained in the -Spanish service. See Introduction to vol. ii, p. lxxx.] - -[Endnote 38: (p. 22). _Jerome ... Sallust ... so high a charge._--Here -again is the truly characteristic mingling of sacred and profane -learning, both almost equally authoritative to his mind, in Azurara. Cf. -Sallust, _Catiline_, chs. ii, viii, li; especially viii.] - -[Endnote 39: (p. 22). _Phidias ("Fadyas") ... the philosopher ... -chapter on wisdom._--Here Santarem has the following notes:-- - -[alpha. The "height" of which Azurara speaks is the Parthenon, or Temple of -Minerva, in Athens. The famous statue of that goddess, in gold and -ivory, was made by that famous sculptor (Phidias), and placed by the -Athenians in that magnificent temple]. Cf. Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, Bk. -xxxiv, ch. xix. - -[beta. The philosopher is Aristotle. It is not unworthy of note that our -author cites Aristotle in this place, and prefers his authority to that -of Pausanias. This preference, which may also be frequently observed in -the _Leal Conselheiro_ of King D. Duarte, proves the great esteem in -which the works of the Stagyrite philosopher were held among our -ancestors (as well as in other nations) during the Middle Ages. Our -learned men followed him in preference to Pausanias, even when treating -of the antiquities of Greece].] - -[Endnote 40: (p. 23). _Great Valerius._--Here again Santarem:--[This -author, cited by Azurara, is Valerius Maximus, a writer of the time of -Tiberius, who wrote _De dictis factisque memorabilibus_ in nine books. -He was a native of Rome, and therefore Azurara says, "of thy city."] -Azurara is not mistaken, as Santarem suggests, in assuming that the -Roman author did not only deal with the deeds of his compatriots but -also described those of foreigners. Of the main divisions of V.'s work, -the first book is devoted chiefly to religious and ritual matters, the -second to various civil institutions, the third and three following -books to social virtues; the seventh book treats of many different -subjects. This treatise was very popular in the Middle Ages, and several -abridgments were made, one by Julius Paris.] - -[Endnote 41: (p. 24). _What Romulus ... Manlius Torquatus ... Cocles -("Colles") ... diminishing of his praise._--On this Santarem remarks: -[T. Manlius Torquatus, the dictator, is here seemingly referred to; on -whom see _Livy_, vii, 4, and _Plutarch_, i]. - -The contrast of Caesar's gaiety with the strictness of Henry's life -refers us to ch. iv (beginning), pp. 12, 13, of this version. Azurara -had but a very inadequate conception (supplement from Cadamosto, Pacheco -Pereira, and Barros) of the real scope of Henry's life-work, and his -remarks sometimes sink into mere flattery; but the comparisons he makes -here are not misjudged. The Infant was really one of the men who, like -Caesar, Alexander, Peter I of Russia, or Mohammed, force us to think how -different the history of the world would have been without them.] - -[Endnote 42: (p. 24). _Captain of their Armies._--Here -Santarem:--[This detail is so interesting for the history of that epoch, -that we judge it opportune to indicate here, for the illustration of our -text, the names of these sovereigns. The invitation given by the Pope -(as recorded here) to the Infant could only have taken place after the -taking of Ceuta, a campaign in which the Prince acquired immortal glory, -having commanded the squadron and been first of the princes to enter the -fortress. In view of this, it appears to us that only after 1415 could -this proposal have been made by the Pontiff; and also it seems as if the -offer must have been made to him before the unfortunate campaign of -Tangier in 1437, during the time in which the Infant was exclusively -occupied with the business of the Kingdom and of Africa, and with his -expeditions and discoveries. From this it appears likely that the Pope -who invited him to become general of his armies was Martin V, and the -year of the invitation 1420 or 1421, after the embassy which, the Greek -Emperor, Manuel Palaeologus, sent to the Pontiff to beg for aid against -the Turks. The Emperor of Germany of whom Azurara speaks was Sigismund -(Siegmund), who, by reason of his close relations with the Court of -Lisbon, and with the ambassadors of Portugal at the Council of -Constance, could appreciate the eminent qualities of the Infant, and -form the high opinion of him which he deserved. Lastly, the Kings of -Castile and England of whom Azurara speaks must be D. John II, and Henry -V.]--S. Santarem is probably wrong here. "Henry VI" should be read for -"Henry V;" see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xv.] - -[Endnote 43: (p. 25). _Discipline ... clemency._--Azurara here -imitates somewhat the formal disputations of Seneca and Cicero. We may -especially compare Seneca's _De Ira_, _De Providentia_, and _De -Clementia ad Neronem Caesarem libri duo_; also, but with rather less -close a parallelism, the same writer's _De Animi tranquillitate_, _De -Constantia Sapientis_. The Elder Seneca's rhetorical exercises, -_Controversiarum libri X_, and _Suasoriarum Liber_, were also, as far as -the form goes, models for such discussions as are here conducted. -Azurara's point, of course, is that, of the two extremes, Prince Henry -leaned rather to "clemency" than to "discipline;" and though he by no -means neglected the latter, he was content rather to err in generosity -than in severity. Precisely the opposite is the view of some modern -students: _e.g._, Oliveira Martins, _Os Filhos de D. Joao I_, especially -pp. 59-63, 210-1, 267-270, 311-346.] - -[Endnote 44: (p. 26). _St. Chrysostom ... something to asperse._--As -to the Prince's critics, though in a slightly different sense, cp. what -Azurara says in ch. xviii (beginning). The modern criticisms of the -Infant's conduct may be read in O. Martins (_Os Filhos_, as cited in -last note). According to this view, the Infant's genius was pitiless: he -cared little or nothing for the captivity and torture of D. Fernando the -Constant, who died in his Moorish prison after the disaster of Tangier; -for the broken heart and premature end of D. Edward; or for the fate of -D. Pedro. As little did he care for the misery of the Africans killed or -enslaved by his captains, or for the unhappy life of Queen Leonor, -mother of Affonso V. Not only was he indifferent to these sufferings, -but indirectly or directly he was the efficient cause of the same. This -extreme view, as regards the slave-raiding, is much weakened by -Cadamosto's testimony, and Azurara's own admission in ch. xcvi (end) of -this Chronicle (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xxv). The truth seems to -lie between Azurara and Martins: between the conceptions of Henry as a -St. Louis and as a Bismarck.] - -[Endnote 45: (p. 26). _Seneca ... first tragedy._--This is the -_Hercules Furens_ of the great--or younger--Seneca, the philosopher.] - -[Endnote 46: (p. 27). _St. Brandan ... returned._--On this Santarem -writes:-- - -[The voyage of St. Brandan, to which Azurara refers, is reputed -fabulous, like the island of the same name. According to this tradition, -it was said that St. Brandan arrived in the year 565 at an island near -the Equinoctial(?). This legend was preserved among the inhabitants of -Madeira and of Gomera, who believed that they were able to see Brandan's -isle towards the west at a certain time of the year. This appearance -was, however, the result of certain meteorological circumstances. -Azurara became acquainted with this tradition of the Middle Ages from -some copy of the MS. of the thirteenth century, entitled _Imago Mundi de -dispositione Orbis_, of Honorius of Autun; and this circumstance is so -much the more curious as Azurara could not have been acquainted with the -famous Mappemonde of Fra Mauro, which was only executed between the -years 1457-9; and still less with the Planisphere of Martin of Bohemia -(Behaim), which is preserved at Nuremburg, on which appears depicted at -the Equinoctial a great island, with the following legend: _In the year -565 St. Brandan came with his ship to this island._ The famous Jesuit, -Henschenius, who composed a critical examination of the life of St. -Brandan, says of it:--"Cujus historia, ut fabulis referta, omittitur."] -The Bollandists speak with equal distrust of the Brandan story. - -To this we may add:--It is possible Azurara may have read the original -_Navigatio Sti. Brendani_. The legendary voyage of Brandan is usually -dated in 565, but this is probably a mere figure of speech. He was -supposed to have sailed west from Ireland (his home was at Clonfert on -the Middle Shannon) in search of Paradise, and to have made discoveries -of various islands in the Ocean, all associated with fantastic -incidents: as the Isle of St. Patrick and St. Ailbhe, inhabited by Irish -Coenobites; the isle of the Hermit Paul, at or near which Brandan met -with Judas Iscariot floating on an iceberg; the Isle of the Whale's -Back, and the Paradise of Birds; to say nothing of the Isle of the -Cyclops, the Mouth of Hell, and the Land of the Saints--the last -encircled in a zone of mist and darkness which veiled it from profane -search. It is more than probable that the Brandan tradition, as we have -it, is mainly compiled from the highly-coloured narratives of some Arab -voyagers, such as Sinbad the Sailor in the Indian Ocean, and the -Wanderers (Maghrurins) of Lisbon in the Atlantic (as recorded in -_Edrisi_, Jaubert, ii, 26-29), with some help from classical -travel-myth; that it is only in very small part referable to any -historical fact; that this fact is to be found in the contemporary -voyages of Irish hermits to the Hebrides, Orkneys, Shetlands, Faroes, -and Iceland; that a certain special appropriateness may be found in the -far western Scottish island of St. Kildas (Holy Culdees) or the islet of -Rockall; and that some of the matter in the Brandan story is derived -from the travels of early Christian pilgrims to Palestine, _e.g._, -Bernard the Wise, _c._ 867. It is important to remember that the -tradition, though professing to record facts of the sixth century, is -not traceable in any MS. record before the eleventh century; but, like -so many other matters of mediaeval tradition, its popularity was just in -inverse proportion to its certainty, and "St. Brandan's isle" was a -deeply-rooted prejudice of the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and even -fifteenth centuries. Down to the middle of the sixteenth century it -usually found a place on maps of the Western Ocean, usually due west of -Ireland (see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 230-240, and references in -same to other works, p. 239, _n._ 2, especially to De Goeje's _La -legende de Saint Brandan_, 1890; Avezac's _Iles fantastique de l'Ocean -Occidental_, 1845; Schirmer, _Zur Brendanus Legende_, 1888; and the -study of _Schroeder_, 1871). We may note that Azurara is (for his time) -somewhat exceptional in his hesitating reference to the Brandan story; -but of course his object led him, however unconsciously, to minimise -foreign claims of precedence against the Portuguese on the Western -Ocean. As far as Brandan goes, no one would now contradict the Prince's -apologist; but more formidable rivals to a literal acceptance of the -absolute Portuguese priority along the north-west coasts of Africa are -to be found in Italian, French, and Catalan voyagers of the thirteenth -and fourteenth centuries, one of which is perhaps alluded to here by -Azurara. For "the two galleys which rounded the Cape (Bojador) but never -returned" were probably the ships of Tedisio Doria and the Vivaldi, who -in 1291 (_aliter_ 1281) left Genoa "to go by sea to the ports of India -to trade there," reached Cape Nun, and, according to a later story, -"sailed the sea of Ghinoia to a city of Ethiopia." In 1312, we are told, -enquiry had failed to learn anything more of them (see Introduction to -vol. ii, pp. lxi-lxiii).] - -[Endnote 47: (p. 28). _Power of ... Moors in ... Africa ... greater -than was commonly supposed_ (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xlv-lix).] - -[Endnote 48: (p. 30). _King and Lord._--With this astrological -explanation compare what Azurara says about the death of Goncalo de -Sintra, ch. xxviii, p. 92.] - -[Endnote 49: (p. 31). _A fathom deep ... ever be able to return ..._ -(see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. v, viii-x, lxiv, lxx). - -Here Santarem has the following notes:-- - -[alpha. This passage shows that the Portuguese mariners already, before the -expedition of Gil Eannes, knew that beyond Cape Bojador the great desert -of the Sahara was to be met with, and that the land was not less sandy -than that of "Libya." This last term of Plinian geography, and the -circumstances which the author relates in this chapter, show that before -these expeditions our seamen had collected all the notices upon that -part of the African continent found in the ancient geographers, and in -the accounts of the Moors of the caravans which traversed the great -desert. This is confirmed by what Azurara says in ch. lxxvii, as we -shall see in due course]. - -[beta. The reader will observe from this passage that in spite of the -hydrographical knowledge which our mariners had already obtained of -those coasts, from their imperfect understanding of what are called the -Pelagic currents, those sailors of the fifteenth century still feared -the great perils which the passage of that Cape offered to their -imagination. Azurara makes clear to us here how powerful, even at this -epoch, was the influence of the traditions of the Arabic geographers -about the Sea of Darkness, which according to them existed beyond the -isles of Kalidad (the Canaries), situated at the extremity of the Mogreb -of Africa. See Edrisi, Backoui, and Ibn-al-Wardi. Lastly, on the -superstitious and other fears of mediaeval navigators, the reader can -consult the _Itinera Mundi_ of Abraham Peritsol, translated from Hebrew -into Latin by Hyde]. Cf. Introduction to vol. ii, p. x. Cape Bojador, in -N. lat. 26 deg. 6' 57", W. long. (Paris) 16 deg. 48' 30", is thus -described by the most recent French surveys: "Viewed from the north -there is nothing remarkable, but from the west there appears a cliff of -about 20 metres in height. A little bay opens on the south of the -Cape."] - -[Endnote 50: (p. 32). _Virgin Themis ... returned to the Kingdom very -honourably._ - -On the first words there is this original MS. note:--[It is to be -understood that near to Mount Parnassus, which is in the midst between -east and west, are two hill tops, which contend with the snows. And in -one of these was a cave, in which in the time of the Heathen, Apollo -gave responses to certain priestly virgins who served in a temple which -was there dedicated to the said Apollo. And those virgins dwelt by the -fountains of the Castalian mount. And among these virgins was that -virgin Themis, whom some held to be one of the Sibyls. And it is said -that those virgins were so fearful of entering into that cave, that, -save on great constraint they dared not do so--according as Lucan -relateth in his fifth book and sixth chapter, where he speaketh of the -response which the Consul Appius received, on the end of the war between -Caesar and Pompey.] - -On this Santarem remarks:-- - -[Both in this note and in those on pp. 10, 11, 12, and 21 ( = pp. 7-8, -13, of this version), which are met with in our MS., and are in the same -script, there prevails such a confusion of thought that we hesitate in -supposing them to have been written by Azurara. These notes, so far from -illustrating the text, themselves call for elucidation. Here the writer -follows the opinion of the ancients as to the position of Parnassus, -viz., that it was situated in the middle of the world, though, according -to Strabo, it was placed between Phocis and Locris. As to its -"contending with the snows," the writer of this note, who quotes Lucan, -seems to have taken this passage from Ovid rather than from the -_Pharsalia_. See Ovid, _Metamorphoses_, I, v, 316-7; Lucan, _Pharsalia_, -V, v, 72-3. The cave is the Antrum Corysium of the Poets. See the -_Journey to Greece_ of the famous archaeologist Spon. The passages -referred to as from Bk. V of the Pharsalia are those beginning with the -lines--_Hisperio tantum_ ... and v, 114, _Nec voce negata_ ... together -with line 120, _Sic tempore longo_, and the following lines.] - -On the "honourable return" of these caravels, with "booty of the -Infidels," from the Levant Seas, we may compare the text on p. 18, and -note (31) to the same. Here Santarem remarks:-- - -[The attempts made by the Portuguese seamen to pass the Cape began -before the fifteenth century. Already, in the time of King Affonso IV, -the Portuguese passed beyond Cape Non, _i.e._, before 1336 (?). The -documents published by Professor Ciampi in 1827, and discovered by him -in the _MSS. of Boccaccio_ in the Bibliotheca Magliabechiana in -Florence, as well as the letter of King Affonso IV to Pope Clement VI -attest that fact. See the _Memoir_ of Sr. J. J. da Costa de Macedo, in -vol. vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon, and -the additions published in 1835. As for the attempts made in the -Prince's time by ships that he sent into those latitudes to pass beyond -Cape Bojador, if we admit the number of twelve years which Azurara -indicates, and if this is taken together with the date 1433, which he -fixes for the passage effected by Gil Eannes(?), the result is that -these attempts began only in 1421; and so Azurara did not admit that the -expedition of 1418 (or of 1419), which went out under J. G. Zarco, had -for its chief object the passage of the Cape at all. But from Barros it -is seen that Zarco and Vaz went out with the object of doubling the -Cape, but that a storm carried them to the island they discovered, and -named Porto Santo (_Decades I_, ch. 2, and D. Franc. Manoel, -_Epanaphoras_, p. 313]. The statements of part of this note are loosely -worded. See Introduction to vol. ii, on the voyage of 1341, on the -earlier claims of Affonso IV, and on the rounding of Bojador.] - -Also, on Azurara's use of _Graada_ for _Granada_, Santarem remarks: [On -the origin and etymology of this word, see Cortes y Lopez, art. _Ebura -quae Cerialis. Dic. Geograf. Hist. de la Esp. Ant._, II., 420, etc.]. - -And on the "Granada" and "Levant" expeditions, the same editor remarks: -[The details of these expeditions prove the activity of our marine at -the beginning of the fifteenth century, and its system of training, -which enabled it to cope better with the perils of Ocean voyages, and in -naval combats with Arabs and Moors to protect the commerce of the -Christian nations in the Mediterranean]. Cf. note 31 to p. 18 of this -version.] - -[Endnote 51: (p. 33). _Gil Eannes ... touched by the self-same -terror._--As to Gil Eannes, Santarem remarks:--[Barros also says he was -a native of Lagos, and was the man who so named "Bojador" from the way -it jutted or bulged out (_Decades I_, 6)]; This last statement is quite -untrue; [cf. an Atlas of which Morelli and Zurla treat in their _Dei -Viaggi et delle Scoperte Africane da Ca-da-Mosto_, p. 37, on which is -the inscription "_Jachobus de Giraldis de Venetiis me fecit anno Dmi_ -MCCCCXVI;" as well as another atlas of the fourteenth century, on which -two the Cape appears as (1) _Cabo de Buider_, and (2) _Cavo de -Imbugder_; cf. Zurla's _Dissertazione_, p. 37.]. Also, see Introduction -to vol. ii, pp. x, lxiv, lxviii-lxx.] - -[Endnote 52: (p. 33). _Needle or sailing chart._--See Introductory Sec. -on History of Maps and Nautical Intruments in Europe up to the time of -Prince Henry, vol. ii, pp. cxvii-cl, and especially pp. cxlvii-cl.] - -[Endnote 53: (p. 34). _Barinel ... Barcha ... anything worth -recording._--[A Varinel or Barinel was an oared vessel then in use, -whose name survives in the modern Varina; so Francisco Manoel, -Epanaphoras, p. 317, etc.].--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. -cxii-cxiii. - -On the _Footmarks of men and camels_ Santarem remarks.--[To this place -our sailors gave the name of Mullet Bay (Angra dos Ruivos), from the -great quantity of these fish that they found there. The bay appears with -this name in the Map of Africa in the splendid Portuguese Atlas -(unpublished), dating from the middle of the sixteenth century, in the -Royal (National) Library at Paris (R. B. No. 1, 764)].--S. See -Introduction to vol. ii, p. x. Ruivos is variously rendered "Mullet," -"Gurnet," "Roach." The original meaning is simply "red[fish]."] - -[Endnote 54: (p. 35). _Went up country 8 leagues, etc. ... -anchorages._--[Our men named this place Angra dos Cavallos (cf. Barros -_Decades I_, i, 5; Martines de la Puente, _Compendio de las Historias de -las Indias_, ii, 1). This place-name is marked in nearly all the -sixteenth and seventeenth century maps of Africa].--S.] - -[Endnote 55: (p. 36). _Two things I consider ... saith he who wrote -this history._--Though these phrases, "our author," "he who wrote this -history," are certainly applied by Azurara to himself in some instances, -there is also sometimes a suggestion of the previous writer on the -Portuguese _Discovery and Conquest of Guinea_, viz., Affonso Cerveira, a -seaman in Prince Henry's service (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. cx). -Here, we fancy, a passage of Cerveira's work is referred to. The loss of -the latter is deplorable. It evidently contained all the facts and -documents given by Azurara, and some omitted by him (see ch. lxxxiv of -this Chronicle, end). Azurara added the reflections and the rhetoric, -but followed Cerveira's order of narrative closely (see especially ch. -lxvi).] - -[Endnote 56: (pp. 37-8). _Sea-wolves ... Port of the Galley ... nets -... with all other cordage._--[These _Sea-wolves_ are the _Phocae -Vitulinae_ of Linnaeus. Cf. the _Roteiro_ of Vasco da Gama's First Voyage, -under December 27th, 1497, p. 3 of Port. text "Achamos muitas baleas, e -humas que se chamam _quoquas_ e Lobos marinhos."]--S. - -[The _Port of the Galley_ is so named in the Portuguese Atlas above -referred to (Paris: _Bibl. Nat._, i, 764, of the sixteenth century), and -in the Venetian maps of Gastaldi (1564); cf. Barros, _Decades I_, v, 11, -who says, "Ponto a que ora chamao a pedra da Gale"].--S. - -On the "nets ... with all other cordage," cf. Barros, _Decades I_, ch. -v, fol. 11: "No qual logar achou humas redes de pescar, que parecia ser -feito o fiado dellas, do entrecasco d'algum pao, como ora vemos o fiado -da palma que se faz em Guine."] - -[Endnote 57: (pp. 38, 39). _Rio d'Ouro ... discords in the -Kingdom._--[On old unpublished Portuguese maps we find marked between -Cape Bojador and the Angra dos Ruivos, the following points: _Penha -Grande_, _Terra Alta_, and _Sete-Montes_, besides the _Angra dos -Ruivos_, being all of them probably points where the Portuguese had -landed].--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xiii, lxi-lxxi. - -[The events which interrupted the Infant's expeditions and discoveries -from 1437 to 1440 may be briefly indicated. The Infant returned to the -Algarve after the expedition to Tangier (1437), and was there in -September of the following year, when King Edward fell ill at Thomar. On -the King's death, the Prince was at once summoned by the Queen, and -charged by her to concert with the Infant D. Pedro, and with the -grandees of the realm, some means of grappling with the difficulties of -the Kingdom. The Infant convoked these persons, who decided that the -Cortes ought to be assembled to pass the resolutions they judged -expedient. - -The Prince thought that D. Pedro ought to sign the summonses; but as he -refused to do this, they were all signed by the Queen, with the proviso -that such signature should hold good only till the Assembly of the -Estates should settle the question. - -At the same time the Infant, on account of his accustomed prudence, was -chosen mediator between the Queen and D. Pedro. At his proposal, -discussed in various conferences, the Queen was charged with the -education of her children and the administration of their property; -while to the Infant D. Pedro was given the administration and government -of the Kingdom, with the title of Defender of the Kingdom for the King -(_Ruy de Pina_, ch. xv). - -But, as a large party did not agree to this, and so public disorder -increased, Henry sought to conciliate the different parties by getting -their consent to an Accord, published November 9th, 1438, providing:-- - -1. That the education of the King while a minor, and of his brothers, -and the power of nominating to Court Offices, should rest with the -Queen; and that a sum should be paid her sufficient to defray the -expenses of the Royal Household. - -2. The Royal Council was to consist of six members, who should be -charged in turn and at definite periods with such business of state as -was within their power to decide, conformably to the regulations of the -Cortes. - -3. Besides this Council there was to be elected a permanent deputation -of the Estates, to reside at the Court, composed of one prelate, one -fidalgo, and one burgess or citizen, to be elected, each by his -respective estate, for a year. - -4. All the business of the Royal Council was to be conducted by the six -councillors and the deputation of the Three Estates under the presidency -of the Queen, with the approval and consent of the Infant D. Pedro. - -If the votes were equal, the business in question was to be submitted to -the Infants, the Counts, and the Archbishop, and to be decided by the -majority. - -If the Queen agreed with the Infant D. Pedro, their vote was to be -decisive, even though the whole Council should be against them. - -5. All the business of the Treasury, except what belonged to the Cortes, -was to be conducted by the Queen and the Infant: decrees and orders on -the subject were to be signed by both, and the Controllers of the -Treasury were to be charged with their execution. - -6. It was settled that the Cortes should be summoned every year to -settle any doubts which the Council could not decide for themselves, -such as "the [condemnation to] death of great personages, the -deprivation of state servants from great offices, the [confiscation or] -loss of lands, the amendment of old or the making of new laws and -ordinances; and it was also agreed that future Cortes should be able to -correct or amend any defect or error in past sessions" (_Ruy de Pina_, -ch. xv). The Queen, however, being induced by a violent party to resist, -refused to agree to these resolutions, in spite of the vigorous efforts -of D. Henry. This produced great excitement, and in the Cortes it was -proposed to confer the sole regency on D. Pedro. It should be noted that -Prince Henry expressed his disapproval of all the resolutions of the -municipality of Lisbon and other assemblies, declaring that they -illegally tried to rob the Cortes of its powers. Equally plain was his -indignation when he learned that the Queen had fortified herself in -Alemquer, and had invoked the aid of the Infants of Aragon. - -He did not hesitate to go to Alemquer in person, and induce the Queen to -return to Lisbon, in order to present the young King to the Cortes -(1439); and such was the respect felt for him (Henry) that the Queen, -who had resisted all other persuasions, yielded to the Infant's. - -In the following year the divisions of the Kingdom compelled the Infant -to occupy himself with public business, the conciliation of parties, and -the prevention of a civil war.]--S.] - -[Endnote 58: (p. 39). _Chronicle of D. Affonso_.--This chronicle, -according to Barros and Goes, was written by Azurara himself as far as -the year 1449, and continued by Ruy de Pina. It is cited by Barbosa -Machado. See Introduction to the first volume of this translation, pp. -lxi-ii.] - -[Endnote [N58A: (p. 43). _Those on the hill._--This hill is also marked -in the unpublished Portuguese maps in the National Library at Paris, and -is situated to the south of the Rio do Ouro.]--S.] - -[Endnote 59: (p. 44). _The philosopher saith, that the beginning is -two parts of the whole matter._--Here, and in the two following notes, -it is very difficult to suggest any classical reference which -corresponds closely enough with Azurara's language; but cf., in this -place, Aristotle, _Ethics_, Bk. I, ch. vii, p. 1098b7; _Topics_, Bk. IX, -ch. xxxiv, p. 183b22 (Berlin edn.).] - -[Endnote 60: (p. 44). _Roman History_.--Cf. Valerius Maximus, Bk. II, -cc. 3, 7; St. Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, Bk. II, cc. 18, 21; Bk. V, -c. 12.] - -[Endnote 61: (p. 45). _That emulation which Socrates praised in -gallant youths_.--Cf. Xenophon, _Memorabilia_, Bk. I, c. 7; Bk. III, cc. -1, 3, 5, 6, and especially 7; also Plato, _Laches_, 190-9; _Protagoras_, -349-350, 359. On the history that follows, cf. D. Pacheco Pereira, -_Esmeraldo_, cc. 20-33. Pereira must have had a copy of this Chronicle -before him, for in places he transcribes _verbatim_; see _Esmeraldo_, c. -22.] - -[Endnote 62: (p. 47). _"Portugal" and "Santiago."_--The latter war-cry -is of course derived from St. James of Compostella, which being in -Gallicia was not properly a Portuguese shrine at all. All Spanish -crusaders, however, from each of the five Kingdoms, made use of this -famous sanctuary. See note 11, p. 7 of this version.] - -[Endnote 63: (p. 48). _Port of the Cavalier._--[This is marked in two -Portuguese maps of Africa in Paris, both of the sixteenth century, as on -this side of Cape Branco, which is in 20 deg. 46' 55" N. lat.]--S.] - -[Endnote 64: (p. 49). _Azanegues of Sahara ... Moorish tongue._--[Cf. -Ritter, _Geographie Comparee_, III, p. 366, art. _Azenagha_. Ritter says -they speak Berber. On this language see the curious article, _Berber_, -by M. d'Avezac, in his _Encylopedie des gens du Monde_. On the -Azanegues, Barros says (_Decade I_, Bk. I, ch. ii): "The countries which -the Azanegues inhabit border on the negroes of Jaloff, where begins the -region of Guinea." _Sahara_ signifies desert. Geographers spell Zahara, -Zaara, Ssahhara, Sarra, and Sahar. The inhabitants are called -Saharacin--Saracens--"sons of the desert" (cf. Ritter, _Geographie -Comparee_, III, p. 360), a term immensely extended by mediaeval -writers--thus Plano Carpini expects to find "black Saracens" in India. -On the etymology, cf. Renaud's _Invasions des Sarrasins en France_, Pt. -IV, pp. 227-242, etc. He confirms Azurara's statement that the Sahara -language differed from the Mooris--_i.e._, it was Berber, not -Arabic--and he refers us to the Arab author Ibn-Alkutya, in evidence of -this.]--S. - -The "Other lands where he learned the Moorish tongue" were probably -Marocco, or one of the other Barbary States along the Mediterranean -littoral, where Arabic was in regular use. This language stopped, for -the most part, at the Sahara Desert. Santarem's derivation of the word -"Saracen" is much disputed.] - -[Endnote 65: (p. 50). _Lisbon Harbour_ ...--Here, perhaps, Azurara -refers to the broad expanse of the Tagus, opposite the present Custom -House and Marine Arsenal of Lisbon. "The broad estuary of the Tagus -gives Lisbon an extensive and safe harbour." From the suburb of Belem -up to the western end of Lisbon, the Tagus is little more than a mile -in width, but opposite the central quays of the city the river widens -considerably, the left, or southern, bank turning suddenly to the -south near the town of Almada, and forming a wide bay, reach, or road -about 51/2 miles in breadth, and extending far to the north-east. "In -this deep lake-like expansion all the fleets of Europe might be -anchored."] - -[Endnote 66: (p. 50). _Cabo Branco._--[In lat. N. 20 deg. 46' 55", -according to Admiral Roussin's observations.]--S. According to the most -recent French surveys, it is thus described:--"Il forme, au S., sur -l'Atlantique, l'extremite d'une presqu'ile aride et sablonneuse de 40 -kil. de longeur environ, large de 4 a 5 kil., qui couvre a l'O. la baie -Levrier, partie la plus enfoncee au N. de la baie d'Arguin. Cette -presqu'ile se termine par un plateau dont le cap forme l'escarpement; le -sommet surplomb la mer de 25 m. environ. Des eboulements de sable, que -le soleil colore d'une nuance eblouissante, lui ont valu son nom. 'Le -Cap Blanc est d'une access facile. Il est entoure de bons mouillages -qui, au point de vue maritime, rendent cette position preferable a celle -d'Arguin' (Fulcrand)."] - -[Endnote 67: (p. 53). _Eugenius the Bishop._--[Barros adds certain -reasons for this request; he says, "the Infant, whose intent in -discovering these lands was chiefly to draw the barbarous nations under -the yoke of Christ, and for his own glory and the praise of these -Kingdoms, with increase of the royal patrimony, having ascertained the -state of those people and their countries from the captives whom Antam -Goncalvez and Nuno Tristam had brought home--willed to send this news to -Martin V (?), asking him, in return for the many years' labour and the -great expense he and his countrymen had bestowed on this discovery, to -grant in perpetuity to the Crown of these Kingdoms all the land that -should be discovered over this our Ocean Sea from C. Bojador to the -Indies" (Barros, _Decade I_, i, 7).]--S. Barros here apparently confuses -Martin V with Eugenius IV. - -[Besides this bull, Pope Nicholas V granted another, dated January 8th, -1450, conceding to King D. Affonso V all the territories which Henry had -discovered (Archives of Torre do Tombo, _Mac. 32 de bullas_ No. 1). On -January 8th, 1454, the same Pope ratified and conceded by another bull -to Affonso V, Henry, and all the Kings of Portugal their successors, all -their conquests in Africa, with the islands adjacent, from Cape Bojador, -and from Cape Non as far as all Guinea, with the whole of the south -coast of the same. Cf. Archivo R. _Mac. 7 de bull_. No. 29, and _Mac. -33_, No. 14; and Dumont, _Corp. Diplomat. Univ._, III, p. 1,200. On -March 13th, 1455, Calixtus III determined by another bull that the -discovery of the lands of W. Africa, so acquired by Portugal, as well as -what should be acquired in future, could only be made by the Kings of -Portugal; and he confirmed the bulls of Martin V and Nicholas V: cf. -another bull of Sixtus IV, June 21st, 1481, and see Barros, _Decade I_, -i, 7; _Arch. R. Liv. dos Mestrados_, fols. 159 and 165; _Arch. R. Mac. 6 -de bull._, No. 7, and _Mac. 12_, No. 23.]--S.] - -[Endnote 68: (p. 54). _Without his license and especial mandate._--See -Introduction to vol. ii, p. xiv.] - -[Endnote 69: (p. 54). _Curse ... of Cain._--For "Curse of Ham." Cf. -Genesis ix, 25. "Cursed be Canaan: a servant of servants shall he be -unto his brethren." For this mediaeval theory, used sometimes in -justification of an African slave-trade, we may compare the language of -Barros, quoted in note 81.] - -[Endnote 70: (p. 54). _Going out of the Ark._--The writings of Abp. -Roderic of Toledo, and of the other authors here referred to, are -apparently regarded by Azurara as explanatory of the record in Genesis, -ix and x. Abp. Roderic Ximenes de Rada (fl. 1212) wrote _De Rebus -Hispanicis_ in nine books; also an _Historia Saracenica_, and other -works. Walter is doubtful. He may be Walter of Burley, the Aristotelian -of the thirteenth-fourteenth century, who wrote a _Libellus de vita et -moribus philosophorum_. Excluding this "Walter," our best choice perhaps -lies between "Gualterus Tarvannensis" of the twelfth century; Walter of -Chatillon, otherwise called Walter of Lille, author of an Alexandreis of -the thirteenth century; or the chronicler Walter of Hemingburgh, or -Hemingford, who is probably of the fourteenth century.] - -[Endnote 71: (p. 55). _Better to bring to ... salvation._--Cf. the -Christian hopes of the pagan Tartars in the thirteenth century.] - -[Endnote 72: (p. 55). _Land of Prester John if he could._--See -Introduction to vol. ii, p. liv. As to "Balthasar" [Barros says "he was -of the Household of the Emperor Frederic III," who had married the -Infanta Donna Leonor of Portugal (_Decade I_, ch. vii).]--S.] - -[Endnote 73: (p. 57). _Infant's Alfaqueque ... managing business -between parties...._--The _Alfaqueque_, or _Ransomer of Captives_, -must have been an interpreter as well. Later, we find "Moors" and -negroes employed for this purpose.] - -[Endnote 74: (p. 57). _Who traded in that gold._--[Azurara seems -ignorant that the gold was brought from the interior by caravans, which -from ancient times had carried on this trade across the great desert, -especially since the Arab invasion. Under the Khalifs, this Sahara -commerce extended itself to the western extremity of the continent, and -even to Spain. The caravans crossed the valleys and plains of Suz, Darah -and Tafilet to the south of Morocco. Cf. the _Geographia Nubiensis_ of -Edrisi (1619 ed.), pp. 7, 11, 12, 14; Hartmann's _Edrisi_, pp. 26, 49, -133-4. This gold came from the negro-land called Wangara, as Edrisi and -Ibn-al-Wardi tell us. See _Notices et extraits des MSS. de la -Bibliotheque du Roi_, fo. 11, pp. 33 and 37: so Leo Africanus and Marmol -y Carvajal speak of the gold of Tiber, brought from Wangara. "Tiber" is -from the Arab word Thibr = gold (cf. Walckenaer, _Recherches -geographiques_, p. 14). So Cadamosto, speaking of the commerce of -Arguim, says, ch. x, that men brought there "gold of Tiber;" and Barros, -_Decade I_, ch. vii, in describing the Rio d' Ouro, refers to the same -thing:--"A quantity of gold-dust, the first obtained in these parts, -whence the place was called the Rio d' Ouro, though it is only an inlet -of salt water running up into the country about six leagues."]--S.] - -[Endnote 75: (p. 58). _Gete_ (or Arguim).--[Barros, _Decade I_, 7, -says: "Nuno Tristam on this voyage went on as far as an island which the -people of the country called Adeget, and which we now call Arguim." The -Arab name was "Ghir," which Azurara turns into "Gete," Barros into -"Arget." The discovery and possession of this point was of great -importance for the Portuguese. It helped them to obtain news of the -interior, and to establish relations with the negro states on the -Senegal and Gambia. The Infant began to build a fort on Arguim in 1448. -Cadamosto gives a long account of the state of commercial relations -which the Portuguese had established there with the dwellers in the -upland; and the Portuguese pilot, author of the _Navigation to the Isle -of St. Thomas_ (1558), published by Ramusio, says of Arguim: "Here there -is a great port and a castle of the King our Lord with a garrison and a -factor. Arguim is inhabited by black-a-moors, and this is the point -which divides Barbary from Negroland." Cf. Bordone's _Isolario_ (1528) -on the Portuguese trade with the interior. In 1638 this factory and -fortress were taken by the Dutch.]--S. - -The subsequent changes of this position may be briefly noticed. After -passing, in 1665, from the Dutch to the English and afterwards back -again, in 1678 from the Dutch to the French, in 1685 from the French to -the Dutch, in 1721 once more falling into French hands, only to be -recovered shortly afterwards by the Netherlanders, it became definitely -and finally a French possession in 1724, and at present forms part of -the great North-West African empire of the Third Republic. At the -northern extremity of the Bight of Arguim, or a little beyond, near Cape -Blanco, is the present boundary between the French and Spanish spheres -of influence in this part of the world. - -The native boats, worked by "bodies in the canoes and legs in the -water," must be, Santarem remarks, what the Portuguese call "jangadas."] - -[Endnote 75A: (p. 59). _An infinity of Royal Herons._--[The Isle of -Herons is one of the Arguim islands; cf. Barros, _Decade I_, ch. vii; it -is marked under this name (_Ilha_, or _Banco, das Garcas_) in early -maps, as in Gastaldi's Venetian chart of 1564, which is founded on -ancient Portuguese maps.]--S.] - -[Endnote 76: (p. 61). _Lagos ... Moorish captives._--On the importance -of Lagos in the new Portuguese maritime movement, see Introduction to -vol. ii, pp. xi-xii; and note the reasons given by Azurara in ch. xviii -for the change of feeling among Portuguese traders and others towards -the Infant's plans.] - -[Endnote 77: (p. 63). _Lancarote ... Gil Eannes ... Stevam Affonso ... -etc., ... expedition._--This list of names includes several of the -Infant's most capable and famous captains. On Lancarote see this -Chronicle, chs. xviii-xxiv, xxvi, xlix, liii-v, lviii, lix; on Affonso, -chs. li, lx; on John Diaz, ch. lviii; on John Bernaldez, ch. xxi; and on -Gil Eannes, chs. ix, xx, xxii, li, lv, lviii; also pp. x-xiii of -Introduction to vol. ii, and the notices by Ferdinand Denis and others -in the _Nouvelle Biographie Generale_. On the "Isle of Naar," mentioned -a little later on p. 63, Santarem has the following note:--[This island -is marked near to the coast of Arguim on the map of Africa in the -Portuguese Atlas (noticed before) at the Bibliotheque Royale (Nationale) -de Paris.]] - -[Endnote 78: (p. 68). [In Bordone's _Isolario_ (1533) all three of the -islands noticed by Azurara (Naar, Garcas and Tider), are indicated with -the title of Isles of Herons [Ilhas das Garcas]. The same is to be found -in the Venetian map of Gastaldi, and in others. In the Portuguese Atlas -just cited, and in another Portuguese chart made in Lisbon by Domingos -Sanchez in 1618, these islands are depicted as close to the coast of -Arguim, but without any name.] As to Cabo Branco [This name was, -apparently, given it by Nuno Tristam.]--S. See ch. xiii (end) of this -Chronicle.] - -[Endnote 79: (p. 78). _In the end._--It is evident, from Azurara's -language, that the Azanegues made a better stand in this fight at Cape -Branco, and came nearer to defeating the Portuguese than on any previous -occasion. It was a sign of what was to follow, for the native resistance -now began to show itself, and the very next European slave-raiders -(Goncallo de Sintra and his men) were roughly handled, and most of them -killed (see ch. xxvii. of this Chronicle).] - -[Endnote 80: (p. 80). _Friar ... St. Vincent de Cabo._--This -"firstfruit of the Saharan peoples, offered to the religious life," was -appropriately sent to a monastery close to the "Infant's Town" at -Sagres, and adjoining the promontory whereabouts centred the new -European movement of African exploration.] - -[Endnote 81: (p. 81). _Sons of Adam._--Azurara's position here is, of -course, just that of the scholastics: As men, these slaves were to be -pitied and well treated, nay, should be at once made free; as heathen, -they were enslaveable; and being, as Barros says, outside the law of -Christ Jesus, and absolutely lost as regards the more important part of -their nature, the soul, were abandoned to the discretion of any -Christian people who might conquer them, as far as their lower parts, or -bodies, were concerned.] - -[Endnote 82: (p. 84). _As saith the text._--Cf. Virgil, _AEneid_, i, -630 (Dido to AEneas), _Haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco_. There -is no text in the Jewish or Christian Scriptures which can be said to -answer properly to Azurara's reference in this place. We may, however, -cf. Judges xi, 38; Revelation i, 9.] - -[Endnote 83: (p. 87). _Tully saith._--Cf. Cicero, _De Nat. Deorum_, i, -20, 55; _De Or._, iii, 57, 215, 48, 159.] - -[Endnote 84: (p. 87). _Ancient sages ... others._--Cf. Livy, v, 51, -46, 6. On the disaster of Goncalo de Sintra, Santarem remarks:--[This -event happened in 1445. The place where De Sintra perished is fourteen -leagues S. of the Rio do Ouro, and in maps, both manuscript and -engraved, from the close of the fifteenth century, it took the name -_Golfo de Goncallo de Cintra_]. The reference in the concluding words of -this chapter, _as had been commanded, etc._, is to the passage on p. 87 -of this version, towards the foot: "That he should go straight to -Guinea, and for nothing whatever should fail of this:" an order which De -Sintra treated with entire contempt.] - -[Endnote 85: (p. 92). _First purpose_, viz., to write the chronicle of -the "Guinea Voyages," not to discuss philosophic problems. The reference -here to the "wheels [or circles] of heaven or destiny" recalls the -astrological passages on pp. 29, 30, 80, etc. Azurara's reference to Job -is to ch. xiv, verse 5.] - -[Endnote 86: (p. 93). _Julius Caesar ... Vegetius ... St. Augustine_ -...--Azurara here, of course, indulges in some exaggeration. Caesar's -breach with the Senate did not take place because of his "overpassing -the space of five years" allowed him at first (B.C. 59) for his -command in Gaul. In B.C. 56 the Lex Trebonia formally gave him a -second allowance, of five years more; and he was not required to -disband his army and return from his province till B.C. 49, when the -Civil War broke out. By "Bretanha," or "Brittany," Azurara indicates -the Duchy of Bretagne, which retained a semi-independence till 1532, -when it was absolutely united with the crown of France. Caesar's -campaigns against "England" are, of course, those of B.C. 55 and 54, -against Germany of 55 and 53, against Spanish insurgents of 61; but he -could not by any stretch be said to have made England or Germany -"subject" to the Roman power in the same sense as Gaul or Spain. Had -his life been prolonged twenty years, he would probably have achieved -both these unfinished conquests, as well as that of Parthia.] - -[Endnote 87: (p. 93). _The enemy ... to them._--Azurara's reference -here is to Livy, Bk. XXII, cc. 42-3.] - -[Endnote 88: (pp. 93-94). _Holy Spirit ... ever be watched._--The -references in this paragraph are to Proverbs xi, 14; xxiv, 6; Tobit iv, -18; Ecclesiasticus vi, 18, 23, 32-3; xxv, 5.] - -[Endnote 89: (p. 94). _Hannibal ... for the moment._--Cf. Livy, _3rd -Decade_, Bk. XXII, cc. 4-5, 42-6. The reading of the Paris MS. -(_sajaria_) is rejected, plausibly enough, by Santarem for _sagacaria_.] - -[Endnote 90: (p. 94). _Ships of the Armada._--I.e., the Royal Navy of -Portugal; the "very great actions on the coast of Granada and Ceuta" -must refer to events of 1415, 1418, and 1437. (See Introduction to vol. -ii, p. viii, x.) Especially does this expression recall the naval war of -1418, when the King of Granada sent a fleet of seventy-four ships, under -his nephew, Muley Said, to aid the African Moslems in recovering Ceuta -from the Portuguese. Prince Henry proceeded in person to the relief of -the city, and the Granada fleet, we are told, fled at the approach of -the European squadron, without venturing a battle. It is possible, -however, though unrecorded, that the Infant was subsequently able to -engage and destroy part of the Granadine squadron. Goncalo de Sintra, -from Azurara's words, may have been with D. Henry on this occasion. - -On the reference to John Fernandez staying among the Azanegues "only to -see the country and bring the news of it to the Infant" (close of ch. -xxix, p. 95), Santarem refers to Barros' words: "Para particularmente -ver as cousas daquelle sertao que habitao os Azenegues, e dellas dar -razao ao Infante, _confiado na lingua delles que sabia_" (like Martin -Fernandez, p. 57, c. xvi).] - -[Endnote 91: (p. 96). _The Plains thereof._--[Comparing the account in -the text with the unpublished maps already referred to, it appears that -Nuno Tristam, after revisiting the isles of Arguim, followed the coast -to the south, passing the following places: Ilha Branca, R. de S. Joao, -G. de Santa Anna, Moutas, Praias, Furna, C. d'Arca, Resgate, and Palmar; -the last being the point Azurara mentions as "studded with many palm -trees."]--S.] - -[Endnote 92: (p. 98). _When King Affonso caused this history to be -written._--On this Santarem remarks: [This is important as showing that -Azurara did not only consult written documents, but personally -interviewed the discoverers, seeing that he confesses his inability to -give details of this occurrence because Nuno Tristam was already dead, -"When Affonso," etc. Cf. _Barros_, I, iii, 17]. Cf. Pina's "Chronicle of -Affonso V," in vol. i of the _Collection of Unpublished Portuguese -Historians_.] - -[Endnote 93: (pp. 98, 99). _Dinis Diaz ... convenient place._--["Dinis -Diaz" is called by Barros, and all other historians and geographers -following his authority, "Dinis Fernandez."]--S. - -On Azurara's statement that "the Infant provided a caravel for Dinis -Diaz," Santarem adds: [Barros does not agree with Azurara in this, but -says on the contrary, "que elle [Diaz] armara hum navio," etc]. The -"other land to which the first (explorers) went" is apparently the -Sahara coast, from Cape Bojador to the Senegal, which Azurara here -admits to be quite a different country from "Guinea" proper (the land of -the Blacks). This last, after the discoveries of 1445, the Portuguese -recognised as beginning only with the cultivated or watered land to the -south of the Sahara. The name, a very early one, whose subtle changes of -meaning are very perplexing, like the "Burgundy" of the Middle Ages, was -probably derived originally from the city of Jenne, in the Upper Niger -Valley (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xlv-xlix). [Here Azurara shows -that he is already beginning to recognise the geographical error of -those who gave an undue extension to the term "Guinea."]--S. - -On the reading at the close of this paragraph "concerning this doubt," -Santarem remarks: [So it stands in the MS., as verified; but it seems to -us that there must be some omission of the copyist, and we propose to -restore the text thus: "Filharom quatro daquelles _que tiveram_ o -atrevimento," etc.].] - -[Endnote 94: (p. 100). _Aught to the contrary._--On this passage, cf. -Santarem's _Memoir on the Priority of the Portuguese Discoveries_, Sec. -III, p. 20, etc. Paris, 1840. [_Memoria sobre a prioridade dos -descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_].] - -[Endnote 95: (p. 100). _Egypt ... Cape Verde._--[This proves that our -navigators were the first who gave the Cape this name. See the _Memoria -sobre a prioridade_].--S. On Azurara's idea that the Senegal was near -Egypt, cf. Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xii, xxx, xlii, lviii, cxxii. -This notion is, of course, bound up with the theory of the Western or -Negro Nile, branching off from the Nile of Egypt. No mediaeval -geographers, and scarcely any ancient, except Ptolemy, realised the size -of Africa at all adequately. - -On the "rewards" given by the Infant to Diaz, Santarem well remarks: -[From this and other passages it is clear that the Infant's principal -object was discovery, and not the slave-raids on the inhabitants of -Africa in which his navigators so often indulged]. See Introduction to -vol. ii, pp. v, xxiii-vi. - -_Cape Verde._--The turning-point of the great north-west projection of -Africa, now in French possession. It is so called, according to the -general view, from the rich green appearance of the headland--"la -vegetation (as the most recent French surveys describe it) qui le couvre -durant l'hivernage, et que dominent deux mornes arrondis, nommes, par -les marins francais, Les Deux Mamelles." The peninsula of Cape Verde is -one of the most remarkable projections of the African coast. Generally -it has the form of a triangle, "termine par une sorte d'eperon dirige -vers le S.E., et mesure depuis le cap terminal on point des Almadies -jusqu' a Rufisque une longueur de 34 kilom. avec une largeur de 14 -kilom., sous le meridien de Rufisque, pris comme base du triangle. Sa -cote septentrionale, formant une ligne presque droite du N.N.E. au -S.S.O. est creusee, pres de l'extremite, de deux petites baies, dont la -premiere (en venant de l'E.), la baie d'Yof, est la plus considerable; -puis au dela de la pointe des Almadies, qui est le Cap Vert proprement -dit, la cote court au S.E. jusqu' au Cap Manuel, roche basaltique haute -de 40m., puis remonte aussitot au N. pour, par une tres legere courbe, -partir droit a l'E., dessinant ainsi un eperon bien accuse qui -envelloppe le Golfe de Goree. Le corps principal de la presqu' ile est -bas, sablonneux et parseme de lagunes qui s'egrenent en chapelets le -long de la cote N.; la petite peninsule terminale est au contraire -rocheuse, accidentee et semble un ilot marin attache a la cote par les -laisses de mer. Ses hautes falaises, d'une couleur sombre et rougeatre, -forment une muraille a pic contre laquelle la mer vient se briser, -ecumante." See Duarte Pacheco Pereira's _Esmeraldo_, pp. 46-49, ed. of -1892. As to the island on which Dinis Diaz and his men landed near the -Cape, this may have been either (1) Goree, two kilometres from the -mainland, and fronting Dakar on the S.E. of the peninsula; (2) The -Madeleine islands, at the opening of a small inlet to the N.W. of Cape -Manuel; (3) The Almadia islands ("Almadies"), "ilette, qui, situee en -avant du cap terminal, est la vrai terre la plus occidentale d'Afrique, -les archipels de l'Atlantique non compris;" or (4) The isle of Yof, in -the bay of Yof, on the north side of the peninsula. The Madeleine -islands were once covered with vegetation, though now desert. Here the -French naturalist Adanson made his famous observations on the Baobab -trees, in the eighteenth century. These trees, though they have -disappeared on the islands, are still numerous on the mainland near the -Cape. Azurara has a good deal more to say about these islets and their -baobabs in chs. lxiii, lxxii, lxxv, pp. 193, 218, 226, etc., of this -version. The rounding of C. Verde opened a fresh chapter in the -Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa--to S.E. and E.; see Introduction -to vol. ii, pp. xii, xxx.] - -[Endnote 96: (pp. 101-2). _John Fernandez ... such a request._--On -this passage, and especially on Azurara's statement (middle of p. 101) -that Fernandez "had already been a captive among the other Moors and in -this part of the Mediterranean Sea, where he acquired a knowledge of -their language," Santarem remarks: [This detail gives us another proof -that Prince Henry's explorations were made systematically, and according -to plans carefully worked out. In his previous captivity in Marocco, -Fernandez had learnt Arabic, and probably Berber as well; he must also -have gained some information about the interior of Africa. To gain more -detailed knowledge, and so be able to inform the Infant better, he had -now undertaken his residence among the Azanegues of the Rio do Ouro.] - -See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. viii, x, xvi, on the dual nature of -Henry's African schemes, land conquest and exploration going along with -the maritime ventures. This was, of course, partly due to an inadequate -conception of the size of the continent, which rendered even the -conquest of Marocco of little use towards the circumnavigation of -Africa. - -"How bitter ... to hear such a request" is, of course, one of Azurara's -rare touches of irony.] - -[Endnote 97: (p. 103). _Affonso Cerveira._--[The author of the earlier -account of the Portuguese conquest of Guinea, _Historia da Conquista dos -Portuguezes pela costa d'Africa_, on which Azurara's present Chronicle -is based. Cf. Barbosa, _Bibliotheca Lusitana_.]--S. See Introduction to -vol. ii, p. cx, and note 202A. - -_Ergim_, in ch. xxxiii, pp. 104, etc., and elsewhere, is, of course, -Arguim. Santarem here refers to Barros' description in _Decade I_, i, -10. "Porque naquelle tempo para fazer algum proveito todos os hiao -demandar (os ilheos d'Arguim); e tinha por certo que aviao elles de ir -dar com elle, por ser aquella costa e os ilheos a mais povoada parte de -quantas te entao tinhao descoberto. E a causa de ser mais povoada, era -por razao da pescaria de que aquella misera gente de Mouros Azenegues se -mantinha, porque em toda aquella costa nao avia lugar mais abrigado do -impeto dos grandes mares que quebrao nas suas praias senao na paragem -daquellas ilhas d'Arguim: onde o pescado tinha alguma acolheita, e -lambujem da povoacao dos Mouros, posto que as ilhas em si nao sao mais -que huns ilheos escaldados dos ventos e rocio da agua das ondas do mar. -Os quaes ilheos seis ou sete que elles sao, quada hum per si tinha o -nome proprio per que nesta scriptura os nomeamos, posto que ao presente -todos se chamao per nome commum _os ilheos d'Arguim_; por causa de huma -fortaleza que el Rei D. Affonso mandou fundar em hum delles chamado -Arguim." Cf. Duarte Pacheco Pereira's _Esmeraldo_, chs. xxv-vi, pp. -43-4. _Arguim_ is defined in the most recent surveys of its present -French possessors as "Golfe, ile, et banc de sable ... l'ile est par 20 -deg. 27' N. lat., 18 deg. 57' a 60 kilom. vers le S.E. du Cap Blanc ... -Ses dimensions sont de 7 kilom. sur 4. Elle est basse, inculte, et -parsemee de dunes."] - -[Endnote 98: (p. 107). _John Fernandez ... in that country._--Santarem -draws attention to Azurara's statement that the explorer, Fernandez, was -personally known to him. Cf. ch. lxxvii of this Chronicle; also chs. -xxix and xxxii. "That country" is of course the Azanegue or Sahara land, -near the Rio do Ouro. - -_Setuval_ (p. 106) is in Estremadura (of Portugal), twenty miles -south-east of Lisbon.] - -[Endnote 99: (p. 110). _Fear to prolong my story ... though all would -be profitable._--The fondness of Azurara for these scholastic -discussions and useless displays of learning is one of his worst -failings; and a good deal of Cerveira's matter of fact has apparently -been sacrificed to this weakness of his redactor.] - -[Endnote 100: (p. 110). _Nine negroes and a little gold-dust._--This -was the first instalment of the precious metal brought home to Portugal -from the Negro-land of Guinea. The same Antam Goncalvez had already, in -1441, brought the first gold dust from the Sahara, or Azanegue coast -(see ch. xvi of this Chronicle, p. 57). As to the importance of these -gold-samples in promoting the European exploring movement, see -Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xi.] - -[Endnote 101: (p. 111). _Cape of the Ransom._--[This name is marked -upon the manuscript maps already referred to. On one great Portuguese -chart of this class, on parchment, in the Bibliotheque Nationale at -Paris, the reading is not Cape, but _Port_ of the Ransom. The Portuguese -nomenclature for the West African coast, as we see in this instance, was -for a long time accepted by all the nations of Europe.]--S. - -We may notice the allusion in this paragraph to the Portuguese -colonisation of Madeira, in the story of Fernam Taavares (see -Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xcviii-cii).] - -[Endnote 102: (p. 112). _Isle of Tider_ (see note 78 to p. -68).--[Tider, marked "Tiber" in the map of West Africa before referred -to. We do not meet this name in any of the many earlier charts that we -have examined].--S.] - -[Endnote 103: (p. 115). _Officers who collected royal dues._--The -custom-house officers of Lisbon. We may compare with Azurara's graphic -account of the return of Antam Goncalvez in 1445, the very similar -details of a much greater reception in the same port: that of Columbus -on March 14th, 1493, on his home-coming from his first voyage (see the -postscript of Columbus' Letter to Luis de Santangel, Chancellor of the -Exchequer of Aragon, respecting the Islands found in the Indies).] - -[Endnote 104: (p. 115). _A palace of the Infant, a good way distant -from the Ribeira._--Azurara's only reference, in this Chronicle, to the -Lisbon residence of the Infant Henry. This passage implies that Prince -Henry was often to be found there, and must be taken with others in -modification of extreme statements about his "shutting himself up at -Sagres," etc. Again, at the end of this chapter we are expressly told -that he was now in his dukedom of Viseu, in the province of Beira, some -50 kilometres N.E. of Coimbra, 220 kilometres N.N.E. of Lisbon.] - -[Endnote 105: (p. 115). _Profits._--Azurara's remarks here about the -change of feeling as to the Infant's plans are similar to passages in -ch. xiv, p. 51, ch. xviii, pp. 60-61.] - -[Endnote 106: (p. 116). _Lisbon ... profit._--The city of Lisbon, -whose name was traditionally and absurdly derived from -Ulysses--"Ulyssipo," "Olisipo," and his foundation of the original -settlement in the course of his voyages, was perhaps a greater city -under the Moors, eighth-twelfth century, than at any time before the -reign of Emmanuel the Fortunate. It was a Roman colony, but its -prosperity greatly increased under the Arab rule from A.D. 714; from -this port sailed Edrisi's Maghrarins, or Wanderers, on their voyage of -discovery in the Western Ocean, probably in the earliest eleventh -century. It was three times recovered and lost by the Christians: in -792(-812) by Alfonso the Chaste of Castille; in 851 by Ordonho I of -Leon, who held it only a few months; and in 1093(-1094) by Alfonso VI of -Leon, soon after his great defeat by the Almoravides at Zalacca (1086); -but on each occasion it was quickly retaken--in 1094 by Seyr, General of -Yusuf ibn Tashfin, the Almorvaide. In alarm at the Moslem revival, -Alfonso founded the county of Portugal in 1095, giving it in charge of -Count Henry of Burgundy and his natural daughter Theresa, to hold as a -"march" against the Moors. In 1147 Lisbon was finally recaptured by -Affonso Henriques, the first King of Portugal, in alliance with a fleet -(164 ships) of English, Flemish, German and French Crusaders on their -way to the Holy Land (Second Crusade). At this time it was said, perhaps -with exaggeration, to contain 400,000 inhabitants; its present number is -only about 240,000 (see _Cruce-signati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione -Olisiponis_, in _Portugalliae Monumenta Historica_, vol. i, p. 392, etc). -Before 1147 Guimaraens had been the capital of Portugal; and even down -to the time of John I, Henry's father, Lisbon was not formally the seat -of government, this being more often fixed at Coimbra. In the same -reign, Lisbon also, as a commercial port, easily distanced all rivals -within the kingdom, especially Oporto; and King John's erection of -palaces in the city, and his successful application to the Pope for the -creation of an Archiepiscopal See (thus rivalling Braga), further -contributed to give point to Azurara's words in this paragraph about -"the most noble town in Portugal." On the share of the commercial -classes of Lisbon, Lagos, etc., in Henry's schemes, see Introduction to -vol. ii, pp. x, xii. - -_Paulo Vergeryo_ is Pietro Paulo Vergerio, born at Capo d'Istria, July -23, 1370, died at Buda, 1444 (1428 according to others). He enjoyed a -considerable reputation as a scholar at Padua in 1393, etc., and -migrated to Hungary in 1419. See Bayle, _Dict. Crit._ IV, 430 (1741); P. -Louisy, in _Nouvelle Biographie Generale_, art. (Vergerio); J. Bernardi, -in _Riv. Univers._ (Florence, 1875) xxii, 405-430, in _Arch. Stor. -Ital._ (1876) C., xxiii, 176-180; Brunet, _Manuel V_, 1132-3; Muratori, -_Rer. Ital. Scr._ (edition of Vergerio's works) XVI, pp. 111-187, -189-215, 215-242; _Fabricius_, ed. Mansi, VI, p. 289. He has left -various _Orations and Letters_; especially an _Epistola de morte -Francisci Zabarekae_, and a _Historia seu Vitae Carariensium Principum -ab eorum origine usque ad Jacobini mortem_ (1355). See also Joachim -Vadianus, _Biographia P. P. Vergerii, sen._; and C. A. Combi, _Di -Pierpaolo V. ... seniore ... memoria_, Venice, 1880.] - -[Endnote 107: (p. 116). _Goncalo Pacheco ... Kingdom._--Barros copies -this sentence, with some omissions. The allusion to the _High Treasurer -of Ceuta_ (_Thesoureiro Mor das cousas de Cepta_), and his _Noble -lineage, goodness, and valour_, is interesting in its proof of the -detailed attention given to the new conquest, and to African affairs -generally, by the Portuguese government at this time.] - -[Endnote 108: (p. 117). _Cape Branco._--On the _personnel_ of this -expedition we have accounts elsewhere; for Dinis Eannes de Graa and the -rest, see chs. xxxvii-xlviii, and especially pp. 121, 122, 126, 130, -131, 138; for Mafaldo, especially p. 119 ("a man well acquainted with -this business ... had been many times in the Moorish traffic"); also pp. -120-121, etc. Cape Branco, since its discovery by Nuno Tristam, had -become the favourite rendezvous of the Portuguese expeditions on this -coast. See ch. lii, p. 153 (made agreement to await one another _as -usual at Cape Branco_). - -On the _banners of the Order of Christ_, see Introduction to vol. ii, -pp. xviii-xix; and in this Chronicle, pp. 62 (ch. xviii), 53 (ch. xv), -117 (ch. xxxvii), etc. - -[Cf. a parchment atlas (unpublished), executed in Messina as late as -1567 by Joao Martinez, in which two Portuguese ships are painted in -various points of the Eastern Ocean _with the Cross of the Order of -Christ on their sails_, apparently to indicate the Portuguese dominion -in those waters. This atlas passed into the Library of Heber, and -afterwards into that of M. Ternaux.]--S.] - -[Endnote 109: (p. 120). _The patience with which men bear the troubles -of their fellows_ is another piece of irony, similar to that on p. 102; -see note 96.] - -[Endnote 110: (p. 122). _Fifty-three Moorish prisoners._--In this, as -in subsequent actions, Mafaldo, rather than Goncalo Pacheco, showed -himself to be the leader of the expedition.] - -[Endnote 111: (p. 123). _Cunning ... but small in this part of the -world._--The fair inference is that, on this occasion, Mafaldo, from his -previous experience, correctly estimated the danger (or absence of -danger), and knew when to trust the natives. Similar trustfulness was -not always equally successful, sometimes from absence of that past -experience possessed by Mafaldo. See chs. xxvii, pp. 90, 91; xlviii, pp. -144-5; lxxxvi, pp. 252, etc.; xxxv, pp. 112-3. The Azanegue Moors of the -Sahara on the whole showed less ability to defend themselves than the -Negroes of the Sudan coast; cf. chs. xlv, pp. 137-8; lx, pp. 179-182; -lxxxvi, pp. 252-6; xli, p. 130; xxxi, p. 99; contrast with pp. 126, 122, -114, 105-6, 78, 73, 36.] - -[Endnote 112: (p. 126) ... _true effects._--Azurara certainly does not -commit the error of "those historians who avoid prolixity by summarizing -things that would be greatest if related in their true effects," _i. -e._, in detail. This central portion of his narrative (chs. xxxvi-lix, -lxviii-lxxiv) is especially tedious, and we cannot too much regret the -comparative sacrifice of the scientific interest to the anecdotal, -biographical, or slave-raiding details, with which he fills so much of -this Chronicle. Cf. the slender and imperfect narratives of the really -important voyages of Dinis Diaz (ch. xxxi), Alvaro Fernandez (ch. lxxv), -and Nuno Tristam (chs. xxx, lxxxvi), with the lengthy descriptions of -the expeditions personally conducted by Goncalo de Sintra, Goncalo -Pacheco, Lancarote, Mafaldo, and other men whose voyages resulted in -scarcely any advance of exploration. In all this Azurara's narrative -contrasts unfortunately with Cadamosto's, which is not only a record of -exploration, but of acute original observation, a quality by no means so -noticeable in the _Chronicle of Guinea_, except at rare intervals. Cf., -however, chs. xxv, lxxvi-lxxvii, lxxix-lxxxiii, and see Introduction to -vol. ii, pp. xxiv-xxvi, etc.] - -[Endnote 113: (p. 132). _Cape of St. Anne._--[This passage shows the -date when the name of Cape (or rather "Gulf") of St. Anne was given to -that point by Alvaro Vasquez, who was on this expedition. This name was -employed, like the others which we have already indicated, in the -nomenclature of the hydro-geographical charts of the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries. Barros, in his corresponding chapter, not only -omits this detail, but further reduces the material of chs. xxxvii, -xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xli, xlii, to a few lines.]--S.] - -[Endnote 114: (p. 133). _And the Moors, like,_ etc.--[From Cape Branco -to the Senegal, the part of the coast of which the author treats is -inhabited by various tribes composed of Moors of mixed race, who speak -Arabic, are Mohammedans, and are known by the names of Trazas or -Terarzah, Brakanas and others. They are in their nature very ferocious, -and are the terror of the traveller. The most cruel of all are those who -inhabit and extend as far as Cape Branco, called Ladessebas; and these, -according to some authors, are of pure Arab race.]--S. See Introduction -to vol. ii, pp. xlii-lix. Mungo Park gives a similar character of the -"Moors" north of Senegal. _Travels_, chs. iii-xii.] - -[Endnote 115: (p. 136). _Came near to the coast of -Guinea._--[According to the text it appears that Alvaro Vasquez, after -quitting the place to which he had given the name of Cape of St. Anne, -followed his course 80 leagues towards the south, running along the -coast in this direction until he arrived at the Guinea coast--that is, a -little beyond Cape Verde--but Barros, who omits some of the details of -this voyage, says: ... "Forao-se pela costa adiante obra de oitenta -legoas, e na ida, e vinda te tornar a ilha das Garcas fazer carnagem," -etc.]--S.] - -[Endnote 116: (p. 136). _Where they had captured the seven Moors_ -[viz., at Tider; see note 78.]--S. - -The reference on p. 139 to the Portuguese ships "in the Strait of Ceuta -(Gibraltar) and through all the Levant Sea," may be compared with -Introduction, p. viii, and notes 28, 31, etc.] - -[Endnote 117: (p. 142). _Cape Tira._--[In the old maps we meet with no -_cape_ of this name, but combining this passage with what our author -says in ch. xxx (How Nuno Tristam went to Tira), and with the distance -of 80 leagues which they navigated after leaving the Isle of Herons, or -of Arguim, it appears that the cape to which Azurara gives this name, or -to which our first navigators gave the name of Tira, was a point, or -"tira," of land at the embouchure of the Senegal, at a place marked in -the old maps a little beyond Palma Seca, an inscription which is to be -read on many (of the ancient charts), and especially on that of Joao -Freire of 1546, and on that of Vaz Dourado of 1571. Although on this -last there appears marked a point in close proximity with the name of -Tarem, which is not met with in the preceding (maps). Be this as it may, -by the distances of latitude between Arguim and that point at the mouth -of the Senegal, it appears that the _Cape of Tira_ of which our author -speaks, is the place which we indicate. Notwithstanding the unfortunate -laconism of Azurara about a fact so interesting for the history of -geography, we nevertheless see clearly by this passage that the -exploration of the bays, inlets, and points of that part of the coast of -Africa was steadily pressed on; that all these points were successively -examined by our sailors; and that to these same men are due the names -which served for the hydro-geographical nomenclature (of W. Africa) -adopted by all nations from the end of the fifteenth century to nearly -the end of the seventeenth (see as to this our _Memoria sobre a -prioridade dos descobrimentos Portuguezes na costa d'Africa occidental_, -Sec. ix).]--S.] - -[Endnote 118: (p. 143). _Turtles._--[This passage shows that these -mariners were navigating among the great banks and shoals of sand which -exist between the isles of Arguim and the mouth of the Senegal. "And -they saw an island, which is further out than all the others, but small -and very sandy." Combining this account with the map which we meet in -vol. i of the work of the Abbe Demanet (_Nouvelle Histoire de -l'Afrique_) we perceive two islands clearly marked to the west of the -last (sand-) bank, and in front of the places which, on the ancient -Portuguese charts are indicated as Tarem, Palmar, and Palma Seca (as in -the maps of Freire, 1546, of the Royal Library, and of Vaz Dourado). - -Also in the following chapter our author says "They afterwards saw -another island which was separated by an arm of the sea that ran between -the two--to wit, that in which they were, and the other they had in -sight."]--S. - -The lake, or fiord, of Obidos, between Atouguya and Pederneira (p. 143) -is in the Estremadura province of Portugal, an inlet on the coast, 47 -miles N.N.W. of Lisbon.] - -[Endnote 119: (p. 146). _Arguim._--See notes 75 and 97, pp. 58 and -103.] - -[Endnote 120: (p. 146). _Marco Polo._--[Azurara, writing this -chronicle before 1453, availed himself of a manuscript of the travels of -Marco Polo, perhaps the same as the copy which the Infant Don Pedro -brought from Venice. The oldest printed edition is of 1484. This book, -which exercised great influence on discovery, was not only read in the -beginning of the fifteenth century by our learned men, but we may notice -that one of the most ancient translations which exists of the same is in -Portuguese, published by Valentim Fernandez, with the journey of -Nicholas the Venetian, etc., dedicated to the King Don Manuel, Lisbon, -1502, one volume, in folio gothic, a copy of which exists in the public -library of Lisbon.]--S. Azurara's reference here is to Marco Polo, ch. -lvii (Bk. I); ch. lxxiii (Bk. II). On Valentim Fernandez and the -bibliography of the Machin story, see Introduction to vol. ii, p. -lxxxiv-v. On the editions of Marco Polo, see Yule's edition, -Introduction; Pauthier, _Le Livre de M. P._] - -[Endnote 121: (p. 147). _Lancarote ... collector of royal taxes_ ( = -Almoxarife, p. 62) _in Lagos ... judges ... alcayde ... officials of the -corporation._--Another of Azurara's references to "local," "home," or -"municipal" affairs in Portugal, at this time. Cf. p. 62 of this -Chronicle.] - -[Endnote 122: (p. 151). _Knight Don Pedro ... Sueiro da Costa ... -Monvedro._--On the general history alluded to by Azurara in the first -paragraph of ch. li, see _Cronica de D. Alvaro de Luna_, ed. Milan, -1546, Madrid, 1784; _Histoire secrete de Connetable De Lune_, Paris, -1720; Marina, _Ensaio historico-critico_; Cardonne, _Histoire de -l'Afrique et de l'Espagne..._; Hallam, _Middle Ages_, ii, 16-17. It may -be summarised as follows: The reign of John II of Castille, after his -majority, was constantly disturbed by conspiracies and civil wars, -headed by his cousins John and Henry, the Infants of Aragon, who -possessed large properties in Castille, bequeathed them by their father -Ferdinand. They were also assisted often by their brother the King of -Aragon. The nominal object of attack was Alvaro de Luna, favourite -minister of John II during thirty-five years, a man probably -unscrupulous and somewhat rapacious, but of great ability and energy. At -last John gave way, withdrew his favour, and the minister was tried and -beheaded, meeting his fate "with the intrepidity of Strafford," to whom -some have compared him. - -_Sueiro da Costa, Alcaide of Lagos._--Cf. notes 77, 121, etc. - -_The King D. Edward_ (Duarte) is, of course, Henry's eldest brother, -King of Portugal 1433-1438 (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xi, and -notes 30, 57; and pp. 3, 11, 18, 28, 39, of the text of this version; -also Pina's Chronica (D. Duarte), vol. i of the _Ineditos Hist. Port._) -The allusions to Portuguese, Castilian, and Aragonese history are so -intertwined in these paragraphs that some caution is necessary. - -_Monvedro._--Here there is a manuscript note, of later date, however, -than the Chronicle itself [_Esta batalha se llama del endolar_].] - -[Endnote 123: (p. 152). _Vallaguer ... Arras._--[The siege of Balaguer -was undertaken in 1413, and in this the King, Don Fernando of Aragon, -made prisoner the Count of Urgel.]--S. - -_Ibid., Ladislaus._--[The king of whom the author speaks here under the -name of Lancaraao, is Ladislaus, King of Naples, who in the year 1404 -entered Rome with his army in order to put down the rebellion of the -people against the new Pope, Innocent VII. Hence our author's allusion: -"When he assailed the city of Rome."]--S. - -_Louis of Provence._--[This was Louis II, Count of Provence. The -campaign which Sueiro da Costa made with Louis appears to be that which -began in 1409, which the aforesaid Prince carried on in Italy, in common -with the allies commanded by Malatesta and by the famous Balthazar -Cossa, legate of Bologna. This war lasted till 1411].--S. - -_The battle of Agincourt_ (the _Ajancurt_ of Azurara's text) was not -between the _Kings_ of France and England in the strictly literal sense. -The French, on October 25th, 1415, were commanded by the Dauphin, the -Constable of France, and the Duke of Orleans. - -_Vallamont_ [is Valmont, 5 leagues north-west of Yvetot].--S. Really 22 -kilometres.... It is on the Valmont River (Seine Inferieure), and -possesses an ancient chateau, with buildings of date varying from the -twelfth to the fifteenth century. - -_Constable of France._--[This Admiral of France, with whom served Sueiro -da Costa, appears to be the Count of Foix (Foes in the text of -Azurara).] - -_The Count of Armagnac_ (p. 152) [was probably Bernard VII, who, in the -Civil Wars of the time of Charles VI, was at the head of the party of -the House of Orleans, which fought various combats, especially in the -years 1410-11.]--S. - -_Arras_ (p. 152).--[The siege of this place began in Sept. 1414.]--S.] - -[Endnote 124: (p. 152). _Lancarote ... Stevam Affonso._--See -Introduction to vol. ii, p. xii, and note 77; pp. 60-80, 83, 86 of this -version.] - -[Endnote 125: (p. 152). _In that year_ [viz. 1447].--S. The place is -of course Lagos.] - -[Endnote 126: (p. 153). _Dinis Diaz_ [see ch. xxxi].--S. See pp. -98-100 of this Chronicle. Also Introduction to vol. ii, p. xii, and -notes 93, 94, 95, etc.] - -[Endnote 127: (p. 153). _Tristam ... Zarco ... Lagos._--See -Introduction to vol. ii, pp. ix, xii, xcix-cii, notes 76, 80, and pp. -192, 213, 225-9, 244-8, 60-2, 79, 83, etc., of this Chronicle. - -One of Zarco's caravels was under the command of Alvaro Fernandez, the -only captain on this expedition who accomplished much (see ch. lxxxvii, -and Introduction to vol. ii, p. xii).] - -[Endnote 128: (p. 156). [This bird is the _Buceros nasutus_ of -Linnaeus, the same that the French call _Calao-Tock_. Notwithstanding -some exaggeration which may be noted in the description of Azurara, it -is beyond doubt that the bird of which he treats here is that which the -Negroes of the Senegal call _Tock_, and which the Portuguese named -_Croes_. Latham calls it _Buceros Africanus_. - -Brisson made two species, Linnaeus and Latham two varieties; but Buffon -considered them as individuals of the same species, a fact which is -otherwise witnessed to by Sonini. Buffon says that the beak, considered -apart from the body, is a foot in length and of enormous size (see -_Buffon_, Plate 933). The "work" of which Azurara speaks is not due only -to the pores of the beak, but chiefly to a series of cuts or incisions, -in the form of half-moons, which this bird has upon its beak. It was the -famous naturalist Aldrovandi who first gave a picture of the enormous -beak of this bird; but the oldest description of it is certainly that -given by Azurara. It was not, therefore, Pere Labat who first among -travellers saw and carefully observed this notable bird, but Lourenco -Diaz and the other Portuguese, his companions in 1447: that is, at a -date almost three hundred years before Labat. On this bird the reader -may also consult the Memoir of Geoffroi de Villeneuve (_Actes de la -Societe d'histoire naturelle de Paris_).]--S.] - -[Endnote 129: (p. 158). _Isle of Herons._--[Since it was to these -islands on the coast of Africa, that, in the first epoch of our -discoveries, expeditions (by preference) usually directed their course, -in conformity with the instructions of the Infant, for the reasons which -(in part) Barros gives us (note 97, p. 104, note 79, p. 78 of this -version). We have already indicated their position to the reader, -conformably to the ancient charts, but we have nevertheless thought -well, for the better illustration of the matter, to point out here their -true position. In some maps, and among others on that of the famous -Livio Sanuto, on the first sheet of his _Africa_, these islands are -placed thus:--The Isle of Herons in the most northerly part of all the -group, Tider in the most southerly of all, and the Isle of Nar (Naar) -between the two.]--S.] - -[Endnote 130: (p. 159). _What we have been ordered._--[By these -expressions it is evident that the views and plans of the illustrious -Infant were not concerned with making captives or slaves, or with -expeditions against the natives, but only with the prosecution of the -discoveries. The passage which occurs in the next chapter, as to the -"great joy" of the crews, and especially of the "lower class" at meeting -with the other caravels at the Isle of Herons, "in order to put in hand -the matter," _i.e._, a new incursion against the Moors, shows us the -spirit which] animated those sailors: which spirit, perhaps, some of the -captains were not able at times to hold in check and moderate.]--S.] - -[Endnote 131: (p. 164). _The Banner of the Crusade ... Gil -Eannes._--[Barros omits these details, which are so interesting for the -history of those expeditions. This Gil Eannes was the same who had first -passed beyond Cape Bojador. (See ch. ix of this Chronicle.)]--S. On the -_Banner of the Crusade_, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xviii-xix.] - -[Endnote 132: (p. 165). _Alvaro de Freitas._--[Barros says that Alvaro -de Freitas was Commander of Algezur. (_Decade I_, Bk. I, ch. ii.)]--S. -Cf. in this Chronicle, pp. 152, 157-8, 161, 165-6, 174, 194-5, 197.] - -[Endnote 133: (p. 167). _Fra Gil de Roma_ [lived in the time of -Philippe le Bel, King of France. The treatise _De Regimine Principum_, -which he wrote in 1285 for the education of that Prince, was a book of -the highest reputation (in its time), especially at the close of the -fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By the notice which is given us in -the _Chronicle of the Count D. Pedro_, and by the quotation of Azurara, -we perceive the estimation in which this book was held amongst us at the -beginning of the latter century (the fifteenth).]--S. In fact, King John -I (of Portugal), in his discourse at Ceuta in 1415, recalled to his -fidalgos and knights the maxims and precepts which they had read in the -same book, _De Regimine Principum_, and which he always kept in his own -room. And if we are to believe Barbosa (_Bibliotheca Lusitana_), the -Infant D. Pedro had made a Portuguese translation of the same treatise; -but this learned bibliographer calls Fr. _Gil de Roma_, Fr. _Gil -Correa_. This note is not a fitting place to show whether the name of -_Correa_, which Barbosa gives to that author, is or is not exact. We -must confine ourselves here to saying that King D. Edward (Duarte), -quoting this book several times in chs. xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi, lii, lvi of -his _Leal Conselheiro_, calls the author, like Azurara, Fr. _Gil de -Roma_. In the library at Cambrai there exists a manuscript, No. 856, of -the _De Regimine Principum_, which was finished in 1424, and -consequently at an epoch subsequent to the one of which King John I made -use. This is probably one of those used by King Edward and by Azurara. -The first printed edition was published in 1473 (see _Dictionnaire -bibliographique, La Serna Santander, etc._) If, as we have just said, -the manuscript used by King John I, by King Edward, and by Azurara, is -one of the most ancient of which any notice survives, the Portuguese -translation of the book of Fr. Gil de Roma by the Infant Don Pedro is -also one of the most ancient versions--if we except the French -translation attributed to Henry of Ghent. (On this consult the Abbe -Leboeuf, _Dissertation sur l'histoire ecclesiastique et civile de Paris_, -II, p. 41.) We think it well to give the reader this notice, in view of -the importance of Azurara's citation in this place, which shows us the -state of learning and literary culture among our people at the beginning -of the fifteenth century, and at the same time the literary relations -which existed between Portugal, France, and other countries at the end -of the Middle Ages.]--S. See Martins, _Os Filhos de D. Joao I_, chs. i, -iv, v, vi.] - -[Endnote 134: (p. 169). _Pero Allemain, etc._--See p. 55 of this -Chronicle, on Balthasar, an undoubted German of the "household of the -Emperor."] - -[Endnote 135: (p. 173). _Directions from the Lord Infant._--These seem -to have been rather vague for purposes of exploration, and are -differently given by _Gomez Pirez_ (p. 173). See text of this version -pp. 95, 173, etc., and next note.] - -[Endnote 136: (p. 174). _River of Nile._--[Compare this passage with -our remarks in the notes to chs. liii, xxxii, xv, and xiii, about the -true plans of the illustrious Infant, author of these discoveries. These -passages reveal to us, in spite of the brevity of the Chronicler, the -intention and the system of the Prince in relation to these expeditions. -It is clear that he desired not only to discover those countries, but -above all to obtain information from the natives themselves of the -interior of Africa, in order to compare it with the scientific, -historical, and geographical ideas of antiquity and of the Middle Ages, -with a view of prosecuting his discoveries till the East was reached. -Thus, Garcia de Resende says, with good reason (_Chronicle of the King -D. John II_, ch. cliv), when treating of the discovery of the Congo, -made twenty-five years after the death of the Infant:--"In the year -1485, the King desiring the discovery of India and Guinea, which the -Infant D. Henry, his uncle, first among all the Princes of Christendom, -commenced,..."]--S. What Gomez Pirez says here implicitly contradicts -Lancarote's statement, p. 172; see note 135.] - -[Endnote 137: (p. 174). _The terrestrial Paradise._--[We call the -attention of the reader to this passage, in itself very interesting, -especially because the words of Alvaro de Freitas indicate beyond doubt -a certain geographical idea as to the situation of the terrestrial -Paradise agreeing with the cosmographical knowledge of the Middle Ages, -and as to the distance at which they found themselves from those -delicious parts of the world. - -The sailors whom the Infant employed in these navigations and -discoveries were well instructed in nautical science. They set out from -Portugal furnished with "naval charts" in which the cosmographers of -that time had designed not merely the hydrographical configuration of -the coasts of the various countries then known, but also which is more -curious, the interior of the Continents, in which they represented, by a -multitude of figures, the various sovereigns, animals, birds, woodland, -and other details, both real, fantastic, and hypothetical: as the -curious reader may see in the Planisphere of Andrea Bianco of 1436, -published in the work of Formaleone, entitled _Saggio sulla nautica -antica de Veneziani_, and in the other planisphere of the famous Fra -Mauro, published by Cardinal Zurla in his work, _Sulle antiche Mappe -lavorate in Venezia_ (1818). - -The idea, then, which Alvaro de Freitas had of his distance from the -terrestrial Paradise, according to his own words, shows that he -considered it to be at the extremity of the earth: that idea, we repeat, -proves the influence which the geography of the Middle Ages exercised -upon our sailors. As a matter of fact, that idea of the position of the -terrestrial Paradise dates from the time of the _Topographia Christiana_ -of Cosmas Indicopleustes (see Montfaucon, _Nova Collectio Patrum_, vol. -ii), an idea which the journeys accomplished by land during the Middle -Ages fortified and reduced to a systematic opinion. On the map of Andrea -Bianco, the terrestrial Paradise is to be found marked in the most -easterly part of Asia. - -Alvaro de Freitas in these words of his, alluded either to the locality -in which Paradise was to be found on the ancient charts--and this, we -think, is the more probable supposition--or he referred to the -_Cosmology_ of Dante, according to which Paradise was situate in the -middle of the seas of the southern hemisphere (Dante, _Purgatorio_, -cant. xxvi, ll. 100, 127.)]--S. - -Santarem's commentary here needs a word of supplement, which we take -from the _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 332-3. - -"The position of the Garden of Eden, the habitat of the people of Gog -Magog and other monstrous races, and the existence of a literal centre -for the earth-circle, were problems which exercised the patristic mind -only less than the great controversy upon the 'Spherical,' -'Tabernacular,' or other shape of the world itself. - -"As to the earthly Paradise, the plain word of Scripture [Genesis, ii, -8; iii, 24] compelled most Theologians to place it in the Furthest East, -though a minority inclined to give a symbolic meaning to the crucial -words, 'The Lord God planted a garden _eastward_ in Eden ... and placed -Cherubim at the East of the Garden, to keep the way of the Tree of -Life.' Augustine, here as elsewhere, shows himself inclined to -compromise, as well became one who attempted such a task as the -re-statement of the whole Catholic Faith. His knowledge was too -many-sided, and his intelligence too keen, for him not to perceive the -importance of a certain liberality of temper in a creed which aspired to -conquer the world, and his treatment of the question of the terrestrial -Paradise is a good example of his method. For himself, he holds fast to -the real existence of Eden, and the literal sense of Scripture on its -position, but he allows any one who will to give the texts at issue a -symbolical meaning (_De Civ. Dei_, XIII, ch. xxi; see also Eucherius, -Comm. on Genesis in the _Max. Bibl. Vet. Pat._ vi, 874, and A. Graf's -interesting essay on the _Legends of the terrestrial Paradise_, Turin, -1878). To the same effect, though more doubtfully, speaks St. Isidore of -Seville, who in so many ways reproduces at the end of the sixth century -the spirit and method of the Bishop of Hippo in the fifth. In one place -the Spanish Doctor repeats the traditional language about Eden, placed -in the East, blessed with perpetual summer, but shut off from the -approach of man by the fiery wall which reached almost to the Heaven: -yet elsewhere he seems to countenance a purely figurative sense. His -scepticism is expressed in the _De Differentiis_, i, 10; his -traditionalism in the _Etymologies_ or _Origins_, XIV, 3 (De Asia). - -"The ordinary conclusion of the more philosophic school of Churchmen is -perhaps expressed by Moses Bar-Cepha, 'Bishop of Bethraman and Guardian -of sacred things in Mozal' [_i.e._, Mosul? or Nineveh], near Bagdad, -about A.D. 900 [Migne's editor of Moses, in _Pat. Graec._, cxi, pp. -482-608 (1863), places him later, about A.D. 950; but Marinelli, -Erdkunde, 20-1, dates him about A.D. 700, doubtless with the assent of -S. Guenther and L. Neumann, who are responsible for the enlarged German -edition of Marinelli's admirable essay. The most interesting passages of -Moses' geography are in Pt. I, chs. i, ii, vii-ix, xi-xiv]. In his -_Commentary on Paradise_, the ingenious prelate solves past difficulties -in the spirit of Hegel himself. The terrestrial Eden had one existence -under two conditions, visible and invisible, corporeal and incorporeal, -sensual and intellectual. As pertaining to this world, it existed, he -considers, in a land which was on, but not of, the earth that we -inhabit; for it lay on higher ground, it breathed a purer air, and, -though many of the saints had fixed it in the East, it was really beyond -our ken. - -"From Augustine onwards, through the writings of Eucherius of Lyons -[_Commentary on Genesis_], of St. Basil the Great, and many others, -something of this tendency to compromise between the literal meaning of -Scripture and the tacit opposition of geography, may be traced in this -attempt to give reality to the earthly Paradise; and the same comes out -in the conjecture of Severian of Gabala, adopted by Cosmas and by many -of the traditionalists, that the rivers of Eden dived under the earth -for a long space before reappearing in our world as Nile, Euphrates, -Tigris and Pison (Severian of Gabala, v, 6; according to S., this -subterranean course was to prevent men from tracking their way up to -Paradise; cf. _Philostorgius_, III, 7-12.) - -"Homeric and other pre-Christian fancies led many in the early Christian -period still to look for Paradise in the north, among the Upper Boreans, -in the south among the blameless Ethiopians, or in the west in the Isles -of the Blessed, of the Hesperides, or of Fortune. Thus Capella, who was -probably a pagan survival at the beginning of the most brilliant age of -patristic literature, naturally enough looks for his Elysium 'where the -axis of the world is ever turning' at the northern pole [_Capella_, vi, -664]; but when we find Archbishop Basil of Novgorod speculating about a -Paradise in the White Sea [see Karamsin's _Russian History_, as cited by -Marinelli, _Erdkunde_, p. 22, note 84; and by Cardinal Zurla, _Vantaggi -derivati alla Geografia_, etc., p. 44] we have a better illustration of -the undying vigour of the oldest and most poetic of physical myths, -under almost any changes of politics and religion."] - -[Endnote 138: (p. 176). _Or else upon their feathers for the rest of -the time ... other fish._--[This bird is the _Phoenicopterus_.]--S. - -_Ibid_: _Other birds_, etc.--[See note 128 to p. 156, on the _Buceros -Africanus_.]--S. - -_Ibid_: _Other fish._--[This is the _Pristis_.]--S.] - -[Endnote 139: (p. 176). _Quite alive._--[This fish appears to be the -_Remora_.]--S.] - -[Endnote 140: (p. 176). _The two palm trees, etc._--[These palm trees -exist on some old MS. maps. We may compare this passage with what the -author says in ch. xxxi, and with the notes on pp. 96, 177; also -Introduction, p. iv. Barros (_Decade I_, ch. xiii) says "Lancerote -reached the two palm trees which Dinis Fernandez, when he went there, -marked out as a feature worthy of notice ... where the natives of the -land say the Azanegue Moors are divided from the idolatrous Negroes." -And, in fact, the course of this stream forms a remarkable boundary -between the Moors, or Berbers, who inhabit the northern bank, and the -Negro Jaloffs who dwell on the southern bank (see _Durand_, vol. ii, p. -60, and _Rennell_, Appendix, p. 80).]--S.] - -[Endnote 141: (p. 177). _This green land._--[On the manuscript map of -Joao Freire of 1546, appears marked at the entrance of the river -Senegal, the "arvoredo" of which Azurara speaks.]--S.] - -[Endnote 142: (p. 177). _Azanegue prisoners._--[Compare this important -passage with what Azurara says in other places, pp. 41, 45-6, 48-9, 55; -and Introduction to vol. ii, pp. iv, xxvi, lviii, lix, about the Infant -and the information which he collected from the natives, and which he -compared with the geographical charts he was constantly studying.]--S.] - -[Endnote 143: (p. 178). _Entereth into it so._--[This same confusion -which the Portuguese mariners made between the Senegal and the Nile is -one more proof of the influence which the geographical system of the -ancients exercised over them. According to Pliny, the Niger was an arm -of the Nile. The river Senegal traverses in its course nearly 350 -leagues from its source in the country of Fouta (Jallon) to the Atlantic -(see Durand, _Voyage au Senegal_, p. 343, and Demanet, _Nouvelle -histoire d'Afrique_, vol. i, p. 62, iv, xii, xxii-xxv, xxxiii, -xlii-xliii, xlvii-xlix, lviii.)]--S. Also see Introduction to vol. ii, p. -lviii, etc.] - -[Endnote 144: (p. 180). _Mediterranean Sea, etc._--[This passage shows -that Azurara only had notice at that time of the ivory commerce which -was carried on through the ports of the Levant situated on the -Mediterranean, and that he had no knowledge that a like commerce was -carried on through the ports of the empire of Marocco, situated on the -west coast of Africa. "I learnt," says he, "that in the eastern part of -the Mediterranean Sea," etc. ... and these words of his are important, -as showing that a man, otherwise well informed in matters of commerce -and navigation, was not aware that the ivory trade was carried on by the -western coast; which gives us one more proof of the priority of the -Portuguese in the discovery of Guinea. Our author, then, knew the truth: -for until that epoch the trade in ivory was carried on by the Arabs by -way of Egypt, the Arabs going to the coast of Zanzibar to seek for the -same, since there the better quality was to be found (see Masudi, -_Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibliotheque du Roi_, i, p. 15; -_Ibn-al-Wardi, ibid_, ii, p. 40; _El Bakoui, ibid_, pp. 394, 401). The -Arab caravans also brought ivory from places in the neighbourhood of the -Niger. These caravans followed the routes of the ancient Itineraries -(see _Ibn-al-Wardi, Notices et Extraits des MSS._, ii, pp. 35-7, and -Edrisi (Jaubert), vol. i, pp. 10-26, 105-120, 197-293). But the -principal centre of this commerce with the interior of Africa was in the -northern part, then already known under the name of Barbary, and in the -countries which form to-day the kingdoms of Fez and Marocco. The -expressions of Azurara about the size of the elephant are evidently -exaggerated, because the species indigenous to Africa is only the second -in size in the (animal) family of the Proboscidians, or "trunked" -Pachyderms. The African elephant is smaller than the Asiatic elephant, -although the tusks of the latter are smaller than those of the former. -The details given in this part of our Chronicle are, in our opinion, so -important for the information they give about the state of knowledge -among our first discoverers, the influences of ancient tradition, and -the mediaeval spirit which dominated them, that it seems opportune to -indicate here to the reader what we consider most worthy of study and of -reflection, in order that we may be able to estimate the state of -instruction in Portugal relative to those matters in the beginning of -the fifteenth century, seeing that up to now no (writing) work has yet -appeared upon the subject from any one of our nation. Among other -passages of this Chronicle we noted, on p. 156, note 128, the -extraordinary exaggeration with which our seamen described the beak of -the _Buceros Africanus_, of which they said "the mouth and maw of these -birds is so great that the leg of a man, however large it were, could go -into it as far as the knee." We have also seen another marvellous -description of the beak of the _Phoenicopterus_, and finally the one -which was inspired by the account given them of the elephant by the -Negroes--an exaggeration which reminds one of the description given by a -Byzantine writer of the eleventh century, Michael Attaliotes, when he -saw an elephant for the first time in Constantinople (see the extract -from the Greek MSS. of the Royal Library at Paris [Bibliotheque -Nationale], on p. 499 of the work of M. Berger de Xivrey: _Recits de -l'antiquite sur quelques points de la fable, du merveilleux et de -l'histoire naturelle_). In these exaggerated and marvellous accounts, -therefore, of birds and animals which were unknown as late as then, we -find a proof of the influence of the teratological traditions of -antiquity and of the Middle Ages, in consequence of the studies which -men had previously made of the figures they saw depicted in the -planispheres and Mappemondes of their time; and also we may see in this -a result of the reading of Pliny, and above all of the _Treatise on -Marvels_, attributed to Aristotle, "the philosopher," as Azurara calls -him (see p. 12, note 19), whose authority was so great among the -Portuguese of the fifteenth century that even the "Proctors of the -People" (in the _Cortes_ of 1481), quoted his work on "Politics" (see -our _Memoir on the Cortes_, ii, p. 186). We see, then, that our seamen -of that period were impregnated with these traditions, and were diligent -readers of works which during the Middle Ages were given the title of -_Mirabilia_, the reading of which enchanted (in that age) not only men -of education, but even students, and often the people, to whom -ecclesiastics read in public those marvellous relations, as we see, -among other examples from the case of Giraldus Cambrensis, who thrice -read to the people in Oxford his description of Ireland; and still more -in the celebrated statutes made in 1380 by Bishop Wykeham for the -college which he founded in the same city, in which he determined that -the chronicles of various realms should be read to the students and the -marvels of the world (_Mirabilia Mundi_); see _Sprengel_, p. 221, and -Wharton, _History of English Poetry_, i, p. 92. In the period at which -the statutes we mention were given to (New) College in Oxford, the -relations between Portugal and England were knit more closely than in -preceding centuries. The Court of the King, D. John I, adopted most of -the English usages, and the literary communication between the two -peoples was more extensive than in earlier time. The citation of the -romances of chivalry made by the King to his knights, the adoption of -the French language (which was then that of the Court of England), the -devices and mottoes of which the Infants made use, prove the existence -of that influence. Besides this, divers passages of King D. Duarte's -_Leal Conselheiro_ show that the Infants of the House of Aviz (often) -discussed various literary matters with the King, their father, and -other literary persons, and that they even debated about the rules and -regulations for properly translating classical works. We have also -noticed that King D. John I, in the discourse which he made to the -fidalgos who remained at Ceuta in 1415, cited the _De Regimine -Principum_ of Fr. Gil de Roma, bidding them recall to memory how they -had often read the same in his Privy Chamber. So then, at that epoch of -discoveries, in which the greatest enthusiasm prevailed for the -prosecution of enterprises of such moment, the reading of the _Marvels -of the World_, and of the _Travels of Marco Polo_, which the Infant D. -Pedro brought from Venice, formed beyond doubt the delight of all those -famous men, courtiers of the Infant D. Henry, of his illustrious father, -and of his brothers--courtiers, moreover, who received their education -in the royal or princely palaces. The passages, then, which we read in -this Chronicle, and which we indicate to the reader, in spite of their -brevity, and of the defects which the critical study of our own time -enables us to note--these passages, we say, are of the highest -importance when they are studied in harmony with other contemporary -documents. The great men of the fifteenth century, formed in the school -of the Infant Don Henry, were unquestionably possessed of great -erudition for those times--an erudition and knowledge which at first -eludes observation, through being muffled up in the rudeness of a -language without polish, and which was more energetic in action than -explicit and agreeable in writing, but it is nevertheless clear that -they knew all that was known in their age. - -It was this notable school, therefore, which prepared the great body of -geographical learning which we note appearing in the famous congress of -Portuguese and Spanish geographers at Badajoz in 1524 and 1525: at -which, in the discussion which took place on the demarcation of the -Moluccas and on the size of the world, Aristotle was quoted along with -Strabo, Eratosthenes, Macrobius, St. Ambrose, Pliny, Theodosius, Marinus -of Tyre, Alfergani, and Pierre d'Ailly, etc.]--S. - -Long as this note is, a word must be added to it:-- - -Santarem here covers a large part of the field of mediaeval geography, -but his treatment in this place is hardly so clear or exhaustive as one -might expect from the author of the _Essai sur Cosmographie_, or the -compiler of the leading _Atlas_ of mediaeval maps. As to the immediate -subject, the phrase _Mediterranean_ [_Sea_] was first used in the sense -of a proper name by St. Isidore of Seville, _c._ A.D. 600 (_Origins_ or -_Etymologies_, Book xiii); though its adjectival use, like the parallel -expressions "Our [sea]," "the Roman [sea]," "the Inner [sea]," was of -course much earlier. As late as Solinus (_c._ A.D. 230) this last is -clearly the only shade of meaning. As to the commerce of North Africa, -we must refer to the Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xxii-xxvi, xlv-lvi, -lxiv. As to the mediaeval _Mirabilia_, it is strange that Santarem gives -no adequate reference to the great sources of these collections: Pliny's -_Natural History_, and above all Solinus' _Collectanea_, principally -compiled from Pliny, Mela, and Varro, and itself reproduced (wholly or -partially) in well-nigh every mediaeval work of similar character, -translated into the pictorial language of Mappemonde, such as that of -_Hereford_, of _Ebstorp_, or of the _Psalter_ (Brit. Mus. _Add. MSS._ -28,681). On these, see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 243-273, 327-391. -Santarem's remarks hardly give a sufficient idea of the systematic -domination exercised over much of mediaeval thought, not only in -geography, natural history and ethnology, but in other departments also -by the pseudo-science represented in these _Mirabilia_.] - -[Endnote 145: (p. 183). _Paulus Orosius._--[Here we must note the -omission of the name of Diodorus Siculus among the authors cited by -Azurara, especially as he is, among all the ancient historians, the one -who has left us the most important and circumstantial account of the -Nile. The first Latin version of Diodorus by Poggio only appeared in -1472, nineteen years after Azurara had finished this chronicle. The -works of Orosius were held in high estimation among the learned of the -Middle Ages. This writer was born at Braga in Lusitania, agreeably to -the opinion of some authors. (See _Fr. Leam de St. Thomas, bened. lusit. -I_, ii, p. 308; and Baronius, an. 414.) His work, _Historiarum adversus -Paganos_, which begins with the creation of the world and comes down to -the year 316 of Jesus Christ, was printed for the first time in 1471, -that is, eighteen years after Azurara had finished his Chronicle, but -during the Middle Ages copies of this work were so multiplied that even -in England the book was to be found in the hands of the Anglo-Saxon -people (see Wright, _Essay on the State of Literature and Learning under -the Anglo-Saxons_, p. 39), a detail which affords one proof the more of -the literary relations between the Spanish peninsula, and the peoples -and nations of the North in the first centuries of the Middle Ages.]--S. -See _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 353-5.] - -[Endnote 146: (p. 184). _Mossylon Emporion_ (_Mossille -Nemporyo_).--[Azurara alters the name. The passage to which the -Chronicler refers is the following:--_Et AEgyptum superiorem fluviumque -Nilum, qui de litore incipientis maris Rubri videtur emergere in loco -qui dicitur Musilon Emporium_, not _Mossile Nemporyo_. (_Orosius_, Bk. -I, vi.)]--S. On this _Emporion_, see Bunbury's _Ancient Geography_, vol -ii, pp. 692; _Solinus_, ch. lvi.] - -[Endnote 147: (p. 184). _Josepho Rabano._--[This is the celebrated -author of the history of the Jews, Flavius Josephus, whose work was -first composed in Syriac and afterwards in Greek. It was so much -esteemed by the Emperor Titus that he ordered it to be put into the -public library. The first Latin translation which was printed, according -to some bibliographers, was in 1470, seventeen years after this -Chronicle was finished.]--S.] - -[Endnote 148: (p. 184). _Meroe._--[On this African island the reader -can consult _Ptolemy_, iv, 8; _Herodotus_, ii, 29; _Strabo_, Bks. -XVII-XVIII; and, above all, _Diodorus Siculus_, i, 23, etc. The Master -Peter quoted by Azurara is the famous Petrus Aliacus, or de Aliaco -(d'Ailly), in his book _Imago Mundi_, finished in 1410: a book which had -a great vogue in the fifteenth and even in the sixteenth century.]--S. -Cf. also Pliny, _H. N._, ii, 73; v, 9; Cailliaud, _L'isle de Meroe_.] - -[Endnote 149: (p. 184). _Gondojre._--[According to our belief the -reading should be Gondolfo. This writer had travelled in Palestine, and -his life is (to be found) written in _Anglia Sacra_, tom. ii].--S. The -Master Peter mentioned just before is rather a doubtful case. He is -possibly the writer of the eleventh-century treatise "Contra Simoniam," -etc., or the "Magister Scholarum" of the thirteenth, usually called the -"Master of Stommeln."] - -[Endnote 150: (p. 185). _Crocodiles._--Here we have an original MS. -note.--[This is an animal, as Pliny relateth, which breedeth in the -Nile, and whose custom and nature is to live by day on land and by night -in the water; in the water to feed on the fish upon which it liveth and -maintaineth itself, and on the land to sleep and refresh itself. But -when it cometh out in the morning to the bank, if it findeth a boy or a -man it quickly killeth him, and it is said that it swalloweth them -whole. And it is a very evil and very dangerous beast.] - -Compare other original notes of MS. written in the same character on pp. -7, 8, 13, etc. On the Nile and its crocodiles and other wonders, as -conceived by mediaeval writers, we may also compare _Solinus_, ch. xxxii. - -On Azurara's reference to _Caesarea_ (Cherchel) immediately preceding, -Santarem remarks as follows:--[This is Julia Caesarea, now Cherchel, as -is proved by various Roman inscriptions discovered there lately, and -communicated to the Institute of France (Royal Academy of Inscriptions) -by M. Hase. This city was one of the busiest of the ancient Regency of -Argel.]] - -[Endnote 151: (p. 188). _Dog Star_ (_Canicolla_).--Here we have an -original MS. note.--[This star, as saith the interpreter of Ovid, giveth -its name to the Dog Days, which are those days which begin on July 5th -and finish on September 5th. And this name came from a bitch which -guarded the body of Icarus, when he was slain by the reapers, as Master -John of England relateth. And he relateth that because that bitch -guarded faithfully the body of its lord, it was numbered among the -signs; and because it was a little bitch, the Dog Days took this name of -theirs in this form, "Canicullus" for "Cam," or "Canicolla" for -"Cadella." And because that bitch of Icarus was poisoned with the stench -of its master, who lay dead and already stank, therefore did that star -become also a poisonous one; and therefore does the sun still poison -when it passeth through that sign, and so do the rays of the sun then -poison the meats on earth. Wherefore those thirty-two days which the sun -taketh in passing through that sign, are held by physicians to be days -hurtful to the health of the body.] [_John of England is John Duns -Scotus, Franciscan friar, called Doctor Subtilis, one of the chief -philosophers of the Middle Ages, and Professor in Oxford_ (_see Wadding, -Vita J. Duns Scoti, doctoris subtilis, published in 1644_).]--S.] - -[Endnote 152: (p. 188). _Ellice and Cenosura._--Here we have another -manuscript note.--[These are the two poles, to wit, Arctic and -Antarctic. And the interpreter of Ovid saith that each one of these two -signs are called _Arcom_, and that _Arcom_ is a Greek word, and -signifieth what in Latin is meant by _Ursi_, and in the Portuguese -language by _Ursas_; and that, besides, by each of these signs we call -the North.]] - -[Endnote 153: (p. 189). _So directly passeth the sun, etc._--[See -Strabo, Bk. XVII, who refers to the wells without shade during the -summer solstice.]--S.] - -[Endnote 153a: (pp. 188-9). _Bishop Achoreus._--[Azurara refers here to -Achoreus, the Egyptian high priest of whom Lucan speaks in the -_Pharsalia_, Canto x. The passage to which Azurara refers begins with -the following verse:--Vana fides veterum, Nilo, quod crescat in arva. -Comparing this chapter of Azurara with the episode of Canto x of the -_Pharsalia_, we see clearly that it was from Lucan he derived the whole -of his description of the Nile.]--S.] - -[Endnote 154: (p. 191). _The marvels of the Nile._--[So great was the -influence of the systematic geography of the ancients upon the -imagination of the Portuguese of the fifteenth century, that, on -arriving at the Senegal, and seeing that the water was sweet very near -to the mouth, and very clear, in the same manner as the Nile (_Nulli -fluminum dulcior gustus est_, said Seneca), and observing the same -phenomena, they did not doubt for a moment that they had discovered the -Nile of the Negroes. In these two chapters we see something of the vast -erudition of Azurara, and at the same time something of the historical -and cosmographical knowledge of our first discoverers. Moreover, we must -call the attention of the reader to a very important detail, namely, -that while Azurara shows himself imbued with the reading of the ancient -authors on these matters, in the same way as our mariners, the latter, -if we study the spirit of their words, show that they had some knowledge -of the system of the Arab geographers in this respect. These latter -applied the same terms (as our first Portuguese explorers) to the two -rivers, distinguishing the Nile of Egypt and the Nile of the Negroes. -This opinion of the Niger being an arm of the Nile was even maintained -in our own day by Jackson, in his work entitled, _An Account of the -Empire of Marocco and the District of Suze_. In vol. xiv of the _Annales -des Voyages_, by Malte-Brun, 1811, and in vol. xvii of the same work, p. -350, we meet with a curious analysis of this work of Jackson's on the -identity of the two rivers.]--S. - -What Azurara says here about the Nile, etc., is largely borrowed from -Solinus, _Collectanea_, xxxii; Pliny, _Natural History_, v, 51-59; viii, -89-97; _Pomponius Mela_, iii, viii, 9. We may also (for mediaeval ideas -on the Nile, etc.) cf. Dicuil, _De Mensura Orbis Terrae_, vi, 4, 7, -etc.; ix, 6 (on Mount Atlas); St. Basil, _Hexaemeron_, iii, 6; Vibius -Sequester; Procopius, _De Bell. Goth._, ii, 14, 15; iv, 29; St. Isidore, -_Origins_, xiv, 5; Ven. Bede, _De Natur. Rer._; and above all, Edrisi -(Jaubert), i, 11-13, 17-19, 27-33, 35, 37, 297, 301-5, 312, 315, -320-325, ii, 137; Masudi, _Meadows of Gold_, ch. xiv (see Introduction -to vol. ii, pp. xliv-l, and _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 267-8, -323-6, 367, 462-3, 348, 363, 365.)] - -[Endnote 155: (p. 191). _Fish or some other natural product of the -sea._--[This important passage is one proof the more of the priority of -our discoveries on the west coast of Africa.]--S. Not, of course, an -absolute proof, though it strengthens the plausibility of the Portuguese -claim.] - -[Endnote 156: (p. 193). _Arms of the Infant._--[This island, as well -as the other of which mention is made above, where these sailors -encountered the Arms of the Infant carved upon the trees, are very -clearly marked, as between Cape Verde and the Cape of Masts, on a -curious map of Africa in the unpublished _Atlas_ of Vaz Dourado, -executed in 1571 (see _Memoire sur la navigation aux cotes occidentales -d'Afrique_, by Admiral Roussin, p. 61--_Des iles de la -Madeleine_).]--S.] - -[Endnote 157: (p. 193). _This tree_, etc.--[This is the baobab, a tree -noted for its enormous size, and which is to be met with on the Senegal, -on the Gambia, and even on the Congo, at which point Captain Tucklay -(Tuckey) mentions it among the trees to be found on the banks of the -Zaire. This tree had been described by Adanson (_Histoire Naturelle du -Senegal_, Paris, 1757, pp. 54 and 104), and from this circumstance -Bernardo Jussieu gave it the name of Adansonia. Its trunk is sometimes -more than 90 ft. in circumference (see the work cited above). Our -mariners, and Azurara himself, however, described it 310 years before -the French naturalist who gave it the botanical name by which it is now -known.]--S.] - -[Endnote 158: (p. 194). _Rio d'Ouro._--[Some French writers, who have -lately treated of the famous Catalan Atlas in the Royal Library of -Paris, to which they assign the date of 1375, assert that the Catalans -reached the Rio d'Ouro before the Portuguese, because on this map is -marked a galliot, with a legend referring to Jayme Ferrer, who sailed to -a river of that name (in 1346). - -Without discussing this point here, let us say, nevertheless, that as to -this voyage of the Catalans, whose arrival at the said river is not -attested by any document, the reader should consult the map of M. -Walckenaer, published in the scientific journal, _Annales des Voyages_, -tom. 7, p. 246 (A.D. 1809), in which that learned geographer says, with -good reason, that the said legend and project of Jayme Ferrer's voyage -(as stated) does not at all prove that geographical knowledge in 1346 -extended beyond Cape Bojador, or even beyond Cape Non (see also our -_Memoir on the priority of our discoveries_, and the _Atlas_ which -accompanies the said memoir).]--S. Cf. Introduction to vol. ii, pp. -lxiii-lxiv.] - -[Endnote 159: (p. 194). _To the Kingdom._--[By this passage, and -similar ones in chs. x, xi, and xvi, it is proved that the commercial -relations of the Portuguese with the west coast of Africa beyond Bojador -were established before the middle of the fifteenth century. The imports -then consisted of gold-dust, slaves, and skins of sea-calves.]--S. Cf. -Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xiii, lxi-lxxi.] - -[Endnote 160: (p. 198). _Tider._--[An island hard by Arguim (or -forming one of the Arguim group). We must now add to what we said -before, that this island, as well as those of the Herons (Ilha das -Garcas), and of Naar, is very clearly marked on the unpublished map of -Vaz Dourado, but without the names given in this Chronicle. That -cosmographer (Dourado) included them all under the denomination of -_Isles of Herons_.]--S.] - -[Endnote 161: (p. 199). _Isle of Cerina._--[Comparing our text with -the excellent map of Vaz Dourado, we find on the latter this island -marked as nearest to the continent, and also nearest to the mouth of the -St. John River. Dourado marks Arguim to the north, and to the south of -_P. dos Reys_ marks four islands, which are those of Herons, of Naar, of -Tider, and this one of which Azurara speaks. On the map of D'Anville, -which is to be found in the work of P. Labat, _Nouvelle relation de -l'Afrique_, tom. I, a map which includes the part of the coast from Cape -Branco to the River of St. John, we read over an island very near Tider -the word "Grine," which appears to be the Cerina of Azurara.]--S.] - -[Endnote 162: (p. 204). _Arrived at the end_, etc.--[On the position -of this stream, see the map of d'Anville, published in the work of P. -Labat, _Nouvelle relation de l'Afrique_, tom. I; and the _Memoire sur la -navigation aux cotes occidentales d'Afrique_, by Admiral Roussin, at p. -44, where he speaks of the _Baie du Levrier_, which is 8 leagues in -extent from N. to S., and 6 leagues across. This bay, in which our -sailors entered, is to the north of the Cape of St. Anne.]--S.] - -[Endnote 163: (p. 212). _This Prince._--[Compare this passage with -what we said in note 92, ch. xxx, as to the authority of this -chronicle.]--S.] - -[Endnote 164: (p. 214). _Point of Santa Anna._--[It is situate to the -south of the Rio de S. Joao, on the chart of Joao Freire of 1546.]--S.] - -[Endnote 165: (p. 218). _Islands._--[We think that these islands are -the ones marked on certain charts, principally French, with the name of -"Ilhas da Madalena."]--S]. - -[Endnote 166: (p. 220). _Buffaloes._--[It was, in fact, the African -buffalo that our seamen saw there.]--S.] - -[Endnote 167: (p. 224). _Hermes._--[Azurara refers here to -the book of this author entitled _The Shepherd_, composed in the -pontificate of St. Clement sometime before the persecution of Domitian -which began in the year 95. Origen, Eusebius, St. Jerome, St. Clement of -Alexandria, and Tertullian mentioned this work. By this passage we see -that Azurara, in citing it, did not admit the view of Gelasius, who -classed it among the apocryphal books.]--S.] - -[Endnote 168: (p. 225). _As he could._--[Compare this passage with -what we have said in previous notes about the Infant's plans.]--S.] - -[Endnote 169: (p. 225). _Nile._--[The Senegal, or Nile of the -Negroes.]--S.] - -[Endnote 170: (p. 226). _An island._--[It must be the Island of Gorea -(Goree), situate in 14 deg. 39' 55" N. lat. On this island see Demanet, -_Nouvelle histoire de l'Afrique_, tom. 1, pp. 87-97, passim. _Notices -statistiques sur les colonies francaises_ (troisieme partie, pp. -187-189), a work published by the Ministry of Marine in 1839.]--S.] - -[Endnote 171: (p. 228). _Cape of the Masts._--[This cape appears -marked with this name in nearly all the ancient MS. maps of the -sixteenth century. It is clear then that the name of this cape was first -given to that point by Alvaro Fernandez. Barros (_Decade I_, liv. 1, -fol. 26, ed. 1628) says of this voyage: "He passed to the place they now -call the Cabo dos Mastos: a name he then gave it on account of some bare -palm trees that at first sight looked like masts set up."]--S.] - -[Endnote 172: (p. 229). _A hind._--[This description leaves not the -smallest doubt that the animal which our seamen saw there, and of which -the author treats, is the antelope, and probably "the other beasts" were -herds of the same kind. On the history of the antelopes the reader -should consult Buffon and Cuvier.]--S.] - -[Endnote 173: (p. 230). _Dwellings_ (_Essacanas_).--[This word is not -to be found either in the _Elucidario_ or in Portuguese dictionaries; it -is met with, however, in the heptaglot of Castell, and in Golius, but -there the meaning of this Arabic word is given as being "a place where a -person dwells." Even if this be admitted for the explanation of the -text, the latter still remains obscure; however, it seems to us that the -author meant to say, that all those observations were made in the -"(Essacanas) dwellings ... that exist on certain sandbanks, according," -etc. The mariners drew their charts, and marked the coasts, banks, etc., -on the very spots themselves.]--S.] - -[Endnote 174: (p. 230). _Charts._--[This passage shows in the clearest -manner that the first hydrographical maps of the west coast of Africa, -beyond Bojador, were made by the Portuguese under the orders of the -Infant D. Henrique, and that these maps were adopted and copied by the -cosmographers of the whole of Europe (see _Memoria sobre a prioridade -dos descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_, etc., Sec.Sec. ix, x, and xi).]--S.] - -[Endnote 175: (p. 230). _Oadem._--[We judge this to be the place -called by Cadamosto Hoden (Guaden), and of which he says: "On the right -of Cape Branco inland there is an inhabited place named Hoden, which is -distant from the coast a matter of six days' journey by camel;" but he -says the contrary of what we read in the text, for he adds: "The which -is not a place of dwelling, but the Arabs foregather there, and it -serves as a calling-place for the caravans that come from Timbuctoo and -other Negro parts to this our Barbary from here." This spot, with the -very name given by Cadamosto, is marked agreeably to this account on the -chart of the Itineraries of the caravans which M. Walckenaer added to -his work, _Recherches geographiques sur l'interieur de -l'Afrique_.]--S.] - -[Endnote 176: (p. 231). _Carts._--[_Alquitoes_, an Arabic term not met -with either in our dictionaries or in the _Elucidario_, but found in the -heptaglot dictionary of Castell, in the word "Alquidene," "waggons for -the transport of women and men," and in Golius. We do not find this word -in the war regulations of the Kings D. John I and D. Affonso V (Souza, -_Prov. da hist. gen._, iii). Azurara thus employed in this place an -Arabic term which had fallen out of use in Portuguese in the fifteenth -century.]--S.] - -[Endnote 177: (p. 231). _Few._--[See the description in the travels of -Clapperton.]--S.] - -[Endnote 178: (p. 231). _Confetti._--[See the _Itineraire de Tripoli -de Barbarie a la ville de Tomboctu_, by the Cheyk Hagg-Kassem, published -by M. Walckenaer in his _Recherches sur l'interieur de l'Afrique_, p. -425; the account agrees with that in the text.]--S.] - -[Endnote 179: (p. 231). _Bestiality._--[This same description and -expression is to be found in _Leo Africanus_.]--S. The last may be read -in the Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. i, pp. 130-3, 153-4, 158-161, 218.] - -[Endnote 180: (p. 232). _Fernandez._--[As to Joao Fernandez, see ch. -xxix, and the note on the stay of this traveller at the Rio do Ouro in -1445, and also ch. xxxii.]--S.] - -[Endnote 181: (p. 232). _Went with them._--[Though this account of -Joao Fernandez is very important, because anterior by almost a century -to the description of the well-known Leo Africanus, yet the most -important part of it is wanting: namely, the route he followed, and the -places he visited during the seven months he spent with the caravans. -Despite the omission of these details, however, his description which -this chapter contains, and its exactness, is confirmed by the later -writings of Leo Africanus, Marmol, and other travellers, to whom we -refer the reader.]--S.]] - -[Endnote 182: (p. 232). _All of sand._--Here is another note of the -original MS.: [Of this land speaketh Moses in the 15th chapter of -Exodus, and Josephus and Master Pero (_Peter_), who commented on it, -where they write of the troubles of the people of Israel for want of -water, and of how they found a well of pure water; where he relateth how -Moses, by God's command, threw in the piece of wood and made it sweet. -And this took place before they arrived at the place where God sent them -the manna.] See note 148 (to p. 183).] - -[Endnote 183: (p. 232). _Tagazza_ (_Tagaoz_).--[This land is the -Tagaza of Cadamosto (ch. xii, p. 21), and Tagazza of Jackson, on the way -from Akka to Timbuctoo.]--S. See Leo Africanus, Hakluyt Soc. ed., 117, -798, 800, 816, 829; Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo_, 43; Dr. Barth, -_Reise_, iv, 616.] - -[Endnote 184: (p. 233). _Palms._--[See Denham and Clapperton.]--S.] - -[Endnote 185: (p. 233). _Water._--[See the Itineraries already cited -and published in M. Walckenaer's _Recherches_, etc., and also the -_Description of Africa_, by Leo Africanus.]--S.] - -[Endnote 186: (p. 233). _Write._--[This detail is very curious, -because it indicates that in the fifteenth century, when Joao Fernandez -journeyed with the caravans, some of those tribes which we suppose to be -Berbers had not yet adopted the Arabic characters. It is to be deplored -that Azurara is not more explicit in this place, seeing that Arabic -authors mention books written in this language. Oudney tells of various -inscriptions, written in unknown characters, which he saw in the country -of the Touariks. Very few of this tribe speak Arabic, which he was -surprised at, because of the frequent communication between them and -nations that only speak that tongue.--_Vide_ Clapperton's Travels, and -Leo Africanus in Ramusio, etc.]--S. See the Hakluyt Soc. Leo Africanus, -pp. 133, 165-7.] - -[Endnote 187: (p. 233). _Berbers._--[According to Burckhardt, _Trav._, -pp. 64 and 207, these are the Berbers. Our author includes here the -Lybians. Compare with Leo Africanus in Ramusio.]--S. See the Hakluyt -Soc. Leo Africanus, pp. 129, 133, 199, 202-5, 218.] - -[Endnote 188: (p. 233). _These last._--[It appears from this passage -that the Touariks are treated of, and their conflicts with the Negro -Fullahs, or of the Foullan.]--S. On the Tuareg, see Leo (Hakluyt Soc. -ed.), pp. 127, 151, 198, 216, 798-9, 815-6; also Dubois, _Tombouctou la -mysterieuse_, and Hourst, _Sur le Niger_.] - -[Endnote 189: (p. 233). _To sell._--[It was this trade in Negro slaves -which the Christian merchants carried on with North Africa that led to -the singular claim of Zuniga and other Spanish writers, that the -Castilians--and in particular the Andalusians--trafficked in the Negroes -of Guinea before the Portuguese; and by a confusion, either ignorant or -intended, they tried to dispute with us the priority of our discovery of -Guinea, and our exclusive commerce with this part of Africa which we -were the first to find. See our _Memoria_, already cited, Sec. xvii.]--S.] - -[Endnote 190: (p. 234). _Not certain._--[This passage shows that -Azurara did not believe in the existence of the great empire of Melli -very rich in gold mines, though in the preceding century it had been -visited by the celebrated Arab traveller Ibn-Batuta.]--S. On Melli, cf. -Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 125, 128, 133-4, 201, 823, 841.] - -[Endnote 191: (p. 234). _On the heavens._--[Leo Africanus says that -amongst the Arabs and other African peoples many persons are to be met -with who, without ever having opened a single book, discourse fairly -well on astrology.]--S. See Leo Africanus, (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 177, -460, 600.] - -[Endnote 192: (p. 234). _Hussos francos._--Meaning unknown. The word -is not found in Portuguese dictionaries.] - -[Endnote 193: (p. 235). _Fifty leagues._--[This figure does not seem -to be exaggerated. _Vide_ Rennell's "Memoir on the rate of travelling as -performed by camels," in the _Philosophical Transactions_, vol. lxxxi, -p. 144. The author refers to certain camels of the desert and the -country of the Touariks (Tuareg), which by their extreme speed travel in -one day a distance that takes an ordinary camel ten. But these do not -journey with the ordinary caravans, but are used only for warlike -enterprises.]--S.] - -[Endnote 194: (p. 236). _Resin_ [_Anime_].--See Garcia de Orta's -_Simples e Drogas_, ed. Conde de Ficalho, vol. ii, pp. 43, 44.] - -[Endnote 195: (p. 236). _Six hundred leagues._--[We think this should -read 200 and not 600 as in the text, which seems to be a mistake, -because the known portion of the west coast of Africa to Cape Bojador -has not an extension agreeing with the numeral letters in the -text.]--S.] - -[Endnote 196: (p. 237). _Already heard._--[On this important passage, -see our _Memoria sobre a prioridade_, etc., Sec.Sec. ix, x, xviii.]--S.] - -[Endnote 197: (p. 238). _Maciot._--[Compare this with what is said in -the book: _Histoire de la premiere descouverte et conqueste des Canaries -faite des l'an 1402 par messire Jean de Bethencourt, ensuite du temps -meme par F. Pierre Bontier, et Jean Le Verrier, prestre domestique dudit -Sieur de Bethencourt_, etc., published in Paris in 1630. It is clear -that Azurara had collected information of this expedition of Bethencourt -from ancient accounts. This chronicle was finished in the library of -King Affonso V in 1453, and Cadamosto sailed in the service of Portugal -two years later (1455), so that his account of the Canaries is posterior -to that of Azurara.]--S.] - -[Endnote 198: (p. 242). _Bad man._--Another MS. note. ["Marco Polo -saith that in the realm of Grand Tartary there are other like men, who -when they receive their guests, thinking to give them pleasure, let them -have their women, in the belief that as they do this for them in this -world, so the gods will do likewise for themselves in the other. And -this they hold because they are idolaters and have no law, but live only -in those first idolatries."]] - -[Endnote 199: (p. 245). _Discover._--[This passage shows that the -Infant had in view the discovery of Guinea from the commencement of the -expeditions he fitted out. In this, Azurara differs somewhat from -Cadamosto's account.]--S.] - -[Endnote 200: (p. 246). _Machico._--[Compare with Barros, _Decade I_, -i, ff. 6, 7 and 8, ed. Lisbon, 1628. The silence preserved by Azurara -about Robert Machim and Anne d'Arfet seems to show that this romance had -not been invented in his day.]--S.] - -[Endnote 201: (p. 247). 1445 ... _Goncalo Velho._--[In the unpublished -chart of Gabriel de Valsequa, made in Majorca in 1439, the following -note is written in the middle of the Azores islands: "The which islands -were found by Diego de Sevill, pilot of the King of Portugal, in the -year 1432" (according to the better reading). We transcribe this note -because of the date and the name of the discoverer, seeing that the date -agrees with what Padre Freire says in his _Life of Prince Henry_ (pp. -319, 320), _i.e._, that it was in 1432 that the island of Santa Maria -(Azores) was discovered by Goncalo Velho, and not by Diego de Senill, as -Valsequa says. De Murr, in his dissertation on the globe of Martin de -Behaim, also declares that the Azores were found in 1432. Nevertheless, -a great confusion as to the true date of the discovery of the Azores -exists among the authorities; and if maps anterior to 1432 are compared -with what Padre Freire says (p. 323) as to the discovery of the Island -of St. Michael, that the existence of this island "accorded (as the -Infant said) with his ancient maps," the discovery of the Azores would -appear to have been effected before 1432. In fact, in the Parma map of -the fourteenth century, these islands are marked; while the Catalan Map -of the Paris National Library shows the following islands in the -archipelago of the Azores named in Italian:--Insula de Corvi marini -(Island of Corvo); Le Conigi; San Zorzo (St. Jorge); Li Colombi; Insula -de Brasil; Insule de Sante (Maria?). - -In the unpublished map of the Pinelli Library, the date of which has -been fixed as between 1380 and 1400, the said islands are marked with -the following names:--Caprana; I. de Brasil; Li Colombi; I. de la -Ventura; Sa Zorzi; Li Combi; I. di Corvi marini. - -In the Valsequa Chart of 1439 these islands indicated by the -cosmographer are marked to the number of eight, three being small ones. -The names are:--Ilha de Sperta; Guatrilla; Ylla de l'Inferno; Ylla de -Frydols; Ylla de Osels (Uccello); Ylla de ...; Ylla de Corp-Marinos; -Conigi. - -It is noteworthy that the names of these islands, in the map of the -Majorcan cosmographer, which is the most modern, are all altered, while -in the Catalan map made by his compatriots, sixty-four years earlier, -the following names given by the Portuguese discoverers are found: Ilha -de Corvo, de S. Jorge, and de Santa Maria, just as in the Italian maps -of the fourteenth century.]--S. The seven islands mentioned rather -confusedly by Azurara at end of ch. lxxxiii (p. 248, top) are the -Azores.] - -[Endnote 201A: (p. 248). _Reasonings._--Azurara here omits a document -of extreme interest, which was given in full by Affonso -Cerveira--another instance of the superiority of our unhappily-lost -original to the court historian's copy.] - -[Endnote 202: (p. 252). _Algarve._--[The Kings of Castille complained -of these invasions, and there were many disputes between Portugal and -Castille as to the lordship of these islands. Las Casas, in his -_Historia de India_, an unpublished MS., treats at length of this -subject, especially in ch. viii. Compare with what Azurara says in this -chapter, Barros, _Decade I_, i, cap. 12, fol. 23, ed. 1628.]--S.] - -[Endnote 202A: (p. 252). _Enregistered._--Viz., by Affonso Cerveira, -in the original chronicle.] - -[Endnote 203: (p. 254). _Tristam._--[This river kept the name of Rio -de Nuno, or Rio de Nuno Tristao, as appears from nearly all the old -maps, in memory of this catastrophe.]--S.] - -[Endnote 203A: (p. 255). _Twenty-one._--Again not counting Nuno -Tristam himself.] - -[Endnote 204: (p. 257.). _Sines._--Sines, on the extreme S.W. coast of -the Estremadura province of Portugal, was the birthplace of Vasco da -Gama, discoverer of the sea-route to India, and one of the world's great -navigators. It lies 147 miles S.S.E. of Setubal.] - -[Endnote 205: (p. 258). _Cape of Masts._--[_Vide_ note to p. 227 of -this version.]] - -[Endnote 206: (p. 260). A _river._--[This river is marked in the map -of Juan de La Cosa (1500) with the name of Rio de Lagos, in that of Joao -Freire (1546) and in others with that of Rio do Lago; and though Dourado -marks a river to the south of the Cabo dos Matos, he gives it no -name.]--S.] - -[Endnote 207: (p. 261). _Beyond C. Verde._--[The great inlet which -they had reached, and which is situate 110 leagues south of Cape Verde, -is beyond Sierra Leone, and is marked in the maps of Juan de la Cosa -(1500), Freire (1546), and Vaz Dourado, with the cape of Santa Anna to -the south. - -On this voyage, then, counting from the Rio de Lagos, our mariners -passed the following spots marked on the above-mentioned ancient -maps:--R. Gambia; R. de Santa Clara; R. das Ostras; R. de S. Pedro; -Casamansa; Cabo Roxo; R. de S. Domingos; R. Grande; Biguba; Besegi; -Amallo; R. de Nuno; Palmar; Cabo da Verga. - -We have also R. de Pichel (maps of La Cosa and Dourado; R. da Praia in -Freire); R. de Marvam (in Freire [1546]; Rio do Ouro in Dourado); R. do -Hospital (in La Cosa [1500]; R. das Soffras in Freire [1546], and called -by Dourado R. dos Pes [1571]); R. da Tamara (La Cosa); R. da Maia -(Freire), and de Tornala in Dourado; R. de Caza (de Case in La Cosa and -Freire); Serra Leoa (Sierra Leone).]--S. - -[Endnote 208: (p. 264). _River ... caravels._--[Undoubtedly the Rio -Grande. Cf. Walckenaer, _Histoire generale des Voyages_, vol. i, p. 79, -note: where he corrects the mistake of Clarke in his _Progress of -Maritime Discovery_ (1803), p. 221.]--S.] - -[Endnote 209: (p. 265). _Cape of ... Ransom._--[On old maps this cape -is marked to the south of Arguim, and it appears under the same name in -that of Juan de La Cosa, while in Joao Freire it is called _Porto do -Resgate_.]--S.] - -[Endnote 210: (p. 267). _Expenses with ... Moors._--[This passage -shows that trading relations with Africa were already beginning to -assume a more regular character.]--S.] - -[Endnote 211: (p. 268). _Porto da Caldeira._--[A name not met with in -the oldest maps (_e.g._, Benincasa of 1467), which is one of those most -nearly contemporaneous with our discoveries, and contains many names -given by our explorers; the same remark applies to those of La Cosa -(1500) and Freire (1546), etc. It seems, then, that our seamen gave this -name to a port within the _Rio do Ouro_, as the text would indicate. The -caravel of Gomez Pirez reaching the mouth of this river, cast anchor; -afterwards the captain decided to go to the end of the river, that is, -six leagues up; and arriving there he entered a port on which our men -had previously bestowed the name of _Porto da Caldeira_.]--S.] - -[Endnote 212: (p. 268). _Well content._--[To our mind this important -passage shows that before the discovery of the Rio do Ouro by the -Portuguese, Europeans did not trade there. The very declaration of the -Arabs seems to us to contradict the opinion held by some that the -Catalans knew this river in 1346, and that Jacques Ferrer made his way -to this point (see p. 194, note 158, and note 74). In fact, it is clear -that the Arabs of that part were well aware that to get caravans to that -place meant a journey of many days across the desert, and also that, -even were this journey undertaken, they would perhaps find a difficulty -in persuading others to change the roads used from remote antiquity, and -come and traffic at a point of which they know little, and give it a -preference to the recognised _entrepots_ of ancient caravan -commerce.]--S.] - -[Endnote 213: (p. 274). _Land ... level._--[The low land marked on -ancient maps to the north of the Rio do Ouro.]--S.] - -[Endnote 214: (p. 275). _Rocks._--[We saw before how Gomez Pires, on -reaching the Rio do Ouro, cast anchor at the mouth of the river, and -afterwards made his way up the stream to a port at its furthest part, -which our mariners had named the Porto da Caldeira, where he stayed -twenty-one days in order to establish commercial relations with the -Arabs of the African hinterland. But, as these negociations came to -nothing, he set sail and moved four leagues from there towards the other -bank of the river, and came upon an island in the river (the "ilot de -roches tres eleve" of the maps of Admiral Roussin); and after they had -made eleven leagues in all, they met with the Arabs, who took refuge in -"some very big rocks that were there." These rocks are the seven -mountains marked in maps by our mariners of that time, and they are -depicted in the Mappemonde of Fra Mauro (1460), and copied from these -very Portuguese nautical charts--the "lofty mountains" of the globe of -Martin de Behaim, of Nuremburg.]--S.] - -[Endnote 215: (p. 277). _Meca._--[A city in the province of Sus and -empire of Marocco. _Leo Africanus_, Book II, says it was built by the -ancient Africans.]--S.] - -[Endnote 216: (p. 278). _Guineas._--[This passage shows that even then -traffic in the Guinea negroes was carried on through the ports on this -side of Cape Nao. The Infant then knew, before he undertook the -business, that this was one of the commercial _entrepots_ between -Marocco and the Negro States, just as is since 1810 the small kingdom -(founded by Hescham) of the independent Moors to the south of Marocco, -of the commerce between Marocco and Timbuctoo.]--S.] - -[Endnote 217: (p. 278). _Eighteen Moors._--[This detail shows the -great influence possessed by Joao Fernandez over the Moors, doubtless -owing to his speaking Arabic and having travelled with them. M. Eyries, -in the biographical article he wrote on this intrepid traveller -(_Biographie universelle_) says, with justice, that he was the first -European to penetrate into the interior of Africa, and that the details -of his story present a great analogy with those of the account given by -Mungo Park.]--S.] - -[Endnote 218: (p. 280). _Denmark, Sweden and Norway._--[King -Christopher then reigned in these three Kingdoms. He was grandson of the -Emperor Robert, and nephew of Eric XII, who had abdicated in 1441. He -died on January 6th, 1448, and the three crowns were separated.]--S. -They were united in 1397 by the Union of Calmar.] - -[Endnote 219: (p. 286). _Lost men ... Returned to the Kingdom._--[This -detail, which is not to be found in ch. xv of the _First Decade_ of -Barros, where he treats of this expedition, is of the greatest -importance, because it explains the event related in the letter of -Antoniotto Usus di Mare, _i.e._, Antonio da Nole, dated December 12th, -1455, and found in the archives of Genoa in 1802 by Graeberg (_Annali di -geografia e di statistica_, vol. ii, p. 285), in which that traveller -tells how he met in those parts with a man of his own country, whom he -took to be a member of the expedition of Vivaldi, which had set out one -hundred and seventy years before, and of which nothing had been heard -since its departure, according to Italian writers. Now it cannot be -admitted that a descendant of the Genoese expeditioners of Thedisio -Doria and Vivaldi would have kept his white colour if his ancestor had -remained among the negroes, nor could he know the language. Therefore, -Antoniotto can have seen no other white man in those parts except one of -the mariners of the Portuguese caravel of Affonso and Vallarte of which -Azurara treats in the text: especially as neither the different -Portuguese captains, nor Cadamosto, found in any part of the African -coast beyond Bojador a single vestige or tradition of other Europeans -having gone there before their discovery by the Portuguese. Of the -expedition of Vivaldi no news arrived after its departure in the -thirteenth century. In the time of Antoniotto there remained a tradition -only that it had set out intending to pass through the Straits of -Gibraltar and make an unaccustomed voyage to the West. Antoniotto was a -man of good education, and we see that he knew the authors who treated -of this event; but having imbibed these traditions, and knowing of the -existence of a Christian who had remained in these parts, he came to the -conclusion--of course in ignorance of the fact mentioned by -Azurara--that this man might be a descendant of the members of Vivaldi's -expedition, "ex illis galeis credo Vivaldoe qui se amiserit sunt anni -170." If this important passage of Azurara's chronicle be confronted -with the letter of Antoniotto, and both with the account of Cadamosto's -second voyage, there remains not the least doubt that the man mentioned -by Antoniotto was one of the three belonging to the caravel of Fernando -Affonso and Vallarte, who had remained there in 1447, that is, eight -years before Antoniotto visited the same parts, and that he was not a -descendant of the men of Vivaldi's caravel, whose destiny had then for -nearly two centuries been unknown. The passage also seems to refute the -conjecture of the publisher of the said letter, and the induction of -Baldelli in his _Millone_, vol. i, p. 153, etc., about the Medicean -Portulano and the two maps of Africa therein, which we have analysed in -our "Memoir on the priority of the Portuguese in the Discovery of the -West Coast of Africa beyond Cape Bojador," where we show that these -maps, far from disproving our priority, rather confirm it.]--S.] - -[Endnote 220: (p. 286). _The Cabo dos Ruyvos._--[Otherwise the _Angra -dos Ruivos_ of ancient maps (see note 53). On the great abundance of -fish in these parts, see the curious and erudite work of M. Berthelot -(_De la peche sur la cote occidentale d'Afrique._ Paris, 1840).]--S.] - -[Endnote 221: (p. 288). _Path of Salvation._--[Some modern writers, -founding themselves on the accounts of Cadamosto, have tried to make out -that the Portuguese were the first among modern nations to introduce the -slave trade from the beginning of their discoveries on the coast of -Africa. It does not fall within the limits of this note to show how -erroneous such assertions are; but we will nevertheless say that the -celebrated Las Casas, in his _Historia de las Indias_, MSS., ch. xix, -says that Jean de Bethencourt brought many captives from the Canaries -whom he sold in Spain, Portugal, and France.]--S.] - -[Endnote 222: (p. 289). _Toil in arms._--[Barros could not supply the -want of a continuation of the text of Azurara (_Dec. I_, Bk. I, cap. i, -fol. 32). This great historian confesses that everything he relates of -the prosecution of these discoveries is taken from some memoranda he -found in the Torre and in Treasury Books of King Affonso V. To show how -deplorable it is that Azurara did not complete this Chronicle, at least -as far as the death of the Infant, and include the discoveries made from -this year of 1448 to 1460, it suffices to say that from this year -henceforward all is confusion in the dates and events relative to this -prosecution both in Barros and in Goes (_Chronica do principe D. Joao_, -ch. viii, which is devoted to these discoveries). - -Barros limits himself to citing, in the year 1449, the licence given by -the king to D. Henry to people the seven islands of the Azores. From -this year he leaps to the year 1457, in which he only speaks of the -king's donation to the Infant D. Fernando, and only in the year 1460 -does he relate that at this time Antonio de Nolli, a Genoese by nation -and a noble man, "who owing to some troubles in his own country had come -to this kingdom" in company with Bartholemew de Nolli, his brother, and -Raphael de Nolli, his nephew, obtained a licence from the Infant to go -and discover the Cape Verde Islands; and that some servants of the -Infant D. Fernando went on the same discovery at the same time by Prince -Henry's order. - -So he (Barros) leaves us in ignorance of the regular progress of our -discoveries on the west coast of Africa from 1448, the year in which -Azurara finished this Chronicle, until 1460, in which the Infant died. -Damiao de Goes, who pretended to relate more exactly and -circumstantially these events, leaves us in the same confusion in ch. -viii of the _Chronicle of the Prince D. John_, where he treats of Prince -Henry's discoveries; and, besides, he makes a great mistake regarding -the portion of coast discovered to the year 1458 (see ch. xvi, pp. 39 -and 40 of the work cited), an error which is refuted by what Azurara -says in ch. lxxviii of this present Chronicle.]--S. - -Santarem is mistaken in assuming (see note 219, to p. 286) that "Antonio -da Nole" and Antoniotto Uso di Mare are one and the same.] - -[Endnote 223: (p. 289). _Albert the Great._--[Albertus Magnus, Bishop -of Ratisbon, one of the most learned men of the Middle Ages. His works -were published at Lyons in twenty-one folio volumes. See the art., -_Albert le Grand_, in vol. xix of the _Histoire litteraire de la -France_, p. 362, etc.]--S.] - - * * * * * - -In addition to works already mentioned, see the _Occidente_ for March -11th, 1894 (especially Brito Rebello's article on Lagos, the Villa do -Iffante, etc.); Pinheiro Chagas, _Historia de Portugal_; L. de Mendonca -on Portuguese ships of the fifteenth century, in _Memorias da Commissao -Portugueza_ (Columbus Centenary); _Historia da Universidade da Coimbra_ -(Braga), vol. i, pp. 135-140. - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -ADDENDA TO INTRODUCTION TO VOL. I. - -Dr. Sousa Viterbo, writing on Azurara in the _Revista Portugueza -Colonial e Maritima_ (October 20th, 1898), supplies the following fresh -facts relating to the life of the Chronicler, gleaned by him from the -_Chartulary_ of the Convent of the Order of St. Bernard at Almoster, -near Santarem. On December 27th, 1465, Azurara was appointed Procurator -of that famous convent by the Abbess, and in this capacity his name -appears in various documents, _e.g._, of January 21st, 1471, and -February 22nd, 1472. The post was an important, and doubtless also a -lucrative, one. He had a residence in Santarem, and no doubt lived there -for a portion of each year during the last eight years of his life. On -December 1st, 1473, we find him in Lisbon on convent business, and on -April 2nd, 1474, his servant, one Goncalo Pires, was named Procurator in -his stead. It seems, therefore, that the Chronicler died between the -last two dates. - -Azurara, though he was forbidden to marry owing to his position as a -Knight of the Order of Christ, nevertheless had a son and two daughters -by one Inez Goncalves, as appears from certain Royal letters of -legitimation. Their names were:-- - -(1) Caterina da Silveira--of the household of the Countess of -Loule--legitimated by letters of June 22nd, 1482 (_v._ Torre do Tombo -Livo 2 D. Joao II, f. 138). - -(2) Goncalo Gomez de Azurara--Squire of the household of King John -II--legitimated by letters of April 14th, 1483 (_v._ Torre do Tombo, -Livo I, Legitim. de Leitura Nova, f. 243). - -(3) Filipa Gomez--legitimated on the same day as her brother, Goncalo -Gomez (same reference as No. 2). - -The foregoing information was kindly supplied by General Brito Rebello, -who had discovered these letters during his researches in the Torre. - - * * * * * - -As to the date when the _Chronicle of Guinea_ was written, _vide_ vol. -ii of the standard work of Dr. Gama Barros, entitled _Historia da -Administracao Publica em Portugal nos Seculos XII a XV_, note 14, pp. -396-9, where the question is fully discussed. - -As to the history of the MS. of the same _Chronicle, vide_ the _Boletim -de Bibliographia Portugueza_, vol. i, p. 41, etc. Art. by Senhor Ernesto -do Canto. - -In support of the reliability of the events recorded in the same -_Chronicle_, it should be remembered that Affonso de Cerveira, from -whose notes the book was compiled, was factor at Benim, and was thus -enabled to obtain information at first hand. - - -CORRIGENDA TO VOL. I. - -P. xxiii, line 23, _instead of_ "for many years" _read_ "many years -ago." - -P. 82, line 29, _instead of_ "separating the captives" _read_ -"quarrelling." - -P. 106, line 16, _instead of_ "course" _read_ "speed." - - - -INDEX. - - -Abdul-Mumin ben Ali, Intr. II, lv - -Abu Ishak es Sahili, Intr. II, lvi - -Achoreus, "Bishop," 190, 341 - -Adahu, 48 - -Affonseannes, 265 - -Affonso I of Portugal (Affonso Henriques), 327 - -Affonso IV of Portugal, Intr. II, lxxix, lxxx; 313 - -Affonso V of Portugal, Intr. I, i, v, x, xi, xiv, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, -xxviii, xxx, xxxviii, xli, xliii. Intr. II, xi, xvi, xvii, xxviii, xxix, -xxx, lxxxix, ci, cii, cxl; 1, 3, 11, 14, 19, 20, 39, 98, 280, 288, 293, -301, 305, 306, 316, 317, 318, 323 - -Affonso, Diego, Intr. I, xvi, xvii; 95, 101, 102, 103, 118, 194 - -Affonso, Stevam, 63, 152, 178-182, 262, 264, 266, 320 - -Agrippa, Intr. II, xli - -Ahmad Gragne, Intr. II, lii, liii - -Ahude Meymam (Meimom), 110, 234, 235, 261 - -Aires, G., Intr. I, xxiv - -Albert the Great, 289, 353 - -Alcaforado, F., Intr. II, lxxxiv - -Alexander the Great, 187, 192, 226 - -Algarve, Prov. of, 9, 300, 303 - -Allemam, Pero, 169 - -"Almanzor," 298 - -Almeida, E. d', 254 - -Alvarez, R., 63 - -Alvarez, Fr., Intr. II, lii - -Alvellos, L. d', 91 - -Amallam, 283 - -Annes, J., Intr. II, ix - -Arguim, Bight and Islands of, Intr. II, xi; 58, 63, 68, 87, 96, 104, -107, 320, 321 - -Aristotle, "The Philosopher," Intr. II, xxxvii; 22, 44, 183, 301, 309, -317 - -Atayde, A. G. d', Intr. II, xcvii; 153, 206 - -Atlas, 13, 301-2 - -Augustine, St., 44, 92, 93 - -Augustus, Emperor, Intr. II, xli, xliii; 297 - -Avezac, Intr. II, lxviii, lxxvii, xciii - -Avienus, Intr. II, xxxvii - -Avranches, Count of, 19 - -Ayala, Intr. II, lxxxiii - -Azambuga, Intr. II, xxxi - -Azanegues, 49, 317-8 - -Azevedo, F. L. d', 52 - -Azevedo, R. d', Intr. I, ii, iv, xxxii - -Azurara, G. E. d', Intr. I, l-lxvii, passim, Intr. II, i, iii, v, xiii, -xvii, xix, xx, lxxxvii, lxxxviii, xcvii, xcviii, cvi, cvii, cxiii. 1-10, -98, 103, 289, 292-3 - -Azurara, J. E. d', Intr. I, ii - - -Bakui, Intr. II, lviii - -Balbus, C., Intr. II, xliii, 297 - -Baldaya, A. G., Intr. I, xi. Intr. II, x; 34, 35-8 - -Balthasar, 55, 319 - -Banner of Crusade, 164 - -Barcellos, Count, Duke of Braganza, Intr. II, xvii, xx, xci; 16 - -Barreto, D., Intr. II, lxxxix - -Barros, J., Intr. I, ii, xxviii, xlvi. Intr. II, vii, x, xiv, xxxiii, -lviii, lxvi, lxxxix, xcviii, cvii-viii, cxix; 319-20, 325, 328-9 - -Beatus, Intr. II, cxix - -Becarra, A., Intr. II, lxix, lxxxiii - -Beccario, B., Intr. II, cxxxi - -Behaim, M., Intr. II, ii, xxxii, xc - -Belem, 19, 307 - -Benedict XII, Pope, Intr. II, lxxix - -Benincasa, G., Intr. II, cx, cxxxi-ii, cxxxix; 300 - -Bernaldez, J., 63, 73, 262 - -Bernard, 144 - -Bertollemeu, J., 274 - -Bethencourt, J. de, Intr. II, lxviii-lxx, lxxxii-iv, lxxxix, xcvi-vii; -237-8 - -Bethencourt, M. de, Intr. II, lxxxiii-iv, xcvi-vii; 238, 287, 347 - -Bethencourt, R. de, Intr. II, xcvii - -Bezeghichi, Intr. II, xxv - -Bianco, A., Intr. II, lxxxvi, cxviii, cxxiv, cxxx-iv, cxxxviii-cxl - -Bicanco, 174 - -Blaeuw, Intr. II, xcvi - -Boccaccio, G., Intr. I, ix. Intr. II, lxxx - -Boniface, St., Intr. II, lv - -Bontier, P., Intr. II, lxix - -Boor (Bor), 282-4 - -Braga, T., Intr. I, ix - -Braganza, Lord of = D. Fernando, nephew of John I of Portugal, 16 - -Brandan, St., Intr. II, cxxiv, cxxvii, 27, 310-12 - -Braun, Intr. II, lxvi - -Briaticho, C. de, Intr. II, cxxxi - -Brito, S. de, Intr. I, iii - -Bruco, Intr. II, xcvii; 207 - -Bugia, 17, 304 - -Buondelmonte, C. (Ensenius), Intr. II, cxxviii - - -Cabot, Map, etc., Intr. II, xcix - -Cabral, G. V., Intr. II, ix, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, xci, cxv; 247-8, 347-8 - -Cadamosto, A., Intr. II, iii, xiii-xiv, xxxi-vi, xxix-xxx, xcii-vi, -xcviii-c, cii, cxii, cxxxv, cxxxviii, cxl; 319, 328 - -Cadiz, 21, 307 - -Caesar, C. J., 24, 93, 192, 309, 321 - -Caius (Caligula), Emperor, Intr. II, lxxiii - -Caldeira, L., 91 - -Calixtus III, Pope, Intr. II, xiv; 318 - -Camara, R. G. de, Intr. II, civ - -Campos, P. B. de, Intr. II, xcvi-vii - -Cao, D., Intr. II, xxxi-ii - -Carignano, G., Intr. II, cxvii, cxxi, cxxiii - -Carpini, J. de P., Intr. II, lxxviii, cxxix - -Castilha, J. de, Intr. II, xcvii; 206, 212 - -Castro, A. de, 214 - -Castro, F. de, Intr. II, xcvii - -Catalan Atlas of 1375, Intr. II, cxxvi-vii, cxxxvii-viii, cl - -Catalan Atlas of fifteenth century, Intr. II, cxxviii - -Cayado, L. A., 129 - -Cecco d'Ascoli, Intr. II, lxi - -Cerveira, A., Intr. I, xvii. Intr. II, cx; 103, 167, 248, 314-5, 325 - -Cesani, F. de, Intr. II, cxxxi - -Ceuta, Intr. II, iii, iv, viii, liii-iv, lvii-ix; 15-18, 303, 305-7 - -Charles V of France, Intr. II, lxvi, cxxvi - -Charles VI of France, Intr. II, lxvii - -Charles V, Emperor, Intr. II, lv - -Chaucer, 298 - -Chrysostom, St., 26, 310 - -Cicero, 14, 24, 25, 303, 310, 321 - -Cid, The = Ruy Diaz de Bivar, 4, 296 - -Cisfontes, M., 277 - -Claudian, Intr. II, cxlv - -Clavus, Claudius, Intr. II, cxxxi - -Clement VI, Pope, Intr. II, lxxix - -Cocles, Horatius, 24, 309 - -Columbus, Christr., Intr. II, xxxv, ci, cv, cvi - -Columbus, F., Intr. II, xxxv - -Combitis, N. de, Intr. II, lxxxiv, cxxviii - -"Conoscimiento, The," Intr. II, lxix-lxx, cxxv, cxxxvii - -Cordeiro, Fr., Intr. II, lxxxviii-xci, ci, cxiv - -Correa, J., 254 - -Cortereal, J. V. da C., Intr. II, cvi - -Costa, A. da, 254 - -Costa, S. da, Intr. II, xxix; 151, 152, 157, 161, 165, 166, 173, 203, -331 - -Coutinho, G. V., 16 - -Covilhao, P. de, Intr. II, xxxii, xxxiv, lii - -Cunha, P. C. da, Intr. II, c. - - -Daedalus, 299 - -Dapper, Intr. II, lxvi, xcvi - -Delgado, J., Intr. II, xxvi - -Delvas, L., 262 - -Diaz, A., 254 - -Diaz, B., Intr. II, xxxii-iv, cxxv - -Diaz, D., Intr. I, xvii. Intr. II, v, xii, cxxxviii; 98-100, 135, 153, -176, 191, 202, 214-15, 218-20, 244, 323 - -Diaz, J., 63, 173 - -Diaz, L., 106, 154-6, 174, 193, 262-3 - -Diaz, V., Intr. II, xxii; 173-4, 178, 182, 195, 197 - -Diniz (Denis, Dionysius), of Portugal, Intr. I, v, xxv. Intr. II, lxxx, -cxv - -Diegaffonso, 264 - -Doelter, C., Intr. II, xcv - -Dollanda, D., 254 - -Doria, T., Intr. II, lxi, lxiii, lxxix; 351 - -Dornellas, A., Intr. II, xcvii; 213, 249-252 - -Dornellas, J., 249-252 - -Duarte (Edward), of Portugal, Intr. I, v, vii, ix, xiv. Intr. II, xi, -xvi, cii; 3, 11, 18, 28, 39, 151, 249, 315-16, 331 - -Dulcert, A., Intr. II, cxxiii-iv, cxxxvii-viii - - -Eannes, Gil, Intr. I, xiv. Intr. II, iii, x, cxxxviii; 32-4, 63, 69-71, -74-5, 152, 157, 164, 173, 262, 263 - -Eannes, Gil, 122 [152, 157] - -Eannes, M., Intr. I, xxxii-iii - -Eannes, R., of Travacos, 152 - -Edrisi, Intr. II, xliv, xlviii-ix, lvii, lix, lxx, lxxv-vii, cxxix; 305, -319 - -Edward III of England, Intr. II, ii - -"Emosaids," Intr. II, xliii-iv - -Eratosthenes, Intr. II, xxxvi - -Erlandsson, H., Intr. II, cxlviii - -Escobar, P. de, Intr. II, xxix, xxx - -Esteves, A., Intr. II, xxix, xxx - -Eudoxus of Cyzicus, Intr. II, xxxix-xl, lxxii - -Eugenius IV, Pope, Intr. II, xiv, xviii; 53, 318 - - -Falcom, P., 257 - -Ferreira, A., Intr. II, ci - -Ferreira, G., Intr. II, xxvi, xxvii - -Fernandaffonso, 280-6 - -Fernandeannes, 265 - -Fernandez, A., Intr. I, xix. Intr. II, xii; 225-8, 258-261 - -Fernandez, D. = Dinis Diaz, Intr. II, xiii - -Fernandez, J., Intr. I, xix. Intr. II, xii; 95, 101, 107-11, 117, 232, -234-6, 273-4, 278, 324-5, 351 - -Fernandez, M., Intr. II, xxix-xxx; (another), 57 - -Fernandez, V., Intr. II, lxxxiv - -Fernando, Prince, brother of Henry the Navigator, Intr. II, xviii - -Fernando, "O Formoso," King of Portugal, Intr. I, xxix; Intr. II, lxxxv - -Fernando of Aragon, 151, 331 - -Fernando, nephew and heir of Henry the Navigator, Intr II, xix, xx, xci, -xcviii, cvi, cxiv - -Ferrer, J. = "J. Ferne," Intr. II, lxiii-lxiv, cxxvi, cxxx - -Fez, Intr. II, lv; 17, 304 - -Flaccus, S., Intr. II, xliii; 297 - -Foscarini, F., Intr. II, cxxxv, cxl - -Freitas, A. de, 152, 157-8, 161, 165-6, 174, 194-5, 197, 334-5 - -Frode, A., Intr. II, cxlviii - -Fructuoso, G., Intr. II, lxxxv, xcix, cii, cxiv - - -Gadifer de la Salle, Intr. II, lxxix, lxxxiii-iv - -Galvano, A., Intr. II, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, lxxxiv-v, cv, cxiv; 296 - -Gama, V. da, Intr. I, xxvii. Intr. II, xxxv; 349 - -Garamantes, 7, 296-8 - -Genoese, in connection with Spain and Portugal, Intr. II, lxxx-ii; 21, -308 - -George, 91 - -Gibraltar, 17, 305 - -Gil, A., 117, 145 - -Gil, D., 121, 131, 277-8 - -Gil, L., 169 - -Gil de Roma, Fra, 167, 333 - -Gioja, F., Intr. II, cxlix - -Giroldis, J., Intr. II, cxxx-i - -Giustiniani, Intr. II, lxi - -Goes, D. de, Intr. I, ii, xxxi, xliv, xlv. Intr. II, cxii - -Gomez, D., Intr. II, ii, iv, xiv, xxv-vii, xcii-vi, cl - -Gomez, F., Intr. II, xxix, xxx, xxxi - -Goncalvez, A., Intr. I, xiv, xv, xvi. Intr. II, v, xi, xcviii; 39-51, -52, 54-7, 95, 101-7, 109-13, 117, 118, 169, 194, 232, 278-9, 286-7, 325 - -Goncalvez, D., Intr. II, xcvii; 169, 170, 210, 265, 266 - -Goncalvez, Gil, 169 - -Goncalvez, George, 279 - -Goncalvez, J., 117; (another?) 293 - -Goncalvez, L., Intr. II, xxx - -Gondofre (Gondolfo?), 184, 340 - -Gorizo, J., 267, 271 - -Goterres, A., 40, 42 - -Graa, D. E. de, 117, 126, 130, 131, 161, 166, 327 - -Granada, 17, 304 - -Gregory I, Pope, St., 7, 296 - -Gregory II, Pope, Intr. II, lv - -Gregory VII, Pope (Hildebrand), Intr. II, lv, lvi - -Gregory IX, Pope, Intr. II, lvi - -Grynaeus, Intr. II, xcix - -Guarcia, A., Intr. I, xxiv - -Guerand, J., Intr. II, lxviii - -Guitanye, 281-5 - - -Haagen, W. Van der = "Da Silveira," Intr. II, lxxxix, xc-ii - -Hakluyt, R., Intr. II, lxvii, lxxxiv - -Hami-ibnu'l Jalil, Intr. II, l - -Hannibal, 94, 322 - -Hanno, Intr. II, xxix, xxxvi-ix, lxxv - -Henry, "The Navigator," Prince of Portugal, Intr. I, viii, x-xx, xxvii, -l, lii, lvii, lxiii. Intr. II, i-xxviii, xxxv, li, liii, liv, lvi-ix, -lx, lxii, lxiii, lxxxvii-cxvi, cxxix-cxxxvi, cxxxviii, cxl, cxliv; 1, 3, -6-35, 38-9, 40, 51-4, 55, 60-62, 79-87, 95, 98, 100, 101, 106-7, 116, -147-151, 174, 206-7, 212-13, 225-6, 229-30, 232, 236-8, 241, 244-8, 253, -257, 258, 261-3, 279-81, 285-8, 300, 302, 303, 305-8, 309-10, 315-16, -318, 323-4, 326, 348, 352 - -Henry III, of Castille, Intr. II, lxxxiii; 237 - -Henry V, of England, Intr. II, xv; 310 - -Henry VI, of England, Intr. II, xv; 299, 310 - -Henry, Prince of Galilee, Intr. II, xix, 301 - -Henry, Master of Santiago, 150 - -Herculano, Intr. I, ii, xlii - -Hermes (Hermas), 224, 334 - -Herodotus, Intr. II, xxxvi, xxxix; 296 - -Heurter, J. Van = Joz de Utra, Intr. II, xc-ii - -Himilco, Intr. II, xxxvii - -Homem, G., Intr. I, xvii; 101-2, 118, 263 - -Homem, H., 37 - -Homer, 183 - - -Ibn-al-Wardi, Intr, II, xlix, lxxv-vi - -Ibn-Batuta, Intr. II, xlix, l, lii, lvi, lix - -Ibn-Fatima, Intr. II, xliv, lviii - -Ibn-Khordadbeh, 297 - -Ibn-Said, Intr. II, xliv - -Icarus, 341 - -Iffante, J., Intr. II, xxxiii, xxxiv - -Innocent III, Pope, Intr. II, lvi - -Innocent IV, Intr. II, lvi - -Isabel, Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Henry the Navigator, Intr. -II, lxxxix-xci; 11, 301 - -Isabel, wife of Affonso V, 288 - -Isidore, St., 183, 298 - -"Islands of the Ocean," 9, 300 - -"Italian Wisdom," 8, 299, 300 - - -Jacome, Jacob, James, "Master," Intr. II, cviii, cxi, cxix - -James, St., of Compostella (Santiago), 5, 296, 298, 317 - -Jerome, St., Intr. II, cxxix; 22, 309 - -John I, of Portugal, Intr. I, viii, ix, xxv. Intr. II, ii, x, xvi, -xviii, xcvii, cv; 3, 11, 17, 98, 249, 295 - -John II, of Portugal, Intr. II, xxviii, xxx-v, lii - -John, Prince of Portugal, Intr. II, c; 17, 245 - -John I, of Castille, 237 - -John II, of Castille, Intr. II, xv, 150, 310 - -John, of Gaunt, Intr. II, ii - -John, of Lancon, 4, 295 - -Josephus, 54, 184, 340 - -Josua Van der Berge=Jacques de Bruges, Intr. II, lxxxix - -Juba, King of Numidia, Intr. II, xlii, lxxii-iv; 184 - - -Khoshkhash, Intr. II, xliv, lxxv - -Kunkur Musa, Intr. II, xlvii - - -"Labyrinth," 8, 299 - -La Cosa, Map, Intr. II, cx - -Ladislaus, 152, 331 - -Lagos, Intr. II, xii; 61, 70 - -Lancarote, Intr. I, xv-xviii; 60-80, 83, 86, 147-174, 194-200, 320 - -Las Casas, Intr. II, cv - -Las Casas, G. de, Intr. II, xcvii - -Latini, B., Intr. II, cxlvii-viii - -"Laurentian Portolano," "Mediceum," Intr. II, cxxv, cxxxvii, cxlii - -Leo Africanus, John, Intr. II, xlix, lvi; 305, 345-6, 351 - -Leardo, G., Intr. II, cxxxii, cxxxiv, cxlii - -Leo IX, Pope, Intr. II, lv - -Leonor, of Aragon and Portugal, Intr. II, xi, xvi; 315-6 - -Lisbon, 50, 115, 317, 327 - -Livy, 44, 93 - -Lopes, Fernam, Intr. I, v, vii, viii, xxi, xxix, xlv - -Lopez, F., Intr. II, lxix, lxxxii - -Louis, of Provence, 152, 331 - -Lourenceannes, 274 - -Lourenco, H., 265 - -Lucan, 24, 183, 190 - -Luis de la Cerda, Intr. II, lxxix-lxxx - -Luna, A. de, 151, 331 - -Luxoro, Tammar, Intr. II, cxxi-ii - - -Machado, D., 254 - -Macham, Intr. II, ix, lxx-i, lxxxiv-v; 347-8 - -Machico, Intr. II, lxx, lxxxiv-v - -Macrobius, Intr. II, cxxix - -Mafaldo, 117-123, 136-8, 145, 328 - -Maghrurin, Intr. II, lxxv-vii - -Major, H. N., Intr. II, ii, xix, xxii, xxxvii, lxv, lxix, lxxiii, lxxix, -lxxxi - -Malocello, L., Intr. II, lxi, lxiii, lxxviii, lxxix - -Manuel, Intr. II, xx - -Marinus, of Tyre, Intr. II, xlii-iii, cxxxiv; 297 - -Marocco, Intr. II, lv; 17, 304 - -Marta, A., Intr. II, xcvii, 249 - -Martin V., Pope, Intr. II, xv; 310 - -Martins, O., Intr. II, viii-xii - -Masudi, Intr. II, xliv, lxxv; 296 - -Maternus, J., Intr. II, xliii; 297 - -Mauro, Fra, Intr. II, lxx, cxi, cxxii, cxxviii, cxxxii, cxxxv, cxl-iv - -Mela, Pomponius, Intr. II, xxxvii, xxxix, xl - -Mello, F. M. de, Intr. II, lxxxiv - -Menezes, P. de, Intr. I, xxv, xxvi, xxxv, xl - -Menezes, D. de, Intr. I, xxxviii - -Menezes, H. de, Intr. I, xxxix-xl - -Meyrelles, V. de, Intr. I, iv - -Minef, 282 - -Mohammed, 10, 300, 301 - -Morales, Intr. II, lxxxv - -Moses, 184 - - -Necho, Pharoah, Intr. II, xxxvi; 298-9 - -Neckam, A., Intr. II, cxlv-vi - -Nepos, C., Intr. II, xxxix - -Nicholas V., Pope, Intr. II, xiv, lviii; 318-9 - -Niebla, Intr. II, xcvii - -Nile, 174, 176-191, 193, 195, 214, 225, 341-2 - -Noli, A., Intr. II, xxvii; 351 - -Nordenskjoeld, Intr. II, xxiv, xxviii, xxx, lxii, lxiv, lxix, lxx, -lxxxvi, lxxxvii, cix, cx, cxviii, cxix, cxxviii, cxxxvi, cxxxvii, -cxxxix, cxl - -Nunes, P., Intr. II, cviii - - -Ogane, Intr. II, xxxii - -Oldham, Intr. II, xcii-vi - -Order of Christ, 19, 306-7 - -Orosius, P., 183, 339 - -Osorio, Intr. II, cxii - -Ovid, 299 - - -Pacheco, G., Intr. I, xviii. Intr. II, xii; 116, 145, 327-8 - -Paleologus, M., Intr. II, xv - -Pallenco, 152, 153, 214, 215, 218 - -Pareto, B., Intr. II, cxxxii, cxxxiv-v - -Paul, St., 292 - -Payva, A. de, Intr. II, xxxii, lii - -Pedro, D., Regent of Portugal, brother of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, -viii, xiv, xv. Intr. II, xi, xii, xiv, xvi-xviii, liv, xc-xci, xcviii, -cxiv; 19, 53, 95, 150-1, 247, 248, 261, 288, 303 - -Pedro, D., nephew of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, i; 150, 330-1 - -Pedro, D., of Aragon, Intr. I, xxxvi - -Peraza, F., Intr. II, xcvii - -Pereira, Nun'Alvares, Intr. I, vii, xi, liii-iv; 4, 296 - -Pereira, M., 221 - -Pereira, D. P. (author of "Esmeraldo"), Intr. II, cxii; 309, 317, 325 - -Perez, F., Intr. II, xcvii - -Perestrello, B., Intr. II, x, c, ci; 245-6 - -Perestrello, B., the younger, Intr. II, c, ci - -Perestrello, F. M. de, Intr. II, ci - -Pessanha (Pezagno), E., Intr. II, lxxx; 300, 308 - -Peter Lombard, 295 - -"Peter Master," Intr. II, cviii; (another), 184, 340 - -Petrarch, Intr. II, lxxix - -Pharaoh, 184 - -Phidias, 22, 309 - -Philippa, mother of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, xlvi. Intr. II, ii; 11 - -Picanco, 174, 206; cf. Bicanco - -Pietro d'Abano, Intr. II, lxii - -Pillito, A. G., 91 - -Pina, R. de, Intr. I, vi, viii - -Pinelli-Walckenaer (Atlas), Intr. II, cxxvii, cl - -Pirez, G., Intr. I, xvi, xx; 152, 157, 173, 192, 194, 267-277, 350 - -Pisano, M. de, Intr. I, i, iv, xxxv - -Piste, Intr. II, xcvii; 207 - -Pizigani, F. and M., Intr. II, cxxv-vi, cxxxvii - -Plato, Intr. II, lxxii, cxlv; 317 - -Pliny, Intr. II, xxxvii, xxxix-xli, lxxii-iii, cxlv; 297 - -Plutarch, Intr. II, lxxii - -Po, Fernando, Intr. II, xxx - -Polo, Marco, Intr. II, lx, cxiv, cxxix; 146, 297, 330 - -Polybius, Intr. II, xl, xli - -Portocarreiro, D. V., 250 - -Pory, J., Intr. II, xlvii - -Posidonius, Intr. II, xxxix - -Prado, de, Intr. II, xxvii - -Prester John, Intr. II, iv, xxxii, li-liii, liv, lxii; 55, 319 - -Provins, G. de, Intr. II, cxlvi, cxlvii - -Prunaut, J., Intr. II, lxv-vii - -Ptolemy, C., Intr. II, xli, xlii, lxxii-v, lxxxvii, cxxi, cxxii, cxlv; -183, 297 - -Ptolemy Euergetes II, Intr. II, xxxix, xl - -Purbach, G., Intr. II, cxiv - - -Rabanus, J., 184 - -Ramiro, D., 5, 296 - -Raymond Lulli, Intr. II, lx, cxviii - -Recco, N. de, Intr. II, lxxxi - -Regiomontanus, Intr. II, cxiv - -Ribeiro, J. P., Intr. I, xxviii, xxx-i, xliv - -Richard, 144 - -Robert of Haldingham (? Hereford Map), Intr. II, cxix - -Roderic of Toledo, 54, 319 - -Rodrigueannes, _see_ Travacos - -Romulus, 24, 309 - -Rubruquis, Intr. II, lxxviii, cxxix - - -Sacrobosco = John of Holywood, Intr. II, lxi - -Sa-ka-ssi, Intr. II, xlix - -Sagres, Intr. II, viii, xii, cvi-x; 21, 307-8 - -Sallam, 297 - -Sallust, Intr. II, cxxix; 22, 309 - -Santarem, Viscount, Intr. I, xi. Intr. II, lxvii, cx, cxxiii, cxxxv, -cxl, notes _passim_ - -Santarem, J. de, Intr. II, xxix, xxx - -Sanudo, M., Intr. II, cxxii, cxxiii - -Satam, 282 - -Sataspes, Intr. II, xxxix - -Scipio, AE., Intr. II, xl - -_Sebosus, S._, Intr. II, xlii, lxxii-iv - -Seneca, 25, 26, 94, 310 - -Serra, C. de, Intr. I, iii - -Sertorius, Intr. II, lxxii - -Sevill, D. de, Intr. II, ix, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, cxiv; 348 - -Sidi Yahia, Intr. II, xlvi - -Sigismund (Siegmund), Intr. II, xv; 24, 310 - -Sigurd of Norway, Intr. II, lxxvii-viii - -Simon of St. Quentin, Intr. II, lxxviii - -Sintra, G. de, Intr. I, xvi, xviii. Intr. II, xii; 87-91, 94, 146, 148, -321 - -Sintra, P. de, Intr. II, xxviii, xxix, cxxxix, cxl - -Socrates, 45, 317 - -Sodre, V. G., Intr. II, lxxxix - -Soleri, G., Intr. II, cxxvii - -Solinus, Intr. II, xxxvii, lxxiii - -"Spanish, Friar, The," Intr. II, lxix-lxx - -Strabo, Intr. II, xxxix, lxxii - - -Tacfarinas, 297 - -Tacitus, 297 - -Tangier, Intr. II, xi; 14, 302 - -Tavarez, F. de S., Intr. II, cxiv - -Tavilla, 206 - -Teive, D. de, Intr. II, cii - -Teixeira, Tristam Vaz, Intr. II, ix, x, xcix; 153, 213, 246, 247 - -Temporal, Intr. II, lxvii, xciii - -Thomas Aquinas, St., 2, 7, 290, 295, 296 - -Tiberius, Emperor, 297 - -Tinoco, A., 255, 257 - -Torquatus, M., 24, 93, 309 - -Trajan, Emperor, Intr. II, xliii; 297 - -Trasto, J. de, Intr. II, ii - -Travacos, R. A. de, 174, 191 [202, 218, 219, 220, 224, 278, under -"Rodrigueannes"] - -Trevigiano, S., Intr. II, cxl - -Tristam, N., Intr. I, xiv-xvii, xix. Intr. II, v, xi, xii; 44-51, 58-9, -63, 96-8, 252-7, 262, 320, 321, 348-9 - -Tunis, 17, 304 - - -Uso di Mare, A., Intr. II, xxii, xxiii, lxii, lxiii; 351 - - -"Vadinus," Intr. II, lxii - -Valerius Maximus, 23, 44, 309, 317 - -Valladores, D. A. de, 47 - -Vallarinho, F., 262 - -Vallarte, Intr. I, xx. Intr. II, xiii; 280-5, 351, 352 - -Valsecca, G., Intr. II, lxxxvi, cxiv, cxxxi, cxxxiv, cxxxviii-ix; 347-8 - -Vasconcellos, C. M. de, Intr. I, vii - -Vasquez, A., 122, 124-5, 130-3, 329 - -Vasquez, G., 63 - -Vegetius, 93, 262 - -Vergerio, P., 116, 327 - -Verrier, J. le, Intr. II, lxix - -Vesconte, P., Intr. II, cxviii, cxxiii, cxxxii - -Vespasian, 297 - -Vicente, M., 63, 64, 173 - -Viladestes, M. de, Intr. II, cxxx - -Vilhena, M. de, Intr. II, xci-ii - -Villes, J., 264 - -Vinagre, G., 48 - -Virgil, 297 - -Vitry, J. de, Intr. II, cxlvii - -Vivaldo, U. de, Intr. II, lxi, lxxix; 351, 352 - - -Walter, 54, 319 - - -Zarco, J. G., Intr. I, xviii. Intr. II, ix, x, lxxxv, xcix, cii; 153, -192, 225, 229, 246, 247, 258, 263 - -Zeno, M., Intr. II, xxii - - [Illustration: AFRICA, ETC., IN THE LAURENTIAN PORTOLANO OF 1351. - HAKLUYT. S. I. v. C] - - - [Illustration: S. AFRICA, ACCORDING TO FRA MAURO (1457-9). - HAKLUYT.] - - - - - Transcriber's Notes: - - Punctuation was standardized and minor punctuation errors corrected. - - Special characters were transcribed as follows: - Letters with macron: [=i] [=o] [=p] - Letter with dot: [.a] - Degree symbol with deg. - Stand-alone Greek letters by their name, e.g. alpha, beta, gamma - - Footnotes in the extended introduction are numbered 1-293. Footnotes in - the text of the book, identified with special characters in the - original, are identified here with letters A-CU. Footnotes are indented - and placed following the paragraph in which they occur. Endnotes, called - "Notes" in the original, are numbered 1-223. Endnote anchors are - identified as [N1] through [N223]. Endnotes 1-112 and index page - references 1-128 refer to Volume I. All endnotes precede the index, as - in the original. - - Page reference for Endnote 78 was corrected from 61 to 68. Page - reference for Endnote 100 was corrected from 110 to 111. The endnotes - contain two 75's and 153's. The second has been renumbered 75a and 153a, - respectively. Endnote anchors [N153a], [N154], [155] and [N156], missing - in the original, have been added to the text. - - Changes to text: - accent added to final 'a' ... Ou tornara ... - 'Alfarrobiera' to 'Alfarrobeira' ... battle of Alfarrobeira ... - 'dos' to 'das' ... at Angra das Voltas ... - 'de' to 'da' ... _Saudades da terra_ ... - 'reconnaisance' to 'reconnaissance' - ... made a reconnaissance ... - ... as a possible reconnaissance ... - ... the reconnaissance of 1445 ... - Various spellings (mappemondo, mappamondo, mappamonde, mappamundi, - mappemundi, mappe monde, mappe-monde) were changed to 'mappemonde' - for consistency within the text. - 'latest' to 'late' ... of the late thirteenth century, ... - 'exagerrated' to 'exaggerated' ... it was much exaggerated by many ... - 'Poly us' to 'Polybius' ... "He (Polybius) relates that ... - 'latitute' to 'latitude' ... northernmost in latitude ... - 'Mussulman' to 'Musulman' ... a Musulman visit to ... - 'comunicated' to 'communicated' ... Rilvas communicated this fact ... - 'mediaeval' to 'mediaeval' several places, for consistency w/ remaining - text - 'cavarels' to 'caravels' ... when the fourteen caravels set out from ... - 'Dias' to 'Diaz' ... and Dinas Diaz joined company ... - removed duplicate 'other other' ... that any other ship of these ... - 'stubborness' to 'stubbornness' ... with her foolish stubbornness ... - 'biddden' to 'bidden' ... as he was bidden ... - 'Minotour' to 'Minotaur' ... the Minotaur, who was half man ... - 'beseiged' to 'besieged' ... It was also besieged in 960 ... - 'a' to 'an' ... as an evidence of their great toil ... - 'o' to 'of' ... the names of these sovereigns ... - 'began' to 'begun' ... the Genoese had begun a direct trade ... - ... finishing what he had begun ... - 'anchor d' to 'anchored' ... fleets of Europe might be anchored ... - 'chonicler' to 'chronicler' ... the chronicler of Walter of ... - 'Fernandes' to 'Fernandez' ... when Joao Fernandez journeyed with ... - 'ixth' to 'sixth' ... in his sixth book ... - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Chronicle of the Discovery and -Conquest of Guinea, by Gomes Eannes de Azurara - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DISCOVERY, CONQUEST OF GUINEA, VOL II *** - -***** This file should be named 35764.txt or 35764.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - https://www.gutenberg.org/3/5/7/6/35764/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Carol Ann Brown -and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -https://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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