summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
path: root/old/files/relative.htm
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      Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Complete, by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de
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      Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, by Bourrienne
    </h1>
<pre xml:space="preserve">

The Project Gutenberg EBook of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Complete
by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net


Title: Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Complete

Author: Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne

Release Date: September 3, 2006 [EBook #3567]
Last updated: July 19, 2014

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON ***




Produced by David Widger





</pre>

    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>

      <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> <img alt="spines (208K)" src="images/spines.jpg" width="100%" /><br /></div>


    <p>
      <br /><br /> <br /><br />
    </p>

      <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> <img alt="inside (68K)" src="images/inside.jpg" width="100%" /><br /></div>

    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <h1>
      MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE,<br /><br /> Complete
    </h1>
    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      By LOUIS ANTOINE FAUVELET DE BOURRIENNE
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br />
    <h3>
      His Private Secretary
    </h3>
      <br /><br /><br />
    </p>
    <h4>
      Edited by R. W. Phipps Colonel, Late Royal Artillery
    </h4>
    <h2>
      1891
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>

      <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> <img alt="titlepage (76K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" width="100%" /><br /></div>

    <p>
      <br /><br /> <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <blockquote>
      <p class="toc">
        <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big>
      </p>
      <p>
        <br />
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2H_PREF"> PREFACE 1836 EDITION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2H_PREF2"> PREFACE 1885 EDITION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0005"> AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0006"> NOTE. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0008"> <b>VOLUME I. &mdash; 1769-1800 </b> </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0001"> CHAPTER 1 </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0018"> CHAPTER XVIII </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0019"> CHAPTER XIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0020"> CHAPTER XX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0021"> CHAPTER XXI </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0022"> CHAPTER XXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0023"> CHAPTER XXIII </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0024"> CHAPTER XXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0025"> CHAPTER XXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0026"> CHAPTER XXVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0027"> CHAPTER XXVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0028"> CHAPTER XXVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0029"> CHAPTER XXIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0030"> CHAPTER XXX </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0031"> CHAPTER XXXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0032"> CHAPTER XXXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0033"> CHAPTER XXXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0034"> CHAPTER XXXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0035"> CHAPTER XXXV </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0044"> <b>VOLUME II. &mdash; 1800-1805</b> </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0036"> CHAPTER I. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0037"> CHAPTER II. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0038"> CHAPTER III. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0039"> CHAPTER IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0040"> CHAPTER V. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0041"> CHAPTER VI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0042"> CHAPTER VII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0043"> CHAPTER VIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0044"> CHAPTER IX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0045"> CHAPTER X. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0046"> CHAPTER XI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0047"> CHAPTER XII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0048"> CHAPTER XIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0049"> CHAPTER XIV </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0050"> CHAPTER XV </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0051"> CHAPTER XVI </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0052"> CHAPTER XVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0053"> CHAPTER XVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0054"> CHAPTER XIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0055"> CHAPTER XX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0056"> CHAPTER XXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0057"> CHAPTER XXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0058"> CHAPTER XXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0059"> CHAPTER XXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0060"> CHAPTER XXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0061"> CHAPTER XXYI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0062"> CHAPTER XXVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0063"> CHAPTER XXVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0064"> CHAPTER XXIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0065"> CHAPTER XXX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0066"> CHAPTER XXXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0067"> CHAPTER XXXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0068"> CHAPTER XXXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0069"> CHAPTER XXXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <br /><br />
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0079"> <b>VOLUME III. &mdash; 1805-1814</b> </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0070"> CHAPTER I. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0071"> CHAPTER II. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0072"> CHAPTER III. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0073"> CHAPTER IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0074"> CHAPTER V </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0075"> CHAPTER VI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0076"> CHAPTER VII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0077"> CHAPTER VIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0078"> CHAPTER IX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0079"> CHAPTER X. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0080"> CHAPTER XI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0081"> CHAPTER XII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0082"> CHAPTER XIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0083"> CHAPTER&mdash;XIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0084"> CHAPTER XV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0085"> CHAPTER XVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0086"> CHAPTER XVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0087"> CHAPTER XVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0088"> CHAPTER XIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0089"> CHAPTER XX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0090"> CHAPTER XXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0101"> CHAP XXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0091"> CHAPTER XXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0092"> CHAPTER XXIV </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0093"> CHAPTER XXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0094"> CHAPTER XXVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0095"> CHAPTER XXVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0096"> CHAPTER XXVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0097"> CHAPTER XXIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0098"> CHAPTER XXX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0099"> CHAPTER XXXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0100"> CHAPTER XXXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0101"> CHAPTER XXXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0102"> CHAPTER XXXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0103"> CHAPTER, XXXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0104"> CHAPTER XXXVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linklink2H_4_0116"> <b>VOLUME IV. &mdash; 1814-1821 </b> </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0105"> CHAPTER I. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0106"> CHAPTER II. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0107"> CHAPTER III. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0108"> CHAPTER IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0109"> CHAPTER V. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0110"> CHAPTER VI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0111"> CHAPTER VII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0112"> CHAPTER VIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0113"> CHAPTER IX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0114"> CHAPTER X. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0115"> CHAPTER XI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0116"> CHAPTER XII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linklink2HCH0117"> CHAPTER XIII </a>
      </p>
    </blockquote>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      ILLUSTRATIONS
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">

VOLUME I.

I.        <a href="images/front1.jpg">NAPOLEON I.</a> (First Portrait)
II.       <a href="images/p002.jpg">LETITIA RAMOLINO</a>
III.      <a href="images/p046.jpg">THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE</a> (First Portrait)
IV.       <a href="images/p076.jpg">EUGENE BEAUHARNAIS</a>
V.        <a href="images/p150.jpg">GENERAL KLEBER</a>
VI.       <a href="images/p200.jpg">MARSHAL LANNES </a>
VII.      <a href="images/p300.jpg">TALLEYRAND</a>
VIII.     <a href="images/p334.jpg">GENERAL DUROC</a>
IX.       <a href="images/p358.jpg">MURAT, KING OF NAPLES</a>


VOLUME II.

I.        <a href="images/front2.jpg">THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE</a>(Second Portrait
II.       <a href="images/pb010.jpg">GENERAL DESAIX</a>
III.      <a href="images/pb060.jpg">GENERAL MOREAU</a>
IV.       <a href="images/pb094.jpg">HORTENSE BEAUHARNAIS</a>
V.        <a href="images/pb268.jpg">THE DUC D'ENGHEIN</a>
VI.       <a href="images/pb290.jpg">GENERAL PICHEGRU</a>


VOLUME III.

I.        <a href="images/front3.jpg">NAPOLEON</a> (Second Portrait)
II.       <a href="images/pc010.jpg">MARSHAL NEY</a> (First Portrait)
III.      <a href="images/pc070.jpg">CAULAINCOURT, DUKE OF VICENZA</a>
IV.       <a href="images/pc086.jpg">MARSHAL DAVOUST</a>
V.        <a href="images/pc104.jpg">THE CHARGE OF THE CUIRASSIERS AT EYLAU</a>
VI.       <a href="images/pc122.jpg">GENERAL JUNOT</a>
VII.      <a href="images/pc194.jpg">MARSHAL SOULT</a>
VIII.     <a href="images/pc228.jpg">THE EMPRESS MARIA LOUISA</a> (First Portrait)
IX.       <a href="images/pc242.jpg">GENERAL LASALLE</a>
X.        <a href="images/pc274.jpg">MARSHAL MASSENA</a>
XI.       <a href="images/pc452.jpg">COLOURED MAP OF EUROPE TO ILLUSTRATE THE DOMINION OF NAPOLEON</a>


VOLUME IV.

I.        <a href="images/front4.jpg">THE EMPRESS MARIA LOUISA</a> (Second Portrait)
II.       <a href="images/pd004.jpg">MARSHAL MACDONALD</a>
III.      <a href="images/pd006.jpg">FACSIMILE OF THE EMPEROR'S ABDICATION IN 1814</a>
IV.       <a href="images/pd070.jpg">NAPOLEON I.</a> (Third Portrait)
V.        <a href="images/pd138.jpg">MARSHAL SUCHET</a>
VI.       <a href="images/pd176.jpg">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON</a>
VIII.     <a href="images/pd204.jpg">MARSHAL BLUCHER</a>
IX.       <a href="images/pd296.jpg">MARSHAL GOUVON ST. CYR</a>
X.        <a href="images/pd316.jpg">MARSHAL NEY</a> (Second Portrait)
XI.       <a href="images/pd358.jpg">THE KING OF ROME</a>
XII.      <a href="images/pd432.jpg">GENERAL BESSIERES</a>

</pre>
    <p>
      <br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> <a name="linklink2H_PREF" id="link2H_PREF">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a> <br /><br />
    </p>

      <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> <img alt="front1 (96K)" src="images/front1.jpg" width="100%" /><br /></div>

    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      PREFACE 1836 EDITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In introducing the present edition of M. de Bourrienne's Memoirs to the
      public we are bound, as Editors, to say a few Words on the subject.
      Agreeing, however, with Horace Walpole that an editor should not dwell for
      any length of time on the merits of his author, we shall touch but lightly
      on this part of the matter. We are the more ready to abstain since the
      great success in England of the former editions of these Memoirs, and the
      high reputation they have acquired on the European Continent, and in every
      part of the civilised world where the fame of Bonaparte has ever reached,
      sufficiently establish the merits of M. de Bourrienne as a biographer.
      These merits seem to us to consist chiefly in an anxious desire to be
      impartial, to point out the defects as well as the merits of a most
      wonderful man; and in a peculiarly graphic power of relating facts and
      anecdotes. With this happy faculty Bourrienne would have made the life of
      almost any active individual interesting; but the subject of which the
      most favourable circumstances permitted him to treat was full of events
      and of the most extraordinary facts. The hero of his story was such a
      being as the world has produced only on the rarest occasions, and the
      complete counterpart to whom has, probably, never existed; for there are
      broad shades of difference between Napoleon and Alexander, Caesar, and
      Charlemagne; neither will modern history furnish more exact parallels,
      since Gustavus Adolphus, Frederick the Great, Cromwell, Washington, or
      Bolivar bear but a small resemblance to Bonaparte either in character,
      fortune, or extent of enterprise. For fourteen years, to say nothing of
      his projects in the East, the history of Bonaparte was the history of all
      Europe!
    </p>
    <p>
      With the copious materials he possessed, M. de Bourrienne has produced a
      work which, for deep interest, excitement, and amusement, can scarcely be
      paralleled by any of the numerous and excellent memoirs for which the
      literature of France is so justly celebrated.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Bourrienne shows us the hero of Marengo and Austerlitz in his
      night-gown and slippers&mdash;with a 'trait de plume' he, in a hundred
      instances, places the real man before us, with all his personal habits and
      peculiarities of manner, temper, and conversation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The friendship between Bonaparte and Bourrienne began in boyhood, at the
      school of Brienne, and their unreserved intimacy continued during the most
      brilliant part of Napoleon's career. We have said enough, the motives for
      his writing this work and his competency for the task will be best
      explained in M. de Bourrienne's own words, which the reader will find in
      the Introductory Chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Bourrienne says little of Napoleon after his first abdication and
      retirement to Elba in 1814: we have endeavoured to fill up the chasm thus
      left by following his hero through the remaining seven years of his life,
      to the "last scenes of all" that ended his "strange, eventful history,"&mdash;to
      his deathbed and alien grave at St. Helena. A completeness will thus be
      given to the work which it did not before possess, and which we hope will,
      with the other additions and improvements already alluded to, tend to give
      it a place in every well-selected library, as one of the most satisfactory
      of all the lives of Napoleon.
    </p>

      LONDON, 1836.

    <p>
      <br /><br /> <a name="linklink2H_PREF2" id="link2H_PREF2"></a> <br /><br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      PREFACE 1885 EDITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Memoirs of the time of Napoleon may be divided into two classes&mdash;those
      by marshals and officers, of which Suchet's is a good example, chiefly
      devoted to military movements, and those by persons employed in the
      administration and in the Court, giving us not only materials for history,
      but also valuable details of the personal and inner life of the great
      Emperor and of his immediate surroundings. Of this latter class the
      Memoirs of Bourrienne are among the most important.
    </p>
    <p>
      Long the intimate and personal friend of Napoleon both at school and from
      the end of the Italian campaigns in 1797 till 1802&mdash;working in the
      same room with him, using the same purse, the confidant of most of his
      schemes, and, as his secretary, having the largest part of all the
      official and private correspondence of the time passed through his hands,
      Bourrienne occupied an invaluable position for storing and recording
      materials for history. The Memoirs of his successor, Meneval, are more
      those of an esteemed private secretary; yet, valuable and interesting as
      they are, they want the peculiarity of position which marks those of
      Bourrienne, who was a compound of secretary, minister, and friend. The
      accounts of such men as Miot de Melito, Raederer, etc., are most valuable,
      but these writers were not in that close contact with Napoleon enjoyed by
      Bourrienne. Bourrienne's position was simply unique, and we can only
      regret that he did not occupy it till the end of the Empire. Thus it is
      natural that his Memoirs should have been largely used by historians, and
      to properly understand the history of the time, they must be read by all
      students. They are indeed full of interest for every one. But they also
      require to be read with great caution. When we meet with praise of
      Napoleon, we may generally believe it, for, as Thiers (Consulat., ii. 279)
      says, Bourrienne need be little suspected on this side, for although he
      owed everything to Napoleon, he has not seemed to remember it. But very
      often in passages in which blame is thrown on Napoleon, Bourrienne speaks,
      partly with much of the natural bitterness of a former and discarded
      friend, and partly with the curious mixed feeling which even the brothers
      of Napoleon display in their Memoirs, pride in the wonderful abilities
      evinced by the man with whom he was allied, and jealousy at the way in
      which he was outshone by the man he had in youth regarded as inferior to
      himself. Sometimes also we may even suspect the praise. Thus when
      Bourrienne defends Napoleon for giving, as he alleges, poison to the sick
      at Jaffa, a doubt arises whether his object was to really defend what to
      most Englishmen of this day, with remembrances of the deeds and
      resolutions of the Indian Mutiny, will seem an act to be pardoned, if not
      approved; or whether he was more anxious to fix the committal of the act
      on Napoleon at a time when public opinion loudly blamed it. The same may
      be said of his defence of the massacre of the prisoners of Jaffa.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne was born in 1769, that is, in the
      same year as Napoleon Bonaparte, and he was the friend and companion of
      the future Emperor at the military school of Brienne-le-Chateau till 1784,
      when Napoleon, one of the sixty pupils maintained at the expense of the
      State, was passed on to the Military School of Paris. The friends again
      met in 1792 and in 1795, when Napoleon was hanging about Paris, and when
      Bourrienne looked on the vague dreams of his old schoolmate as only so
      much folly. In 1796, as soon as Napoleon had assured his position at the
      head of the army of Italy, anxious as ever to surround himself with known
      faces, he sent for Bourrienne to be his secretary. Bourrienne had been
      appointed in 1792 as secretary of the Legation at Stuttgart, and had,
      probably wisely, disobeyed the orders given him to return, thus escaping
      the dangers of the Revolution. He only came back to Paris in 1795, having
      thus become an emigre. He joined Napoleon in 1797, after the Austrians had
      been beaten out of Italy, and at once assumed the office of secretary
      which he held for so long. He had sufficient tact to forbear treating the
      haughty young General with any assumption of familiarity in public, and he
      was indefatigable enough to please even the never-resting Napoleon. Talent
      Bourrienne had in abundance; indeed he is careful to hint that at school
      if any one had been asked to predict greatness for any pupil, it was
      Bourrienne, not Napoleon, who would have been fixed on as the future star.
      He went with his General to Egypt, and returned with him to France. While
      Napoleon was making his formal entry into the Tuileries, Bourrienne was
      preparing the cabinet he was still to share with the Consul. In this
      cabinet&mdash;our cabinet, as he is careful to call it&mdash;he worked
      with the First Consul till 1802.
    </p>
    <p>
      During all this time the pair lead lived on terms of equality and
      friendship creditable to both. The secretary neither asked for nor
      received any salary: when he required money, he simply dipped into the
      cash-box of the First Consul. As the whole power of the State gradually
      passed into the hands of the Consul, the labours of the secretary became
      heavier. His successor broke down under a lighter load, and had to receive
      assistance; but, perhaps borne up by the absorbing interest of the work
      and the great influence given by his post, Bourrienne stuck to his place,
      and to all appearance might, except for himself, have come down to us as
      the companion of Napoleon during his whole life. He had enemies, and one
      of them&mdash;[Boulay de la Meurthe.]&mdash;has not shrunk from describing
      their gratification at the disgrace of the trusted secretary. Any one in
      favour, or indeed in office, under Napoleon was the sure mark of calumny
      for all aspirants to place; yet Bourrienne might have weathered any
      temporary storm raised by unfounded reports as successfully as Meneval,
      who followed him. But Bourrienne's hands were not clean in money matters,
      and that was an unpardonable sin in any one who desired to be in real
      intimacy with Napoleon. He became involved in the affairs of the House of
      Coulon, which failed, as will be seen in the notes, at the time of his
      disgrace; and in October 1802 he was called on to hand over his office to
      Meneval, who retained it till invalided after the Russian campaign.
    </p>
    <p>
      As has been said, Bourrienne would naturally be the mark for many
      accusations, but the conclusive proof of his misconduct&mdash;at least for
      any one acquainted with Napoleon's objection and dislike to changes in
      office, whether from his strong belief in the effects of training, or his
      equally strong dislike of new faces round him&mdash;is that he was never
      again employed near his old comrade; indeed he really never saw the
      Emperor again at any private interview, except when granted the naval
      official reception in 1805, before leaving to take up his post at Hamburg,
      which he held till 1810. We know that his re-employment was urged by
      Josephine and several of his former companions. Savary himself says he
      tried his advocacy; but Napoleon was inexorable to those who, in his own
      phrase, had sacrificed to the golden calf.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sent, as we have said, to Hamburg in 1805, as Minister Plenipotentiary to
      the Duke of Brunswick, the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and to the Hanse
      towns, Bourrienne knew how to make his post an important one. He was at
      one of the great seats of the commerce which suffered so fearfully from
      the Continental system of the Emperor, and he was charged to watch over
      the German press. How well he fulfilled this duty we learn from
      Metternich, who writes in 1805: "I have sent an article to the newspaper
      editors in Berlin and to M. de Hofer at Hamburg. I do not know whether it
      has been accepted, for M. Bourrienne still exercises an authority so
      severe over these journals that they are always submitted to him before
      they appear, that he may erase or alter the articles which do not please
      him."
    </p>
    <p>
      His position at Hamburg gave him great opportunities for both financial
      and political intrigues. In his Memoirs, as Meneval remarks, he or his
      editor is not ashamed to boast of being thanked by Louis XVIII. at St.
      Ouen for services rendered while he was the minister of Napoleon at
      Hamburg. He was recalled in 1810, when the Hanse towns were united, or, to
      use the phrase of the day, re-united to the Empire. He then hung about
      Paris, keeping on good terms with some of the ministers&mdash;Savary, not
      the most reputable of them, for example. In 1814 he was to be found at the
      office of Lavallette, the head of the posts, disguising, his enemies said,
      his delight at the bad news which was pouring in, by exaggerated
      expressions of devotion. He is accused of a close and suspicious
      connection with Talleyrand, and it is odd that when Talleyrand became head
      of the Provisional Government in 1814, Bourrienne of all persons should
      have been put at the head of the posts. Received in the most flattering
      manner by Louis XVIII, he was as astonished as poor Beugnot was in 1815,
      to find himself on 13th May suddenly ejected from office, having, however,
      had time to furnish post-horses to Manbreuil for the mysterious
      expedition, said to have been at least known to Talleyrand, and intended
      certainly for the robbery of the Queen of Westphalia, and probably for the
      murder of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the extraordinary scurry before the Bourbons scuttled out of Paris in
      1814, Bourrienne was made Prefet of the Police for a few days, his tenure
      of that post being signalised by the abortive attempt to arrest Fouché,
      the only effect of which was to drive that wily minister into the arms of
      the Bonapartists.
    </p>
    <p>
      He fled with the King, and was exempted from the amnesty proclaimed by
      Napoleon. On the return from Ghent he was made a Minister of State without
      portfolio, and also became one of the Council. The ruin of his finances
      drove him out of France, but he eventually died in a madhouse at Caen.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Memoirs first appeared in 1829 they made a great sensation. Till
      then in most writings Napoleon had been treated as either a demon or as a
      demi-god. The real facts of the case were not suited to the tastes of
      either his enemies or his admirers. While the monarchs of Europe had been
      disputing among themselves about the division of the spoils to be obtained
      from France and from the unsettlement of the Continent, there had arisen
      an extraordinarily clever and unscrupulous man who, by alternately bribing
      and overthrowing the great monarchies, had soon made himself master of the
      mainland. His admirers were unwilling to admit the part played in his
      success by the jealousy of his foes of each other's share in the booty,
      and they delighted to invest him with every great quality which man could
      possess. His enemies were ready enough to allow his military talents, but
      they wished to attribute the first success of his not very deep policy to
      a marvellous duplicity, apparently considered by them the more wicked as
      possessed by a parvenu emperor, and far removed, in a moral point of view,
      from the statecraft so allowable in an ancient monarchy. But for Napoleon
      himself and his family and Court there was literally no limit to the
      really marvellous inventions of his enemies. He might enter every capital
      on the Continent, but there was some consolation in believing that he
      himself was a monster of wickedness, and his Court but the scene of one
      long protracted orgie.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was enough against the Emperor in the Memoirs to make them
      comfortable reading for his opponents, though very many of the old
      calumnies were disposed of in them. They contained indeed the nearest
      approximation to the truth which had yet appeared. Metternich, who must
      have been a good judge, as no man was better acquainted with what he
      himself calls the "age of Napoleon," says of the Memoirs: "If you want
      something to read, both interesting and amusing, get the Memoires de
      Bourrienne. These are the only authentic Memoirs of Napoleon which have
      yet appeared. The style is not brilliant, but that only makes them the
      mere trustworthy." Indeed, Metternich himself in his own Memoirs often
      follows a good deal in the line of Bourrienne: among many formal attacks,
      every now and then he lapses into half involuntary and indirect praise of
      his great antagonist, especially where he compares the men he had to deal
      with in aftertimes with his former rapid and talented interlocutor. To
      some even among the Bonapartists, Bourrienne was not altogether
      distasteful. Lucien Bonaparte, remarking that the time in which Bourrienne
      treated with Napoleon as equal with equal did not last long enough for the
      secretary, says he has taken a little revenge in his Memoirs, just as a
      lover, after a break with his mistress, reveals all her defects. But
      Lucien considers that Bourrienne gives us a good enough idea of the young
      officer of the artillery, of the great General, and of the First Consul.
      Of the Emperor, says Lucien, he was too much in retirement to be able to
      judge equally well. But Lucien was not a fair representative of the
      Bonapartists; indeed he had never really thought well of his brother or of
      his actions since Lucien, the former "Brutus" Bonaparte, had ceased to be
      the adviser of the Consul. It was well for Lucien himself to amass a
      fortune from the presents of a corrupt court, and to be made a Prince and
      Duke by the Pope, but he was too sincere a republican not to disapprove of
      the imperial system. The real Bonapartists were naturally and inevitably
      furious with the Memoirs. They were not true, they were not the work of
      Bourrienne, Bourrienne himself was a traitor, a purloiner of manuscripts,
      his memory was as bad as his principles, he was not even entitled to the
      de before his name. If the Memoirs were at all to be pardoned, it was
      because his share was only really a few notes wrung from him by large
      pecuniary offers at a time when he was pursued by his creditors, and when
      his brain was already affected.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Bonapartist attack on the Memoirs was delivered in full form, in two
      volumes, 'Bourrienne et ses Erreurs, Volontaires et Involontaires' (Paris,
      Heideloff, 1830), edited by the Comte d'Aure, the Ordonnateur en Chef of
      the Egyptian expedition, and containing communications from Joseph
      Bonaparte, Gourgaud, Stein, etc.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In the notes in this present edition these volumes are referred
   to in brief 'Erreurs'.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Part of the system of attack was to call in question the authenticity of
      the Memoirs, and this was the more easy as Bourrienne, losing his fortune,
      died in 1834 in a state of imbecility. But this plan is not systematically
      followed, and the very reproaches addressed to the writer of the Memoirs
      often show that it was believed they were really written by Bourrienne.
      They undoubtedly contain plenty of faults. The editor (Villemarest, it is
      said) probably had a large share in the work, and Bourrienne must have
      forgotten or misplaced many dates and occurrences. In such a work,
      undertaken so many years after the events, it was inevitable that many
      errors should be made, and that many statements should be at least
      debatable. But on close investigation the work stands the attack in a way
      that would be impossible unless it had really been written by a person in
      the peculiar position occupied by Bourrienne. He has assuredly not
      exaggerated that position: he really, says Lucien Bonaparte, treated as
      equal with equal with Napoleon during a part of his career, and he
      certainly was the nearest friend and confidant that Napoleon ever had in
      his life.
    </p>
    <p>
      Where he fails, or where the Bonapartist fire is most telling, is in the
      account of the Egyptian expedition. It may seem odd that he should have
      forgotten, even in some thirty years, details such as the way in which the
      sick were removed; but such matters were not in his province; and it would
      be easy to match similar omissions in other works, such as the accounts of
      the Crimea, and still more of the Peninsula. It is with his personal
      relations with Napoleon that we are most concerned, and it is in them that
      his account receives most corroboration.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be interesting to see what has been said of the Memoirs by other
      writers. We have quoted Metternich, and Lucien Bonaparte; let us hear
      Meneval, his successor, who remained faithful to his master to the end:
      "Absolute confidence cannot be given to statements contained in Memoirs
      published under the name of a man who has not composed them. It is known
      that the editor of these Memoirs offered to M. de Bourrienne, who had then
      taken refuge in Holstein from his creditors, a sum said to be thirty
      thousand francs to obtain his signature to them, with some notes and
      addenda. M. de Bourrienne was already attacked by the disease from which
      he died a few years latter in a maison de sante at Caen. Many literary men
      co-operated in the preparation of his Memoirs. In 1825 I met M. de
      Bourrienne in Paris. He told me it had been suggested to him to write
      against the Emperor. 'Notwithstanding the harm he has done me,' said he,
      'I would never do so. Sooner may my hand be withered.' If M. de Bourrienne
      had prepared his Memoirs himself, he would not have stated that while he
      was the Emperor's minister at Hamburg he worked with the agents of the
      Comte de Lille (Louis XVIII.) at the preparation of proclamations in
      favour of that Prince, and that in 1814 he accepted the thanks of the
      King, Louis XVIII., for doing so; he would not have said that Napoleon had
      confided to him in 1805 that he had never conceived the idea of an
      expedition into England, and that the plan of a landing, the preparations
      for which he gave such publicity to, was only a snare to amuse fools. The
      Emperor well knew that never was there a plan more seriously conceived or
      more positively settled. M. de Bourrienne would not have spoken of his
      private interviews with Napoleon, nor of the alleged confidences entrusted
      to him, while really Napoleon had no longer received him after the 20th
      October 1802. When the Emperor, in 1805, forgetting his faults, named him
      Minister Plenipotentiary at Hamburg, he granted him the customary
      audience, but to this favour he did not add the return of his former
      friendship. Both before and afterwards he constantly refused to receive
      him, and he did not correspond with him." (Meneval, ii. 378-79). And in
      another passage Meneval says: "Besides, it would be wrong to regard these
      Memoirs as the work of the man whose name they bear. The bitter resentment
      M. de Bourrienne had nourished for his disgrace, the enfeeblement of his
      faculties, and the poverty he was reduced to, rendered him accessible to
      the pecuniary offers made to him. He consented to give the authority of
      his name to Memoirs in whose composition he had only co-operated by
      incomplete, confused, and often inexact notes, materials which an editor
      was employed to put in order." And Meneval (iii. 29-30) goes on to quote
      what he himself had written in the Spectateur Militaire, in which he makes
      much the same assertions, and especially objects to the account of
      conversations with the Emperor after 1802, except always the one audience
      on taking leave for Hamburg. Meneval also says that Napoleon, when he
      wished to obtain intelligence from Hamburg, did not correspond with
      Bourrienne, but deputed him, Meneval, to ask Bourrienne for what was
      wanted. But he corroborates Bourrienne on the subject of the efforts made,
      among others by Josephine, for his reappointment.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such are the statements of the Bonapartists pure; and the reader, as has
      been said, can judge for himself how far the attack is good. Bourrienne,
      or his editor, may well have confused the date of his interviews, but he
      will not be found much astray on many points. His account of the
      conversation of Josephine after the death of the Duc d'Enghien may be
      compared with what we know from Madame de Rémusat, who, by the way, would
      have been horrified if she had known that he considered her to resemble
      the Empress Josephine in character.
    </p>
    <p>
      We now come to the views of Savary, the Duc de Rovigo, who avowedly
      remained on good terms with Bourrienne after his disgrace, though the
      friendship of Savary was not exactly a thing that most men would have much
      prided themselves on. "Bourrienne had a prodigious memory; he spoke and
      wrote in several languages, and his pen ran as quickly as one could speak.
      Nor were these the only advantages he possessed. He knew the routine of
      public business and public law. His activity and devotion made him
      indispensable to the First Consul. I knew the qualities which won for him
      the unlimited confidence of his chief, but I cannot speak with the same
      assurance of the faults which made him lose it. Bourrienne had many
      enemies, both on account of his character and of his place" (Savary, i.
      418-19).
    </p>
    <p>
      Marmont ought to be an impartial critic of the Memoirs. He says,
      "Bourrienne . . . had a very great capacity, but he is a striking example
      of the great truth that our passions are always bad counsellors. By
      inspiring us with an immoderate ardour to reach a fixed end, they often
      make us miss it. Bourrienne had an immoderate love of money. With his
      talents and his position near Bonaparte at the first dawn of greatness,
      with the confidence and real good-will which Bonaparte felt for him, in a
      few years he would have gained everything in fortune and in social
      position. But his eager impatience mined his career at the moment when it
      might have developed and increased" (Marmont, i. 64). The criticism
      appears just. As to the Memoirs, Marmont says (ii. 224), "In general,
      these Memoirs are of great veracity and powerful interest so long as they
      treat of what the author has seen and heard; but when he speaks of others,
      his work is only an assemblage of gratuitous suppositions and of false
      facts put forward for special purposes."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Comte Alexandre de Puymaigre, who arrived at Hamburgh soon after
      Bourrienne had left it in 1810, says (page 135) of the part of the Memoirs
      which relates to Hamburg, "I must acknowledge that generally his
      assertions are well founded. This former companion of Napoleon has only
      forgotten to speak of the opinion that they had of him in this town.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The truth is, that he was believed to have made much money there."
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus we may take Bourrienne as a clever, able man, who would have risen to
      the highest honours under the Empire had not his short-sighted grasping
      after lucre driven him from office, and prevented him from ever regaining
      it under Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the present edition the translation has been carefully compared with
      the original French text. Where in the original text information is given
      which has now become mere matter of history, and where Bourrienne merely
      quotes the documents well enough known at this day, his possession of
      which forms part of the charges of his opponents, advantage has been taken
      to lighten the mass of the Memoirs. This has been done especially where
      they deal with what the writer did not himself see or hear, the part of
      the Memoirs which are of least valve and of which Marmont's opinion has
      just been quoted. But in the personal and more valuable part of the
      Memoirs, where we have the actual knowledge of the secretary himself, the
      original text has been either fully retained, or some few passages
      previously omitted restored. Illustrative notes have been added from the
      Memoirs of the successor of Bourrienne, Meneval, Madame de Rémusat, the
      works of Colonel Iung on 'Bonaparte et Son Temps', and on 'Lucien
      Bonaparte', etc., and other books. Attention has also been paid to the
      attacks of the 'Erreurs', and wherever these criticisms are more than a
      mere expression of disagreement, their purport has been recorded with,
      where possible, some judgment of the evidence. Thus the reader will have
      before him the materials for deciding himself how far, Bourrienne's
      statements are in agreement with the facts and with the accounts of other
      writers.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the present time too much attention has been paid to the Memoirs of
      Madame de Rémusat. She, as also Madame Junot, was the wife of a man on
      whom the full shower of imperial favours did not descend, and, womanlike,
      she saw and thought only of the Court life of the great man who was never
      less great than in his Court. She is equally astonished and indignant that
      the Emperor, coming straight from long hours of work with his ministers
      and with his secretary, could not find soft words for the ladies of the
      Court, and that, a horrible thing in the eyes of a Frenchwoman, when a
      mistress threw herself into his arms, he first thought of what political
      knowledge he could obtain from her. Bourrienne, on the other hand, shows
      us the other and the really important side of Napoleon's character. He
      tells us of the long hours in the Cabinet, of the never-resting activity
      of the Consul, of Napoleon's dreams, no ignoble dreams and often realised,
      of great labours of peace as well as of war. He is a witness, and the more
      valuable as a reluctant one, to the marvellous powers of the man who, if
      not the greatest, was at least the one most fully endowed with every great
      quality of mind and body the world has ever seen.
    </p>

      R. W. P.

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    <h2>
      AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trading upon an illustrious name can alone have given birth to the
      multitude of publications under the titles of historical memoirs, secret
      memoirs, and other rhapsodies which have appeared respecting Napoleon. On
      looking into them it is difficult to determine whether the impudence of
      the writers or the simplicity of certain readers is most astonishing. Yet
      these rude and ill digested compilations, filled with absurd anecdotes,
      fabricated speeches, fictitious crimes or virtues, and disfigured by
      numerous anachronisms, instead of being consigned to just contempt and
      speedy oblivion, have been pushed into notice by speculators, and have
      found zealous partisans and enthusiastic apologists.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This Introduction has been reprinted as bearing upon the
   character of the work, but refers very often to events of the
   day at the time of its first appearance.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      For a time I entertained the idea of noticing, one by one, the numerous
      errors which have been written respecting Napoleon; but I have renounced a
      task which would have been too laborious to myself, and very tedious to
      the reader. I shall therefore only correct those which come within the
      plan of my work, and which are connected with those facts, to a more
      accurate knowledge of which than any other person can possess I may lay
      claim. There are men who imagine that nothing done by Napoleon will ever
      be forgotten; but must not the slow but inevitable influence of time be
      expected to operate with respect to him? The effect of that influence is,
      that the most important event of an epoch soon sinks, almost imperceptibly
      and almost disregarded, into the immense mass of historical facts. Time,
      in its progress, diminishes the probability as well as the interest of
      such an event, as it gradually wears away the most durable monuments.
    </p>
    <p>
      I attach only a relative importance to what I am about to lay before the
      public. I shall give authentic documents. If all persons who have
      approached Napoleon, at any time and in any place, would candidly record
      what they saw and heard, without passion, the future historian would be
      rich in materials. It is my wish that he who may undertake the difficult
      task of writing the history of Napoleon shall find in my notes information
      useful to the perfection of his work. There he will at least find truth. I
      have not the ambition to wish that what I state should be taken as
      absolute authority; but I hope that it will always be consulted.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have never before published anything respecting Napoleon. That
      malevolence which fastens itself upon men who have the misfortune to be
      somewhat separated from the crowd has, because there is always more profit
      in saying ill than good, attributed to me several works on Bonaparte;
      among others, 'Les Memoires secrets d'un Homme qui ne l'a pas quitte', par
      M. B&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;-, and 'Memoires secrets sur Napoleon Bonaparte,
      par M. de B&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;, and 'Le Precis Historique sur Napoleon'.
      The initial of my name has served to propagate this error. The incredible
      ignorance which runs through those memoirs, the absurdities and
      inconceivable silliness with which they abound, do not permit a man of
      honour and common sense to allow such wretched rhapsodies to be imputed to
      him. I declared in 1816, and at later periods in the French and foreign
      journals, that I had no hand in those publications, and I here formally
      repeat this declaration.
    </p>
    <p>
      But it may be said to me, Why should we place more confidence in you than
      in those who have written before you?
    </p>
    <p>
      My reply shall be plain. I enter the lists one of the last I have read all
      that my predecessors have published confident that all I state is true. I
      have no interest in deceiving, no disgrace to fear, no reward to expect. I
      neither wish to obscure nor embellish his glory. However great Napoleon
      may have been, was he not also liable to pay his tribute to the weakness
      of human nature? I speak of Napoleon such as I have seen him, known him,
      frequently admired and sometimes blamed him. I state what I saw, heard,
      wrote, and thought at the time, under each circumstance that occurred. I
      have not allowed myself to be carried away by the illusions of the
      imagination, nor to be influenced by friendship or hatred. I shall not
      insert a single reflection which did not occur to me at the very moment of
      the event which gave it birth. How many transactions and documents were
      there over which I could but lament!&mdash;how many measures, contrary to
      my views, to my principles, and to my character!&mdash;while the best
      intentions were incapable of overcoming difficulties which a most powerful
      and decided will rendered almost insurmountable.
    </p>
    <p>
      I also wish the future historian to compare what I say with what others
      have related or may relate. But it will be necessary for him to attend to
      dates, circumstances, difference of situation, change of temperament, and
      age,&mdash;for age has much influence over men. We do not think and act at
      fifty as at twenty-five. By exercising this caution he will be able to
      discover the truth, and to establish an opinion for posterity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reader must not expect to find in these Memoirs an uninterrupted
      series of all the events which marked the great career of Napoleon; nor
      details of all those battles, with the recital of which so many eminent
      men have usefully and ably occupied themselves. I shall say little about
      whatever I did not see or hear, and which is not supported by official
      documents.
    </p>
    <p>
      Perhaps I shall succeed in confirming truths which have been doubted, and
      in correcting errors which have been adopted. If I sometimes differ from
      the observations and statements of Napoleon at St. Helena, I am far from
      supposing that those who undertook to be the medium of communication
      between him and the public have misrepresented what he said. I am well
      convinced that none of the writers of St. Helena can be taxed with the
      slightest deception; disinterested zeal and nobleness of character are
      undoubted pledges of their veracity. It appears to me perfectly certain
      that Napoleon stated, dictated, or corrected all they have published.
      Their honour is unquestionable; no one can doubt it. That they wrote what
      he communicated must therefore be believed; but it cannot with equal
      confidence be credited that what he communicated was nothing but the
      truth. He seems often to have related as a fact what was really only an
      idea,&mdash;an idea, too, brought forth at St. Helena, the child of
      misfortune, and transported by his imagination to Europe in the time of
      his prosperity. His favourite phrase, which was every moment on his lips,
      must not be forgotten&mdash;"What will history say&mdash;what will
      posterity think?" This passion for leaving behind him a celebrated name is
      one which belongs to the constitution of the human mind; and with Napoleon
      its influence was excessive. In his first Italian campaign he wrote thus
      to General Clarke: "That ambition and the occupation of high offices were
      not sufficient for his satisfaction and happiness, which he had early
      placed in the opinion of Europe and the esteem of posterity." He often
      observed to me that with him the opinion of posterity was the real
      immortality of the soul.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may easily be conceived that Napoleon wished to give to the documents
      which he knew historians would consult a favourable colour, and to direct,
      according to his own views, the judgment of posterity on his actions: But
      it is only by the impartial comparison of periods, positions, and age that
      a well founded decision will be given. About his fortieth year the
      physical constitution of Napoleon sustained considerable change; and it
      may be presumed that his moral qualities were affected by that change. It
      is particularly important not to lose sight of the premature decay of his
      health, which, perhaps, did not permit him always to, possess the vigour
      of memory otherwise consistent enough with his age. The state of our
      organisation often modifies our recollections, our feelings, our manner of
      viewing objects, and the impressions we receive. This will be taken into
      consideration by judicious and thinking men; and for them I write.
    </p>
    <p>
      What M. de Las Casas states Napoleon to have said in May 1816 on the
      manner of writing his history corroborates the opinion I have expressed.
      It proves that all the facts and observations he communicated or dictated
      were meant to serve as materials. We learn from the Memorial that M. de
      Las Casas wrote daily, and that the manuscript was read over by Napoleon,
      who often made corrections with his own hand. The idea of a journal
      pleased him greatly. He fancied it would be a work of which the world
      could afford no other example. But there are passages in which the order
      of events is deranged; in others facts are misrepresented and erroneous
      assertions are made, I apprehend, not altogether involuntarily.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have paid particular attention to all that has been published by the
      noble participators of the imperial captivity. Nothing, however, could
      induce me to change a word in these Memoirs, because nothing could take
      from me my conviction of the truth of what I personally heard and saw. It
      will be found that Napoleon in his private conversations often confirms
      what I state; but we sometimes differ, and the public must judge between
      us. However, I must here make one observation.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Napoleon dictated or related to his friends in St. Helena the facts
      which they have reported he was out of the world,&mdash;he had played his
      part. Fortune, which, according to his notions, had conferred on him all
      his power and greatness, had recalled all her gifts before he sank into
      the tomb. His ruling passion would induce him to think that it was due to
      his glory to clear up certain facts which might prove an unfavourable
      escort if they accompanied him to posterity. This was his fixed idea. But
      is there not some ground for suspecting the fidelity of him who writes or
      dictates his own history? Why might he not impose on a few persons in St.
      Helena, when he was able to impose on France and Europe, respecting many
      acts which emanated from him during the long duration of his power? The
      life of Napoleon would be very unfaithfully written were the author to
      adopt as true all his bulletins and proclamations, and all the
      declarations he made at St. Helena. Such a history would frequently be in
      contradiction to facts; and such only is that which might be entitled,
      'The History of Napoleon, written by Himself'.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have said thus much because it is my wish that the principles which have
      guided me in the composition of these Memoirs may be understood. I am
      aware that they will not please every reader; that is a success to which I
      cannot pretend. Some merit, however, may be allowed me on account of the
      labour I have undergone. It has neither been of a slight nor an agreeable
      kind. I made it a rule to read everything that has been written respecting
      Napoleon, and I have had to decipher many of his autograph documents,
      though no longer so familiar with his scrawl as formerly. I say decipher,
      because a real cipher might often be much more readily understood than the
      handwriting of Napoleon. My own notes, too, which were often very hastily
      made, in the hand I wrote in my youth, have sometimes also much
      embarrassed me.
    </p>
    <p>
      My long and intimate connection with Bonaparte from boyhood, my close
      relations with him when General, Consul, and Emperor, enabled me to see
      and appreciate all that was projected and all that was done during that
      considerable and momentous period of time. I not only had the opportunity
      of being present at the conception and the execution of the extraordinary
      deeds of one of the ablest men nature ever formed, but, notwithstanding an
      almost unceasing application to business, I found means to employ the few
      moments of leisure which Bonaparte left at my disposal in making notes,
      collecting documents, and in recording for history facts respecting which
      the truth could otherwise with difficulty be ascertained; and more
      particularly in collecting those ideas, often profound, brilliant, and
      striking, but always remarkable, to which Bonaparte gave expression in the
      overflowing frankness of confidential intimacy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The knowledge that I possessed much important information has exposed me
      to many inquiries, and wherever I have resided since my retirement from
      public affairs much of my time has been spent in replying to questions.
      The wish to be acquainted with the most minute details of the life of a
      man formed on an unexampled model is very natural; and the observation on
      my replies by those who heard them always was, "You should publish your
      Memoirs!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I had certainly always in view the publication of my Memoirs; but, at the
      same time, I was firmly resolved not to publish them until a period should
      arrive in which I might tell the truth, and the whole truth. While
      Napoleon was in the possession of power I felt it right to resist the
      urgent applications made to me on this subject by some persons of the
      highest distinction. Truth would then have sometimes appeared flattery,
      and sometimes, also, it might not have been without danger. Afterwards,
      when the progress of events removed Bonaparte to a far distant island in
      the midst of the ocean, silence was imposed on me by other
      considerations,-by considerations of propriety and feeling.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the death of Bonaparte, at St. Helena, reasons of a different nature
      retarded the execution of my plan. The tranquillity of a secluded retreat
      was indispensable for preparing and putting in order the abundant
      materials in my possession. I found it also necessary to read a great
      number of works, in order to rectify important errors to which the want of
      authentic documents had induced the authors to give credit. This
      much-desired retreat was found. I had the good fortune to be introduced,
      through a friend, to the Duchesse de Brancas, and that lady invited me to
      pass some time on one of her estates in Hainault. Received with the most
      agreeable hospitality, I have there enjoyed that tranquillity which could
      alone have rendered the publication of these volumes practicable.
    </p>

      FAUVELET DE BOURRIENNE

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    <h2>
      NOTE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Editor of the 1836 edition had added to the Memoirs several chapters
      taken from or founded on other works of the time, so as to make a more
      complete history of the period. These materials have been mostly retained,
      but with the corrections which later publications have made necessary. A
      chapter has now been added to give, a brief account of the part played by
      the chief historical personages during the Cent Jours, and another at the
      end to include the removal of the body of Napoleon from St. Helena to
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two special improvements have, it is hoped, been made in this edition.
      Great care has been taken to get names, dates, and figures rightly given,&mdash;points
      much neglected in most translations, though in some few cases, such as
      Davoust, the ordinary but not strictly correct spelling has been followed
      to suit the general reader. The number of references to other works which
      are given in the notes will, it is believed, be of use to any one wishing
      to continue the study of the history of Napoleon, and may preserve them
      from many of the errors too often committed. The present Editor has had
      the great advantage of having his work shared by Mr. Richard Bentley, who
      has brought his knowledge of the period to bear, and who has found, as
      only a busy man could do, the time to minutely enter into every fresh
      detail, with the ardour which soon seizes any one who long follows that
      enticing pursuit, the special study of an historical period.
    </p>
    <p>
      January 1885 R. W. P.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEMOIRS of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
    </h2>
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    <h2>
      VOLUME I. &mdash; 1769-1800
    </h2>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER 1
    </h2>

      1769-1783.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Authentic date of Bonaparte's birth&mdash;His family ruined by the
   Jesuits&mdash;His taste for military amusements&mdash;Sham siege at the
   College of Brienne&mdash;The porter's wife and Napoleon&mdash;My intimacy with
   Bonaparte at college&mdash;His love for the mathematics, and his dislike
   of Latin&mdash;He defends Paoli and blames his father&mdash;He is ridiculed by
   his comrades&mdash;Ignorance of the monks&mdash;Distribution of prizes at
   Brienne&mdash;Madame de Montesson and the Duke of Orleans&mdash;Report of M.
   Keralio on Bonaparte&mdash;He leaves Brienne.
</pre>
    <p>
      NAPOLEON BONAPARTE was born at Ajaccio, in Corsica, on the 15th of August
      1769; the original orthography of his name was Buonaparte, but he
      suppressed the "u" during his first campaign in Italy. His motives for so
      doing were merely to render the spelling conformable with the
      pronunciation, and to abridge his signature. He signed Buonaparte even
      after the famous 13th Vendemiaire.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been affirmed that he was born in 1768, and that he represented
      himself to be a year younger than he really was. This is untrue. He always
      told me the 9th of August was his birthday, and, as I was born on the 9th
      of July 1769, our proximity of age served to strengthen our union and
      friendship when we were both at the Military College of Brienne.
    </p>
    <p>
      The false and absurd charge of Bonaparte having misrepresented his age, is
      decidedly refuted by a note in the register of M. Berton, sub-principal of
      the College of Brienne, in which it is stated that M. Napoleon de
      Buonaparte, ecuyer, born in the city of Ajaccio, in Corsica, on the 15th
      of August 1769, left the Royal Military College of Brienne on the 17th
      October 1784.
    </p>
    <p>
      The stories about his low extraction are alike devoid of foundation. His
      family was poor, and he was educated at the public expense, an advantage
      of which many honourable families availed themselves. A memorial addressed
      by his father, Charles Buonaparte, to the Minister of War states that his
      fortune had been reduced by the failure of some enterprise in which he had
      engaged, and by the injustice of the Jesuits, by whom he had been deprived
      of an inheritance. The object of this memorial was to solicit a
      sub-lieutenant's commission for Napoleon, who was then fourteen years of
      age, and to get Lucien entered a pupil of the Military College. The
      Minister wrote on the back of the memorial, "Give the usual answer, if
      there be a vacancy;" and on the margin are these words&mdash;"This
      gentleman has been informed that his request is inadmissible as long as
      his second son remains at the school of Brienne. Two brothers cannot be
      placed at the same time in the military schools." When Napoleon was
      fifteen he was sent to Paris until he should attain the requisite age for
      entering the army. Lucien was not received into the College of Brienne, at
      least not until his brother had quitted the Military School of Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was undoubtedly a man of good family. I have seen an authentic
      account of his genealogy, which he obtained from Tuscany. A great deal has
      been said about the civil dissensions which forced his family to quit
      Italy and take refuge in Corsica. On this subject I shall say nothing.
    </p>
    <p>
      Many and various accounts have been given of Bonaparte's youth.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The following interesting trait of Napoleon's childhood is
   derived from the 'Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Arbranes':&mdash;"He was one
   day accused by one of his sisters of having eaten a basketful of
   grapes, figs, and citrons, which had come from the garden of his
   uncle the Canon. None but those who were acquainted with the
   Bonaparte family can form any idea of the enormity of this offence.
   To eat fruit belonging to the uncle the Canon was infinitely more
   criminal than to eat grapes and figs which might be claimed by
   anybody else. An inquiry took place. Napoleon denied the fact,
   and was whipped. He was told that if he would beg pardon he should
   be forgiven. He protested that he was innocent, but he was not
   believed. If I recollect rightly, his mother was at the time on a
   visit to M. de Marbeuf, or some other friend. The result of
   Napoleon's obstinacy was, that he was kept three whole days on bread
   and cheese, and that cheese was not 'broccio'. However, he would
   not cry: he was dull, but not sulky. At length, on the fourth day
   of his punishment a little friend of Marianne Bonaparte returned
   from the country, and on hearing of Napoleon's disgrace she
   confessed that she and Marianne had eaten the fruit. It was now
   Marianne's turn to be punished. When Napoleon was asked why he had
   not accused his sister, he replied that though he suspected that she
   was guilty, yet out of consideration to her little friend, who had
   no share in the falsehood, he had said nothing. He was then only
   seven years of age" (vol. i. p. 9, edit. 1883).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He has been described in terms of enthusiastic praise and exaggerated
      condemnation. It is ever thus with individuals who by talent or favourable
      circumstances are raised above their fellow-creatures. Bonaparte himself
      laughed at all the stories which were got up for the purpose of
      embellishing or blackening his character in early life. An anonymous
      publication, entitled the 'History of Napoleon Bonaparte', from his Birth
      to his last abdication, contains perhaps the greatest collection of false
      and ridiculous details about his boyhood. Among other things, it is stated
      that he fortified a garden to protect himself from the attacks of his
      comrades, who, a few lines lower down, are described as treating him with
      esteem and respect. I remember the circumstances which, probably, gave
      rise to the fabrication inserted in the work just mentioned; they were as
      follows.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the winter of 1783-84, so memorable for heavy falls of snow,
      Napoleon was greatly at a loss for those retired walks and outdoor
      recreations in which he used to take much delight. He had no alternative
      but to mingle with his comrades, and, for exercise, to walk with them up
      and down a spacious hall. Napoleon, weary of this monotonous promenade,
      told his comrades that he thought they might amuse themselves much better
      with the snow, in the great courtyard, if they would get shovels and make
      hornworks, dig trenches, raise parapets, cavaliers, etc. "This being
      done," said he, "we may divide ourselves into sections, form a siege, and
      I will undertake to direct the attacks." The proposal, which was received
      with enthusiasm, was immediately put into execution. This little sham war
      was carried on for the space of a fortnight, and did not cease until a
      quantity of gravel and small stones having got mixed with the snow of
      which we made our bullets, many of the combatants, besiegers as well as
      besieged, were seriously wounded. I well remember that I was one of the
      worst sufferers from this sort of grapeshot fire.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is almost unnecessary to contradict the story about the ascent in the
      balloon. It is now very well known that the hero of that headlong
      adventure was not young Bonaparte, as has been alleged, but one of his
      comrades, Dudont de Chambon, who was somewhat eccentric. Of this his
      subsequent conduct afforded sufficient proofs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's mind was directed to objects of a totally different kind. He
      turned his attention to political science. During some of his vacations he
      enjoyed the society of the Abby Raynal, who used to converse with him on
      government, legislation, commercial relations, etc.
    </p>
    <p>
      On festival days, when the inhabitants of Brienne were admitted to our
      amusements, posts were established for the maintenance of order. Nobody
      was permitted to enter the interior of the building without a card signed
      by the principal, or vice-principal. The rank of officers or sub-officers
      was conferred according to merit; and Bonaparte one day had the command of
      a post, when the following little adventure occurred, which affords an
      instance of his decision of character.
    </p>
    <p>
      The wife of the porter of the school,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This woman, named Haute, was afterwards placed at Malmaison, with
   her husband. They both died as concierges of Malmaison. This shows
   that Napoleon had a memory.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      who was very well known, because she used to sell milk, fruit, etc., to
      the pupils, presented herself one Saint Louis day for admittance to the
      representation of the 'Death of Caesar, corrected', in which I was to
      perform the part of Brutus. As the woman had no ticket, and insisted on
      being admitted without one, some disturbance arose. The serjeant of the
      post reported the matter to the officer, Napoleon Bonaparte, who in an
      imperious tone of voice exclaimed: "Send away that woman, who comes here
      with her camp impudence." This was in 1782.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte and I were eight years of, age when our friendship commenced. It
      speedily became very intimate, for there was a certain sympathy of heart
      between us. I enjoyed this friendship and intimacy until 1784, when he was
      transferred from the Military College of Brienne to that of Paris. I was
      one among those of his youthful comrades who could best accommodate
      themselves to his stern character. His natural reserve, his disposition to
      meditate on the conquest of Corsica, and the impressions he had received
      in childhood respecting the misfortunes of his country and his family, led
      him to seek retirement, and rendered his general demeanour, though in
      appearance only, somewhat unpleasing. Our equality of age brought us
      together in the classes of the mathematics and 'belles lettres'. His
      ardent wish to acquire knowledge was remarkable from the very commencement
      of his studies. When he first came to the college he spoke only the
      Corsican dialect, and the Sieur Dupuis,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[He afterwards filled the post of librarian to Napoleon at
   Malmaison.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      who was vice-principal before Father Berton, gave him instructions in the
      French language. In this he made such rapid progress that in a short time
      he commenced the first rudiments of Latin. But to this study he evinced
      such a repugnance that at the age of fifteen he was not out of the fourth
      class. There I left him very speedily; but I could never get before him in
      the mathematical class, in which he was undoubtedly the cleverest lad at
      the college. I used sometimes to help him with his Latin themes and
      versions in return for the aid he afforded me in the solution of problems,
      at which he evinced a degree of readiness and facility which perfectly
      astonished me.
    </p>
    <p>
      When at Brienne, Bonaparte was remarkable for the dark color of his
      complexion (which, subsequently, the climate of France somewhat changed),
      for his piercing and scrutinising glance, and for the style of his
      conversation both with his masters and comrades. His conversation almost
      always bore the appearance of ill-humour, and he was certainly not very
      amiable. This I attribute to the misfortunes his family had sustained and
      the impressions made on his mind by the conquest of his country.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pupils were invited by turns to dine with Father Berton, the head of
      the school. One day, it being Bonaparte's turn to enjoy this indulgence,
      some of the professors who were at table designedly made some
      disrespectful remarks on Paoli, of whom they knew the young Corsican was
      an enthusiastic admirer. "Paoli," observed Bonaparte, "was a great man; he
      loved his country; and I will never forgive my father, who was his
      adjutant, for having concurred in the union of Corsica with France. He
      ought to have followed Paoli's fortune, and have fallen with him."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Duchesse d'Abrantes, speaking of the personal characteristics
   of Bonaparte in youth and manhood, says, "Saveria told me that
   Napoleon was never a pretty boy, as Joseph was, for example: his
   head always appeared too large for his body, a defect common to the
   Bonaparte family. When Napoleon grew up, the peculiar charm of his
   countenance lay in his eye, especially in the mild expression it
   assumed in his moments of kindness. His anger, to be sure, was
   frightful, and though I am no coward, I never could look at him in
   his fits of rage without shuddering. Though his smile was
   captivating, yet the expression of his mouth when disdainful or
   angry could scarcely be seen without terror. But that forehead
   which seemed formed to bear the crowns of a whole world; those
   hands, of which the most coquettish women might have been vain, and
   whose white skin covered muscles of iron; in short, of all that
   personal beauty which distinguished Napoleon as a young man, no
   traces were discernible in the boy. Saveria spoke truly when she
   said, that of all the children of Signora Laetitia, the Emperor was
   the one from whom future greatness was least to be prognosticated"
   (vol. i. p. 10, edit. 1883)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Generally speaking, Bonaparte was not much liked by his comrades at
      Brienne. He was not social with them, and rarely took part in their
      amusements. His country's recent submission to France always caused in his
      mind a painful feeling, which estranged him from his schoolfellows. I,
      however, was almost his constant companion. During play-hours he used to
      withdraw to the library, where he-read with deep interest works of
      history, particularly Polybius and Plutarch. He was also fond of Arrianus,
      but did not care much for Quintus Gurtius. I often went off to play with
      my comrades, and left him by himself in the library.
    </p>
    <p>
      The temper of the young Corsican was not improved by the teasing he
      frequently experienced from his comrades, who were fond of ridiculing him
      about his Christian name Napoleon and his country. He often said to me, "I
      will do these French all the mischief I can;" and when I tried to pacify
      him he would say, "But you do not ridicule me; you like me."
    </p>
    <p>
      Father Patrauld, our mathematical professor, was much attached to
      Bonaparte. He was justly proud of him as a pupil. The other professors, in
      whose classes he was not distinguished, took little notice of him. He had
      no taste for the study of languages, polite literature, or the arts. As
      there were no indications of his ever becoming a scholar, the pedants of
      the establishment were inclined to think him stupid. His superior
      intelligence was, however, sufficiently perceptible, even through the
      reserve under which it was veiled. If the monks to whom the
      superintendence of the establishment was confided had understood the
      organisation of his mind, if they had engaged more able mathematical
      professors, or if we had had any incitement to the study of chemistry,
      natural philosophy, astronomy, etc., I am convinced that Bonaparte would
      have pursued these sciences with all the genius and spirit of
      investigation which he displayed in a career, more brilliant it is true,
      but less useful to mankind. Unfortunately, the monks did not perceive
      this, and were too poor to pay for good masters. However, after Bonaparte
      left the college they found it necessary to engage two professors from
      Paris, otherwise the college would have fallen to nothing. These two new
      professors, MM. Durfort and Desponts, finished my education; and I
      regretted that they did not come sooner. The often-repeated assertion of
      Bonaparte having received a careful education at Brienne is therefore
      untrue. The monks were incapable of giving it him; and, for my own part, I
      must confess that the extended information of the present day is to me a
      painful contrast with the limited course of education I received at the
      Military College. It is only surprising that the establishment should have
      produced a single able man.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though Bonaparte had no reason to be satisfied with the treatment he
      received from his comrades, yet he was above complaining of it; and when
      he had the supervision of any duty which they infringed, he would rather
      go to prison than denounce the criminals.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was one day his accomplice in omitting to enforce a duty which we were
      appointed to supervise. He prevailed on me to accompany him to prison,
      where we remained three days. We suffered this sort of punishment several
      times, but with less severity.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1783 the Duke of Orleans and Madame de Montesson visited Brienne; and,
      for upwards of a month, the magnificent chateau of the Comte de Brienne
      was a Versailles in miniature. The series of brilliant entertainments
      which were given to the august travellers made them almost forget the
      royal magnificence they had left behind them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Prince and Madame de Montesson expressed a wish to preside at the
      distribution of the prizes of our college. Bonaparte and I won the prizes
      in the class of mathematics, which, as I have already observed, was the
      branch of study to which he confined his attention, and in which he
      excelled. When I was called up for the seventh time Madame de Montesson
      said to my mother, who had come from Sens to be present at the
      distribution, "Pray, madame, crown your son this time; my hands are
      a-weary."
    </p>
    <p>
      There was an inspector of the military schools, whose business it was to
      make an annual report on each pupil, whether educated at the public
      expense or paid for by his family. I copied from the report of 1784 a note
      which was probably obtained surreptitiously from the War Office. I wanted
      to purchase the manuscript, but Louis Bonaparte bought it. I did not make
      a copy of the note which related to myself, because I should naturally
      have felt diffident in making any use of it. It would, however, have
      served to show how time and circumstances frequently reversed the
      distinctions which arise at school or college. Judging from the reports of
      the inspector of military schools, young Bonaparte was not, of all the
      pupils at Brienne in 1784, the one most calculated to excite prognostics
      of future greatness and glory.
    </p>
    <p>
      The note to which I have just alluded, and which was written by M. de
      Kerralio, then inspector of the military schools, describes Bonaparte in
      the following terms:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
           INSPECTION OF MILITARY SCHOOLS
                 1784.
       REPORT MADE FOR HIS MAJESTY BY M. DE KERALIO.

   M. de Buonaparte (Napoleon), born 15th August 1769, height 4 feet 10
   inches 10 lines, is in the fourth class, has a good constitution,
   excellent health, character obedient, upright, grateful, conduct
   very regular; has been always distinguished by his application to
   mathematics. He knows history and geography very passably. He is
   not well up in ornamental studies or in Latin in which he is only in
   the fourth class. He will be an excellent sailor. He deserves to
   be passed on to the Military School of Paris.
</pre>
    <p>
      Father Berton, however, opposed Bonaparte's removal to Paris, because he
      had not passed through the fourth Latin class, and the regulations
      required that he should be in the third. I was informed by the
      vice-principal that a report relative to Napoleon was sent from the
      College of Brienne to that of Paris, in which he was described as being
      domineering, imperious, and obstinate.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon remained upwards of five years at Brienne, from April
   1779 till the latter end of 1784. In 1783 the Chevalier Keralio,
   sub-inspector of the military schools, selected him to pass the year
   following to the military school at Paris, to which three of the
   best scholars were annually sent from each of the twelve provincial
   military schools of France. It is curious as well as satisfactory
   to know the opinion at this time entertained of him by those who
   were the best qualified to judge. His old master, Le Guille,
   professor of history at Paris, boasted that, in a list of the
   different scholars, he had predicted his pupil's subsequent career.
   In fact, to the name of Bonaparte the following note is added: "a
   Corsican by birth and character&mdash;he will do something great, if
   circumstances favour him." Menge was his instructor in geometry,
   who also entertained a high opinion of him. M. Bauer, his German
   master, was the only one who saw nothing in him, and was surprised
   at being told he was undergoing his examination for the artillery.
   &mdash;Hazlitt.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I knew Bonaparte well; and I think M. de Keralio's report of him was
      exceedingly just, except, perhaps, that he might have said he was very
      well as to his progress in history and geography, and very backward in
      Latin; but certainly nothing indicated the probability of his being an
      excellent seaman. He himself had no thought of the navy.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bourrienne is certainly wrong as to Bonaparte having no thought
   of the navy. In a letter of 1784 to the Minister of War his father
   says of Napoleon that, "following the advice of the Comte de
   Marbeuf, he has turned his studies towards the navy; and so well has
   he succeeded that he was intended by M. de Keralio for the school of
   Paris, and afterwards for the department of Toulon. The retirement
   of the former professor (Keralio) has changed the fate of my son."
   It was only on the failure of his intention to get into the navy
   that his father, on 15th July 1784 applied for permission for him to
   enter the artillery; Napoleon having a horror of the infantry, where
   he said they did nothing. It was on the success of this application
   that he was allowed to enter the school of Parts (Iung, tome i. pp.
   91-103). Oddly enough, in later years, on 30th August 1792, having
   just succeeded in getting himself reinstated as captain after his
   absence, overstaying leave, he applied to pass into the Artillerie
   de la Marine. "The application was judged to be simply absurd, and
   was filed with this note, 'S. R.' ('sans reponse')" (Iung, tome ii.
   p. 201)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In consequence of M. de Keralio's report, Bonaparte was transferred to the
      Military College of Paris, along with MM. Montarby de Dampierre, de
      Castres, de Comminges, and de Laugier de Bellecourt, who were all, like
      him, educated at the public expense, and all, at least, as favorably
      reported.
    </p>
    <p>
      What could have induced Sir Walter Scott to say that Bonaparte was the
      pride of the college, that our mathematical master was exceedingly fond of
      him, and that the other professors in the different sciences had equal
      reason to be satisfied with him? What I have above stated, together with
      the report of M. de Keralio, bear evidence of his backwardness in almost
      every branch of education except mathematics. Neither was it, as Sir
      Walter affirms, his precocious progress in mathematics that occasioned him
      to be removed to Paris. He had attained the proper age, and the report of
      him was favourable, therefore he was very naturally included among the
      number of the five who were chosen in 1784.
    </p>
    <p>
      In a biographical account of Bonaparte I have read the following anecdote:&mdash;When
      he was fourteen years of age he happened to be at a party where some one
      pronounced a high eulogium on Turenne; and a lady in the company observed
      that he certainly was a great man, but that she should like him better if
      he had not burned the Palatinate. "What signifies that," replied
      Bonaparte, "if it was necessary to the object he had in view?"
    </p>
    <p>
      This is either an anachronism or a mere fabrication. Bonaparte was
      fourteen in the year 1783. He was then at Brienne, where certainly he did
      not go into company, and least of all the company of ladies.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II.
    </h2>

      1784-1794.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte enters the Military College of Paris&mdash;He urges me to
   embrace the military profession&mdash;His report on the state of the
   Military School of Paris&mdash;He obtains a commission&mdash;I set off for
   Vienna&mdash;Return to Paris, where I again meet Bonaparte&mdash;His singular
   plans for raising money&mdash;Louis XVI, with the red cap on his head&mdash;
   The 10th of August&mdash;My departure for Stuttgart&mdash;Bonaparte goes to
   Corsica&mdash;My name inscribed on the list of emigrants&mdash;Bonaparte at
   the siege of Toulon&mdash;Le Souper de Beaucaire&mdash;Napoleon's mission to
   Genoa&mdash;His arrest&mdash;His autographical justification
   &mdash;Duroc's first connection with Bonaparte.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was fifteen years and two months old when he went to the
      Military College of Paris.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Madame Junot relates some interesting particulars connected with
   Napoleon's first residence in Paris:
   "My mother's first care," says she, "on arriving in Paris was to
   inquire after Napoleon Bonaparte. He was at that time in the
   military school at Paris, having quitted Brienne in the September of
   the preceding year.

   "My uncle Demetrius had met him just after he alighted from the coach
   which brought him to town; 'And truly.' said my uncle, 'he had the
   appearance of a fresh importation. I met him in the Palms Royal,
   where he was gaping and staring with wonder at everything he saw.
   He would have been an excellent subject for sharpers, if, indeed, he
   had had anything worth taking!' My uncle invited him to dine at his
   house; for though my uncle was a bachelor, he did not choose to dine
   at a 'traiteur' (the name 'restaurateur' was not then introduced).
   He told my mother that Napoleon was very morose. 'I fear,' added
   he, 'that that young man has more self-conceit than is suitable to
   his condition. When he dined with me he began to declaim violently
   against the luxury of the young men of the military school. After a
   little he turned the conversation on Mania, and the present
   education of the young Maniotes, drawing a comparison between it and
   the ancient Spartan system of education. His observations on this
   head he told me he intended to embody in a memorial to be presented
   to the Minister of War. All this, depend upon it, will bring him
   under the displeasure of his comrades; and it will be lucky if he
   escape being run through.' A few days afterwards my mother saw
   Napoleon, and then his irritability was at its height. He would
   scarcely bear any observations, even if made in his favour, and I am
   convinced that it is to this uncontrollable irritability that he
   owed the reputation of having been ill-tempered in his boyhood, and
   splenetic in his youth. My father, who was acquainted with almost
   all the heads of the military school, obtained leave for him
   sometimes to come out for recreation. On account of an accident (a
   sprain, if I recollect rightly) Napoleon once spent a whole week at
   our house. To this day, whenever I pass the Quai Conti, I cannot
   help looking up at a 'mansarde' at the left angle of the house on
   the third floor. That was Napoleon's chamber when he paid us a
   visit, and a neat little room it was. My brother used to occupy the
   one next to it. The two young men were nearly of the same age: my
   brother perhaps had the advantage of a year or fifteen months. My
   mother had recommended him to cultivate the friendship of young
   Bonaparte; but my brother complained how unpleasant it was to find
   only cold politeness where he expected affection. This
   repulsiveness on the part of Napoleon was almost offensive, and must
   have been sensibly felt by my brother, who was not only remarkable
   for the mildness of his temper and the amenity and grace of his
   manner, but whose society was courted in the most distinguished
   circles of Paris on account of his accomplishments. He perceived in
   Bonaparte a kind of acerbity and bitter irony, of which he long
   endeavoured to discover the cause. 'I believe,' said Albert one day
   to my mother, 'that the poor young man feels keenly his dependent
   situation.'" ('Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. i. p. 18,
   edit. 1883).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I accompanied him in a carriole as far as Nogent Sur Seine, whence the
      coach was to start. We parted with regret, and we did not meet again till
      the year 1792. During these eight years we maintained an active
      correspondence; but so little did I anticipate the high destiny which,
      after his elevation, it was affirmed the wonderful qualities of his
      boyhood plainly denoted, that I did not preserve one of the letters he
      wrote to me at that period, but tore them up as soon as they were
      answered.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I remember, however, that in a letter which I received from him
   about a year after his arrival in Paris he urged me to keep my
   promise of entering the army with him. Like him, I had passed
   through the studies necessary for the artillery service; and in 1787
   I went for three months to Metz, in order to unite practice with
   theory. A strange Ordinance, which I believe was issued in 1778 by
   M. de Segur, required that a man should possess four quarterings of
   nobility before he could be qualified to serve his king and country
   as a military officer. My mother went to Paris, taking with her the
   letters patent of her husband, who died six weeks after my birth.
   She proved that in the year 1640 Louis XIII. had, by letters
   patent, restored the titles of one Fauvelet de Villemont, who in
   1586 had kept several provinces of Burgundy subject to the king's
   authority at the peril of his life and the loss of his property; and
   that his family had occupied the first places in the magistracy
   since the fourteenth century. All was correct, but it was observed
   that the letters of nobility had not been registered by the
   Parliament, and to repair this little omission, the sum of twelve
   thousand francs was demanded. This my mother refused to pay, and
   there the matter rested.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On his arrival at the Military School of Paris, Bonaparte found the
      establishment on so brilliant and expensive a footing that he immediately
      addressed a memorial on the subject to the Vice-Principal Berton of
      Brienne.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[A second memoir prepared by him to the same effect was intended
   for the Minister of War, but Father Berton wisely advised silence to
   the young cadet (Iung, tome i. p. 122). Although believing in the
   necessity of show and of magnificence in public life, Napoleon
   remained true to these principles. While lavishing wealth on his
   ministers and marshals, "In your private life," said be, "be
   economical and even parsimonious; in public be magnificent"
   (Meneval, tome i. p. 146).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He showed that the plan of education was really pernicious, and far from
      being calculated to fulfil the object which every wise government must
      have in view. The result of the system, he said, was to inspire the
      pupils, who were all the sons of poor gentlemen, with a love of
      ostentation, or rather, with sentiments of vanity and self-sufficiency; so
      that, instead of returning happy to the bosom of their families, they were
      likely to be ashamed of their parents, and to despise their humble homes.
      Instead of the numerous attendants by whom they were surrounded, their
      dinners of two courses, and their horses and grooms, he suggested that
      they should perform little necessary services for themselves, such as
      brushing their clothes, and cleaning their boots and shoes; that they
      should eat the coarse bread made for soldiers, etc. Temperance and
      activity, he added, would render them robust, enable them to bear the
      severity of different seasons and climates, to brave the fatigues of war,
      and to inspire the respect and obedience of the soldiers under their
      command. Thus reasoned Napoleon at the age of sixteen, and time showed
      that he never deviated from these principles. The establishment of the
      military school at Fontainebleau is a decided proof of this.
    </p>
    <p>
      As Napoleon was an active observer of everything passing around him, and
      pronounced his opinion openly and decidedly, he did not remain long at the
      Military School of Paris. His superiors, who were anxious to get rid of
      him, accelerated the period of his examination, and he obtained the first
      vacant sub-lieutenancy in a regiment of artillery.
    </p>
    <p>
      I left Brienne in 1787; and as I could not enter the artillery, I
      proceeded in the following year to Vienna, with a letter of recommendation
      to M. de Montmorin, soliciting employment in the French Embassy at the
      Court of Austria.
    </p>
    <p>
      I remained two months at Vienna, where I had the honour of twice seeing
      the Emperor Joseph. The impression made upon me by his kind reception, his
      dignified and elegant manners, and graceful conversation, will never be
      obliterated from my recollection. After M. de Noailles had initiated me in
      the first steps of diplomacy, he advised me to go to one of the German
      universities to study the law of nations and foreign languages. I
      accordingly repaired to Leipsic, about the time when the French Revolution
      broke out.
    </p>
    <p>
      I spent some time at Leipsic, where I applied myself to the study of the
      law of nations, and the German and English languages. I afterwards
      travelled through Prussia and Poland, and passed a part of the winter of
      1791 and 1792 at Warsaw, where I was most graciously received by Princess
      Tyszicwiez, niece of Stanislaus Augustus, the last King of Poland, and the
      sister of Prince Poniatowski. The Princess was very well informed, and was
      a great admirer of French literature: At her invitation I passed several
      evenings in company with the King in a circle small enough to approach to
      something like intimacy. I remember that his Majesty frequently asked me
      to read the Moniteur; the speeches to which he listened with the greatest
      pleasure were those of the Girondists. The Princess Tyszicwiez wished to
      print at Warsaw, at her own expense, a translation I had executed of
      Kotzebue's 'Menschenhass and Reue, to which I gave the title of
      'L'Inconnu'.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[A play known on the English stage as The Stranger.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I arrived at Vienna on the 26th of March 1792, when I was informed of the
      serious illness of the Emperor, Leopold II, who died on the following day.
      In private companies, and at public places, I heard vague suspicions
      expressed of his having been poisoned; but the public, who were admitted
      to the palace to see the body lie in state, were soon convinced of the
      falsehood of these reports. I went twice to see the mournful spectacle,
      and I never heard a word which was calculated to confirm the odious
      suspicion, though the spacious hall in which the remains of the Emperor
      were exposed was constantly thronged with people.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of April 1792 I returned to Paris, where I again met
      Bonaparte,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bonaparte is said, on very doubtful authority, to have spent five
   or six weeks in London in 1791 or 1792, and to have "lodged in a
   house in George Street, Strand. His chief occupation appeared to be
   taking pedestrian exercise in the streets of London&mdash;hence his
   marvellous knowledge of the great metropolis which used to astonish
   any Englishmen of distinction who were not aware of this visit. He
   occasionally took his cup of chocolate at the 'Northumberland,'
   occupying himself in reading, and preserving a provoking taciturnity
   to the gentlemen in the room; though his manner was stern, his
   deportment was that of a gentleman." The story of his visit is
   probably as apocryphal as that of his offering his services to the
   English Government when the English forces wore blockading the coast
   of Corsica,]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and our college intimacy was fully renewed. I was not very well off, and
      adversity was hanging heavily on him; his resources frequently failed him.
      We passed our time like two young fellows of twenty-three who have little
      money and less occupation. Bonaparte was always poorer than I. Every day
      we conceived some new project or other. We were on the look-out for some
      profitable speculation. At one time he wanted me to join him in renting
      several houses, then building in the Rue Montholon, to underlet them
      afterwards. We found the demands of the landlords extravagant&mdash;everything
      failed.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the same time he was soliciting employment at the War Office, and I at
      the office of Foreign Affairs. I was for the moment the luckier of the
      two.
    </p>
    <p>
      While we were spending our time in a somewhat vagabond way,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It was before the 20th of June that in our frequent excursions
   around Paris we went to St. Cyr to see his sister Marianne (Elisa).
   We returned to dine alone at Trianon.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      the 20th of June arrived. We met by appointment at a restaurateur's in the
      Rue St. Honore, near the Palais Royal, to take one of our daily rambles.
      On going out we saw approaching, in the direction of the market, a mob,
      which Bonaparte calculated at five or six thousand men. They were all in
      rags, ludicrously armed with weapons of every description, and were
      proceeding hastily towards the Tuilleries, vociferating all kinds of gross
      abuse. It was a collection of all that was most vile and abject in the
      purlieus of Paris. "Let us follow the mob," said Bonaparte. We got the
      start of them, and took up our station on the terrace of the banks of the
      river. It was there that he witnessed the scandalous scenes which took
      place; and it would be difficult to describe the surprise and indignation
      which they excited in him. When the King showed himself at the windows
      overlooking the garden, with the red cap, which one of the mob had put on
      his head, he could no longer repress his indignation. "Che coglione!" he
      loudly exclaimed. "Why have they let in all that rabble! They should sweep
      off four or five hundred of them with the cannon; the rest would then set
      off fast enough."
    </p>
    <p>
      When we sat down to dinner, which I paid for, as I generally did, for I
      was the richer of the two, he spoke of nothing but the scene we had
      witnessed. He discussed with great good sense the causes and consequences
      of this unrepressed insurrection. He foresaw and developed with sagacity
      all that would ensue. He was not mistaken. The 10th of August soon
      arrived. I was then at Stuttgart, where I was appointed Secretary of
      Legation.
    </p>
    <p>
      At St. Helena Bonaparte said, "On the news of the attack of the
      Tuilleries, on the 10th of August, I hurried to Fauvelet, Bourrienne's
      brother, who then kept a furniture warehouse at the Carrousel." This is
      partly correct. My brother was connected with what was termed an
      'enterprise d'encan national', where persons intending to quit France
      received an advance of money, on depositing any effects which they wished
      to dispose of, and which were sold for them immediately. Bonaparte had
      some time previously pledged his watch in this way.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the fatal 10th of August Bonaparte went to Corsica, and did not
      return till 1793. Sir Walter Scott says that after that time he never saw
      Corsica again. This is a mistake, as will be shown when I speak of his
      return from Egypt.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Walter appears to have collected his information for the Life
   of Napoleon only from those libels and vulgar stories which
   gratified the calumnious spirit and national hatred. His work is
   written with excessive negligence, which, added to its numerous
   errors, shows how much respect he must have entertained for his
   readers. It would appear that his object was to make it the inverse
   of his novels, where everything is borrowed from history. I have
   been assured that Marshal Macdonald having offered to introduce
   Scott to some generals who could have furnished him with the most
   accurate, information respecting military events, the glory of which
   they had shared, Sir Walter replied, "I thank you, but I shall
   collect my information from unprofessional reports."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Having been appointed Secretary of Legation to Stuttgart, I set off for
      that place on the 2d of August, and I did not again see my ardent young
      friend until 1795. He told me that my departure accelerated his for
      Corsica. We separated, as may be supposed, with but faint hopes of ever
      meeting again.
    </p>
    <p>
      By a decree of the 28th of March of 1793, all French agents abroad were
      ordered to return to France, within three months, under pain of being
      regarded as emigrants. What I had witnessed before my departure for
      Stuttgart, the excitement in which I had left the public mind, and the
      well-known consequences of events of this kind, made me fear that I should
      be compelled to be either an accomplice or a victim in the disastrous
      scenes which were passing at home. My disobedience of the law placed my
      name on the list of emigrants.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been said of me, in a biographical publication, that "it was as
      remarkable as it was fortunate for Bourrienne that, on his return, he got
      his name erased from the list of emigrants of the department of the Yonne,
      on which it had been inscribed during his first journey to Germany. This
      circumstance has been interpreted in several different ways, which are not
      all equally favourable to M. de Bourrienne."
    </p>
    <p>
      I do not understand what favourable interpretations can be put upon a
      statement entirely false. General Bonaparte repeatedly applied for the
      erasure of my name, from the month of April 1797, when I rejoined him at
      Leoben, to the period of the signature of the treaty of Campo-Formio; but
      without success. He desired his brother Louis, Berthier, Bernadotte, and
      others, when he sent them to the Directory, to urge my erasure; but in
      vain. He complained of this inattention to his wishes to Bottot, when he
      came to Passeriano, after the 18th Fructidor. Bottot, who was secretary to
      Barras, was astonished that I was not erased, and he made fine promises of
      what he would do. On his return to France he wrote to Bonaparte:
      "Bourrienne is erased." But this was untrue. I was not erased until
      November 1797, upon the reiterated solicitations of General Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was during my absence from France that Bonaparte, in the rank of 'chef
      de bataillon', performed his first campaign, and contributed so materially
      to the recapture of Toulon. Of this period of his life I have no personal
      knowledge, and therefore I shall not speak of it as an eye-witness. I
      shall merely relate some facts which fill up the interval between 1793 and
      1795, and which I have collected from papers which he himself delivered to
      me. Among these papers is a little production, entitled 'Le Souper de
      Beaucaire', the copies of which he bought up at considerable expense, and
      destroyed upon his attaining the Consulate. This little pamphlet contains
      principles very opposite to those he wished to see established in 1800, a
      period when extravagant ideas of liberty were no longer the fashion, and
      when Bonaparte entered upon a system totally the reverse of those
      republican principles professed in 'Le Souper de Beaucaire.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This is not, as Sir Walter says, a dialogue between Marat and a
   Federalist, but a conversation between a military officer, a native
   of Nismes, a native of Marseilles, and a manufacturer from
   Montpellier. The latter, though he takes a share in the
   conversation, does not say much. 'Le Souper de Beaucaire' is given
   at full length in the French edition of these Memoirs, tome i. pp.
   319-347; and by Iung, tome ii. p. 354, with the following remarks:
   "The first edition of 'Le Souper de Beaucaire' was issued at the
   cost of the Public Treasury, in August 1798. Sabin Tournal, its
   editor, also then edited the 'Courrier d'Avignon'. The second
   edition only appeared twenty-eight years afterwards, in 1821,
   preceded by an introduction by Frederick Royou (Paris: Brasseur
   Aine, printer, Terrey, publisher, in octavo). This pamphlet did not
   make any sensation at the time it appeared. It was only when
   Napoleon became Commandant of the Army of Italy that M. Loubet,
   secretary and corrector of the press for M. Tournal, attached some
   value to the manuscript, and showed it to several persona. Louis
   Bonaparte, later, ordered several copies from M. Aurel. The
   pamphlet, dated 29th duly 1793, is in the form of a dialogue between
   an officer of the army, a citizen of Nismes, a manufacturer of
   Montpellier, and a citizen of Marseilles. Marseilles was then in a
   state of insurrection against the Convention. Its forces had seized
   Avignon, but had been driven out by the army of Cartesna, which was
   about to attack Marseilles itself." In the dialogue the officer
   gives most excellent military advice to the representative of
   Marseilles on the impossibility of their resisting the old soldiers
   of Carteaux. The Marseilles citizen argues but feebly, and is
   alarmed at the officer's representations; while his threat to call
   in the Spaniards turns the other speakers against him. Even Colonel
   Iung says, tome ii. p. 372, "In these concise judgments is felt the
   decision of the master and of the man of war..... These marvellous
   qualities consequently struck the members of the Convention, who
   made much of Bonaparte, authorised him to have it published at the
   public expense, and made him many promises." Lanfrey, vol. i. pp.
   201, says of this pamphlets "Common enough ideas, expressed in a
   style only remarkable for its 'Italianisms,' but becoming singularly
   firm and precise every time the author expresses his military views.
   Under an apparent roughness, we find in it a rare circumspection,
   leaving no hold on the writer, even if events change."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It may be remarked, that in all that has come to us from St. Helena, not a
      word is said of this youthful production. Its character sufficiently
      explains this silence. In all Bonaparte's writings posterity will probably
      trace the profound politician rather than the enthusiastic revolutionist.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some documents relative to Bonaparte's suspension and arrest, by order of
      the representatives Albitte and Salicetti, serve to place in their true
      light circumstances which have hitherto been misrepresented. I shall enter
      into some details of this event, because I have seen it stated that this
      circumstance of Bonaparte's life has been perverted and misrepresented by
      every person who has hitherto written about him; and the writer who makes
      this remark, himself describes the affair incorrectly and vaguely. Others
      have attributed Bonaparte's misfortune to a military discussion on war,
      and his connection with Robespierre the younger.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It will presently be seen that all this is erroneous, and that
   Sir Walter commits another mistake when he says that Bonaparte's
   connection with Robespierre was attended with fatal consequences to
   him, and that his justification consisted in acknowledging that his
   friends were very different from what he had supposed them to be.
   &mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It has, moreover, been said that Albitte and Salicetti explained to the
      Committee of Public Safety the impossibility of their resuming the
      military operations unaided by the talents of General Bonaparte. This is
      mere flattery. The facts are these:
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th of July 1794 (25th Messidor, year II), the representatives of
      the people with the army of Italy ordered that General Bonaparte should
      proceed to Genoa, there, conjointly with the French 'charge d'affaires',
      to confer on certain subjects with the Genoese Government. This mission,
      together with a list of secret instructions, directing him to examine the
      fortresses of Genoa and the neighbouring country, show the confidence
      which Bonaparte, who was then only twenty-five, inspired in men who were
      deeply interested in making a prudent choice of their agents.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte set off for Genoa, and fulfilled his mission. The 9th Thermidor
      arrived, and the deputies, called Terrorists, were superseded by Albitte
      and Salicetti. In the disorder which then prevailed they were either
      ignorant of the orders given to General Bonaparte, or persons envious of
      the rising glory of the young general of artillery inspired Albitte and
      Salicetti with suspicions prejudicial to him. Be this as it may, the two
      representatives drew up a resolution, ordering that General Bonaparte
      should be arrested, suspended from his rank, and arraigned before the
      Committee of Public Safety; and, extraordinary as it may appear, this
      resolution was founded in that very journey to Genoa which Bonaparte
      executed by the direction of the representatives of the people.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Madame Junot throws some light on this Persecution of Bonaparte
   by Salicetti. "One motive (I do not mean to say the only one),"
   remarks this lady, "of the animosity shown by Salicetti to
   Bonaparte, in the affair of Loano, was that they were at one time
   suitors to the same lady. I am not sure whether it was in Corsica
   or in Paris, but I know for a fact that Bonaparte, in spite of his
   youth, or perhaps I should rather say on account of his youth, was
   the favoured lover. It was the opinion of my brother, who was
   secretary to Salicetti, that Bonaparte owed his life to a
   circumstance which is not very well known. The fact is, that
   Salicetti received a letter from Bonaparte, the contents of which
   appeared to make a deep impression on him. Bonaparte's papers had
   been delivered into Salicetti's hands, who, after an attentive
   perusal of them, laid them aside with evident dissatisfaction. He
   then took them up again, and read them a second time. Salicetti
   declined my brother's assistance is the examination of the papers,
   and after a second examination, which was probably as unsatisfactory
   as the first, he seated himself with a very abstracted air. It
   would appear that he had seen among the papers some document which
   concerned himself. Another curious fact is, that the man who had
   the care of the papers after they were sealed up was an inferior
   clerk entirely under the control of Salicetti; and my brother, whose
   business it was to have charge of the papers, was directed not to
   touch them. He has often spoken to me of this circumstance, and I
   mention it here as one of importance to the history of the time.
   Nothing that relates to a man like Napoleon can be considered
   useless or trivial.

   "What, after all, was the result of this strange business which
   might have cost Bonaparte his head?&mdash;for, had he been taken to Paris
   and tried by the Committee of Public Safety, there is little doubt
   that the friend of Robespierre the younger would have been condemned
   by Billaud-Varennes and Collot d'Herbois. The result was the
   acquittal of the accused. This result is the more extraordinary,
   since it would appear that at that time Salicetti stood in fear of
   the young general. A compliment is even paid to Bonaparte in the
   decree, by which he was provisionally restored to liberty. That
   liberation was said to be granted on the consideration that General
   Bonaparte might be useful to the Republic. This was foresight; but
   subsequently when measures were taken which rendered Bonaparte no
   longer an object of fear, his name was erased from the list of
   general officers, and it is a curious fact that Cambacérès, who was
   destined to be his colleague in the Consulate, was one of the
   persons who signed the act of erasure" (Memoirs of the Duchesse
   d'Abrantes, vol. i, p. 69, edit. 1843).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte said at St. Helena that he was a short time imprisoned by order
      of the representative Laporte; but the order for his arrest was signed by
      Albitte, Salicetti, and Laporte.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Albitte and Laporte were the representatives sent from the
   Convention to the army of the Alps, and Salicetti to the army of
   Italy.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Laporte was not probably the most influential of the three, for Bonaparte
      did not address his remonstrance to him. He was a fortnight under arrest.
    </p>
    <p>
      Had the circumstance occurred three weeks earlier, and had Bonaparte been
      arraigned before the Committee of Public Safety previous to the 9th
      Thermidor, there is every probability that his career would have been at
      an end; and we should have seen perish on the scaffold, at the age of
      twenty-five, the man who, during the twenty-five succeeding years, was
      destined to astonish the world by his vast conceptions, his gigantic
      projects, his great military genius, his extraordinary good fortune, his
      faults, reverses, and final misfortunes.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is worth while to remark that in the post-Thermidorian resolution just
      alluded to no mention is made of Bonaparte's association with Robespierre
      the younger. The severity with which he was treated is the more
      astonishing, since his mission to Genoa was the alleged cause of it. Was
      there any other charge against him, or had calumny triumphed over the
      services he had rendered to his country? I have frequently conversed with
      him on the subject of this adventure, and he invariably assured me that he
      had nothing to reproach himself with, and that his defence, which I shall
      subjoin, contained the pure expression of his sentiments, and the exact
      truth.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the following note, which he addressed to Albitte and Salicetti, he
      makes no mention of Laporte. The copy which I possess is in the
      handwriting of, Junot, with corrections in the General's hand. It exhibits
      all the characteristics of Napoleon's writing: his short sentences, his
      abrupt rather than concise style, sometimes his elevated ideas, and always
      his plain good sense.
    </p>
    <blockquote>
      <blockquote>
        <p>
          <b> TO THE REPRESENTATIVES ALBITTE AND SALICETTI: </b>
        </p>
        <p>
          You have suspended me from my duties, put me under arrest, and
          declared me to be suspected.
        </p>
        <p>
          Thus I am disgraced before being judged, or indeed judged before being
          heard.
        </p>
        <p>
          In a revolutionary state there are two classes, the suspected and the
          patriots.
        </p>
        <p>
          When the first are aroused, general measures are adopted towards them
          for the sake of security.
        </p>
        <p>
          The oppression of the second class is a blow to public liberty. The
          magistrate cannot condemn until after the fullest evidence and a
          succession of facts. This leaves nothing to arbitrary decision.
        </p>
        <p>
          To declare a patriot suspected is to deprive him of all that he most
          highly values&mdash;confidence and esteem.
        </p>
        <p>
          In what class am I placed?
        </p>
        <p>
          Since the commencement of the Revolution, have I not always been
          attached to its principles?
        </p>
        <p>
          Have I not always been contending either with domestic enemies or
          foreign foes?
        </p>
        <p>
          I sacrificed my home, abandoned my property, and lost everything for
          the Republic?
        </p>
        <p>
          I have since served with some distinction at Toulon, and earned a part
          of the laurels of the army of Italy at the taking of Saorgio, Oneille,
          and Tanaro.
        </p>
        <p>
          On the discovery of Robespierre's conspiracy, my conduct was that of a
          man accustomed to look only to principles.
        </p>
        <p>
          My claim to the title of patriot, therefore cannot be disputed.
        </p>
        <p>
          Why, then, am I declared suspected without being heard, and arrested
          eight days after I heard the news of the tyrant's death.
        </p>
        <p>
          I am declared suspected, and my papers are placed under seal.
        </p>
        <p>
          The reverse of this course ought to have been adopted. My papers
          should first have been sealed; then I should have been called on for
          my explanation; and, lastly, declared suspected, if there was reason
          for coming to, such a decision.
        </p>
        <p>
          It is wished that I should go to Paris with an order which declares me
          suspected. It will naturally be presumed that the representatives did
          not draw up this decree without accurate information, and I shall be
          judged with the bias which a man of that class merits.
        </p>
        <p>
          Though a patriot and an innocent and calumniated man, yet whatever
          measures may be adopted by the Committee I cannot complain.
        </p>
        <p>
          If three men declare that I have committed a crime, I cannot complain
          of the jury who condemns me.
        </p>
        <p>
          Salicetti, you know me; and I ask whether you have observed anything
          in my conduct for the last five years which can afford ground of
          suspicion?
        </p>
        <p>
          Albitte, you do not know me; but you have received proof of no fact
          against me; you have not heard me, and you know how artfully the
          tongue of calumny sometimes works.
        </p>
        <p>
          Must I then be confounded with the enemies of my country and ought the
          patriots inconsiderately to sacrifice a general who has not been
          useless to the Republic? Ought the representatives to reduce the
          Government to the necessity of being unjust and impolitic?
        </p>
        <p>
          Hear me; destroy the oppression that overwhelms me, and restore me to
          the esteem of the patriots.
        </p>
        <p>
          An hour after, if my enemies wish for my life, let them take it. I
          have often given proofs how little I value it. Nothing but the thought
          that I may yet be useful to my country makes me bear the burden of
          existence with courage.
        </p>
      </blockquote>
    </blockquote>
    <p>
      It appears that this defence, which is remarkable for its energetic
      simplicity, produced an effect on Albitte and Salicetti. Inquiries more
      accurate, and probably more favourable to the General, were instituted;
      and on the 3d Fructidor (20th August 1794) the representatives of the
      people drew up a decree stating that, after a careful examination of
      General Bonaparte's papers, and of the orders he had received relative to
      his mission to Genoa, they saw nothing to justify any suspicion of his
      conduct; and that, moreover, taking into consideration the advantage that
      might accrue to the Republic from the military talents of the said General
      Bonaparte, it was resolved that he should be provisionally set at liberty.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[With reference to the arrest of Bonaparte (which lasted thirteen
   days) see 'Bourrienne et ses Erreurs', tome i. pp. 16-28, and Iung,
   tome ii. pp. 443-457. Both, in opposition to Bourrienne, attribute
   the arrest to his connection with the younger Robespierre.
   Apparently Albitte and Salicetti wets not acquainted with the secret
   plan of campaign prepared by the younger Robespierre and by
   Bonaparte, or with the real instructions given for the mission to
   Genoa. Jealousy between the representatives in the staff of the
   army of the Alps and those with the army of Italy, with which
   Napoleon was, also played a part in the affair. Iung looks on
   Salicetti as acting as the protector of the Bonapartes; but Napoleon
   does not seem to have regarded him in that light; see the letter
   given in Tunot, vol. i. p. 106, where in 1795 he takes credit for
   not returning the ill done to him; see also the same volume, p. 89.
   Salicetti eventually became Minister of Police to Joseph, when King
   of Naples, in 1806; but when he applied to return to France,
   Napoleon said to Mathieu Dumas, "Let him know that I am not powerful
   enough to protect the wretches who voted for the death of Louis XVI.
   from the contempt and indignation of the public" (Dumas, tome iii.
   p. 318). At the same time Napoleon described Salicetti as worse
   than the lazzaroni.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Salicetti afterwards became the friend and confidant of young Bonaparte;
      but their intimacy did not continue after his elevation.
    </p>
    <p>
      What is to be thought of the motives for Bonaparte's arrest and
      provisional liberation, when his innocence and the error that had been
      committed were acknowledged? The importance of the General's military
      talents, though no mention is made about the impossibility of dispensing
      with them, is a pretence for restoring him to that liberty of which he had
      been unjustly deprived.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not at Toulon, as has been stated, that Bonaparte took Duroc into
      the artillery, and made him his 'aide de camp'.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Michel Duroc (1773-1813) at first only aide de camp to Napoleon,
   was several times entrusted with special diplomatic missions (for
   example, to Berlin, etc.) On the formation of the Empire he became
   Grand Marechal du Palais, and Duc de Frioul. He always remained in
   close connection with Napoleon until he was killed in 1813. As he
   is often mentioned in contemporary memoirs under his abbreviated
   title of 'Marshal', he has sometimes been erroneously included in
   the number of the Marshals of the Empire&mdash;a military rank he never
   attained to.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The acquaintance was formed at a subsequent period, in Italy. Duroc's cold
      character and unexcursive mind suited Napoleon, whose confidence he
      enjoyed until his death, and who entrusted him with missions perhaps above
      his abilities. At St. Helena Bonaparte often declared that he was much
      attached to Duroc. I believe this to be true; but I know that the
      attachment was not returned. The ingratitude of princes is proverbial. May
      it not happen that courtiers are also sometimes ungrateful?&mdash;[It is
      only just to Duroc to add that this charge does not seem borne out by the
      impressions of those more capable than Bourrienne of judging in the
      matter.]
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0003" id="link2HCH0003">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER III.
    </h2>

      1794-1795.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Proposal to send Bonaparte to La Vendée&mdash;He is struck off the list
   of general officers&mdash;Salicetti&mdash;Joseph's marriage with Mademoiselle
   Clary&mdash;Bonaparte's wish to go to Turkey&mdash;Note explaining the plan of
   his proposed expedition&mdash;Madame Bourrienne's character of Bonaparte,
   and account of her husband's arrest&mdash;Constitution of the year III&mdash;
   The 13th Vendemiaire&mdash;Bonaparte appointed second in command of the
   army of the interior&mdash;Eulogium of Bonaparte by Barras, and its
   consequences&mdash;St. Helena manuscript.
</pre>
    <p>
      General Bonaparte returned to Paris, where I also arrived from Germany
      shortly after him. Our intimacy was resumed, and he gave me an account of,
      all that had passed in the campaign of the south. He frequently alluded to
      the persecutions he had suffered, and he delivered to me the packet of
      papers noticed in the last chapter, desiring me to communicate their
      contents to my friends. He was very anxious, he said, to do away with the
      supposition that he was capable of betraying his country, and, under the
      pretence of a mission to Genoa, becoming a SPY on the interests of France.
      He loved to talk over his military achievements at Toulon and in Italy. He
      spoke of his first successes with that feeling of pleasure and
      gratification which they were naturally calculated to excite in him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Government wished to send him to La Vendée, with the rank of
      brigadier-general of infantry. Bonaparte rejected this proposition on two
      grounds. He thought the scene of action unworthy of his talents, and he
      regarded his projected removal from the artillery to the infantry as a
      sort of insult. This last was his most powerful objection, and was the
      only one he urged officially. In consequence of his refusal to accept the
      appointment offered him, the Committee of Public Safety decreed that he
      should be struck off the list of general officers.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This statement as to the proposed transfer of Bonaparte to the
   infantry, his disobedience to the order, and his consequent
   dismissal, is fiercely attacked in the 'Erreurs', tome i. chap. iv.
   It is, however, correct in some points; but the real truths about
   Bonaparte's life at this time seem so little known that it may be
   well to explain the whole matter. On the 27th of March 1795
   Bonaparte, already removed from his employment in the south, was
   ordered to proceed to the army of the west to command its artillery
   as brigadier-general. He went as far as Paris, and then lingered
   there, partly on medical certificate. While in Paris he applied, as
   Bourrienne says, to go to Turkey to organise its artillery. His
   application, instead of being neglected, as Bourrienne says, was
   favourably received, two members of the 'Comite de Saint Public'
   putting on its margin most favorable reports of him; one, Jean
   Debry, even saying that he was too distinguished an officer to be
   sent to a distance at such a time. Far from being looked on as the
   half-crazy fellow Bourrienne considered him at that time, Bonaparte
   was appointed, on the 21st of August 1795, one of four generals
   attached as military advisers to the Committee for the preparation
   of warlike operations, his own department being a most important
   one. He himself at the time tells Joseph that he is attached to the
   topographical bureau of the Comite de Saint Public, for the
   direction of the armies in the place of Carnot. It is apparently
   this significant appointment to which Madame Junot, wrongly dating
   it, alludes as "no great thing" (Junot, vol. i, p. 143). Another
   officer was therefore substituted for him as commander of Roches
   artillery, a fact made use of in the Erreurs (p. 31) to deny his
   having been dismissed&mdash;But a general re-classification of the
   generals was being made. The artillery generals were in excess of
   their establishment, and Bonaparte, as junior in age, was ordered on
   13th June to join Hoche's army at Brest to command a brigade of
   infantry. All his efforts to get the order cancelled failed, and as
   he did not obey it he was struck off the list of employed general
   officers on the 15th of September 1795, the order of the 'Comite de
   Salut Public' being signed by Cambacérès, Berber, Merlin, and
   Boissy. His application to go to Turkey still, however, remained;
   and it is a curious thing that, on the very day he was struck off
   the list, the commission which had replaced the Minister of War
   recommended to the 'Comite de Saint Public' that he and his two
   aides de camp, Junot and Livrat, with other officers, under him,
   should be sent to Constantinople. So late as the 29th of September,
   twelve days later, this matter was being considered, the only
   question being as to any departmental objections to the other
   officers selected by him, a point which was just being settled. But
   on the 13th Vendemiaire (5th October 1795), or rather on the night
   before, only nineteen days after his removal, he was appointed
   second in command to Barras, a career in France was opened to him,
   and Turkey was no longer thought of.

   Thiers (vol. iv, p. 326) and most writers, contemporary and
   otherwise, say that Aubry gave the order for his removal from the
   list. Aubry, himself a brigadier-general of artillery, did not
   belong to the 'Comite de Salut Public' at the time Bonaparte was
   removed from the south; and he had left the Comite early is August,
   that is, before the order striking Bonaparte off was given. Aubry
   was, however, on the Comite in June 1795, and signed the order,
   which probably may have originated from him, for the transfer of
   Bonaparte to the infantry. It will be seen that, in the ordinary
   military sense of the term, Napoleon was only in Paris without
   employment from the 15th of September to the 4th or 6th of October
   1796; all the rest of the time in Paris he had a command which he
   did not choose to take up. The distress under which Napoleon is
   said to have laboured in pecuniary matters was probably shared by
   most officers at that time; see 'Erreurs', tome i. p. 32. This
   period is fully described in Iung, tome ii. p. 476, and tome iii.
   pp. 1-93.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Deeply mortified at this unexpected stroke, Bonaparte retired into private
      life, and found himself doomed to an inactivity very uncongenial with his
      ardent character. He lodged in the Rue du Mail, in an hotel near the Place
      des Victoires, and we recommenced the sort of life we had led in 1792,
      before his departure for Corsica. It was not without a struggle that he
      determined to await patiently the removal of the prejudices which were
      cherished against him by men in power; and he hoped that, in the perpetual
      changes which were taking place, those men might be superseded by others
      more favourable to him. He frequently dined and spent the evening with me
      and my elder brother; and his pleasant conversation and manners made the
      hours pass away very agreeably. I called on him almost every morning, and
      I met at his lodgings several persons who were distinguished at the time;
      among others Salicetti, with whom he used to maintain very animated
      conversations, and who would often solicit a private interview with him.
      On one occasion Salicetti paid him three thousand francs, in assignats, as
      the price of his carriage, which his straitened circumstances obliged him
      to dispose of.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Of Napoleon's poverty at this time Madame Junot says, "On
   Bonaparte's return to Paris, after the misfortunes of which he
   accused Salicetti of being the cause, he was in very destitute
   circumstances. His family, who were banished from Corsica, found an
   asylum at Marseilles; and they could not now do for him what they
   would have done had they been in the country whence they derived
   their pecuniary resources. From time to time he received
   remittances of money, and I suspect they came from his excellent
   brother Joseph, who had then recently married 'Mademoiselle Clary;
   but with all his economy these supplies were insufficient.
   Bonaparte was therefore in absolute distress. Junot often used to
   speak of the six months they passed together in Paris at this time.
   When they took an evening stroll on the Boulevard, which used to be
   the resort of young men, mounted on fine horses, and displaying all
   the luxury which they were permitted to show at that time, Bonaparte
   would declaim against fate, and express his contempt for the dandies
   with their whiskers and their 'orielles de chiene', who, as they
   rode Past, were eulogising in ecstasy the manner in which Madame
   Scio sang. And it is on such beings as these,' he would say, 'that
   Fortune confers her favours. Grand Dieu! how contemptible is human
   nature!'" (Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. i. p. 80,
   edit. 1883.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I could, easily perceive that our young friend either was or wished to be
      initiated in some political intrigue; and I moreover suspected that
      Salicetti had bound him by an oath not to disclose the plans that were
      hatching.
    </p>
    <p>
      He became pensive, melancholy, and anxious; and he always looked with
      impatience for Salicetti's daily visit.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Salicetti was implicated in the insurrection of the 20th May
   1795, 1st Prairial, Year III., and was obliged to fly to Venice.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Sometimes, withdrawing his mind from political affairs, he would envy the
      happiness of his brother Joseph, who had just then married Mademoiselle
      Clary, the daughter of a rich and respectable merchant of Marseilles. He
      would often say, "That Joseph is a lucky rogue."
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile time passed away, and none of his projects succeeded&mdash;none
      of his applications were listened to. He was vexed by the injustice with
      which he was treated, and tormented by the desire of entering upon some
      active pursuit. He could not endure the thought of remaining buried in the
      crowd. He determined to quit France; and the favourite idea, which he
      never afterwards relinquished, that the East is a fine field for glory,
      inspired him with the wish to proceed to Constantinople, and to enter the
      service of the Grand Seignior. What romantic plans, what stupendous
      projects he conceived! He asked me whether I would go with him? I replied
      in the negative. I looked upon him as a half-crazy young fellow, who was
      driven to extravagant enterprises and desperate resolutions by his
      restless activity of mind, joined to the irritating treatment he had
      experienced, and, perhaps, it may be added, his want of money. He did not
      blame me for my refusal to accompany him; and he told me that Junot,
      Marmont, and some other young officers whom he had known at Toulon, would
      be willing to follow his fortunes.
    </p>
    <p>
      He drew up a note which commenced with the words 'Note for . . .' It was
      addressed to no one, and was merely a plan. Some days after he wrote out
      another, which, however, did not differ very materially from the first,
      and which he addressed to Aubert and Coni. I made him a fair copy of it,
      and it was regularly for forwarded. It was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                 NOTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      At a moment when the Empress of Russia has strengthened her union with the
      Emperor of Germany (Austria), it is the interest of France to do
      everything in her power to increase the military power of Turkey.
    </p>
    <p>
      That power possesses a numerous and brave militia but is very backward in
      the scientific part of the art of war.
    </p>
    <p>
      The organization and the service of the artillery, which, in our modern
      tactics, so powerfully facilitate the gaining of battles, and on which,
      almost exclusively, depend the attack and defence of fortresses, are
      especially the points in which France excels, and in which the Turks are
      most deficient.
    </p>
    <p>
      They have several times applied to us for artillery officers, and we have
      sent them some; but the officers thus sent have not been sufficiently
      powerful, either in numbers or talent, to produce any important result.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Bonaparte, who, from his youth, has served in the artillery, of
      which he was entrusted with the command at the siege of Toulon, and in the
      two campaigns of Italy, offers his services to proceed to Turkey, with a
      mission from the (French) Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      He proposes to take along with him six or seven officers, of different
      kinds, and who may be, altogether, perfect masters of the military art.
    </p>
    <p>
      He will have the satisfaction of being useful to his country in this new
      career, if he succeed in rendering the Turkish power more formidable, by
      completing the defence of their principal fortresses, and constructing new
      ones.
    </p>
    <p>
      This note shows the error of the often-repeated assertion, that he
      proposed entering the service of the Turks against Austria. He makes no
      mention of such a thing; and the two countries were not at war.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Scottish biographer makes Bonaparte say that it would be
   strange if a little Corsican should become King of Jerusalem. I
   never heard anything drop from him which supports the probability of
   such a remark, and certainly there is nothing in his note to warrant
   the inference of his having made it.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      No answer was returned to this note. Turkey remained unaided, and
      Bonaparte unoccupied. I must confess that for the failure of this project,
      at least I was not sorry. I should have regretted to see a young man of
      great promise, and one for whom I cherished a sincere friendship, devote
      himself to so uncertain a fate. Napoleon has less than any man provoked
      the events which have favoured him; no one has more yielded to
      circumstances from which he was so skilful to derive advantages. If,
      however, a clerk of the War Office had but written on the note, "Granted,"
      that little word would probably have changed the fate of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte remained in Paris, forming schemes for the gratification of his
      ambition, and his desire of making a figure in the world; but obstacles
      opposed all he attempted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Women are better judges of character than men. Madame de Bourrienne,
      knowing the intimacy which subsisted between us, preserved some notes
      which she made upon Bonaparte, and the circumstances which struck her as
      most remarkable, during her early connection with him. My wife did not
      entertain so favourable an opinion of him as I did; the warm friendship I
      cherished for him probably blinded me to his faults. I subjoin Madame de
      Bourrienne's notes, word for word:
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day after our second return from Germany, which was in May 1795, we
      met Bonaparte in the Palais Royal, near a shop kept by a man named
      Girardin. Bonaparte embraced Bourrienne as a friend whom he loved and was
      glad to see. We went that evening to the Theatre Francais. The performance
      consisted of a tragedy; and 'Le Sourd, ou l'Auberge pleine'. During the
      latter piece the audience was convulsed with laughter. The part of
      Dasnieres was represented by Batiste the younger, and it was never played
      better. The bursts of laughter were so loud and frequent that the actor
      was several times obliged to stop in the midst of his part. Bonaparte
      alone (and it struck me as being very extraordinary) was silent, and
      coldly insensible to the humour which was so irresistibly diverting to
      everyone else. I remarked at this period that his character was reserved,
      and frequently gloomy. His smile was hypocritical, and often misplaced;
      and I recollect that a few days after our return he gave us one of these
      specimens of savage hilarity which I greatly disliked, and which
      prepossessed me against him. He was telling us that, being before Toulon,
      where he commanded the artillery, one of his officers was visited by his
      wife, to whom he had been but a short time married, and whom he tenderly
      loved. A few days after, orders were given for another attack upon the
      town, in which this officer was to be engaged. His wife came to General
      Bonaparte, and with tears entreated him to dispense with her husband's
      services that day. The General was inexorable, as he himself told us, with
      a sort of savage exaltation. The moment for the attack arrived, and the
      officer, though a very brave man, as Bonaparte himself-assured us, felt a
      presentiment of his approaching death. He turned pale and trembled. He was
      stationed beside the General, and during an interval when the firing from
      the town was very heavy, Bonaparte called out to him, "Take care, there is
      a shell coming!" The officer, instead of moving to one side, stooped down,
      and was literally severed in two. Bonaparte laughed loudly while he
      described the event with horrible minuteness. At this time we saw him
      almost every day. He frequently came to dine with us. As there was a
      scarcity of bread, and sometimes only two ounces per head daily were
      distributed in the section, it was customary to request one's guests to
      bring their own bread, as it could not be procured for money. Bonaparte
      and his brother Louis (a mild, agreeable young man, who was the General's
      aide de army) used to bring with them their ration bread, which was black,
      and mixed with bran. I was sorry to observe that all this bad bread fell
      to the share of the poor aide de camp, for we provided the General with a
      finer kind, which was made clandestinely by a pastrycook, from flour which
      we contrived to smuggle from Sens, where my husband had some farms. Had we
      been denounced, the affair might have cost us our heads.
    </p>
    <p>
      We spent six weeks in Paris, and we went frequently with Bonaparte to the
      theatres, and to the fine concerts given by Garat in the Rue St. Marc.
      These were the first brilliant entertainments that took place after the
      death of Robespierre. There was always something original in Bonaparte's
      behaviour, for he often slipped away from us without saying a word; and
      when we were supposing he had left the theatre, we would suddenly discover
      him in the second or third tier, sitting alone in a box, and looking
      rather sulky.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before our departure for Sens, where my husband's family reside, and which
      was fixed upon for the place of my first accouchement, we looked out for
      more agreeable apartments than we had in the Rue Grenier St. Lazare, which
      we only had temporarily. Bonaparte used to assist us in our researches. At
      last we took the first floor of a handsome new house, No. 19 Rue des
      Marais. Bonaparte, who wished to stop in Paris, went to look at a house
      opposite to ours. He had thoughts of taking it for himself, his uncle
      Fesch (afterwards Cardinal Fesch), and a gentleman named Patrauld,
      formerly one of his masters at the Military School. One day he said, "With
      that house over there, my friends in it, and a cabriolet, I shall be the
      happiest fellow in the world."
    </p>
    <p>
      We soon after left town for Sens. The house was not taken by him, for
      other and great affairs were preparing. During the interval between our
      departure and the fatal day of Vendemiaire several letters passed between
      him and his school companion. These letters were of the most amiable and
      affectionate description. They have been stolen. On our return, in
      November of the same year, everything was changed. The college friend was
      now a great personage. He had got the command of Paris in return for his
      share in the events of Vendemiaire. Instead of a small house in the Rue
      des Marais, he occupied a splendid hotel in the Rue des Capucines; the
      modest cabriolet was converted into a superb equipage, and the man himself
      was no longer the same. But the friends of his youth were still received
      when they made their morning calls. They were invited to grand dejeuners,
      which were sometimes attended by ladies; and, among others, by the
      beautiful Madame Tallien and her friend the amiable Madame de Beauharnais,
      to whom Bonaparte had begun to pay attention. He cared little for his
      friends, and ceased to address them in the style of familiar equality.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the 13th of Vendemiaire M. de Bourrienne saw Bonaparte only at
      distant periods. In the month of February 1796 my husband was arrested, at
      seven in the morning, by a party of men, armed with muskets, on the charge
      of being a returned emigrant. He was torn from his wife and his child,
      only six months old, being barely allowed time to dress himself. I
      followed him. They conveyed him to the guard-house of the Section, and
      thence I know not whither; and, finally, in the evening, they placed him
      in the lockup-house of the prefecture of police, which, I believe, is now
      called the central bureau. There he passed two nights and a day, among men
      of the lowest description, some of whom were even malefactors. I and his
      friends ran about everywhere, trying to find somebody to rescue him, and,
      among the rest, Bonaparte was applied to. It was with great difficulty he
      could be seen. Accompanied by one of my husband's friends, I waited for
      the commandant of Paris until midnight, but he did not come home. Next
      morning I returned at an early hour, and found him. I stated what had
      happened to my husband, whose life was then at stake. He appeared to feel
      very little for the situation of his friend, but, however; determined to
      write to Merlin, the Minister of Justice. I carried the letter according
      to its address, and met the Minister as he was coming downstairs, on his
      way to the Directory. Being in grand costume, he wore a Henri IV. hat,
      surmounted with a multitude of plumes, a dress which formed a singular
      contrast with his person. He opened the letter; and whether it was that he
      cared as little for the General as for the cause of M. de Bourrienne's
      arrest, he replied that the matter was no longer in his hands, and that it
      was now under the cognisance of the public administrators of the laws. The
      Minister then stepped into his carriage, and the writer was conducted to
      several offices in his hotel. She passed through them with a broken heart,
      for she met with none but harsh men, who told her that the prisoner
      deserved death. From them she learned that on the following day he would
      be brought before the judge of the peace for his Section, who would decide
      whether there was ground for putting him on his trial. In fact, this
      proceeding took place next day. He was conveyed to the house of the judge
      of the peace for the Section of Bondy, Rue Grange-sue-Belles, whose name
      was Lemaire. His countenance was mild; and though his manner was cold, he
      had none of the harshness and ferocity common to the Government agents of
      that time. His examination of the charge was long, and he several times
      shook his head. The moment of decision had arrived, and everything seemed
      to indicate that the termination would be to place the prisoner under
      accusation. At seven o'clock be desired me to be called. I hastened to
      him, and beheld a most heart rending scene. Bourrienne was suffering under
      a hemorrhage, which had continued since two o'clock, and had interrupted
      the examination. The judge of the peace, who looked sad, sat with his head
      resting on his hand. I threw myself at his feet and implored his clemency.
      The wife and the two daughters of the judge visited this scene of sorrow,
      and assisted me in softening him. He was a worthy and feeling man, a good
      husband and parent, and it was evident that he struggled between
      compassion and duty. He kept referring to the laws on the subject, and,
      after long researches said to me, "To-morrow is Decadi, and no proceedings
      can take place on that day. Find, madams, two responsible persons, who
      will answer for the appearance of your husband, and I will permit him to
      go home with you, accompanied by the two guardians." Next day two friends
      were found, one of whom was M. Desmaisons, counsellor of the court, who
      became bail for M. de Bourrienne. He continued under these guardians six
      months, until a law compelled the persons who were inscribed on the fatal
      list to remove to the distance of ten leagues from Paris. One of the
      guardians was a man of straw; the other was a knight of St. Louis. The
      former was left in the antechamber; the latter made, every evening, one of
      our party at cards. The family of M. de Bourrienne have always felt the
      warmest gratitude to the judge of the peace and his family. That worthy
      man saved the life of M. de Bourrienne, who, when he returned from Egypt,
      and had it in his power to do him some service, hastened to his house; but
      the good judge was no more!
    </p>
    <p>
      The letters mentioned in the narrative were at this time stolen from me by
      the police officers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Everyone was now eager to pay court to a man who had risen from the crowd
      in consequence of the part he had acted at an extraordinary crisis, and
      who was spoken of as the future General of the Army of Italy. It was
      expected that he would be gratified, as he really was, by the restoration
      of some letters which contained the expression of his former very modest
      wishes, called to recollection his unpleasant situation, his limited
      ambition, his pretended aversion for public employment, and finally
      exhibited his intimate relations with those who were, without hesitation,
      characterised as emigrants, to be afterwards made the victims of
      confiscation and death.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 13th of Vendemiaire (5th October 1795) was approaching. The National
      Convention had been painfully delivered of a new constitution, called,
      from the epoch of its birth, "the Constitution of Year III." It was
      adopted on the 22d of August 1795. The provident legislators did not
      forget themselves. They stipulated that two-thirds of their body should
      form part of the new legislature. The party opposed to the Convention
      hoped, on the contrary, that, by a general election, a majority would be
      obtained for its opinion. That opinion was against the continuation of
      power in the hands of men who had already so greatly abused it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The same opinion was also entertained by a great part of the most
      influential Sections of Paris, both as to the possession of property and
      talent. These Sections declared that, in accepting the new constitution,
      they rejected the decree of the 30th of August, which required the
      re-election of two-thirds The Convention, therefore, found itself menaced
      in what it held most dear&mdash;its power;&mdash;and accordingly resorted
      to measures of defence. A declaration was put forth, stating that the
      Convention, if attacked, would remove to Chalons-sur-Marne; and the
      commanders of the armed force were called upon to defend that body.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 5th of October, the day on which the Sections of Paris attacked the
      Convention, is certainly one which ought to be marked in the wonderful
      destiny of Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the events of that day were linked, as cause and effect, many great
      political convulsions of Europe. The blood which flowed ripened the seeds
      of the youthful General's ambition. It must be admitted that the history
      of past ages presents few periods full of such extraordinary events as the
      years included between 1795 and 1815. The man whose name serves, in some
      measure, as a recapitulation of all these great events was entitled to
      believe himself immortal.
    </p>
    <p>
      Living retired at Sens since the month of July, I only learned what had
      occasioned the insurrection of the Sections from public report and the
      journals. I cannot, therefore, say what part Bonaparte may have taken in
      the intrigues which preceded that day. He was officially characterised
      only as secondary actor in the scene. The account of the affair which was
      published announces that Barras was, on that very day, Commander-in-chief
      of the Army of the Interior, and Bonaparte second in command. Bonaparte
      drew up that account. The whole of the manuscript was in his handwriting,
      and it exhibits all the peculiarity of his style and orthography. He sent
      me a copy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Those who read the bulletin of the 13th Vendemiaire, cannot fail to
      observe the care which Bonaparte took to cast the reproach of shedding the
      first blood on the men he calls rebels. He made a great point of
      representing his adversaries as the aggressors. It is certain he long
      regretted that day. He often told me that he would give years of his life
      to blot it out from the page of his history. He was convinced that the
      people of Paris were dreadfully irritated against him, and he would have
      been glad if Barras had never made that Speech in the Convention, with the
      part of which, complimentary to himself, he was at the time so well
      pleased. Barras said, "It is to his able and prompt dispositions that we
      are indebted for the defence of this assembly, around which he had posted
      the troops with so much skill." This is perfectly true, but it is not
      always agreeable that every truth should be told. Being out of Paris, and
      a total stranger to this affair, I know not how far he was indebted for
      his success to chance, or to his own exertions, in the part assigned to
      him by the miserable Government which then oppressed France. He
      represented himself only as secondary actor in this sanguinary scene in
      which Barras made him his associate. He sent to me, as already mentioned,
      an account of the transaction, written entirely in his own hand, and
      distinguished by all the peculiarities of his style and orthography.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte, in a note on this peerage, insinuates that the
   account of the 13th Vendemiaire was never sent to Sens, but was
   abstracted by Bourrienne, with other documents, from Napoleon's
   Cabinet (Erreurs, tome i. p. 239).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "On the 13th," says Bonaparte, "at five o'clock in the morning, the
      representative of the people, Barras, was appointed Commander-in-chief of
      the Army of the Interior, and General Bonaparte was nominated second in
      command.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The artillery for service on the frontier was still at the camp of
      Sablons, guarded solely by 150 men; the remainder was at Marly with 200
      men. The depot of Meudon was left unprotected. There were at the Feuillans
      only a few four-pounders without artillerymen, and but 80,000 cartridges.
      The victualling depots were dispersed throughout Paris. In many Sections
      the drums beat to arms; the Section of the Theatre Francais had advanced
      posts even as far as the Pont Neuf, which it had barricaded.
    </p>
    <p>
      "General Barras ordered the artillery to move immediately from the camp of
      Sablons to the Tuileries, and selected the artillerymen from the
      battalions of the 89th regiment, and from the gendarmerie, and placed them
      at the Palace; sent to Meudon 200 men of the police legion whom he brought
      from Versailles, 50 cavalry, and two companies of veterans; he ordered the
      property which was at Marly to be conveyed to Meudon; caused cartridges to
      be brought there, and established a workshop at that place for the
      manufacture of more. He secured means for the subsistence of the army and
      of the Convention for many days, independently of the depots which were in
      the Sections.
    </p>
    <p>
      "General Verdier, who commanded at the Palais National, exhibited great
      coolness; he was required not to suffer a shot to be fired till the last
      extremity. In the meantime reports reached him from all quarters
      acquainting him that the Sections were assembled in arms, and had formed
      their columns. He accordingly arrayed his troops so as to defend the
      Convention, and his artillery was in readiness to repulse the rebels. His
      cannon was planted at the Feuillans to fire down the Rue Honore.
      Eight-pounders were pointed at every opening, and in the event of any
      mishap, General Verdier had cannon in reserve to fire in flank upon the
      column which should have forced a passage. He left in the Carrousel three
      howitzers (eight-pounders) to batter down the houses from which the
      Convention might be fired upon. At four o'clock the rebel columns marched
      out from every street to unite their forces. It was necessary to take
      advantage of this critical moment to attack the insurgents, even had they
      been regular troops. But the blood about to flow was French; it was
      therefore for these misguided people, already guilty of rebellion, to
      embrue their hands in the blood of their countrymen by striking the first
      blow.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At a quarter before five o'clock the insurgents had formed. The attack
      was commenced by them on all sides. They were everywhere routed. French
      blood was spilled: the crime, as well as the disgrace, fell this day upon
      the Sections.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Among the dead were everywhere to be recognized emigrants, landowners,
      and nobles; the prisoners consisted for the most part of the 'chouans' of
      Charette.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Nevertheless the Sections did not consider themselves beaten: they took
      refuge in the church of St. Roch, in the theatre of the Republic, and in
      the Palais Egalite; and everywhere they were heard furiously exciting the
      inhabitants to arms. To spare the blood which would have been shed the
      next day it was necessary that no time should be given them to rally, but
      to follow them with vigour, though without incurring fresh hazards. The
      General ordered Montchoisy, who commanded a reserve at the Place de la
      Resolution, to form a column with two twelve-pounders, to march by the
      Boulevard in order to turn the Place Vendome, to form a junction with the
      picket stationed at headquarters, and to return in the same order of
      column.
    </p>
    <p>
      "General Brune, with two howitzers, deployed in the streets of St. Nicaise
      and St. Honore. General Cartaux sent two hundred men and a four-pounder of
      his division by the Rue St. Thomas-du-Louvre to debouch in the square of
      the Palais Egalite. General Bonaparte, who had his horse killed under him,
      repaired to the Feuillans.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The columns began to move, St. Roch and the theatre of the Republic were
      taken, by assault, when the rebels abandoned them, and retreated to the
      upper part of the Rue de la Loi, and barricaded themselves on all sides.
      Patrols were sent thither, and several cannon-shots were fired during the
      night, in order to prevent them from throwing up defences, which object
      was effectually accomplished.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At daybreak, the General having learned that some students from the St.
      Genevieve side of the river were marching with two pieces of cannon to
      succour the rebels, sent a detachment of dragoons in pursuit of them, who
      seized the cannon and conducted them to the Tuileries. The enfeebled
      Sections, however, still showed a front. They had barricaded the Section
      of Grenelle, and placed their cannon in the principal streets. At nine
      o'clock General Beruyer hastened to form his division in battle array in
      the Place Vendome, marched with two eight-pounders to the Rue des
      Vieux-Augustins, and pointed them in the direction of the Section Le
      Pelletier. General Vachet, with a corps of 'tirailleurs', marched on his
      right, ready to advance to the Place Victoire. General Brune marched to
      the Perron, and planted two howitzers at the upper end of the Rue
      Vivienne. General Duvigier, with his column of six hundred men, and two
      twelve-pounders, advanced to the streets of St. Roch and Montmartre. The
      Sections lost courage with the apprehension of seeing their retreat cut
      off, and evacuated the post at the sight of our soldiers, forgetting the
      honour of the French name which they had to support. The Section of Brutus
      still caused some uneasiness. The wife of a representative had been
      arrested there. General Duvigier was ordered to proceed along the
      Boulevard as far as the Rue Poissonniere. General Beruyer took up a
      position at the Place Victoire, and General Bonaparte occupied the
      Pont-au-Change.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Section of Brutus was surrounded, and the troops advanced upon the
      Place de Greve, where the crowd poured in from the Isle St. Louis, from
      the Theatre Francais, and from the Palace. Everywhere the patriots had
      regained their courage, while the poniards of the emigrants, armed against
      us, had disappeared. The people universally admitted their error.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The next day the two Sections of Les Pelletier and the Theatre Francais
      were disarmed."
    </p>
    <p>
      The result of this petty civil war brought Bonaparte forward; but the
      party he defeated at that period never pardoned him for the past, and that
      which he supported dreaded him in the future. Five years after he will be
      found reviving the principles which he combated on the 5th of October
      1795. On being appointed, on the motion of Barras, Lieutenant-General of
      the Army of the Interior, he established his headquarters in the Rue Neuve
      des Capucines. The statement in the 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', that
      after the 13th Brumaire he remained unemployed at Paris, is therefore
      obviously erroneous. So far from this, he was incessantly occupied with
      the policy of the nation, and with his own fortunes. Bonaparte was in
      constant, almost daily, communication with every one then in power, and
      knew how to profit by all he saw or heard.
    </p>
    <p>
      To avoid returning to this 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', which at the
      period of its appearance attracted more attention than it deserved, and
      which was very generally attributed to Bonaparte, I shall here say a few
      words respecting it. I shall briefly repeat what I said in a note when my
      opinion was asked, under high authority, by a minister of Louis XVIII.
    </p>
    <p>
      No reader intimately acquainted with public affairs can be deceived by the
      pretended authenticity of this pamphlet. What does it contain? Facts
      perverted and heaped together without method, and related in an obscure,
      affected, and ridiculously sententious style. Besides what appears in it,
      but which is badly placed there, it is impossible not to remark the
      omission of what should necessarily be there, were Napoleon the author. It
      is full of absurd and of insignificant gossip, of thoughts Napoleon never
      had, expressions unknown to him, and affectations far removed from his
      character. With some elevated ideas, more than one style and an equivocal
      spirit can be seen in it. Professed coincidences are put close to
      unpardonable anachronisms, and to the most absurd revelations. It contains
      neither his thoughts, his style, his actions, nor his life. Some truths
      are mimed up with an inconceivable mass of falsehoods. Some forms of
      expression used by Bonaparte are occasionally met with, but they are
      awkwardly introduced, and often with bad taste.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been reported that the pamphlet was written by M. Bertrand,
      formerly an officer of the army of the Vistula, and a relation of the
      Comte de Simeon, peer of France.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;['Manuscrit de Sainte Helene d'une maniere inconnue', London.
   Murray; Bruxelles, De Mat, 20 Avril 1817. This work merits a note.
   Metternich (vol, i. pp. 312-13) says, "At the time when it appeared
   the manuscript of St. Helena made a great impression upon Europe.
   This pamphlet was generally regarded as a precursor of the memoirs
   which Napoleon was thought to be writing in his place of exile. The
   report soon spread that the work was conceived and executed by
   Madame de Stael. Madame de Stael, for her part, attributed it to
   Benjamin Constant, from whom she was at this time separated by some
   disagreement." Afterwards it came to be known that the author was
   the Marquis Lullin de Chateauvieux, a man in society, whom no one
   had suspected of being able to hold a pen: Jomini (tome i. p. 8
   note) says. "It will be remarked that in the course of this work
   [his life of Napoleon] the author has used some fifty pages of the
   pretended 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene'. Far from wishing to commit
   a plagiarism, he considers he ought to render this homage to a
   clever and original work, several false points of view in which,
   however, he has combated. It would have been easy for him to
   rewrite these pages in other terms, but they appeared to him to be
   so well suited to the character of Napoleon that he has preferred to
   preserve them." In the will of Napoleon occurs (see end of this
   work): "I disavow the 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', and the other
   works under the title of Maxims, Sentences, etc., which they have
   been pleased to publish during the last six years. Such rules are
   not those which have guided my life: This manuscript must not be
   confused with the 'Memorial of Saint Helena'.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0004" id="link2HCH0004">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV.
    </h2>

      1795-1797

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   On my return to Paris I meet Bonaparte&mdash;His interview with Josephine
   &mdash;Bonaparte's marriage, and departure from Paris ten days after&mdash;
   Portrait and character of Josephine&mdash;Bonaparte's dislike of national
   property&mdash;Letter to Josephine&mdash;Letter of General Colli, and
   Bonaparte's reply&mdash;Bonaparte refuses to serve with Kellerman&mdash;
   Marmont's letters&mdash;Bonaparte's order to me to join the army&mdash;My
   departure from Sens for Italy&mdash;Insurrection of the Venetian States.
</pre>
    <p>
      After the 13th Vendemiaire I returned to Paris from Sens. During the short
      time I stopped there I saw Bonaparte less frequently than formerly. I had,
      however, no reason to attribute this to anything but the pressure of
      public business with which he was now occupied. When I did meet him it was
      most commonly at breakfast or dinner. One day he called my attention to a
      young lady who sat opposite to him, and asked what I thought of her. The
      way in which I answered his question appeared to give him much pleasure.
      He then talked a great deal to me about her, her family, and her amiable
      qualities; he told me that he should probably marry her, as he was
      convinced that the union would make him happy. I also gathered from his
      conversation that his marriage with the young widow would probably assist
      him in gaining the objects of his ambition. His constantly-increasing
      influence with her had already brought him into contact with the most
      influential persons of that epoch. He remained in Paris only ten days
      after his marriage, which took place on the 9th of March 1796. It was a
      union in which great harmony prevailed, notwithstanding occasional slight
      disagreements. Bonaparte never, to my knowledge, caused annoyance to his
      wife. Madame Bonaparte possessed personal graces and many good qualities.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["Eugène was not more than fourteen years of age when he ventured
   to introduce himself to General Bonaparte, for the purpose of
   soliciting his father's sword, of which he understood the General
   had become possessed. The countenance, air, and frank manner of
   Eugène pleased Bonaparte, and he immediately granted him the boon he
   sought. As soon as the sword was placed in the boy's hands he
   burst into tears, and kissed it. This feeling of affection for his
   father's memory, and the natural manner in which it was evinced,
   increased the interest of Bonaparte in his young visitor. Madame de
   Beauharnais, on learning the kind reception which the General had
   given her son, thought it her duty to call and thank him. Bonaparte
   was much pleased with Josephine on this first interview, and he
   returned her visit. The acquaintance thus commenced speedily led to
   their marriage."&mdash;Constant]&mdash;

   &mdash;[Bonaparte himself, at St. Helena, says that he first met
   Josephine at Barras' (see Iung's Bonaparte, tome iii. p. 116).]&mdash;

   &mdash;["Neither of his wives had ever anything to complain of from
   Napoleon's personal manners" (Metternich, vol. 1 p. 279).]&mdash;

   &mdash;[Madame de Rémusat, who, to paraphrase Thiers' saying on
   Bourrienne himself, is a trustworthy witness, for if she received
   benefits from Napoleon they did not weigh on her, says, "However,
   Napoleon had some affection for his first wife; and, in fact, if he
   has at any time been touched, no doubt it has been only for her and
   by her" (tome i. p. 113). "Bonaparte was young when he first knew
   Madame de Beauharnais. In the circle where he met her she had a
   great superiority by the name she bore and by the extreme elegance
   of her manners. . . . In marrying Madame de Beauharnais,
   Bonaparte believed he was allying himself to a very grand lady; thus
   this was one more conquest" (p. 114). But in speaking of
   Josephine's complaints to Napoleon of his love affairs, Madame de
   Rémusat says, "Her husband sometimes answered by violences, the
   excesses of which I do not dare to detail, until the moment when,
   his new fancy having suddenly passed, he felt his tenderness for his
   wife again renewed. Then he was touched by her sufferings, replaced
   his insults by caresses which were hardly more measured than his
   violences and, as she was gentle and untenacious, she fell back into
   her feeling of security" (p. 206).]&mdash;

   &mdash;[Miot de Melito, who was a follower of Joseph Bonaparte, says, "No
   woman has united so much kindness to so much natural grace, or has
   done more good with more pleasure than she did. She honoured me
   with her friendship, and the remembrance of the benevolence she has
   shown me, to the last moment of her too short existence, will never
   be effaced from my heart" (tome i. pp.101-2).]&mdash;

   &mdash;[Meneval, the successor of Bourrienne in his place of secretary to
   Napoleon, and who remained attached to the Emperor until the end,
   says of Josephine (tome i. p. 227), "Josephine was irresistibly
   attractive. Her beauty was not regular, but she had 'La grace, plus
   belle encore que la beaute', according to the good La Fontaine. She
   had the soft abandonment, the supple and elegant movements, and the
   graceful carelessness of the creoles.&mdash;(The reader must remember
   that the term 'Creole' does not imply any taint of black blood, but
   only that the person, of European family, has been born in the West
   Indies.)&mdash;Her temper was always the same. She was gentle and
   kind."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I am convinced that all who were acquainted with her must have felt bound
      to speak well of her; to few, indeed, did she ever give cause for
      complaint. In the time of her power she did not lose any of her friends,
      because she forgot none of them. Benevolence was natural to her, but she
      was not always prudent in its exercise. Hence her protection was often
      extended to persons who did not deserve it. Her taste for splendour and
      expense was excessive. This proneness to luxury became a habit which
      seemed constantly indulged without any motive. What scenes have I not
      witnessed when the moment for paying the tradesmen's bills arrived! She
      always kept back one-half of their claims, and the discovery of this
      exposed her to new reproaches. How many tears did she shed which might
      have been easily spared!
    </p>
    <p>
      When fortune placed a crown on her head she told me that the event,
      extraordinary as it was, had been predicted: It is certain that she put
      faith in fortune-tellers. I often expressed to her my astonishment that
      she should cherish such a belief, and she readily laughed at her own
      credulity; but notwithstanding never abandoned it: The event had given
      importance to the prophecy; but the foresight of the prophetess, said to
      be an old regress, was not the less a matter of doubt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Not long before the 13th of Vendemiaire, that day which opened for
      Bonaparte his immense career, he addressed a letter to me at Sens, in
      which, after some of his usually friendly expressions, he said, "Look out
      a small piece of land in your beautiful valley of the Yonne. I will
      purchase it as soon as I can scrape together the money. I wish to retire
      there; but recollect that I will have nothing to do with national
      property."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte left Paris on the 21st of March 1796, while I was still with my
      guardians. He no sooner joined the French army than General Colli, then in
      command of the Piedmontese army, transmitted to him the following letter,
      which, with its answer, I think sufficiently interesting to deserve
      preservation:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   GENERAL&mdash;I suppose that you are ignorant of the arrest of one of my
   officers, named Moulin, the bearer of a flag of truce, who has been
   detained for some days past at Murseco, contrary to the laws of war,
   and notwithstanding an immediate demand for his liberation being
   made by General Count Vital. His being a French emigrant cannot
   take from him the rights of a flag of truce, and I again claim him
   in that character. The courtesy and generosity which I have always
   experienced from the generals of your nation induces me to hope that
   I shall not make this application in vain; and it is with regret
   that I mention that your chief of brigade, Barthelemy, who ordered
   the unjust arrest of my flag of truce, having yesterday by the
   chance of war fallen into my hands, that officer will be dealt with
   according to the treatment which M. Moulin may receive.

   I most sincerely wish that nothing may occur to change the noble and
   humane conduct which the two nations have hitherto been accustomed
   to observe towards each other. I have the honour, etc.,
                            (Signed) COLLI.

   CEVA. 17th April 1796.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte replied as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   GENERAL&mdash;An emigrant is a parricide whom no character can render
   sacred. The feelings of honour, and the respect due to the French
   people, were forgotten when M. Moulin was sent with a flag of truce.
   You know the laws of war, and I therefore do not give credit to the
   reprisals with which you threaten the chief of brigade, Barthelemy.
   If, contrary to the laws of war, you authorise such an act of
   barbarism, all the prisoners taken from you shall be immediately
   made responsible for it with the most deplorable vengeance, for I
   entertain for the officers of your nation that esteem which is due
   to brave soldiers.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Executive Directory, to whom these letters were transmitted, approved
      of the arrest of M. Moulin; but ordered that he should be securely
      guarded, and not brought to trial, in consequence of the character with
      which he had been invested.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the middle of the year 1796 the Directory proposed to appoint
      General Kellerman, who commanded the army of the Alps, second in command
      of the army of Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 24th of May 1796 Bonaparte wrote to, Carnot respecting, this plan,
      which was far from being agreeable to him. He said, "Whether I shall be
      employed here or anywhere else is indifferent to me: to serve the country,
      and to merit from posterity a page in our history, is all my ambition. If
      you join Kellerman and me in command in Italy you will undo everything.
      General Kellerman has more experience than I, and knows how to make war
      better than I do; but both together, we shall make it badly. I will not
      willingly serve with a man who considers himself the first general in
      Europe."
    </p>
    <p>
      Numbers of letters from Bonaparte to his wife have been published. I
      cannot deny their authenticity, nor is it my wish to do so. I will,
      however, subjoin one which appears to me to differ a little from the rest.
      It is less remarkable for exaggerated expressions of love, and a
      singularly ambitious and affected style, than most of the correspondence
      here alluded to. Bonaparte is announcing the victory of Arcola to
      Josephine.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                       VERONA, the 29th, noon.

   At length, my adored Josephine, I live again. Death is no longer
   before me, and glory and honour are still in my breast. The enemy
   is beaten at Arcola. To-morrow we will repair the blunder of
   Vaubois, who abandoned Rivoli. In eight days Mantua will be ours,
   and then thy husband will fold thee in his arms, and give thee a
   thousand proofs of his ardent affection. I shall proceed to Milan
   as soon as I can: I am a little fatigued. I have received letters
   from Eugène and Hortense. I am delighted with the children. I will
   send you their letters as soon as I am joined by my household, which
   is now somewhat dispersed.

   We have made five thousand prisoners, and killed at least six
   thousand of the enemy. Adieu, my adorable Josephine. Think of me
   often. When you cease to love your Achilles, when your heart grows
   cool towards him, you wilt be very cruel, very unjust. But I am
   sure you will always continue my faithful mistress, as I shall ever
   remain your fond lover ('tendre amie'). Death alone can break the
   union which sympathy, love, and sentiment have formed. Let me have
   news of your health. A thousand and a thousand kisses.
</pre>
    <p>
      It is impossible for me to avoid occasionally placing myself in the
      foreground in the course of these Memoirs. I owe it to myself to answer,
      though indirectly, to certain charges which, on various occasions, have
      been made against me. Some of the documents which I am about to insert
      belong, perhaps, less to the history of the General-in-Chief of the army
      of-Italy than to that of his secretary; but I must confess I wish to show
      that I was not an intruder, nor yet pursuing, as an obscure intriguer, the
      path of fortune. I was influenced much more by friendship than by ambition
      when I took a part on the scene where the rising-glory of the future
      Emperor already shed a lustre on all who were attached to his destiny. It
      will be seen by the following letters with what confidence I was then
      honoured; but these letters, dictated by friendship, and not written for
      history, speak also of our military achievements; and whatever brings to
      recollection the events of that heroic period must still be interesting to
      many.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                    HEADQUARTERS AT MILAN,
               20th Prairial, year IV. (8th June 1796).

   The General-in-Chief has ordered me, my dear Bourrienne, to make
   known to you the pleasure he experienced on hearing of you, and his
   ardent desire that you should join us. Take your departure, then,
   my dear Bourrienne, and arrive quickly. You may be certain of
   obtaining the testimonies of affection which are your due from all
   who know you; and we much regret that you were not with us to have a
   share in our success. The campaign which we have just concluded
   will be celebrated in the records of history. With less than 30,000
   men, in a state of almost complete destitution, it is a fine thing
   to have, in the course of less than two months, beaten, eight
   different times, an army of from 65 to 70,000 men, obliged the King
   of Sardinia to make a humiliating peace, and driven the Austrians
   from Italy. The last victory, of which you have doubtless had an
   account, the passage of the Mincio, has closed our labours. There
   now remain for us the siege of Mantua and the castle of Milan; but
   these obstacles will not detain us long. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne:
   I repeat General Bonaparte's request that you should repair hither,
   and the testimony of his desire to see you.
   Receive, etc.,                (Signed) MARMONT.
   Chief of Brigade (Artillery) and Aide de camp to the
   General-in-Chief.
</pre>
    <p>
      I was obliged to remain at Sens, soliciting my erasure from the emigrant
      list, which I did not obtain, however, till 1797, and to put an end to a
      charge made against me of having fabricated a certificate of residence.
      Meanwhile I applied myself to study, and preferred repose to the agitation
      of camps. For these reasons I did not then accept his friendly invitation,
      notwithstanding that I was very desirous of seeing my young college friend
      in the midst of his astonishing triumphs. Ten months after, I received
      another letter from Marmont, in the following terms:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                  HEADQUARTERS GORIZIA
             2d Germinal, year V. (22d March 1797).

   The General-in-Chief, my dear Bourrienne, has ordered me to express
   to you his wish for your prompt arrival here. We have all along
   anxiously desired to see you, and look forward with great pleasure
   to the moment when we shall meet. I join with the General, my dear
   Bourrienne, in urging you to join the army without loss of time.
   You will increase a united family, happy to receive you into its
   bosom. I enclose an order written by the General, which will serve
   you as a passport. Take the post route and arrive as soon as you
   can. We are on the point of penetrating into Germany. The language
   is changing already, and in four days we shall hear no more Italian.
   Prince Charles has been well beaten, and we are pursuing him. If
   this campaign be fortunate, we may sign a peace, which is so
   necessary for Europe, in Vienna. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne: reckon
   for something the zeal of one who is much attached to you.
                    (Signed) MARMONT.
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   BONAPARTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY OF ITALY.

     Headquarters, Gorizia, 2d Germinal, year V.

   The citizen Bourrienne is to come to me on receipt
   of the present order.
               (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      The odious manner in which I was then harassed, I know not why, on the
      part of the Government respecting my certificate of residence, rendered my
      stay in France not very agreeable. I was even threatened with being put on
      my trial for having produced a certificate of residence which was alleged
      to be signed by nine false witnesses. This time, therefore, I resolved
      without hesitation to set out for the army. General Bonaparte's order,
      which I registered at the municipality of Sens, answered for a passport,
      which otherwise would probably have been refused me. I have always felt a
      strong sense of gratitude for his conduct towards me on this occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the haste I made to leave Sens, the necessary formalities
      and precautions detained me some days, and at the moment I was about to
      depart I received the following letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                  HEADQUARTERS, JUDENBOURG,
             19th Germinal, Year V. (8th April 1797).

   The General-in-Chief again orders me, my dear Bourrienne, to urge
   you to come to him quickly. We are in the midst of success and
   triumphs. The German campaign begins even more brilliantly than did
   the Italian. You may judge, therefore, what a promise it holds out
   to us. Come, my dear Bourrienne, immediately&mdash;yield to our
   solicitations&mdash;share our pains and pleasures, and you will add to
   our enjoyments.

   I have directed the courier to pass through Sens, that he may
   deliver this letter to you, and bring me back your answer.
                  (Signed) MARMONT.
</pre>
    <p>
      To the above letter this order was subjoined:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The citizen Fauvelet de Bourrienne is ordered to leave Sens, and
   repair immediately by post to the headquarters of the army of Italy.
                  (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      I arrived at the Venetian territory at the moment when the insurrection
      against the French was on the point of breaking out. Thousands of peasants
      were instigated to rise under the pretext of appeasing the troubles of
      Bergamo and Brescia. I passed through Verona on the 16th of April, the eve
      of the signature of the preliminaries of Leoben and of the revolt of
      Verona. Easter Sunday was the day which the ministers of Jesus Christ
      selected for preaching "that it was lawful, and even meritorious, to kill
      Jacobins." Death to Frenchmen!&mdash;Death to Jacobins! as they called all
      the French, were their rallying cries. At the time I had not the slightest
      idea of this state of things, for I had left Sens only on the 11th of
      April.
    </p>
    <p>
      After stopping two hours at Verona, I proceeded on my journey without
      being aware of the massacre which threatened that city. When about a
      league from the town I was, however, stopped by a party of insurgents on
      their way thither, consisting, as I estimated, of about two thousand men.
      They only desired me to cry 'El viva Santo Marco', an order with which I
      speedily complied, and passed on. What would have become of me had I been
      in Verona on the Monday? On that day the bells were rung, while the French
      were butchered in the hospitals. Every one met in the streets was put to
      death. The priests headed the assassins, and more than four hundred
      Frenchmen were thus sacrificed. The forts held out against the Venetians,
      though they attacked them with fury; but repossession of the town was not
      obtained until after ten days. On the very day of the insurrection of
      Verona some Frenchmen were assassinated between that city and Vicenza,
      through which I passed on the day before without danger; and scarcely had
      I passed through Padua, when I learned that others had been massacred
      there. Thus the assassinations travelled as rapidly as the post.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall say a few words respecting the revolt of the Venetian States,
      which, in consequence of the difference of political opinions, has been
      viewed in very contradictory lights.
    </p>
    <p>
      The last days of Venice were approaching, and a storm had been brewing for
      more than a year. About the beginning of April 1797 the threatening
      symptoms of a general insurrection appeared. The quarrel commenced when
      the Austrians entered Peschiera, and some pretext was also afforded by the
      reception given to Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII. It was certain that
      Venice had made military preparations during the siege of Mantua in 1796.
      The interests of the aristocracy outweighed the political considerations
      in our favour. On, the 7th of June 1796 General Bonaparte wrote thus to
      the Executive Directory:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Senate of Venice lately sent two judges of their Council here to
   ascertain definitively how things stand. I repeated my complaints.
   I spoke to them about the reception given to Monsieur. Should it be
   your plan to extract five or six millions from Venice, I have
   expressly prepared this sort of rupture for you. If your intentions
   be more decided, I think this ground of quarrel ought to be kept up.
   Let me know what you mean to do, and wait till the favourable
   moment, which I shall seize according to circumstances; for we must
   not have to do with all the world at once.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Directory answered that the moment was not favourable; that it was
      first necessary to take Mantua, and give Wurmser a sound beating. However,
      towards the end of the year 1796 the Directory began to give more credit
      to the sincerity of the professions of neutrality made on the part of
      Venice. It was resolved, therefore, to be content with obtaining money and
      supplies for the army, and to refrain from violating the neutrality. The
      Directory had not then in reserve, like Bonaparte, the idea of making the
      dismemberment of Venice serve as a compensation for such of the Austrian
      possessions as the French Republic might retain.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1797 the expected favourable moment had arrived. The knell of Venice
      was rung; and Bonaparte thus wrote to the Directory on the 30th of April:
      "I am convinced that the only course to be now taken is to destroy this
      ferocious and sanguinary Government." On the 3d of May, writing from Palma
      Nuova, he says: "I see nothing that can be done but to obliterate the
      Venetian name from the face of the globe."
    </p>
    <p>
      Towards the end of March 1797 the Government of Venice was in a desperate
      state. Ottolini, the Podesta of Bergamo, an instrument of tyranny in the
      hands of the State inquisitors, then harassed the people of Bergamo and
      Brescia, who, after the reduction of Mantua, wished to be separated from
      Venice. He drew up, to be sent to the Senate, a long report respecting the
      plans of separation, founded on information given him by a Roman advocate,
      named Marcelin Serpini; who pretended to have gleaned the facts he
      communicated in conversation with officers of the French army. The plan of
      the patriotic party was, to unite the Venetian territories on the mainland
      with Lombardy, and to form of the whole one republic. The conduct of
      Ottolini exasperated the party inimical to Venice, and augmented the
      prevailing discontent. Having disguised his valet as a peasant, he sent
      him off to Venice with the report he had drawn up on Serpini's
      communications, and other information; but this report never reached the
      inquisitors. The valet was arrested, his despatches taken, and Ottolini
      fled from Bergamo. This gave a beginning to the general rising of the
      Venetian States. In fact, the force of circumstances alone brought on the
      insurrection of those territories against their old insular government.
      General La Hoz, who commanded the Lombard Legion, was the active protector
      of the revolution, which certainly had its origin more in the progress of
      the prevailing principles of liberty than in the crooked policy of the
      Senate of Venice. Bonaparte, indeed, in his despatches to the Directory,
      stated that the Senate had instigated the insurrection; but that was not
      quite correct, and he could not wholly believe his own assertion.
    </p>
    <p>
      Pending the vacillation of the Venetian Senate, Vienna was exciting the
      population of its States on the mainland to rise against the French. The
      Venetian Government had always exhibited an extreme aversion to the French
      Revolution, which had been violently condemned at Venice. Hatred of the
      French had been constantly excited and encouraged, and religious
      fanaticism had inflamed many persons of consequence in the country. From
      the end of 1796 the Venetian Senate secretly continued its armaments, and
      the whole conduct of that Government announced intentions which have been
      called perfidious, but the only object of which was to defeat intentions
      still more perfidious. The Senate was the irreconcilable enemy of the
      French Republic. Excitement was carried to such a point that in many
      places the people complained that they were not permitted to arm against
      the French. The Austrian generals industriously circulated the most
      sinister reports respecting the armies of the Sombre-et-Meuse and the
      Rhine, and the position of the French troops in the Tyrol. These
      impostures, printed in bulletins, were well calculated to instigate the
      Italians, and especially the Venetians, to rise in mass to exterminate the
      French, when the victorious army should penetrate into the Hereditary
      States.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pursuit of the Archduke Charles into the heart of Austria encouraged
      the hopes which the Venetian Senate had conceived, that it would be easy
      to annihilate the feeble remnant of the French army, as the troops were
      scattered through the States of Venice on the mainland. Wherever the
      Senate had the ascendency, insurrection was secretly fomented; wherever
      the influence of the patriots prevailed, ardent efforts were made to unite
      the Venetian terra firma to the Lombard Republic.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte skillfully took advantage of the disturbances, and the massacres
      consequent on them, to adopt towards the Senate the tone of an offended
      conqueror. He published a declaration that the Venetian Government was the
      most treacherous imaginable. The weakness and cruel hypocrisy of the
      Senate facilitated the plan he had conceived of making a peace for France
      at the expense of the Venetian Republic. On returning from Leoben, a
      conqueror and pacificator, he, without ceremony, took possession of
      Venice, changed the established government, and, master of all the
      Venetian territory, found himself, in the negotiations of Campo Formio,
      able to dispose of it as he pleased, as a compensation for the cessions
      which had been exacted from Austria. After the 19th of May he wrote to the
      Directory that one of the objects of his treaty with Venice was to avoid
      bringing upon us the odium of violating the preliminaries relative to the
      Venetian territory, and, at the same time, to afford pretexts and to
      facilitate their execution.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Campo Formio the fate of this republic was decided. It disappeared from
      the number of States without effort or noise. The silence of its fall
      astonished imaginations warmed by historical recollections from the
      brilliant pages of its maritime glory. Its power, however, which had been
      silently undermined, existed no longer except in the prestige of those
      recollections. What resistance could it have opposed to the man destined
      to change the face of all Europe?
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER V
    </h2>

      1797.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Signature of the preliminaries of peace&mdash;Fall of Venice&mdash;My arrival
   and reception at Leoben&mdash;Bonaparte wishes to pursue his success&mdash;
   The Directory opposes him&mdash;He wishes to advance on Vienna&mdash;Movement
   of the army of the Sombre-et-Mouse&mdash;Bonaparte's dissatisfaction&mdash;
   Arrival at Milan&mdash;We take up our residence at Montebello&mdash;Napoleon's
   judgment respecting Dandolo and Melzi.
</pre>
    <p>
      I joined Bonaparte at Leoben on the 19th of April, the day after the
      signature of the preliminaries of peace. These preliminaries resembled in
      no respect the definitive treaty of Campo Formio. The still incomplete
      fall of the State of Venice did not at that time present an available prey
      for partition. All was arranged afterwards. Woe to the small States that
      come in immediate contact with two colossal empires waging war!
    </p>
    <p>
      Here terminated my connection with Bonaparte as a comrade and equal, and
      those relations with him commenced in which I saw him suddenly great,
      powerful, and surrounded with homage and glory. I no longer addressed him
      as I had been accustomed to do. I appreciated too well his personal
      importance. His position placed too great a social distance between him
      and me not to make me feel the necessity of fashioning my demeanour
      accordingly. I made with pleasure, and without regret, the easy sacrifice
      of the style of familiar companionship and other little privileges. He
      said, in a loud voice, when I entered the salon where he was surrounded by
      the officers who formed his brilliant staff, "I am glad to see you, at
      last"&mdash;"Te voila donc, enfin;", but as soon as we were alone he made
      me understand that he was pleased with my reserve, and thanked me for it.
      I was immediately placed at the head of his Cabinet. I spoke to him the
      same evening respecting the insurrection of the Venetian territories, of
      the dangers which menaced the French, and of those which I had escaped,
      etc. "Care thou' nothing about it," said he;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[He used to 'tutoyer' me in this familiar manner until his return
   to Milan.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "those rascals shall pay for it. Their republic has had its day, and is
      done." This republic was, however, still existing, wealthy and powerful.
      These words brought to my recollection what I had read in a work by one
      Gabriel Naude, who wrote during the reign of Louis XIII. for Cardinal de
      Bagin: "Do you see Constantinople, which flatters itself with being the
      seat of a double empire; and Venice, which glories in her stability of a
      thousand years? Their day will come."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the first conversation which Bonaparte had with me, I thought I could
      perceive that he was not very well satisfied with the preliminaries. He
      would have liked to advance with his army to Vienna. He did not conceal
      this from me. Before he offered peace to Prince Charles, he wrote to the
      Directory that he intended to pursue his success, but that for this
      purpose he reckoned on the co-operation of the armies of the
      Sambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine. The Directory replied that he must not
      reckon on a diversion in Germany, and that the armies of the
      Sambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine were not to pass that river. A resolution so
      unexpected&mdash;a declaration so contrary to what he had constantly
      solicited, compelled him to terminate his triumphs, and renounce his
      favourite project of planting the standard of the republic on the ramparts
      of Vienna, or at least of levying contributions on the suburbs of that
      capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      A law of the 23d of August 1794 forbade the use of any other names than
      those in the register of births. I wished to conform to this law, which
      very foolishly interfered with old habits. My eldest brother was living,
      and I therefore designated myself Fauvelet the younger. This annoyed
      General Bonaparte. "Such change of name is absolute nonsense," said he. "I
      have known you for twenty years by the name of Bourrienne. Sign as you
      still are named, and see what the advocates with their laws will do."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 20th of April, as Bonaparte was returning to Italy, he was obliged
      to stop on an island of the Tagliamento, while a torrent passed by, which
      had been occasioned by a violent storm. A courier appeared on the right
      bank of the river. He reached the island. Bonaparte read in the despatches
      of the Directory that the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine were
      in motion; that they were preparing to cross the Rhine, and had commenced
      hostilities on the very day of the signing of the preliminaries. This
      information arrived seven days after the Directory had written that "he
      must not reckon on the co-operation of the armies of Germany." It is
      impossible to describe the General's vexation on reading these despatches.
      He had signed the preliminaries only because the Government had
      represented the co-operation of the armies of the Rhine as impracticable
      at that moment, and shortly afterwards he was informed that the
      co-operation was about to take place! The agitation of his mind was so
      great that he for a moment conceived the idea of crossing to the left bank
      of the Tagliamento, and breaking off the negotiations under some pretext
      or other. He persisted for some time in this resolution, which, however,
      Berthier and some other generals successfully opposed. He exclaimed, "What
      a difference would there have been in the preliminaries, if, indeed, there
      had been any!"
    </p>
    <p>
      His chagrin, I might almost say his despair, increased when, some days
      after his entry into the Venetian States, he received a letter from
      Moreau, dated the 23d of April, in which that general informed him that,
      having passed the Rhine on the 20th with brilliant success, and taken four
      thousand prisoners, it would not be long before he joined him. Who, in
      fact, can say what would have happened but for the vacillating and
      distrustful policy of the Directory, which always encouraged low
      intrigues, and participated in the jealousy excited by the renown of the
      young conqueror? Because the Directory dreaded his ambition they
      sacrificed the glory of our arms and the honour of the nation; for it
      cannot be doubted that, had the passage of the Rhine, so urgently demanded
      by Bonaparte, taken place some days sooner, he would have been able,
      without incurring any risk, to dictate imperiously the conditions of peace
      on the spot; or, if Austria were obstinate, to have gone on to Vienna and
      signed it there. Still occupied with this idea, he wrote to the Directory
      on the 8th of May: "Since I have received intelligence of the passage of
      the Rhine by Hoche and Moreau, I much regret that it did not take place
      fifteen days sooner; or, at least, that Moreau did not say that he was in
      a situation to effect it." (He had been informed to the contrary.) What,
      after this, becomes of the unjust reproach against Bonaparte of having,
      through jealousy of Moreau, deprived France of the advantages which a
      prolonged campaign would have procured her? Bonaparte was too devoted to
      the glory of France to sacrifice it to jealousy of the glory of any
      individual.
    </p>
    <p>
      In traversing the Venetian States to return to Milan, he often spoke to me
      of Venice. He always assured me that he was originally entirely
      unconnected with the insurrections which had agitated that country; that
      common sense would show, as his project was to advance into the basin of
      the Danube, he had no interest in having his rear disturbed by revolts,
      and his communications interrupted or cut off: "Such an idea," said he,
      "would be absurd, and could never enter into the mind of a man to whom
      even his enemies cannot deny a certain degree of tact." He acknowledged
      that he was not vexed that matters had turned out as they had done,
      because he had already taken advantage of these circumstances in the
      preliminaries and hoped to profit still more from them in the definitive
      peace. "When I arrive at Milan," said he, "I will occupy myself with
      Venice." It is therefore quite evident to me that in reality the
      General-in-Chief had nothing to do with the Venetian insurrections; that
      subsequently he was not displeased with them; and that, later still, he
      derived great advantage from them.
    </p>
    <p>
      We arrived at Milan on the 5th of May, by way of Lawbook, Thrust,
      Palma-Nova, Padua, Verona, and Mantua. Bonaparte soon took up his
      residence at Montebello, a very fine chateau, three leagues from Milan,
      with a view over the rich and magnificent plains of Lombard. At Montebello
      commenced the negotiations for the definitive peace which were terminated
      at Passeriano. The Marquis de Gallo, the Austrian plenipotentiary, resided
      half a league from Montebello.
    </p>
    <p>
      During his residence at Montebello the General-in-Chief made an excursion
      to the Lake of Como and to the Ago Maguire. He visited the Borromean
      Islands in succession, and occupied himself on his return with the
      organization of the towns of Venice, Genoa, and Milan. He sought for men
      and found none. "Good God," said he, "how rare men are! There are eighteen
      millions in Italy, and I have with difficulty found two, Dandolo and
      Melzi."
    </p>
    <p>
      He appreciated them properly. Dandolo was one of the men who, in those
      revolutionary times, reflected the greatest honour upon Italy. After being
      a member of the great council of the Cisalpine Republic, he exercised the
      functions of Proveditore-General in Dalmatia. It is only necessary to
      mention the name of Dandolo to the Dalmatians to learn from the grateful
      inhabitants how just and vigorous his administration was. The services of
      Melzi are known. He was Chancellor and Keeper of the Seals of the Italian
      monarchy, and was created Duke of Lodi.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Francesco, Comte de Melzi d'Eryl (1753-1816), vice President of
   the Italian Republic, 1802; Chancellor of the Kingdom of Italy,
   1805; Duc de Loth, 1807.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In those who have seen the world the truth of Napoleon's reproach excites
      little astonishment. In a country which, according to biographies and
      newspapers, abounds with extraordinary men, a woman of much talent&mdash;(Madame
      Roland.)&mdash;said, "What has most surprised me, since the elevation of
      my husband has afforded me the opportunity of knowing many persons, and
      particularly those employed in important affairs, is the universal
      mediocrity which exists. It surpasses all that the imagination can
      conceive, and it is observable in all ranks, from the clerk to the
      minister. Without this experience I never could have believed my species
      to be so contemptible."
    </p>
    <p>
      Who does not remember Oxenstiern's remark to his son, who trembled at
      going so young to the congress of Munster: "Go, my son. You will see by
      what sort of men the world is governed."
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI.
    </h2>

      1797.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Napoleon's correspondence&mdash;Release of French prisoners at Olmutz&mdash;
   Negotiations with Austria&mdash;Bonaparte's dissatisfaction&mdash;Letter of
   complaint from Bonaparte to the Executive Directory&mdash;Note respecting
   the affairs of Venice and the Club of Clichy, written by Bonaparte
   and circulated in the army&mdash;Intercepted letter of the Emperor
   Francis.
</pre>
    <p>
      During the time when the preliminaries of Leoben suspended military
      operations, Napoleon was not anxious to reply immediately to all letters.
      He took a fancy to do, not exactly as Cardinal Dubois did, when he threw
      into the fire the letters he had received, saying, "There! my
      correspondents are answered," but something of the same kind. To satisfy
      himself that people wrote too much, and lost, in trifling and useless
      answers, valuable time, he told me to open only the letters which came by
      extraordinary couriers, and to leave all the rest for three weeks in the
      basket. At the end of that time it was unnecessary to reply to four-fifths
      of these communications. Some were themselves answers; some were
      acknowledgments of letters received; others contained requests for favours
      already granted, but of which intelligence had not been received. Many
      were filled with complaints respecting provisions, pay, or clothing, and
      orders had been issued upon all these points before the letters were
      written. Some generals demanded reinforcements, money, promotion, etc. By
      not opening their letters Bonaparte was spared the unpleasing office of
      refusing. When the General-in-Chief compared the very small number of
      letters which it was necessary to answer with the large number which time
      alone had answered, he laughed heartily at his whimsical idea. Would not
      this mode of proceeding be preferable to that of causing letters to be
      opened by any one who may be employed, and replying to them by a circular
      to which it is only necessary to attach a date?
    </p>
    <p>
      During the negotiations which followed the treaty of Leoben, the Directory
      ordered General Bonaparte to demand the liberty of MM. de La Fayette,
      Latour-Marbourg, and Bureau de Puzy, detained at Olmutz since 1792 as
      prisoners of state. The General-in-Chief executed this commission with as
      much pleasure as zeal, but he often met with difficulties which appeared
      to be insurmountable. It has been very incorrectly stated that these
      prisoners obtained their liberty by one of the articles of the
      preliminaries of Leoben. I wrote a great deal on this subject to the
      dictation of General Bonaparte, and I joined him only on the day after the
      signature of these preliminaries. It was not till the end of May of the
      year 1797 that the liberation of these captives was demanded, and they did
      not obtain their freedom till the end of August. There was no article in
      the treaty, public or secret, which had reference to them. Neither was it
      at his own suggestion that Bonaparte demanded the enlargement of the
      prisoners, but by order of the Directory. To explain why they did not go
      to France immediately after their liberation from Olmutz, it is necessary
      to recollect that the events of the 18th Fructidor occurred between the
      period when the first steps were taken to procure their liberty and the
      date of their deliverance. It required all Bonaparte's ascendency and
      vigour of character to enable him to succeed in his object at the end of
      three months.
    </p>
    <p>
      We had arrived at the month of July, and the negotiations were tediously
      protracted. It was impossible to attribute the embarrassment which was
      constantly occurring to anything but the artful policy of Austria: Other
      affairs occupied Bonaparte. The news from Paris engrossed all his
      attention. He saw with extreme displeasure the manner in which the
      influential orators of the councils, and pamphlets written in the same
      spirit as they spoke, criticised him, his army, his victories, the affairs
      of Venice, and the national glory. He was quite indignant at the
      suspicions which it was sought to create respecting his conduct and
      ulterior views.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following excerpts, attributed to the pens of Dumouriez or Rivarol,
      are specimens of some of the comments of the time:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   EXTRACTS OF LETTERS IN "LE SPECTATUER DU NORD" of 1797.

   General Bonaparte is, without contradiction, the most brilliant
   warrior who has appeared at the head of the armies of the French
   Republic. His glory is incompatible with democratic equality, and
   the services he has rendered are too great to be recompensed except
   by hatred and ingratitude. He is very young, and consequently has
   to pursue a long career of accusations and of persecutions.

   ........Whatever may be the crowning event of his military career,
   Bonaparte is still a great man. All his glory is due to himself
   alone; because he alone has developed a character and a genius of
   which no one else has furnished an example.
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   EXTRACT OF LETTER OR 18TH APRIL 1797 in "THE SPECTATEUR DU NORD."

   Regard, for instance, this wretched war. Uncertain in Champagne, it
   becomes daring under Dumouriez, unbridled under the brigands who
   fought the Vendeeans, methodic under Pichegru, vulgar under Jourdan,
   skilled under Moreau, rash under Bonaparte. Each general has put
   the seal of his genius on his career, and has given life or death to
   his army. From the commencement of his career Bonaparte has
   developed an ardent character which is irritated by obstacles, and a
   quickness which forestalls every determination of the enemy. It is
   with heavier and heavier blows that, he strikes. He throws his army
   on the enemy like an unloosed torrent. He is all action, and he is
   so in everything. See him fight, negotiate, decree, punish, all is
   the matter of a moment. He compromises with Turin as with Rome. He
   invades Modena as he burns Binasco. He never hesitates; to cut the
   Gordian knot is always his method.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte could not endure to have his conduct predicated; and enraged at
      seeing his campaigns depreciated, his glory and that of his army
      disparaged,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The extraordinary folly of the opposition to the Directory in
   throwing Bonaparte on to the side of the Directory, will be seen by
   reading the speech of Dumolard, so often referred to by Bourrienne
   (Thiers, vol. v. pp. 110-111), and by the attempts of Mathieu Dumas
   to remove the impression that the opposition slighted the fortunate
   General. (See Dumas, tome iii. p. 80; see also Lanfrey, tome i.
   pp. 257-299).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and intrigues formed against him in the Club of Clichy, he wrote the
      following letter to the Directory:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY.

   I have just received, Citizens-Directors, a copy of the motion of
   Dumolard (23d June 1797).

   This motion, printed by order of the Assembly, it is evident, is
   directed against me. I was entitled, after, having five times
   concluded peace, and given a death-blow to the coalition, if not to
   civic triumphs, at least to live tranquilly under the protection of
   the first magistrates of the Republic. At present I find myself
   ill-treated, persecuted, and disparaged, by every shameful means,
   which their policy brings to the aid of persecution. I would have
   been indifferent to all except that species of opprobrium with which
   the first magistrates of the Republic endeavour to overwhelm me.
   After having deserved well of my country by my last act, I am not
   bound to hear myself accused in a manner as absurd as atrocious.
   I have not expected that a manifesto, signed by emigrants, paid by
   England, should obtain more credit with the Council of Five Hundred
   than the evidence of eighty thousand men&mdash;than mine! What! we were
   assassinated by traitors&mdash;upwards of four hundred men perished; and
   the first magistrates of the Republic make it a crime to have
   believed the statement for a moment. Upwards of four hundred
   Frenchmen were dragged through the streets. They were assassinated
   before the eyes of the governor of the fort. They were pierced with
   a thousand blows of stilettos, such as I sent you and the
   representatives of the French people cause it to be printed, that if
   they believed this fact for an instant, they were excusable. I know
   well there are societies where it is said, "Is this blood, then, so
   pure?"

   If only base men, who are dead to the feeling of patriotism and
   national glory, had spoken of me thus, I would not have complained.
   I would have disregarded it; but I have a right to complain of the
   degradation to which the first magistrates of the Republic reduce
   those who have aggrandised, and carried the French name to so high a
   pitch of glory. Citizens-Directors, I reiterate the demand I made
   for my dismissal; I wish to live in tranquillity, if the poniards of
   Clichy will allow me to live. You have employed me in negotiations.
   I am not very fit to conduct them.
</pre>
    <p>
      About the same time he drew up the following note respecting the affairs
      of Venice, which was printed without the author's name, and circulated
      through the whole army:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                 NOTE.

   Bonaparte, pausing before the gates of Turin, Parma, Rome, and
   Vienna, offering peace when he was sure of obtaining nothing but
   fresh triumphs&mdash;Bonaparte, whose every operation exhibits respect
   for religion, morality, and old age; who, instead of heaping, as he
   might have done, dishonour upon the Venetians, and humbling their
   republic to the earth, loaded her with acts of kindness, and took
   such great interest in her glory&mdash;is this the same Bonaparte who is
   accused of destroying the ancient Government of Venice, and
   democratising Genoa, and even of interfering in the affairs of the
   prudent and worthy people of the Swiss Cantons? Bonaparte had
   passed the Tagliamento, and entered Germany, when insurrections
   broke out in the Venetian States; these insurrections were,
   therefore, opposed to Bonaparte's project; surely, then, he could
   not favour them. When he was in the heart of Germany the Venetians
   massacred more than four hundred French troops, drove their quarters
   out of Verona, assassinated the unfortunate Laugier, and presented
   the spectacle of a fanatical party in arms. He returned to Italy;
   and on his arrival, as the winds cease their agitation at the
   presence of Neptune, the whole of Italy, which was in commotion,
   which was in arms, was restored to order.

   However, the deputies from Bonaparte drew up different articles
   conformable to the situation of the country, and in order to
   prevent, not a revolution in the Government, for the Government was
   defunct, and had died a natural death, but a crisis, and to save the
   city from convulsion, anarchy, and pillage. Bonaparte spared a
   division of his army to save Venice from pillage and massacre. All
   the battalions were in the streets of Venice, the disturbers were
   put down, and the pillage discontinued. Property and trade were
   preserved, when General Baragney d'Hilliers entered Venice with his
   division. Bonaparte, as usual, spared blood, and was the protector
   of Venice. Whilst the French troops remained they conducted
   themselves peaceably, and only interfered to support the provisional
   Government.

   Bonaparte could not say to the deputies of Venice, who came to ask
   his protection and assistance against the populace, who wished to
   plunder them, "I cannot meddle with your affairs." He could not say
   this, for Venice, and all its territories, had really formed the
   theatre of war; and, being in the rear of the army of Italy, the
   Republic of Venice was really under the jurisdiction of that army.
   The rights of war confer upon a general the powers of supreme police
   over the countries which are the seat of war. As the great
   Frederick said, "There are no neutrals where there is war."
   Ignorant advocates and babblers have asked, in the Club of Clichy,
   why we occupy the territory of Venice. These declaimers should
   learn war, and they would know that the Adige, the Brenta, and the
   Tagliamento, where we have been fighting for two years, are within
   the Venetian States. But, gentlemen of Clichy, we are at no loss to
   perceive your meaning. You reproach the army of Italy for having
   surmounted all difficulties&mdash;for subduing all Italy for having twice
   passed the Alps&mdash;for having marched on Vienna, and obliged Austria
   to acknowledge the Republic that, you, men of Clichy, would destroy.
   You accuse Bonaparte, I see clearly, for having brought about peace.
   But I know you, and I speak in the name of eighty thousand soldiers.
   The time is gone when base advocates and wretched declaimers could
   induce soldiers to revolt. If, however, you compel them, the
   soldiers of the army of Italy will soon appear at the Barrier of
   Clichy, with their General. But woe unto you if they do!

   Bonaparte having arrived at Palma-Nova, issued a manifesto on the 2d
   of May 1797. Arrived at Mestre, where he posted his troops, the
   Government sent three deputies to him, with a decree of the Great
   Council, without Bonaparte having solicited it and without his
   having thought of making any change in the Government of that
   country: The governor of Venice was an old man, ninety-nine years-of
   age, confined by illness to his apartment. Everyone felt the
   necessity of renovating this Government of twelve hundred years'
   existence, and to simplify its machinery, in order to preserve its
   independence, honour, and glory. It was necessary to deliberate,
   first, on the manner of renovating the Government; secondly, on the
   means of atoning for the massacre of the French, the iniquity of
   which every one was sensible..

   Bonaparte, after having received the deputation at Mestre, told them
   that in order to obtain satisfaction, for the assassination of his
   brethren is arms, he wished the Great Council to arrest the
   inquisitors. He afterwards granted them an armistice, and appointed
   Milan as the place of conference. The deputies arrived at Milan on
   the . . . A negotiation commenced to re-establish harmony between
   the Governments. However, anarchy, with all its horrors, afflicted
   the city of Venice. Ten thousand Sclavonians threatened to pillage
   the shops. Bonaparte acquiesced in the proposition submitted by the
   deputies, who promised to verify the loss which had been sustained
   by pillage.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte also addressed a manifesto to the Doge, which appeared in all
      the public papers. It contained fifteen articles of complaint, and was
      followed by a decree ordering the French Minister to leave Venice, the
      Venetian agents to leave Lombard, and the Lion of St. Mark to be pulled
      down in all the Continental territories of Venice.
    </p>
    <p>
      The General-in-Chief now openly manifested his resolution of marching on
      Paris; and this disposition, which was well known in the army, was soon
      communicated to Vienna. At this period a letter from the Emperor Francis
      II. to his brother, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, was intercepted by
      Bonaparte. I translated the letter, which proved to him that Francis II.
      was acquainted with his project. He likewise saw with pleasure the
      assurances which the Emperor gave his brother of his love of peace, as
      well as the wavering of the imperial resolves, and the incertitude
      respecting the fate of the Italian princes, which the Emperor easily
      perceived to depend on Bonaparte. The Emperor's letter was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MY DEAR BROTHER&mdash;I punctually received your third letter, containing
   a description of your unhappy and delicate situation. You may be
   assured that I perceive it as clearly as you do yourself; and I pity
   you the more because, in truth, I do not know what advice to give
   you. You are, like me, the victim of the former inactivity of the
   princes of Italy, who ought, at once, to have acted with all their
   united forces, while I still possessed Mantua. If Bonaparte's
   project be, as I learn, to establish republics in Italy, this is
   likely to end in spreading republicanism over the whole country. I
   have already commenced negotiations for peace, and the preliminaries
   are ratified. If the French observe them as strictly as I do, and
   will do, then your situation will be improved; but already the
   French are beginning to disregard them. The principal problem which
   remains to be solved is, whether the French Directory approve of
   Bonaparte's proceedings, and whether the latter, as appears by some
   papers distributed through his army, is not disposed to revolt
   against his country, which also seems to be probable, from his
   severe conduct towards Switzerland, notwithstanding the assurances
   of the Directory, that he had been ordered to leave the country
   untouched. If this should be the case, new and innumerable
   difficulties may arise. Under these circumstances I can, at
   present, advise nothing; for, as to myself, it is only time and the
   circumstances of the moment which can point out how I am to act.

   There is nothing new here. We are all well; but the heat is
   extraordinary. Always retain your friendship and love for me.
   Make my compliments to your wife, and believe me ever

        Your best Friend and Brother,
                    FRANCIS.

   HETZENDORF, July 20, 1797.
</pre>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII.
    </h2>

      1797.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Unfounded reports&mdash;Carnot&mdash;Capitulation of Mantua&mdash;General Clarke&mdash;
   The Directory yields to Bonaparte&mdash;Berthier&mdash;Arrival of Eugène
   Beauharnais at Milan&mdash;Comte Delannay d'Entraigues&mdash;His interview
   with Bonaparte&mdash;Seizure of his papers&mdash;Copy of one describing a
   conversation between him and Comte de Montgaillard&mdash;The Emperor
   Francis&mdash;The Prince de Condé and General Pichegru.
</pre>
    <p>
      While Bonaparte was expressing his opinion on his campaigns and the
      injustice with which they had been criticised, it was generally believed
      that Carnot dictated to him from a closet in the Luxembourg all the plans
      of his operations, and that Berthier was at his right hand, without whom,
      notwithstanding Carnot's plans, which were often mere romances, he would
      have been greatly embarrassed. This twofold misrepresentation was very
      current for some time; and, notwithstanding it was contrary to the
      evidence of facts, it met with much credence, particularly abroad. There
      was, however, no foundation for the opinion: Let us render to Caesar that
      which is Caesar's due. Bonaparte was a creator in the art of war, and no
      imitator. That no man was superior to him in that art is incontestable. At
      the commencement of the glorious campaign in Italy the Directory certainly
      sent out instructions to him; but he always followed his own plans, and
      continually, wrote back that all would be lost if movements conceived at a
      distance from the scene of action were to be blindly executed. He also
      offered to resign. At length the Directory perceived the impossibility of
      prescribing operations of war according to the view of persons in Paris;
      and when I became the secretary of the General-in-Chief I saw a despatch
      of the Directory, dated May, 1796, committing the whole plan of the
      campaign to his judgment; and assuredly there was not a single operation
      or movement which did not originate with him. Carnot was obliged to yield
      to his firmness. When the Directory, towards the end of 1796, felt
      disposed to treat for peace, General Clarke, appointed to conclude the
      armistice, was authorised, in case Mantua should not be taken before the
      negotiation was brought to a close, to propose leaving the blockade in
      statu quo. Had such a condition been adopted it would doubtless had been
      stipulated that the Emperor of Austria should be allowed to provision the
      garrison and inhabitants of the city day by day. Bonaparte, convinced that
      an armistice without Mantua would by no means conduce to peace, earnestly
      opposed such a condition. He carried his point; Mantua capitulated, and
      the result is well known. Yet he was not blind to the hazards of war;
      while preparing, during the blockade, an assault on Mantua, he wrote thus
      to the Directory: "A bold stroke of this nature depends absolutely for
      success on a dog or a goose." This was about a question of surprise.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was exceedingly sensitive to the rumours which reached him
      respecting Carnot and Berthier. He one day said to me: "What gross
      stupidity, is this? It is very well to say to a general, 'Depart for
      Italy, gain battles, and sign a peace at Vienna;' but the execution that
      is not so easy. I never attached any value to the plans which the
      Directory sent me. Too many circumstances occur on the spot to modify
      them. The movement of a single corps of the enemy's army may confound a
      whole plan arranged by the fireside. Only fools can believe such stuff! As
      for Berthier, since you have been with me, you see what he is&mdash;he is
      a blockhead. Yet it is he who does it all; it is he who gathers a great
      part of the glory of the army of Italy." I told him that this erroneous
      opinion could not last long; that each person would be allowed his merit,
      and that at least posterity would judge rightly. This observation seemed
      to please him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Berthier was a man full of honour, courage, and probity, and exceedingly
      regular in the performance of his duties. Bonaparte's attachment to him
      arose more from habit than liking. Berthier did not concede with
      affability, and refused with harshness. His abrupt, egotistic, and
      careless manners did not, however, create him many enemies, but, at the
      same time, did not make him many friends. In consequence of our frequent
      intercourse he had contracted the friendly practice of speaking to me in
      the second person singular; but he never wrote to me in that style. He was
      perfectly acquainted with the disposition of all the corps, and could name
      their commanders and their respective forces. Day or night he was always
      at hand and made out with clearness all the secondary orders which
      resulted from the dispositions of the General-in-Chief. In fact, he was,
      an excellent head of the staff of an army; but that is all the praise that
      can be given, and indeed he wished for no greater. He had such entire
      confidence in Bonaparte, and looked up to him with so much admiration,
      that he never would have presumed to oppose his plans or give any advise.
      Berthier's talent was very limited, and of a special nature; his character
      was one of extreme weakness. Bonaparte's friendship for him and the
      frequency of his name in the bulletins and official despatches have unduly
      elevated his reputation. Bonaparte, giving his opinion to the Directory
      respecting the generals employed in his army, said, "Berthier has talents,
      activity, courage, character&mdash;all in his favour." This was in 1796.
      He then made an eagle of him; at St. Helena he called him a goose. He
      should neither have, raised him so high nor sunk him so low.
    </p>
    <p>
      Berthier neither merited the one nor the other. Bonaparte was a man of
      habit; he was much attached to all the people about him, and did not like
      new faces. Berthier loved him. He carried out his orders well, and that
      enabled him to pass off with his small portion of talent.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was about this time that young Beauharnais came to Milan. He was
      seventeen years old. He had lived in Paris with his mother since the
      departure of Bonaparte. On his arrival he immediately entered the service
      as 'aide de camp' to the General-in-Chief, who felt for him an affection
      which was justified by his good qualities.
    </p>
    <p>
      Comte Delaunay d'Entraigues, well known in the French Revolution, held a
      diplomatic post at Venice when that city was threatened by the French.
      Aware of his being considered the agent of all the machinations then
      existing against France, and especially against the army of Italy, he
      endeavoured to escape; but the city being, surrounded, he was seized,
      together with all his papers. The apparently frank manners of the Count
      pleased Bonaparte, who treated him with indulgence. His papers were
      restored, with the exception of three relating to political subjects. He
      afterwards fled to Switzerland, and ungratefully represented himself as
      having been oppressed by Bonaparte. His false statements have induced many
      writers to make of him an heroic victim. He was assassinated by his own
      servant in 1802.
    </p>
    <p>
      I kept a copy of one of his most interesting papers. It has been much
      spoken of, and Fauche-Borel has, I believe, denied its authenticity and
      the truth of its contents. The manner in which it fell into the hands of
      the General-in-Chief, the importance attached to it by d'Entraigues, the
      differences I have observed between the manuscript I copied and versions
      which I have since read, and the knowledge of its authenticity, having
      myself transcribed it from the handwriting of the Count, who in my
      presence vouched for the truth of the facts it details&mdash;all these
      circumstances induce me to insert it here, and compel me to doubt that it
      was, as Fauche-Borel asserted, a fabrication.
    </p>
    <p>
      This manuscript is entitled, 'My Conversation with Comte de Montgaillard,
      on the 4th of December 1796, from Six in the Afternoon till midnight, in
      the presence of the Abbe Dumontel.'
    </p>
    <p>
      [On my copy are written the words, "Extracts from this conversation, made
      by me, from the original." I omitted what I thought unimportant, and
      transcribed only the most interesting passages. Montgaillard spoke of his
      escape, of his flight to England, of his return to France, of his second
      departure, and finally of his arrival at Bale in August 1795.]
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Prince de Condé soon afterwards, he said, called me to Mulheim,
   and knowing the connections I had had in France, proposed that I
   should sound General Pichegru, whose headquarters were at Altkirch,
   where he then was, surrounded by four representatives of the
   Convention.

   I immediately went to Neufchatel, taking with me four or five
   hundred Louis. I cast my eyes on Fauche-Borel, the King's printer
   at Neufchatel, and also yours and mine, as the instrument by which
   to make the first overture, and I selected as his colleague M.
   Courant, a native of Neufchatel. I persuaded them to undertake the
   business: I supplied them with instructions and passports. They
   were foreigners: so I furnished them with all the necessary
   documents to enable them to travel in France as foreign merchants
   and purchasers of national property. I went to Bale to wait for
   news from them.

   On the 13th of August Fauche and Courant set out for the
   headquarters at Altkirch. They remained there eight days without
   finding an opportunity to speak to Pichegru, who was surrounded by
   representatives and generals. Pichegru observed them, and seeing
   them continually wheresoever he went, he conjectured that they had
   something to say to him, and he called out in a loud voice, while
   passing them, "I am going to Huningen." Fauche contrived to throw
   himself in his way at the end of a corridor. Pichegru observed him,
   and fixed his eyes upon him, and although it rained in torrents, he
   said aloud, "I am going to dine at the chateau of Madame Salomon."
   This chateau was three leagues from Huningen, and Madame Salomon was
   Pichegru's mistress.

   Fauche set off directly to the chateau, and begged to speak with
   General Pichegru. He told the general that, being in the possession
   of some of J. J. Rousseau's manuscripts, he wished to publish them
   and dedicate them to him. "Very good," said Pichegru; "but I should
   like to read them first; for Rousseau professed principles of
   liberty in which I do not concur, and with which I should not like
   to have my name connected."&mdash;"But," said Fauche, "I have something
   else to speak to you about."&mdash;"What is it, and on whose behalf?"&mdash;
   "On behalf of the Prince de Condé."&mdash;"Be silent, then, and follow
   me."

   He conducted Fauche alone into a retired cabinet, and said to
   him, "Explain yourself; what does Monseigneur le Prince de Condé
   wish to communicate to me?" Fauche was embarrassed, and stammered
   out something unintelligible. "Compose yourself." said Pichegru;
   "my sentiments are the same, as the Prince de Condé's. What does he
   desire of me?" Fauche, encouraged by these words, replied, "The
   Prince wishes to join you. He counts on you, and wishes to connect
   himself with you."

   "These are vague and unmeaning words," observed Pichegru. "All this
   amounts to nothing. Go back, and ask for written instructions, and
   return in three days to my headquarters at Altkirch. You will find
   me alone precisely at six o'clock in the evening."

   Fauche immediately departed, arrived at Bale, and informed me of all
   that had passed. I spent the night in writing a letter to General
   Pichegru. (The Prince de Condé, who was invested with all the
   powers of Louis XVIII, except that of granting the 'cordon-bleu',
   had, by a note in his own handwriting, deputed to me all his powers,
   to enable me to maintain a negotiation with General Pichegru).

   I therefore wrote to the general, stating, in the outset, everything
   that was calculated to awaken in him that noble sentiment of pride
   which is the instinct of great minds; and after pointing out to him
   the vast good it was in his power to effect, I spoke of the
   gratitude of the King, and the benefit he would confer on his
   country by restoring royalty. I told him that his Majesty would
   make him a marshal of France, and governor of Alsace, as no one
   could better govern the province than he who had so valiantly
   defended it. I added that he would have the 'cordon-rouge', the
   Chateau de Chambord, with its park, and twelve pieces of cannon
   taken from the Austrians, a million of ready money, 200,000 livres
   per annum, and an hotel in Paris; that the town of Arbors,
   Pichegru's native place, should bear his name, and be exempt from
   all taxation for twenty-five years; that a pension of 200,000 livres
   would be granted to him, with half reversion to his wife, and 50,000
   livres to his heirs for ever, until the extinction of his family.
   Such were the offers, made in the name of the King, to General
   Pichegru. (Than followed the boons to be granted to the officers
   and soldiers, an amnesty to the people, etc). I added that the
   Prince de Coude desired that he would proclaim the King in the
   camps, surrender the city of Huningen to him, and join him for the
   purpose of marching on Paris.

   Pichegru, having read my letter with great attention, said to
   Fauche, "This is all very well; but who is this M. de Montgaillard
   who talks of being thus authorised? I neither know him nor his
   signature. Is he the author?"&mdash;"Yes," replied Fauche. "But," said
   Pichegru, "I must, before making any negotiation on my part, be
   assured that the Prince de Condé, with whose handwriting I am well
   acquainted, approves of all that has been written is his name by M.
   de Montgaillard. Return directly to M. de Montgaillard, and tell
   him to communicate my answer to the Prince."

   Fauche immediately departed, leaving M. Courant with Pichegru. He
   arrived at Bale at nine o'clock in the evening. I set off directly
   for Malheim, the Prince de Condé's headquarters, and arrived there
   at half-past twelve. The Prince was in bed, but I awoke him. He
   made me sit down by his bedside, and our conference then commenced.

   After having informed the Prince of the state of affairs, all that
   remained was to prevail on him to write to General Pichegru to
   confirm the truth of what had been stated in his name. This matter,
   which appeared so simple, and so little liable to objection,
   occupied the whole night. The Prince, as brave a man as can
   possibly be, inherited nothing from the great Condé but his
   undaunted courage. In other respects he is the most insignificant
   of men; without resources of mind, or decision of character;
   surrounded by men of mediocrity, and even baseness; and though he
   knows them well, he suffers himself to be governed by them.

   It required nine hours of hard exertion on my part to get him to
   write to General Pichegru a letter of eight lines. 1st. He did not
   wish it to be in his handwriting. 2d. He objected to dating it
   3d. He was unwilling to call him General, lest he should recognise
   the republic by giving that title. 4th. He did not like to address
   it, or affix his seal to it.

   At length he consented to all, and wrote to Pichegru that he might
   place full confidence in the letters of the Comte de Montgaillard.
   When all this was settled, after great difficulty, the Prince next
   hesitated about sending the letter; but at length he yielded. I set
   off for Bale, and despatched Fauche to Altkirch, to General
   Pichegru.

   The general, after reading the letter of eight lines, and
   recognising the handwriting and signature, immediately returned it
   to Fauche, saying, "I have seen the signature: that is enough for
   me. The word of the Prince is a pledge with which every Frenchman
   ought to be satisfied. Take back his letter." He then inquired
   what was the Prince's wish. Fauche explained that he wished&mdash;1st.
   That Pichegru should proclaim the King to his troops, and hoist the
   White flag. 2d. That he should deliver up Huningen to the Prince.
   Pichegru objected to this. "I will never take part in such a plot,"
   said he; "I have no wish to make the third volume of La Fayette and
   Dumouriez. I know my resources; they are as certain as they are
   vast. Their roots are not only in my army, but in Paris, in the
   Convention, in the departments, and in the armies of those generals,
   my colleagues, who think as I do. I wish to do nothing by halves.
   There must be a complete end of the present state of things. France
   cannot continue a Republic. She must have a king, and that king
   must be Louis XVIII. But we must not commence the counter-
   revolution until we are certain of effecting it. 'Surely and
   rightly' is my motto. The Prince's plan leads to nothing. He would
   be driven from Huningen in four days, and in fifteen I should be
   lost. My army is composed both of good men and bad. We must
   distinguish between them, and, by a bold stroke, assure the former
   of the impossibility of drawing back, and that their only safety
   lies in success. For this purpose I propose to pass the Rhine, at
   any place and any time that may be thought necessary. In the
   advance I will place those officers on whom I can depend, and who
   are of my way of thinking. I will separate the bad, and place them
   in situations where they can do no harm, and their position shall be
   such as to prevent them from uniting. That done, as soon as I shall
   be on the other side of the Rhine, I will proclaim the King, and
   hoist the white flag. Condé's corps and the Emperor's army will
   then join us. I will immediately repass the Rhine, and re-enter
   France. The fortresses will be surrendered, and will be held in the
   King's name by the Imperial troops. Having joined Condé's army, I
   immediately advance. All my means now develop themselves on every
   side. We march upon Paris, and in a fortnight will be there. But
   it is necessary that you should know that you must give the French
   soldier wine and a crown in his hand if you would have him cry 'Vive
   le Roi! Nothing must be wanting at the first moment. My army must
   be well paid as far as the fourth or fifth march in the French
   territory. There go and tell all this to the Prince, show my
   handwriting, and bring me back his answer."

   During these conferences Pichegru was surrounded by four
   representatives of the people, at the head of whom was Merlin de
   Thionville, the most insolent and the most ferocious of inquisitors.
   These men, having the orders of the Committee, pressed Pichegru to
   pass the Rhine and go and besiege Manheim, where Merlin had an
   understanding with the inhabitants. Thus, if on the one hand the
   Committee by its orders made Pichegru wish to hasten the execution
   of his plan, on the other he had not a moment to lose; for to delay
   obeying the orders of the four representatives was to render himself
   suspected. Every consideration, therefore, called upon the Prince
   to decide, and decide promptly. Good sense required him also to do
   another thing, namely, to examine without prejudice what sort of man
   Pichegru was, to consider the nature of the sacrifice he made, and
   what were his propositions. Europe acknowledged his talents, and he
   had placed the Prince in a condition to judge of his good faith.
   Besides, his conduct and his plan afforded fresh proofs of his
   sincerity. By passing the Rhine and placing himself between the
   armies of Condé and Wurmser, he rendered desertion impossible; and,
   if success did not attend his attempt, his own acts forced him to
   become an emigrant. He left in the power of his fierce enemies his
   wife, his father, his children. Everything bore testimony to his
   honesty; the talents he had shown were a pledge for his genius, his
   genius for his resources; and the sacrifices he would have to make
   in case of failure proved that he was confident of success.

   What stupid conceit was it for any one to suppose himself better
   able to command Pichegru's army than Pichegru himself!&mdash;to pretend
   to be better acquainted with the frontier provinces than Pichegru,
   who commanded them, and had placed his friends in them as commanders
   of the towns! This self-conceit, however, ruined the monarchy at
   this time, as well as at so many others. The Prince de Condé, after
   reading the plan, rejected it in toto. To render it successful it
   was necessary to make the Austrians parties to it. This Pichegru
   exacted, but the Prince of Condé would not hear a word of it,
   wishing to have confined to himself the glory of effecting the
   counter-revolution. He replied to Pichegru by a few observations,
   and concluded his answer by returning to his first plan&mdash;that
   Pichegru should proclaim the King without passing the Rhine, and
   should give up Huningen; that then the army of Condé by itself, and
   without the aid of the Austrians, would join him. In that case he
   could promise 100,000 crowns in louis, which he had at Bale, and
   1,400,000 livres, which he had in good bills payable at sight.

   No argument or entreaty had any effect on the Prince de Condo. The
   idea of communicating his plan to Wurmser and sharing his glory with
   him rendered him blind and deaf to every consideration. However, it
   was necessary to report to Pichegru the observations of the Prince
   de Condé, and Courant was commissioned to do so.
</pre>
    <p>
      This document appeared so interesting to me that while Bonaparte was
      sleeping I was employed in copying it. Notwithstanding posterior and
      reiterated denials of its truth, I believe it to be perfectly correct.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon had ordered plans of his most famous battles to be engraved, and
      had paid in advance for them. The work was not done quickly enough for
      him. He got angry, and one day said to his geographer, Bacler d'Albe, whom
      he liked well enough, "Ah! do hurry yourself, and think all this is only
      the business of a moment. If you make further delay you will sell nothing;
      everything is soon forgotten!"
    </p>
    <p>
      We were now in July, and the negotiations were carried on with a tardiness
      which showed that something was kept in reserve on both sides. Bonaparte
      at this time was anything but disposed to sign a peace, which he always
      hoped to be able to make at Vienna, after a campaign in Germany, seconded
      by the armies of the Rhine and the Sambre-et-Meuse. The minority of the
      Directory recommended peace on the basis of the preliminaries, but the
      majority wished for more honourable and advantageous terms; while Austria,
      relying on troubles breaking out in France, was in no haste to conclude a
      treaty. In these circumstances Bonaparte drew up a letter to be sent to
      the Emperor of Austria, in which he set forth the moderation of France;
      but stated that, in consequence of the many delays, nearly all hope of
      peace had vanished. He advised the Emperor not to rely on difficulties
      arising in France, and doubted, if war should continue and the Emperor be
      successful in the next campaign, that he would obtain a more advantageous
      peace than was now at his option. This letter was never sent to the
      Emperor, but was communicated as the draft of a proposed despatch to the
      Directory. The Emperor Francis, however, wrote an autograph letter to the
      General-in-Chief of the army of Italy, which will be noticed when I come
      to the period of its reception: It is certain that Bonaparte at this time
      wished for war. He was aware that the Cabinet of Vienna was playing with
      him, and that the Austrian Ministers expected some political convulsion in
      Paris, which they hoped would be favourable to the Bourbons. He therefore
      asked for reinforcements. His army consisted of 35,900 men, and he desired
      it to be raised to 60,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry ready for the field.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Desaix, profiting by the preliminaries of Leoben, came in the end
      of July to visit the scene of the army of Italy's triumphs. His
      conversations with Bonaparte respecting the army of the Rhine were far
      from giving him confidence in his military situation in Italy, or
      assurance of support from that army in the event of hostilities commencing
      beyond the mountains. It was at this period that their intimacy began.
      Bonaparte conceived for Desaix the greatest esteem and the sincerest
      friendship.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Desaix discontented with the conduct of affairs in Germany,
   seceded from the army of the Rhine, to which he belonged, to join
   that of Napoleon. He was sent to Italy to organise the part of the
   Egyptian expedition starting from Civita Vecchia. He took with him
   his two aides de camp, Rapp and Savary (later Duc de Rovigo), both
   of whom, on his death, were given the same post with Bonaparte.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      When Desaix was named temporary commander of the force called the army of
      England, during the absence of General Bonaparte, the latter wrote to the
      Directory that they could not have chosen a more distinguished officer
      than Desaix; these sentiments he never belied. The early death of Desaix
      alone could break their union, which, I doubt not, would eventually have
      had great influence on the political and military career of General
      Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      All the world knows the part which the General-in-Chief of the army of
      Italy took at the famous crisis of the 18th Fructidor; his proclamation,
      his addresses to the army, and his celebrated order of the day. Bonaparte
      went much into detail on this subject at St. Helena; and I shall now
      proceed to state what I knew at the time respecting that memorable event,
      which was in preparation in the month of June.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII.
    </h2>

      1797.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The royalists of the interior&mdash;Bonaparte's intention of marching on
   Paris with 25,000 men&mdash;His animosity against the emigrants and the
   Clichy Club&mdash;His choice between the two parties of the Directory&mdash;
   Augereau's order of the day against the word 'Monsieur'&mdash;Bonaparte
   wishes to be made one of the five Directors&mdash;He supports the
   majority of the Directory&mdash;La Vallette, Augereau, and Bernadotte
   sent to Paris&mdash;Interesting correspondence relative to the 18th
   Fructidor.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had long observed the struggle which was going on between the
      partisans of royalty and the Republic. He was told that royalism was
      everywhere on the increase. All the generals who returned from Paris to
      the army complained of the spirit of reaction they had noticed. Bonaparte
      was constantly urged by his private correspondents to take one side or the
      other, or to act for himself. He was irritated by the audacity of the
      enemies of the Republic, and he saw plainly that the majority of the
      councils had an evident ill-will towards him. The orators of the Club of
      Clichy missed no opportunity of wounding his self-love in speeches and
      pamphlets. They spared no insults, disparaged his success, and bitterly
      censured his conduct in Italy, particularly with respect to Venice. Thus
      his services were recompensed by hatred or ingratitude. About this time he
      received a pamphlet, which referred to the judgments pronounced upon him
      by the German journals, and more particularly by the Spectator of the
      North, which he always made me translate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was touched to the quick by the comparison make between him and
      Moreau, and by the wish to represent him as foolhardy ("savants sous
      Moreau, fougueuse sous Buonaparte"). In the term of "brigands," applied to
      the generals who fought in La Vendée, he thought he recognized the hand of
      the party he was about to attack and overthrow. He was tired of the way in
      which Moreau's system of war was called "savants." But what grieved him
      still more was to see sitting in the councils of the nation Frenchmen who
      were detractors and enemies of the national glory.
    </p>
    <p>
      He urged the Directory to arrest the emigrants, to destroy the influence
      of foreigners, to recall the armies, to suppress the journals sold to
      England, such as the 'Quotidienne', the 'Memorial', and the 'The', which
      he accused of being more sanguinary than Marat ever was. In case of there
      being no means of putting a stop to assassinations and the influence of
      Louis XVIII., he offered to resign.
    </p>
    <p>
      His resolution of passing the Alps with 25,000 men and marching by Lyons
      and Paris was known in the capital, and discussions arose respecting the
      consequences of this passage of another Rubicon. On the 17th of August
      1797 Carnot wrote to him: "People attribute to you a thousand absurd
      projects. They cannot believe that a man who has performed so many great
      exploits can be content to live as a private citizen." This observation
      applied to Bonaparte's reiterated request to be permitted to retire from
      the service on account of the state of his health, which, he said,
      disabled him from mounting his horse, and to the need which he constantly
      urged of having two years' rest.
    </p>
    <p>
      The General-in-Chief was justly of opinion that the tardiness of the
      negotiations and the difficulties which incessantly arose were founded on
      the expectation of an event which would change the government of France,
      and render the chances of peace more favourable to Austria. He still
      urgently recommended the arrest of the emigrants, the stopping of the
      presses of the royalist journals, which he said were sold to England and
      Austria, the suppression of the Clichy Club. This club was held at the
      residence of Gerard Desodieres, in the Rue de Clichy. Aubry, was one of
      its warmest partisans, and he was the avowed enemy of the revolutionary
      cause which Bonaparte advocated at this period. Aubry's conduct at this
      time, together with the part he had taken in provoking Bonaparte's
      dismissal in 1795, inspired the General with an implacable hatred of him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte despised the Directory, which he accused of weakness,
      indecision, pusillanimity, wasteful expenditure, of many errors, and
      perseverance in a system degrading to the national glory.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Directory merited those accusations. The following sketches
   of two of their official sittings present a singular contrast:

   "At the time that the Directory were first installed in the
   Luxembourg (27th October 1795)." says M. Baileul, "there was hardly
   a single article of furniture in it. In a small room, round a
   little broken table, one of the legs of which had given way from
   age, on which table they had deposited a quire of letter-paper, and
   a writing desk 'a calamet', which luckily they had had the
   precaution to bring with them from the Committee of Public safety,
   seated on four rush-bottomed chairs, in front of some logs of wood
   ill-lighted, the whole borrowed from the porter Dupont; who would
   believe that it was in this deplorable condition that the member's
   of the new Government, after having examined all the difficulties,
   nay, let me add, all the horrors of their situation, resolved to
   confront all obstacles, and that they would either deliver France
   from the abyss in which she was plunged or perish in the attempt?
   They drew up on a sheet of letter-paper the act by which they
   declared themselves constituted, and immediately forwarded it to the
   Legislative Bodies."

   And the Comte de La Vallette, writing to M. Cuvillier Fleury, says:
   "I saw our five kings, dressed in the robes of Francis I., his hat,
   his pantaloons, and his lace: the face of La Reveilliere looked like
   a cork upon two pins, with the black and greasy hair of Clodion. M.
   de Talleyrand, in pantaloons of the colour of wine dregs, sat in a
   folding chair at the feet of the Director Barras, in the Court of
   the Petit Luxembourg, and gravely presented to his sovereigns as
   ambassador from the Grand Duke of Tuscany, while the French were
   eating his master's dinner, from the soup to the cheese. At the
   right hand there were fifty musicians and singers of the Opera,
   Laine, Lays, Regnault, and the actresses, not all dead of old age,
   roaring a patriotic cantata to the music of Mehul. Facing them, on
   another elevation, there were two hundred young and beautiful women,
   with their arms and bosoms bare, all in ecstasy at the majesty of
   our Pentarchy and the happiness of the Republic. They also wore
   tight flesh-coloured pantaloons, with rings on their toes. That was
   a sight that never will be seen again. A fortnight after this
   magnificent fete, thousands of families wept over their banished
   fathers, forty-eight departments were deprived of their
   representatives, and forty editors of newspapers were forced to go
   and drink the waters of the Elbe, the Synamary or the Ohio! It
   would be a curious disquisition to seek to discover what really were
   at that time the Republic and Liberty."]
</pre>
    <p>
      He knew that the Clichy party demanded his dismissal and arrest. He was
      given to understand that Dumolard was one of the most decided against him,
      and that, finally, the royalist party was on the point of triumphing.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before deciding for one party or the other Bonaparte first thought of
      himself. He did not imagine that he had yet achieved enough to venture on
      possessing himself of that power which certainly he might easily have
      obtained. He therefore contented himself with joining the party which was,
      for the moment, supported by public opinion. I know he was determined to
      march upon Paris with 25,000 men had affairs taken a turn unfavourable to
      the Republic, which he preferred to royalty. He cautiously formed his
      plan. To defend the Directory was, he conceived, to defend his own future
      fortune; that is to say, it was protecting a power which appeared to have
      no other object than to keep a place for him until his return.
    </p>
    <p>
      The parties which rose up in Paris produced a reaction in the army. The
      employment of the word 'Monsieur' had occasioned quarrels, and even
      bloodshed. General Augereau, in whose division these contests had taken
      place, published an order of the day, setting forth that every individual
      in his division who should use the word 'Monsieur', either verbally or in
      writing, under any pretence whatever, should be deprived of his rank, and
      declared incapable of serving in the Republican armies. This order was
      read at the head of each company.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte viewed the establishment of peace as the close of his military
      career. Repose and inactivity were to him unbearable. He sought to take
      part in the civil affairs of the Republic, and was desirous of becoming
      one of the five Directors, convinced that, if he obtained that object, he
      would speedily stand single and alone. The fulfilment of this wish would
      have prevented the Egyptian expedition, and placed the imperial crown much
      sooner upon his head. Intrigues were carried on in Paris in his name, with
      the view of securing to him a legal dispensation on the score of age. He
      hoped, though he was but eight-and-twenty, to supersede one of the two
      Directors who were to go out of office.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Directors had to be forty years of ago before they could be
   appointed.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      His brothers and their friends made great exertions for the success of the
      project, which, however, was not officially proposed, because it was too
      adverse to the prevailing notions of the day, and seemed too early a
      violation of the constitution of the year III., which, nevertheless, was
      violated in another way a few months after.
    </p>
    <p>
      The members of the Directory were by no means anxious to have Bonaparte
      for their colleague. They dissembled, and so did he. Both parties were
      lavish of their mutual assurances of friendship, while they cordially
      hated each other. The Directory, however, appealed for the support of
      Bonaparte, which he granted; but his subsequent conduct clearly proves
      that the maintenance of the constitution of the year III. was a mere
      pretext. He indeed defended it meanwhile, because, by aiding the triumph
      of the opposite party, he could not hope to preserve the influence which
      he exercised over the Directory. I know well that, in case of the Clichy
      party gaining the ascendency, he was determined to cross the Alps with his
      army, and to assemble all the friends of the Republic at Lyons, thence to
      march upon Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Memorial of St. Helena it is stated, in reference to the 18th
      Fructidor, "that the triumph of the majority of the councils was his
      desire and hope, we are inclined to believe from the following fact, viz.,
      that at the crisis of the contest between the two factions a secret
      resolution was drawn up by three of the members of the Directory, asking
      him for three millions to support the attack on the councils, and that
      Napoleon, under various pretences, did not send the money, though he might
      easily have done so."
    </p>
    <p>
      This is not very comprehensible. There was no secret resolution of the
      members who applied for the three millions. It was Bonaparte who offered
      the money, which, however, he did not send; it was he who despatched
      Augereau; and he who wished for the triumph of the Directorial majority.
      His memory served him badly at St. Helena, as will be seen from some
      correspondence which I shall presently submit to the reader. It is very
      certain that he did offer the money to the Directory; that is to say, to
      three of its members.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Barras, La Revelliere-Lepaux, and Rewbell, the three Directors
   who carried out the 'coup d'etat' of the 18th Fructidor against
   their colleagues Carnot and Bartholemy. (See Thiers' "French
   Revolution", vol. v. pp. 114,139, and 163.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had so decidedly formed his resolution that on the 17th of July,
      wishing to make Augereau his confidant, he sent to Vicenza for him by an
      extraordinary courier.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte adds that when Bottot, the confidential agent of Barras, came to
      Passeriano, after the 18th Fructidor, he declared to him that as soon as
      La Vallette should make him acquainted with the real state of things the
      money should be transmitted. The inaccuracy of these statements will be
      seen in the correspondence relative to the event. In thus distorting the
      truth Napoleon's only object could have been to proclaim his inclination
      for the principles he adopted and energetically supported from the year
      1800, but which, previously to that period, he had with no less energy
      opposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      He decidedly resolved to support the majority of the Directory, and to
      oppose the royalist faction; the latter, which was beginning to be
      important, would have been listened to had it offered power to him. About
      the end of July he sent his 'aide de camp' La Vallette to Paris. La
      Vallette was a man of good sense and education, pleasing manners, pliant
      temper, and moderate opinions. He was decidedly devoted to Bonaparte. With
      his instructions he received a private cipher to enable him to correspond
      with the General-in-Chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      Augereau went, after La Vallette, on the 27th of July. Bonaparte
      officially wrote to the Directory that Augereau "had solicited leave to go
      to Paris on his own private business."
    </p>
    <p>
      But the truth is, Augereau was sent expressly to second the revolution
      which was preparing against the Clichy party and the minority of the
      Directory.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte made choice of Augereau because he knew his staunch republican
      principles, his boldness, and his deficiency in political talent. He
      thought him well calculated to aid a commotion, which his own presence
      with the army of Italy prevented him from directing in person; and
      besides, Augereau was not an ambitious rival who might turn events to his
      own advantage. Napoleon said, at St. Helena, that he sent the addresses of
      the army of Italy by Augereau because he was a decided supporter of the
      opinions of the day. That was the true reason for choosing him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte was subsequently despatched on the same errand. Bonaparte's
      pretence for sending him was, that he wished to transmit to the Directory
      four flags, which, out of the twenty-one taken at the battle of Rivoli,
      had been left, by mistake, at Peschiera. Bernadotte, however, did not take
      any great part in the affair. He was always prudent.
    </p>
    <p>
      The crisis of the 18th Fructidor, which retarded for three years the
      extinction of the pentarchy, presents one of the most remarkable events of
      its short existence. It will be seen how the Directors extricated
      themselves from this difficulty. I subjoin the correspondence relating to
      this remarkable episode of our Revolution, cancelling only such portions
      of it as are irrelevant to the subject. It exhibits several variations
      from the accounts given by Napoleon at St. Helena to his noble companions
      in misfortune.
    </p>
    <p>
      Augereau thus expressed himself on the 18th Fructidor (4th September
      1797):&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   At length, General, my mission is accomplished, and the promises of
   the army of Italy are fulfilled. The fear of being anticipated has
   caused measures to be hurried.

   At midnight I despatched orders to all the troops to march towards
   the points specified. Before day all the bridges and principal
   places were planted with cannon. At daybreak the halls of the
   councils were surrounded, the guards of the councils were amicably
   mingled with our troops, and the members, of whom I send you a list,
   were arrested and conveyed to the Temple. The greater number have
   escaped, and are being pursued. Carnot has disappeared.'

   &mdash;[In 1824 Louis XVIII. sent letters of nobility to those members
   of the two councils who were, as it was termed, 'fructidorized'.
   &mdash;Bourrienne]&mdash;

   Paris is tranquil, and every one is astounded at an event which
   promised to be awful, but which has passed over like a fete.

   The stout patriots of the faubourgs proclaim the safety of the
   Republic, and the black collars are put down. It now remains for
   the wise energy of the Directory and the patriots of the two
   councils to do the rest. The place of sitting is changed, and the
   first operations promise well. This event is a great step towards
   peace; which it is your task finally to secure to us.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 24th Fructidor (10th September 1797) Augereau writes:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   My 'aide de camp', de Verine, will acquaint you with the events of
   the 18th. He is also to deliver to you some despatches from the
   Directory, where much uneasiness is felt at not hearing from you.
   No less uneasiness is experienced on seeing in Paris one of your
   'aides de camp',&mdash;(La Vallette)&mdash;whose conduct excites the
   dissatisfaction and distrust of the patriots, towards whom he has
   behaved very ill.

   The news of General Clarke's recall will have reached you by this
   time, and I suspect has surprised you. Amongst the thousand and one
   motives which have determined the Government to take this step may
   be reckoned his correspondence with Carnot, which has been
   communicated to me, and in which he treated the generals of the army
   of Italy as brigands.

   Moreau has sent the Directory a letter which throws a new light on
   Pichegru's treason. Such baseness is hardly to be conceived.

   The Government perseveres in maintaining the salutary measures which
   it has adopted. I hope it will be in vain for the remnant of the
   factions to renew their plots. The patriots will continue united.

   Fresh troops having been summoned to Paris, and my presence at their
   head being considered indispensable by the Government, I shall not
   have the satisfaction of seeing you so soon as I hoped. This has
   determined me to send for my horses and carriages, which I left at
   Milan.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bernadotte wrote to Bonaparte on the 24th Fructidor as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The arrested deputies are removed to Rochefort, where they will be
   embarked for the island of Madagascar. Paris is tranquil. The
   people at first heard of the arrest of the deputies with
   indifference. A feeling of curiosity soon drew them into the
   streets; enthusiasm followed, and cries of 'Vive la Republique',
   which had not been heard for a long time, now resounded in every
   street. The neighbouring departments have expressed their
   discontent. That of Allier has, it is said, protested; but it will
   cut a fine figure. Eight thousand men are marching to the environs
   of Paris. Part is already within the precincts; under the orders of
   General Lemoine. The Government has it at present in its power to
   elevate public spirit; but everybody feels that it is necessary the
   Directory should be surrounded by tried and energetic Republicans.
   Unfortunately a host of men, without talent and resources, already
   suppose that what has taken place has been done only in order to
   advance their interests. Time is necessary to set all to rights.
   The armies have regained consistency. The soldiers of the interior
   are esteemed, or at least feared. The emigrants fly, and the
   non-juring priests conceal themselves. Nothing could have happened
   more fortunately to consolidate the Republic.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte wrote as follows, to the Directory on the 26th Fructidor:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Herewith you will receive a proclamation to the army, relative to
   the events of the 18th. I have despatched the 45th demi-brigade,
   commanded by General Bon, to Lyons, together with fifty cavalry;
   also General Lannes, with the 20th light infantry and the 9th
   regiment of the line, to Marseilles. I have issued the enclosed
   proclamation in the southern departments. I am about to prepare a
   proclamation for the inhabitants of Lyons, as soon as I obtain some
   information of what may have passed there.

   If I find there is the least disturbance, I will march there with
   the utmost rapidity. Believe that there are here a hundred thousand
   men, who are alone sufficient to make the measures you have taken to
   place liberty on a solid basis be respected. What avails it that we
   gain victories if we are not respected in our country. In speaking
   of Paris, one may parody what Cassius said of Rome: "Of what use to
   call her queen on the banks of the Seine, when she is the slave of
   Pitt's gold?"
</pre>
    <p>
      After the 18th Fructidor Augereau wished to have his reward for his share
      in the victory, and for the service which he had rendered. He wished to be
      a Director. He got, however, only the length of being a candidate; honour
      enough for one who had merely been an instrument on that day.
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX.
    </h2>

      1797.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's joy at the result of the 18th Fructidor.&mdash;His letter to
   Augereau&mdash;His correspondence with the Directory and proposed
   resignation&mdash;Explanation of the Directory&mdash;Bottot&mdash;General Clarke&mdash;
   Letter from Madame Bacciocchi to Bonaparte&mdash;Autograph letter of the
   Emperor Francis to Bonaparte&mdash;Arrival of Count Cobentzel&mdash;Autograph
   note of Bonaparte on the conditions of peace.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was delighted when he heard of the happy issue of the 18th
      Fructidor. Its result was the dissolution of the Legislative Body and the
      fall of the Clichyan party, which for some months had disturbed his
      tranquillity. The Clichyans had objected to Joseph Bonaparte's right to
      sit as deputy for Liamone in the Council of Five Hundred.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[He was ambassador to Rome, and not a deputy at this time. When
   he became a member of the council, after his return from Rome, he
   experienced no opposition (Bourrienne et ses Erreurs, tome i.
   p. 240).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      His brother's victory removed the difficulty; but the General-in-Chief
      soon perceived that the ascendant party abused its power, and again
      compromised the safety of the Republic, by recommencing the Revolutionary
      Government. The Directors were alarmed at his discontent and offended by
      his censure. They conceived the singular idea of opposing to Bonaparte,
      Augereau, of whose blind zeal they had received many proofs. The Directory
      appointed Augereau commander of the army of Germany. Augereau, whose
      extreme vanity was notorious, believed himself in a situation to compete
      with Bonaparte. What he built his arrogance on was, that, with a numerous
      troop, he had arrested some unarmed representatives, and torn the
      epaulettes from the shoulders of the commandant of the guard of the
      councils. The Directory and he filled the headquarters at Passeriano with
      spies and intriguers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, who was informed of everything that was going on, laughed at
      the Directory, and tendered his resignation, in order that he might be
      supplicated to continue in command.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following post-Thermidorian letters will prove that the General's
      judgment on this point was correct.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2d Vendemiaire, year VI. (23d September 1797), he wrote to
      Augereau, after having announced the arrival of his 'aide de camp' as
      follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The whole army applauds the wisdom and vigour which you have
   displayed upon this important occasion, and participates in the
   success of the country with the enthusiasm and energy which
   characterise our soldiers. It is only to be hoped, however, that
   the Government will not be playing at see saw, and thus throw itself
   into the opposite party. Wisdom and moderate views alone can
   establish the happiness of the country on a sure foundation. As for
   myself, this is the most ardent wish of my heart. I beg that you
   will sometimes let me know what you are doing in Paris.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 4th Vendemiaire Bonaparte wrote a letter to the Directory in the
      following terms:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The day before yesterday an officer arrived at the army from Paris.
   He reported that he left Paris on the 25th, when anxiety prevailed
   there as to the feelings with which I viewed the events of the 18th
   He was the bearer of a sort of circular from General Augereau to all
   the generals of division; and he brought a letter of credit from the
   Minister of War to the commissary-general, authorising him to draw
   as much money as he might require for his journey.

   It is evident from these circumstances that the Government is acting
   towards me in somewhat the same way in which Pichegru was dealt with
   after Vendemiaire (year IV.).

   I beg of you to receive my resignation, and appoint another to my
   place. No power on earth shall make me continue in the service
   after this shocking mark of ingratitude on the part of the
   Government, which I was very far from expecting. My health, which
   is considerably impaired, imperiously demands repose and
   tranquillity.

   The state of my mind, likewise, requires me to mingle again in the
   mass of citizens. Great power has for a longtime been confided to
   my hands. I have employed it on all occasions for the advantage of
   my country; so much the worse for those who put no faith in virtue,
   and may have suspected mine. My recompense is in my own conscience,
   and in the opinion of posterity.

   Now that the country is tranquil and free from the dangers which
   have menaced it, I can, without inconvenience, quit the post in
   which I have been placed.

   Be sure that if there were a moment of danger, I would be found in
   the foremost rank of the defenders of liberty and of the
   constitution of the year III.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Directory, judging from the account which Bottot gave of his mission
      that he had not succeeded in entirely removing the suspicions of
      Bonaparte, wrote the following letter on the 30th Vendemiaire:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Directory has itself been troubled about the impression made on
   you by the letter to the paymaster-general, of which an 'aide de
   camp' was the bearer. The composition of this letter has very much
   astonished the Government, which never appointed nor recognised such
   an agent: it is at least an error of office. But it should not
   alter the opinion you ought otherwise to entertain of the manner in
   which the Directory thinks of and esteems you. It appears that the
   18th Fructidor was misrepresented in the letters which were sent to
   the army of Italy. You did well to intercept them, and it may be
   right to transmit the most remarkable to the Minister of Police.
   &mdash;(What an ignoble task to propose to the conqueror of Italy.)

   In your observations on the too strong tendency of opinion towards
   military government, the Directory recognises an equally enlightened
   and ardent friend of the Republic.

   Nothing is wiser than the maxim, 'cedant arma togae', for the
   maintenance of republics. To show so much anxiety on so important a
   point is not one of the least glorious features in the life of a
   general placed at the head of a triumphant army.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Directory had sent General Clarke
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[H. J. G. Clarke, afterwards Minister of War under Napoleon,
   1807-1814, acid under the Bourbons in 1816, when he was made a
   Marshal of France. He was created Duc de Feltre in 1819.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      to treat for peace, as second plenipotentiary. Bonaparte has often told me
      he had no doubt from the time of his arrival that General Clarke was
      charged with a secret mission to act as a spy upon him, and even to arrest
      him if an opportunity offered for so doing without danger. That he had a
      suspicion of this kind is certain; but I must own that I was never by any
      means able to discover its grounds; for in all my intercourse since with
      Clarke he never put a single question to me, nor did I ever hear a word
      drop from his mouth, which savoured of such a character. If the fact be
      that he was a spy, he certainly played his part well. In all the parts of
      his correspondence which were intercepted there never was found the least
      confirmation of this suspicion. Be this as it may, Bonaparte could not
      endure him; he did not make him acquainted with what was going on, and his
      influence rendered this mission a mere nullity. The General-in-Chief
      concentrated all the business of the negotiation in his own closet; and,
      as to what was going on, Clarke continued a mere cipher until the 18th
      Fructidor, when he was recalled. Bonaparte made but little count of
      Clarke's talents. It is but justice, however, to say that he bore him no
      grudge for the conduct of which he suspected he was guilty in Italy. "I
      pardon him because I alone have the right to be offended."
    </p>
    <p>
      He even had the generosity to make interest for an official situation for
      him. These amiable traits were not uncommon with Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had to encounter so many disagreeable contrarieties, both in the
      negotiators for peace and the events at Paris, that he often displayed a
      good deal of irritation and disgust. This state of mind was increased by
      the recollection of the vexation his sister's marriage had caused him, and
      which was unfortunately revived by a letter he received from her at this
      juncture. His excitement was such that he threw it down with an expression
      of anger. It has been erroneously reported in several publications that
      "Bacciocchi espoused Marie-Anne-Eliza Bonaparte on the 5th of May 1797.
      The brother of the bride was at the time negotiating the preliminaries of
      peace with Austria."
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, the preliminaries were signed in the month of April, and it was
      for the definitive peace we were negotiating in May. But the reader will
      find by the subjoined letter that Christine applied to her brother to
      stand godfather to her third child. Three children in three months would
      be rather quick work.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
          AJACCIO, 14th, Thermidor, year V. (1st August 1797).

   GENERAL&mdash;Suffer me to write to you and call you by the name of
   brother. My first child was born at a time when you were much
   incensed against us. I trust she may soon caress you, and so make
   you forget the pain my marriage has occasioned you. My second child
   was still-born. Obliged to quit Paris by your order,

   &mdash;[Napoleon had written in August 1796 to Carnot, to request that
   Lucien might be ordered to quit Paris; see Iung, tome iii.
   p. 223.]&mdash;

   I miscarried in Germany. In a month's time I hope to present you
   with a nephew. A favourable time, and other circumstances, incline
   me to hope my next will be a boy, and I promise you I will make a
   soldier of him; but I wish him to bear your name, and that you
   should be his godfather. I trust you will not refuse your sister's
   request.

   Will you send, for this purpose, your power of attorney to
   Baciocchi, or to whomsoever you think fit? I shall expect with
   impatience your assent. Because we are poor let not that cause you
   to despise us; for, after all, you are our brother, mine are the
   only children that call you uncle, and we all love you more than we
   do the favours of fortune. Perhaps I may one day succeed in
   convincing you of the love I bear you.&mdash;Your affectionate sister,

                       CHRISTINE BONAPARTE.

   &mdash;[Madame Bacciocchi went by the name of Marianne at St. Cyr, of
   Christine while on her travels, and of Eliza under the Consulate.&mdash;
   Bourrienne.]&mdash;

   P.S.&mdash;Do not fail to remember me to your wife, whom I strongly
   desire to be acquainted with. They told me at Paris I was very like
   her. If you recollect my features you can judge. C. B.
</pre>
    <p>
      This letter is in the handwriting of Lucien Bonaparte.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte in his Notes says, "It is false that Madame
   Bonaparte ever called herself Christine; it is false that she ever
   wrote the letter of which M. de Bourrienne here gives a copy." It
   will be observed that Bourrienne says it was written by her brother
   Lucien. This is an error. The letter is obviously from Christine
   Boyer, the wife of Lucien Bonaparte, whose marriage had given such
   displeasure to Napoleon. (See Erreurs, tome i. p. 240, and Iung's
   Lucien, tome i p. 161).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      General Bonaparte had been near a month at Passeriano when he received the
      following autograph letter from the Emperor of Austria:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   TO MONSIEUR LE GENERAL BONAPARTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF
   OF THE ARMY OF ITALY.

   MONSIEUR LE GENERAL BONAPARTE&mdash;When I thought I had given my
   plenipotentiaries full powers to terminate the important negotiation
   with which they were charged, I learn, with as much pain as
   surprise, that in consequence of swerving continually from the
   stipulations of the preliminaries, the restoration of tranquillity,
   with the tidings of which I desire to gladden the hearts of my
   subjects, and which the half of Europe devoutly prays for, becomes
   day after day more uncertain.

   Faithful to the performance of my engagements, I am ready to execute
   what was agreed to at Leoben, and require from you but the
   reciprocal performance of so sacred a duty. This is what has
   already been declared in my name, and what I do not now hesitate
   myself to declare. If, perhaps, the execution of some of the
   preliminary articles be now impossible, in consequence of the events
   which have since occurred, and in which I had no part, it may be
   necessary to substitute others in their stead equally adapted to the
   interests and equally conformable to the dignity of the two nations.
   To such alone will I put my hand. A frank and sincere explanation,
   dictated by the same feelings which govern me, is the only way to
   lead to so salutary a result. In order to accelerate this result as
   far as in me lies, and to put an end at once to the state of
   uncertainty we remain in, and which has already lasted too long, I
   have determined to despatch to the place of the present negotiations
   Comte de Cobentzel, a man who possesses my most unlimited
   confidence, and who is instructed as to my intentions and furnished
   with my most ample powers. I have authorised him to receive and
   accept every proposition tending to the reconciliation of the two
   parties which may be in conformity with the principles of equity and
   reciprocal fitness, and to conclude accordingly.

   After this fresh assurance of the spirit of conciliation which
   animates me, I doubt not you will perceive that peace lies in your
   own hands, and that on your determination will depend the happiness
   or misery of many thousand men. If I mistake as to the means I
   think best adapted to terminate the calamities which for along time
   have desolated Europe, I shall at least have the consolation of
   reflecting that I have done all that depended on me. With the
   consequences which may result I can never be reproached.

   I have been particularly determined to the course I now take by the
   opinion I entertain of your upright character, and by the personal
   esteem I have conceived towards you, of which I am very happy, M. le
   General Bonaparte, to give you here an assurance.

                         (Signed) FRANCIS.
</pre>
    <p>
      In fact, it was only on the arrival of the Comte de Cobentzel that the
      negotiations were seriously set on foot. Bonaparte had all along clearly
      perceived that Gallo and Meerweldt were not furnished with adequate
      powers. He saw also clearly enough that if the month of September were, to
      be trifled away in unsatisfactory negotiations, as the month which
      preceded it had been, it would be difficult in October to strike a blow at
      the house of Austria on the side of Carinthia. The Austrian Cabinet
      perceived with satisfaction the approach of the bad weather, and insisted
      more strongly on its ultimatum, which was the Adige, with Venice.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the 18th Fructidor the Emperor of Austria hoped that the movement
      which was preparing in Paris would operate badly for France and favourably
      to the European cause. The Austrian plenipotentiaries, in consequence,
      raised their pretensions, and sent notes and an ultimatum which gave the
      proceedings more an air of trifling than of serious negotiation.
      Bonaparte's original ideas, which I have under his hand, were as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   1. The Emperor to have Italy as far as the Adda.
   2. The King of Sardinia as far as the Adda.
   3. The Genoese Republic to have the boundary of Tortona as far as
   the Po (Tortona to be demolished), as also the imperial fiefs.
   (Coni to be ceded to France, or to be demolished.)
   4. The Grand Duke of Tuscany to be restored.
   5. The Duke of Parma to be restored.
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER X.
    </h2>

      1797.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Influence of the 18th Fructidor on the negotiations&mdash;Bonaparte's
   suspicion of Bottot&mdash;His complaints respecting the non-erasure of
   Bourrienne&mdash;Bourrienne's conversation with the Marquis of Gallo&mdash;
   Bottot writes from Paris to Bonaparte on the part of the Directory
   Agents of the Directory employed to watch Bonaparte&mdash;Influence of
   the weather on the conclusion of peace&mdash;Remarkable observation of
   Bonaparte&mdash;Conclusion of the treaty&mdash;The Directory dissatisfied with
   the terms of the peace&mdash;Bonaparte's predilection for representative
   government&mdash;Opinion on Bonaparte.
</pre>
    <p>
      After the 18th Fructidor Bonaparte was more powerful, Austria less haughty
      and confident. Venice was the only point of real difficulty. Austria
      wanted the line of the Adige, with Venice, in exchange for Mayence, and
      the boundary of the Rhine until that river enters Holland. The Directory
      wished to have the latter boundary, and to add Mantua to the Italian
      Republic, without giving up all the line of the Adige and Venice. The
      difficulties were felt to be so irreconcilable that within about a month
      of the conclusion of peace the Directory wrote to General Bonaparte that a
      resumption of hostilities was preferable to the state of uncertainty which
      was agitating and ruining France. The Directory, therefore, declared that
      both the armies of the Rhine should take the field. It appears from the
      Fructidorian correspondence, which has been already given, that the
      majority of the Directory then looked upon a peace such as Bonaparte
      afterwards made as infamous.
    </p>
    <p>
      But Bonaparte, from the moment the Venetian insurrection broke out,
      perceived that Venice might be used for the pacification. Bonaparte, who
      was convinced that, in order to bring matters to an issue, Venice and the
      territory beyond the Adige must fall beneath the Hapsburg sceptre, wrote
      to the Directory that he could not commence operations, advantageously,
      before the end of March, 1798; but that if the objections to giving Venice
      to the Emperor of Austria were persisted in, hostilities would certainly
      be resumed in the month of October, for the Emperor would not renounce
      Venice. In that case it would be necessary to be ready on the Rhine for an
      advance in Germany, as the army of Italy, if it could make head against
      the Archduke Charles, was not sufficiently strong for any operations on a
      grand scale. At this period the conclusion of peace was certainly very
      doubtful; it was even seriously considered in what form the rupture should
      be notified.
    </p>
    <p>
      Towards the end of September Bottot, Barras' secretary, arrived at
      Passeriano. He was despatched by the Directory. Bonaparte immediately
      suspected he was a new spy, come on a secret mission, to watch him. He was
      therefore received and treated with coolness; but Bonaparte never had, as
      Sir Walter Scott asserts, the idea of ordering him to be shot. That writer
      is also in error when he says that Bottot was sent to Passeriano to
      reproach Bonaparte for failing to fulfil his promise of sending money to
      the Directory.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte soon gave Bottot an opportunity of judging of the kind of spirit
      which prevailed at headquarters. He suddenly tendered his resignation,
      which he had already several times called upon the Directory to accept. He
      accused the Government, at table, in Bottot's presence, of horrible
      ingratitude. He recounted all his subjects of complaint, in loud and
      impassioned language, without any restraint, and before twenty or thirty
      persons.
    </p>
    <p>
      Indignant at finding that his reiterated demands for the erasure of my
      name from the list of emigrants had been slighted, and that, in spite of
      his representations, conveyed to Paris by General Bernadotte, Louis
      Bonaparte, and others, I was still included in that fatal list, he
      apostrophised M. Bottot at dinner one day, before forty individuals, among
      whom were the diplomatists Gallo, Cobentzel, and Meerweldt. The
      conversation turned upon the Directory. "Yes, truly," cried Bonaparte, in
      a loud voice, "I have good reason to complain; and, to pass from great to
      little things, look, I pray you, at Bourrienne's case. He possesses my
      most unbounded confidence. He alone is entrusted, under my orders, with
      all the details of the negotiation. This you well know; and yet your
      Directory will not strike him off the list. In a word it is not only an
      inconceivable, but an extremely stupid piece of business; for he has all
      my secrets; he knows my ultimatum, and could by a single word realize a
      handsome fortune, and laugh at your obstinacy. Ask M. de Gallo if this be
      not true."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bottot wished to offer some excuse; but the general murmur which followed
      this singular outburst reduced him to silence.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marquis de Gallo had conversed with me but three days before, in the
      park of Passeriano, on the subject of my position with regard to France,
      of the determination expressed by the Directory not to erase my name, and
      of the risk I thereby ran. "We have no desire," continued he, "to renew
      the war; we wish sincerely for peace; but it must be an honourable one.
      The Republic of Venice presents a large territory for partition, which
      would be sufficient for both parties. The cessions at present proposed are
      not, however, satisfactory. We want to know Bonaparte's ultimatum; and I
      am authorised to offer an estate in Bohemia, with a title and residence,
      and an annual revenue of 90,000 florins."
    </p>
    <p>
      I quickly interrupted M. de Gallo, and assured him that both my conscience
      and my duty obliged me to reject his proposal; and so put at once an end
      to the conversation.
    </p>
    <p>
      I took care to let the General-in-Chief know this story, and he was not
      surprised at my reply. His conviction, however, was strong, from all that
      M. de Gallo had said, and more particularly from the offer he had made,
      that Austria was resolved to avoid war, and was anxious for peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      After I had retired to rest M. Bottot came to my bedroom and asked me,
      with a feigned surprise, if it was true that my name was still on the list
      of emigrants. On my replying in the affirmative, he requested me to draw
      up a note on the subject. This I declined doing, telling him that twenty
      notes of the kind he required already existed; that I would take no
      further steps; and that I would henceforth await the decision in a state
      of perfect inaction.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Bonaparte thought it quite inexplicable that the Directory should
      express dissatisfaction at the view he took of the events of the 18th
      Fructidor, as, without his aid, they would doubtless have been overcome.
      He wrote a despatch, in which he repeated that his health and his spirits
      were affected&mdash;that he had need of some years' repose&mdash;that he
      could no longer endure the fatigue of riding; but that the prosperity and
      liberty of his country would always command his warmest interests. In all
      this there was not a single word of truth. The Directory thought as much,
      and declined to accept his resignation in the most flattering terms.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bottot proposed to him, on the part of the Directory, to revolutionise
      Italy. The General inquired whether the whole of Italy would be included
      in the plan. The revolutionary commission had, however, been entrusted to
      Bottot in so indefinite a way that he could only hesitate, and give a
      vague reply. Bonaparte wished for more precise orders. In the interval
      peace was concluded, and the idea of that perilous and extravagant
      undertaking was no longer agitated. Bottot, soon after his return to
      Paris, wrote a letter to General Bonaparte, in which he complained that
      the last moments he had passed at Passeriano had deeply afflicted his
      heart. He said that cruel suspicions had followed him even to the gates of
      the Directory. These cruel suspicions had, however, been dissipated by the
      sentiments of admiration and affection which he had found the Directory
      entertained for the person of Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      These assurances, which were precisely what Bonaparte had expected, did
      not avail to lessen the contempt he entertained for the heads of the
      Government, nor to change his conviction of their envy and mistrust of
      himself. To their alleged affection he made no return. Bottot assured the
      hero of Italy of "the Republican docility" of the Directory, and touched
      upon the reproaches Bonaparte had thrown out against them, and upon his
      demands which had not been granted. He said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The three armies, of the North, of the Rhine, and of the Sambre-et-Meuse,
      are to form only one, the army of Germany.&mdash;Augereau? But you
      yourself sent him. The fault committed by the Directory is owing to
      yourself! Bernadotte?&mdash;he is gone to join you. Cacault?&mdash;he is
      recalled. Twelve thousand men for your army?&mdash;they are on their
      march. The treaty with Sardinia?&mdash;it is ratified. Bourrienne?&mdash;he
      is erased. The revolution of Italy?&mdash;it is adjourned. Advise the
      Directory, then: I repeat it, they have need of information, and it is to
      you they look for it."
    </p>
    <p>
      The assertion regarding me was false. For six months Bonaparte demanded my
      erasure without being able to obtain it. I was not struck off the list
      until the 11th of November 1797.
    </p>
    <p>
      Just before the close of the negotiation Bonaparte, disgusted at the
      opposition and difficulties with which he was surrounded, reiterated again
      and again the offer of his resignation, and his wish to have a successor
      appointed. What augmented his uneasiness was an idea he entertained that
      the Directory had penetrated his secret, and attributed his powerful
      concurrence on the 18th Fructidor to the true cause&mdash;his personal
      views of ambition. In spite of the hypocritical assurances of gratitude
      made to him in writing, and though the Directory knew that his services
      were indispensable, spies were employed to watch his movements, and to
      endeavour by means of the persons about him to discover his views. Some of
      the General's friends wrote to him from Paris, and for my part I never
      ceased repeating to him that the peace, the power of making which he had
      in his own hands, would render him far more popular than the renewal of
      hostilities undertaken with all the chances of success and reverse. The
      signing of the peace, according to his own ideas, and in opposition to
      those of the Directory, the way in which he just halted at Rastadt, and
      avoided returning to the Congress, and, finally, his resolution to
      expatriate himself with an army in order to attempt new enterprises,
      sprung more than is generally believed from the ruling idea that he was
      distrusted, and that his ruin was meditated. He often recalled to mind
      what La Vallette had written to him about his conversation with Lacuee;
      and all he saw and heard confirmed the impression he had received on this
      subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      The early appearance of bad weather precipitated his determination. On the
      13th of October, at daybreak, on opening my window, I perceived the
      mountains covered with snow. The previous night had been superb, and the
      autumn till then promised to be fine and late. I proceeded, as I always
      did, at seven o'clock in the morning, to the General's chamber. I woke
      him, and told him what I had seen. He feigned at first to disbelieve me,
      then leaped from his bed, ran to the window, and, convinced of the sudden
      change, he calmly said, "What! before the middle of October! What a
      country is this! Well, we must make peace!" While he hastily put on his
      clothes I read the journals to him, as was my daily custom. He paid but
      little attention to them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Shutting himself up with me in his closet, he reviewed with the greatest
      care all the returns from the different corps of his army. "Here are,"
      said he, "nearly 80,000 effective men. I feed, I pay them: but I can bring
      but 60,000 into the field on the day of battle. I shall gain it, but
      afterwards my force will be reduced 20,000 men&mdash;by killed, wounded,
      and prisoners. Then how oppose all the Austrian forces that will march to
      the protection of Vienna? It would be a month before the armies of the
      Rhine could support me, if they should be able; and in a fortnight all the
      roads and passages will be covered deep with snow. It is settled&mdash;I
      will make peace. Venice shall pay for the expense of the war and the
      boundary of the Rhine: let the Directory and the lawyers say what they
      like."
    </p>
    <p>
      He wrote to the Directory in the following words: "The summits of the
      hills are covered with snow; I cannot, on account of the stipulations
      agreed to for the recommencement of hostilities, begin before
      five-and-twenty days, and by that time we shall be overwhelmed with snow."
    </p>
    <p>
      Fourteen years after, another early winter, in a more severe climate, was
      destined to have a fatal influence on his fortunes. Had he but then
      exercised equal foresight!
    </p>
    <p>
      It is well known that, by the treaty of Campo-Formio, the two belligerent
      powers made peace at the expense of the Republic of Venice, which had
      nothing to do with the quarrel in the first instance, and which only
      interfered at a late period, probably against her own inclination, and
      impelled by the force of inevitable circumstances. But what has been the
      result of this great political spoliation? A portion of the Venetian
      territory was adjudged to the Cisalpine Republic; it is now in the
      possession of Austria.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another considerable portion, and the capital itself, fell to the lot of
      Austria in compensation for the Belgic provinces and Lombard, which she
      ceded to France. Austria has now retaken Lombard, and the additions then
      made to it, and Belgium is in the possession of the House of Orange.
      France obtained Corfu and some of the Ionian isles; these now belong to
      England.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Afterwards to be ceded by her to Greece. Belgium is free.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Romulus never thought he was founding Rome for Goths and priests.
      Alexander did not foresee that his Egyptian city would belong to the
      Turks; nor did Constantine strip Rome for the benefit of Mahomet II. Why
      then fight for a few paltry villages?
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus have we been gloriously conquering for Austria and England. An
      ancient State is overturned without noise, and its provinces, after being
      divided among different bordering States, are now all under the dominion
      of Austria. We do not possess a foot of ground in all the fine countries
      we conquered, and which served as compensations for the immense
      acquisitions of the House of Hapsburgh in Italy. Thus that house was
      aggrandised by a war which was to itself most disastrous. But Austria has
      often found other means of extending her dominion than military triumphs,
      as is recorded in the celebrated distich of Mathias Corvinus:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Bella gerunt alli, to felix Austria nube;
     Nam quae Mars allis, dat tibi regna Venus."

     ["Glad Austria wins by Hymen's silken chain
     What other States by doubtful battle gain,
     And while fierce Mars enriches meaner lands,
     Receives possession from fair Venus' hands."]
</pre>
    <p>
      The Directory was far from being satisfied with the treaty of
      Campo-Formio, and with difficulty resisted the temptation of not ratifying
      it. A fortnight before the signature the Directors wrote to General
      Bonaparte that they would not consent to give to the Emperor Venice,
      Frioul, Padua, and the 'terra firma' with the boundary of the Adige.
      "That," said they, "would not be to make peace, but to adjourn the war. We
      shall be regarded as the beaten party, independently of the disgrace of
      abandoning Venice, which Bonaparte himself thought so worthy of freedom.
      France ought not, and never will wish, to see Italy delivered up to
      Austria. The Directory would prefer the chances of a war to changing a
      single word of its ultimatum, which is already too favourable to Austria."
    </p>
    <p>
      All this was said in vain. Bonaparte made no scruple of disregarding his
      instructions. It has been said that the Emperor of Austria made an offer
      of a very considerable sum of money, and even of a principality, to obtain
      favourable terms. I was never able to find the slightest ground for this
      report, which refers to a time when the smallest circumstance could not
      escape my notice. The character of Bonaparte stood too high for him to
      sacrifice his glory as a conqueror and peacemaker for even the greatest
      private advantage. This was so thoroughly known, and he was so profoundly
      esteemed by the Austrian plenipotentiaries, that I will venture to say
      none of them would have been capable of making the slightest overture to
      him of so debasing a proposition. Besides, it would have induced him to
      put an end to all intercourse with the plenipotentiaries. Perhaps what I
      have just stated of M. de Gallo will throw some light upon this odious
      accusation. But let us dismiss this story with the rest, and among them
      that of the porcelain tray, which was said to have been smashed and thrown
      at the head of M. de Cobentzel. I certainly know nothing of any such
      scene; our manners at Passeriano were not quite so bad!
    </p>
    <p>
      The presents customary on such occasions were given, and the Emperor of
      Austria also took that opportunity to present to General Bonaparte six
      magnificent white horses.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte returned to Milan by way of Gratz, Laybach, Thrust, Mestre,
      Verona, and Mantua.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period Napoleon was still swayed by the impulse of the age. He
      thought of nothing but representative governments. Often has he said to
      me, "I should like the era of representative governments to be dated from
      my time." His conduct in Italy and his proclamations ought to give, and in
      fact do give, weight to this account of his opinion. But there is no doubt
      that this idea was more connected with lofty views of ambition than a
      sincere desire for the benefit of the human race; for, at a later period,
      he adopted this phrase: "I should like to be the head of the most ancient
      of the dynasties of Europe." What a difference between Bonaparte, the
      author of the 'Souper de Beaucaire', the subduer of royalism at Toulon;
      the author of the remonstrance to Albitte and Salicetti, the fortunate
      conqueror of the 13th Vendemiaire, the instigator and supporter of the
      revolution of Fructidor, and the founder of the Republics of Italy, the
      fruits of his immortal victories,&mdash;and Bonaparte, First Consul in
      1800, Consul for life in 1802, and, above all, Napoleon, Emperor of the
      French in 1804, and King of Italy in 1805!
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0011" id="link2HCH0011">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI.
    </h2>

      1797

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Effect of the 18th Fructidor on the peace&mdash;The standard of the army
   of Italy&mdash;Honours rendered to the memory of General Hoche and of
   Virgil at Mantua&mdash;Remarkable letter&mdash;In passing through Switzerland
   Bonaparte visits the field of Morat&mdash;Arrival at Rastadt&mdash;Letter from
   the Directory calling Bonaparte to Paris&mdash;Intrigues against
   Josephine&mdash;Grand ceremony on the reception of Bonaparte by the
   Directory&mdash;The theatres&mdash;Modesty of Bonaparte&mdash;An assassination&mdash;
   Bonaparte's opinion of the Parisians&mdash;His election to the National
   Institute&mdash;Letter to Camus&mdash;Projects&mdash;Reflections.
</pre>
    <p>
      The day of the 18th Fructidor had, without any doubt, mainly contributed
      to the conclusion of peace at Campo Formio. On the one hand, the
      Directory, hitherto not very pacifically inclined, after having effected a
      'coup d'etat', at length saw the necessity of appeasing the discontented
      by giving peace to France. On the other hand, the Cabinet of Vienna,
      observing the complete failure of all the royalist plots in the interior,
      thought it high time to conclude with the French Republic a treaty which,
      notwithstanding all the defeats Austria had sustained, still left her a
      preponderating influence over Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Besides, the campaign of Italy, so fertile in glorious achievements of
      arms, had not been productive of glory alone. Something of greater
      importance followed these conquests. Public affairs had assumed a somewhat
      unusual aspect, and a grand moral influence, the effect of victories and
      of peace, had begun to extend all over France. Republicanism was no longer
      so sanguinary and fierce as it had been some years before. Bonaparte,
      negotiating with princes and their ministers on a footing of equality, but
      still with all that superiority to which victory and his genius entitled
      him, gradually taught foreign courts to be familiar with Republican
      France, and the Republic to cease regarding all States governed by Kings
      as of necessity enemies.
    </p>
    <p>
      In these circumstances the General-in-Chief's departure and his expected
      visit to Paris excited general attention. The feeble Directory was
      prepared to submit to the presence of the conqueror of Italy in the
      capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was for the purpose of acting as head of the French legation at the
      Congress of Rastadt that Bonaparte quitted Milan on the 17th of November.
      But before his departure he sent to the Directory one of those monuments,
      the inscriptions on which may generally be considered as fabulous, but
      which, in this case, were nothing but the truth. This monument was the
      "flag of the Army of Italy," and to General Joubert was assigned the
      honourable duty of presenting it to the members of the Executive
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      On one side of the flag were the words "To the Army of Italy, the grateful
      country." The other contained an enumeration of the battles fought and
      places taken, and presented, in the following inscriptions, a simple but
      striking abridgment of the history of the Italian campaign.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   150,000 PRISONERS; 170 STANDARDS; 550 PIECES OF SIEGE ARTILLERY;
   600 PIECES OF FIELD ARTILLERY; FIVE PONTOON EQUIPAGES; NINE 64-GUN
   SHIPS; TWELVE 32-GUN FRIGATES; 12 CORVETTES; 18 GALLEYS; ARMISTICE
   WITH THE KING OF SARDINIA; CONVENTION WITH GENOA; ARMISTICE WITH THE
   DUKE OF PARMA; ARMISTICE WITH THE KING OF NAPLES; ARMISTICE WITH THE
   POPE; PRELIMINARIES OF LEOBEN; CONVENTION OF MONTEBELLO WITH THE
   REPUBLIC OF GENOA; TREATY OF PEACE WITH THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY AT
   CAMPO-FORMIO.

   LIBERTY GIVEN TO THE PEOPLE OF BOLOGNA, FERRARA, MODENA,
   MASSA-CARRARA, LA ROMAGNA, LOMBARD, BRESCIA, BERGAMO, MANTUA, CREMONA.
   PART OF THE VERONESE, CHIAVENA, BORMIO, THE VALTELINE, THE GENOESE,
   THE IMPERIAL FIEFS, THE PEOPLE OF THE DEPARTMENTS OF CORCYRA, OF THE
   AEGEAN SEA, AND OF ITHACA.

   SENT TO PARIS ALL THE MASTERPIECES OF MICHAEL ANGELO, OF GVERCINO,
   OF TITIAN, OF PAUL VERONESE, OF CORREGGIO, OF ALBANA, OF THE
   CARRACCI, OF RAPHAEL, AND OF LEONARDO DA VINCI.
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus were recapitulated on a flag, destined to decorate the Hall of the
      Public Sittings of the Directory, the military deeds of the campaign in
      Italy, its political results, and the conquest of the monuments of art.
    </p>
    <p>
      Most of the Italian cities looked upon their conqueror as a liberator&mdash;such
      was the magic of the word liberty, which resounded from the Alps to the
      Apennines. On his way to Mantua the General took up his residence in the
      palace of the ancient dukes. Bonaparte promised the authorities of Mantua
      that their department should be one of the most extensive; impressed on
      them the necessity of promptly organising a local militia, and of putting
      in execution the plans of Mari, the mathematician, for the navigation of
      the Mincio from Mantua to Peschiera.
    </p>
    <p>
      He stopped two days at Mantua, and the morrow of his arrival was devoted
      to the celebration of a military funeral solemnity, in honour of General
      Hoche, who had just died. His next object was to hasten the execution of
      the monument which was erecting to the memory of Virgil. Thus, in one day,
      he paid honour to France and Italy, to modern and to ancient glory, to the
      laurels of war and to the laurels of poetry.
    </p>
    <p>
      A person who saw Bonaparte on this occasion for the first time thus
      described him in a letter he wrote to Paris:&mdash;"With lively interest
      and extreme attention I have observed this extraordinary man, who has
      performed such great deeds, and about whom there is something which seems
      to indicate that his career is not yet terminated. I found him very like
      his portraits&mdash;little, thin, pale, with an air of fatigue, but not of
      ill-health, as has been reported of him. He appears to me to listen with
      more abstraction than interest, and that he was more occupied with what he
      was thinking of than with what was said to him. There is great
      intelligence in his countenance, along with which may be marked an air of
      habitual meditation, which reveals nothing of what is passing within. In
      that thinking head, in that bold mind, it is impossible not to believe
      that some daring designs are engendering which will have their influence
      an the destinies of Europe."
    </p>
    <p>
      From the last phrase, in particular, of this letter, one might suspect
      that it was written after Bonaparte had made his name feared throughout
      Europe; but it really appeared in a journal in the month of December 1797,
      a little before his arrival in Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      There exists a sort of analogy between celebrated men and celebrated
      places; it was not, therefore, an uninteresting spectacle to see Bonaparte
      surveying the field of Morat, where, in 1476, Charles the Bold, Duke of
      Burgundy, daring like himself, fell with his powerful army under the
      effects of Helvetian valour. Bonaparte slept during the night at Maudon,
      where, as in every place through which he passed, the greatest honours
      were paid him. In the morning, his carriage having broken down, we
      continued our journey an foot, accompanied only by some officers and an
      escort of dragoons of the country. Bonaparte stopped near the Ossuary, and
      desired to be shown the spot where the battle of Morat was fought. A plain
      in front of the chapel was pointed out to him. An officer who had served
      in France was present, and explained to him how the Swiss, descending from
      the neighbouring mountains, were enabled, under cover of a wood, to turn
      the Burgundian army and put it to the rout. "What was the force of that
      army?" asked Bonaparte.&mdash;"Sixty thousand men."&mdash;"Sixty thousand
      men!" he exclaimed: "they ought to have completely covered these
      mountains!"&mdash;"The French fight better now," said Lannes, who was one
      of the officers of his suite. "At that time," observed Bonaparte,
      interrupting him, "the Burgundians were not Frenchmen."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's journey through Switzerland was not without utility; and his
      presence served to calm more than one inquietude. He proceeded on his
      journey to Rastadt by Aix in Savoy, Berne, and Bale. On arriving at Berne
      during night we passed through a double file of well-lighted equipages,
      filled with beautiful women, all of whom raised the cry of "Long live,
      Bonaparte!&mdash;long live the Pacificator!" To have a proper idea of this
      genuine enthusiasm it is necessary to have seen it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The position in society to which his services had raised him rendered it
      unfit to address him in the second person singular and the familiar manner
      sometimes used by his old schoolfellows of Brienne. I thought, this very
      natural.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Cominges, one of those who went with him to the military school at
      Paris, and who had emigrated, was at Bale. Having learned our arrival, he
      presented himself without ceremony, with great indecorum, and with a
      complete disregard of the respect due to a man who had rendered himself so
      illustrious. General Bonaparte, offended at this behaviour, refused to
      receive him again, and expressed himself to me with much warmth on the
      occasion of this visit. All my efforts to remove his displeasure were
      unavailing, this impression always continued, and he never did for M. de
      Cominges what his means and the old ties of boyhood might well have
      warranted.
    </p>
    <p>
      On arriving at Rastadt
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The conference for the formal peace with the Empire of Germany
   was held there. The peace of Leoben was only one made with
   Austria.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte found a letter from the Directory summoning him to Paris. He
      eagerly obeyed this invitation, which drew him from a place where he could
      act only an insignificant part, and which he had determined to leave soon,
      never again to return. Some time after his arrival in Paris, on the ground
      that his presence was necessary for the execution of different orders, and
      the general despatch of business, he required that authority should be
      given to a part of his household, which he had left at Rastadt, to return.
    </p>
    <p>
      How could it ever be said that the Directory "kept General Bonaparte away
      from the great interests which were under discussion at Rastadt"? Quite
      the contrary! The Directory would have been delighted to see him return
      there, as they would then have been relieved from his presence in Paris;
      but nothing was so disagreeable to Bonaparte as long and seemingly
      interminable negotiations. Such tedious work did not suit his character,
      and he had been sufficiently disgusted with similar proceedings at
      Campo-Formio.
    </p>
    <p>
      On our arrival at Rastadt I soon found that General Bonaparte was
      determined to stay there only a short time. I therefore expressed to him
      my decided desire to remain in Germany. I was then ignorant that my
      erasure from the emigrant list had been ordered on the 11th of November,
      as the decree did not reach the commissary of the Executive Directory at
      Auxerre until the 17th of November, the day of our departure from Milan.
    </p>
    <p>
      The silly pretext of difficulties by which my erasure, notwithstanding the
      reiterated solicitations of the victorious General, was so long delayed
      made me apprehensive of a renewal, under a weak and jealous pentarchy, of
      the horrible scenes of 1796. Bonaparte said to me, in atone of
      indignation, "Come, pass the Rhine; they will not dare to seize you while
      near me. I answer for your safety." On reaching Paris I found that my
      erasure had taken place. It was at this period only that General
      Bonaparte's applications in my favour were tardily crowned with success.
      Sotin, the Minister of General Police, notified the fact to Bonaparte; but
      his letter gave a reason for my erasure very different from that stated in
      the decree. The Minister said that the Government did not wish to leave
      among the names of traitors to their country the name of a citizen who was
      attached to the person of the conqueror of Italy; while the decree itself
      stated as the motive for removing my name from the list that I never had
      emigrated.
    </p>
    <p>
      At St. Helena it seems Bonaparte said that he did not return from Italy
      with more than 300,000 francs; but I assert that he had at that time in
      his possession something more than 3,000,000.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph says that Napoleon, when he exiled for Egypt, left with
   him all his fortune, and that it was much nearer 300,000 francs than
   3,000,000. (See Erreurs, tome i. pp. 243, 259)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      How could he with 300,000 francs have been able to provide for the
      extensive repairs, the embellishment, and the furnishing of his house in
      the Rue Chantereine? How could he have supported the establishment he did
      with only 15,000 francs of income and the emoluments of his rank? The
      excursion which he made along the coast, of which I have yet to speak, of
      itself cost near 12,000 francs in gold, which he transferred to me to
      defray the expense of the journey; and I do not think that this sum was
      ever repaid him. Besides, what did it signify, for any object he might
      have in disguising his fortune, whether he brought 3,000,000 or 300,000
      francs with him from Italy? No one will accuse him of peculation. He was
      an inflexible administrator. He was always irritated at the discovery of
      fraud, and pursued those guilty of it with all the vigour of his
      character. He wished to be independent, which he well knew that no one
      could be without fortune. He has often said to me, "I am no Capuchin, not
      I." But after having been allowed only 300,000 francs on his arrival from
      the rich Italy, where fortune never abandoned him, it has been printed
      that he had 20,000,000 (some have even doubled the amount) on his return
      from Egypt, which is a very poor country, where money is scarce, and where
      reverses followed close upon his victories. All these reports are false.
      What he brought from Italy has just been stated, and it will be seen when
      we come to Egypt what treasure he carried away from the country of the
      Pharaohs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's brothers, desirous of obtaining complete dominion over his
      mind, strenuously endeavoured to lessen the influence which Josephine
      possessed from the love of her husband. They tried to excite his jealousy,
      and took advantage of her stay at Milan after our departure, which had
      been authorised by Bonaparte himself. My intimacy with both the husband
      and the wife fortunately afforded me an opportunity of averting or
      lessening a good deal of mischief. If Josephine still lived she would
      allow me this merit. I never took part against her but once, and that
      unwillingly. It was on the subject of the marriage of her daughter
      Hortense. Josephine had never as yet spoken to me on the subject.
      Bonaparte wished to give his stepdaughter to Duroc, and his brothers were
      eager to promote the marriage, because they wished to separate Josephine
      from Hortense, for whom Bonaparte felt the tenderest affection. Josephine,
      on the other hand, wished Hortense to marry Louis Bonaparte. Her motives,
      as may easily be divined, were to, gain support in a family where she
      experienced nothing but enmity, and she carried her point.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Previous to her marriage with Louis, Hortense cherished an
   attachment for Duroc, who was at that time a handsome man about
   thirty, and a great favourite of Bonaparte. However, the
   indifference with which Duroc regarded the marriage of Louis
   Bonaparte sufficiently proves that the regard with which he had
   inspired Hortense was not very ardently returned. It is certain
   that Duroc might have become the husband of Mademoiselle de
   Beauharnais had he been willing to accede to the conditions on which
   the First Consul offered him his step-daughter's hand. But Duroc
   looked forward to something better, and his ordinary prudence
   forsook him at a moment when he might easily have beheld a
   perspective calculated to gratify even a more towering ambition than
   his. He declined the proposed marriage; and the union of Hortense
   and Louis, which Madame Bonaparte, to conciliate the favour of her
   brothers-in-law, had endeavoured to bring about, was immediately
   determined on (Memoires de Constant).

   In allusion to the alleged unfriendly feeling of Napoleon's brothers
   towards Josephine, the following observation occurs in Joseph
   Bonaparte's Notes on Bourrienne:

   "None of Napoleon's brothers," he says, "were near him from the time
   of his departure for Italy except Louis who cannot be suspected of
   having intrigued against Josephine, whose daughter he married.
   These calumnies are without foundation" (Erreurs, tome i. p. 244)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On his arrival from Rastadt the most magnificent preparations were made at
      the Luxembourg for the reception of Bonaparte. The grand court of the
      Palace was elegantly ornamented; and at its farther end, close to the
      Palace, a large amphitheatre was erected for the accommodation of official
      persons. Curiosity, as on all like occasions, attracted multitudes, and
      the court was filled. Opposite to the principal vestibule stood the altar
      of the country, surrounded by the statues of Liberty, Equality, and Peace.
      When Bonaparte entered every head was uncovered. The windows were full of
      young and beautiful females. But notwithstanding this great preparation an
      icy coldness characterized the ceremony. Every one seemed to be present
      only for the purpose of beholding a sight, and curiosity was the
      prevailing expression rather than joy or gratitude. It is but right to
      say, however, that an unfortunate event contributed to the general
      indifference. The right wing of the Palace was not occupied, but great
      preparations had been making there, and an officer had been directed to
      prevent anyone from ascending. One of the clerks of the Directory,
      however, contrived to get upon the scaffolding, but had scarcely placed
      his foot on the first plank when it tilted up, and the imprudent man fell
      the whole height into the court. This accident created a general stupor.
      Ladies fainted, and the windows were nearly deserted.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, the Directory displayed all the Republican splendour of which
      they were so prodigal on similar occasions. Speeches were far from being
      scarce. Talleyrand, who was then Minister for Foreign Affairs, on
      introducing Bonaparte to the Directory, made a long oration, in the course
      of which he hinted that the personal greatness of the General ought not to
      excite uneasiness, even in a rising Republic. "Far from apprehending
      anything from his ambition, I believe that we shall one day be obliged to
      solicit him to tear himself from the pleasures of studious retirement. All
      France will be free, but perhaps he never will; such is his destiny."
    </p>
    <p>
      Talleyrand was listened to with impatience, so anxious was every one to
      hear Bonaparte. The conqueror of Italy then rose, and pronounced with a
      modest air, but in a firm voice, a short address of congratulation on the
      improved position of the nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Barras, at that time President of the Directory, replied to Bonaparte with
      so much prolixity as to weary everyone; and as soon as he had finished
      speaking he threw himself into the arms of the General, who was not much
      pleased with such affected displays, and gave him what was then called the
      fraternal embrace. The other members of the Directory, following the
      example of the President, surrounded Bonaparte and pressed him in their
      arms; each acted, to the best of his ability, his part in the sentimental
      comedy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Chenier composed for this occasion a hymn, which Mehul set to music. A few
      days after an opera was produced, bearing the title of the 'Fall of
      Carthage', which was meant as an allusion to the anticipated exploits of
      the conqueror of Italy, recently appointed to the command of the "Army of
      England." The poets were all employed in praising him; and Lebrun, with
      but little of the Pindaric fire in his soul, composed the following
      distich, which certainly is not worth much:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Heros, cher a la paix, aux arts, a la victoire&mdash;
     Il conquit en deux ans mille siecles de gloire."
</pre>
    <p>
      The two councils were not disposed to be behind the Directory in the
      manifestation of joy. A few days after they gave a banquet to the General
      in the gallery of the Louvre, which had recently been enriched by the
      masterpieces of painting conquered in Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time Bonaparte displayed great modesty in all his transactions in
      Paris. The administrators of the department of the Seine having sent a
      deputation to him to inquire what hour and day he would allow them to wait
      on him, he carried himself his answer to the department, accompanied by
      General Berthier. It was also remarked that the judge of the peace of the
      arrondissement where the General lived having called on him on the 6th of
      December, the evening of his arrival, he returned the visit next morning.
      These attentions, trifling as they may appear, were not without their
      effect on the minds of the Parisians.
    </p>
    <p>
      In consequence of General Bonaparte's victories, the peace he had
      effected, and the brilliant reception of which he had been the object, the
      business of Vendemiaire was in some measure forgotten. Every one was eager
      to get a sight of the young hero whose career had commenced with so much
      'eclat'. He lived very retiredly, yet went often to the theatre. He
      desired me, one day, to go and request the representation of two of the
      best pieces of the time, in which Elleviou, Mesdames St. Aubin, Phillis,
      and other distinguished performers played. His message was, that he only
      wished these two pieces on the same night, if that were possible. The
      manager told me that nothing that the conqueror of Italy wished for was
      impossible, for he had long ago erased that word from the dictionary.
      Bonaparte laughed heartily at the manager's answer. When we went to the
      theatre he seated himself, as usual, in the back of the box, behind Madame
      Bonaparte, making me sit by her side. The pit and boxes, however, soon
      found out that he was in the house, and loudly called for him. Several
      times an earnest desire to see him was manifested, but all in vain, for he
      never showed himself.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some days after, being at the Theatre des Arts, at the second
      representation of 'Horatius Cocles', although he was sitting at the back
      of a box in the second tier, the audience discovered that he was in the
      house. Immediately acclamations arose from all quarters; but he kept
      himself concealed as much as possible, and said to a person in the next
      box, "Had I known that the boxes were so exposed, I should not have come."
    </p>
    <p>
      During Bonaparte's stay at Paris a woman sent a messenger to warn him that
      his life would be attempted, and that poison was to be employed for that
      purpose. Bonaparte had the bearer of this information arrested, who went,
      accompanied by the judge of the peace, to the woman's house, where she was
      found extended on the floor, and bathed in her blood. The men whose plot
      she had overheard, having discovered that she had revealed their secret,
      murdered her. The poor woman was dreadfully mangled: her throat was cut;
      and, not satisfied with that, the assassins had also hacked her body with
      sharp instruments.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the night of the 10th of Nivôse the Rue Chantereine, in which Bonaparte
      had a small house (No. 6), received, in pursuance of a decree of the
      department, the name of Rue de la Victoire. The cries of "Vive Bonaparte!"
      and the incense prodigally offered up to him, did not however seduce him
      from his retired habits. Lately the conqueror and ruler of Italy, and now
      under men for whom he had no respect, and who saw in him a formidable
      rival, he said to me one day, "The people of Paris do not remember
      anything. Were I to remain here long, doing nothing, I should be lost. In
      this great Babylon one reputation displaces another. Let me be seen but
      three times at the theatre and I shall no longer excite attention; so I
      shall go there but seldom." When he went he occupied a box shaded with
      curtains. The manager of the opera wished to get up a special performance
      in his honour; but he declined the offer. When I observed that it must be
      agreeable to him to see his fellow-citizens so eagerly running after him,
      he replied, "Bah! the people would crowd as fast to see me if I were going
      to the scaffold."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[A similar remark made to William III. on his lending at Brixham
   elicited the comment, "Like the Jews, who cried one day 'Hosanna!'
   and the next 'Crucify Him! crucify Him!'"]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 28th of December Bonaparte was named a member of the Institute, in
      the class of the Sciences and arts.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon seems to have really considered this nomination as a
   great honour. He was fond of using the title in his proclamations;
   and to the last the allowance attached to the appointment figured in
   the Imperial accounts. He replaced Carnot, the exiled Director.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He showed a deep sense of this honour, and wrote the following letter to
      Camus; the president of the class:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   CITIZEN PRESIDENT&mdash;The suffrage of the distinguished men who compose
   the institute confers a high honour on me. I feel well assured
   that, before I can be their equal, I must long be their scholar. If
   there were any way more expressive than another of making known my
   esteem for you, I should be glad to employ it. True conquests&mdash;the
   only ones which leave no regret behind them&mdash;are those which are
   made over ignorance. The most honourable, as well as the most
   useful, occupation for nations is the contributing to the extension
   of human knowledge. The true power of the French Republic should
   henceforth be made to consist in not allowing a single new idea to
   exist without making it part of its property.
                            BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      The General now renewed, though unsuccessfully, the attempt he had made
      before the 18th Fructidor to obtain a dispensation of the age necessary
      for becoming a Director. Perceiving that the time was not yet favourable
      for such a purpose, he said to me, on the 29th of January 1798,
      "Bourrienne, I do not wish to remain here; there is nothing to do. They
      are unwilling to listen to anything. I see that if I linger here, I shall
      soon lose myself. Everything wears out here; my glory has already
      disappeared. This little Europe does not supply enough of it for me. I
      must seek it in the East, the fountain of glory. However, I wish first to
      make a tour along the coast, to ascertain by my own observation what may
      be attempted. I will take you, Lannes, and Sulkowsky, with me. If the
      success of a descent on England appear doubtful, as I suspect it will, the
      army of England shall become the army of the East, and I will go to
      Egypt."
    </p>
    <p>
      This and other conversations give a correct insight into his character. He
      always considered war and conquest as the most noble and inexhaustible
      source of that glory which was the constant object of his desire. He
      revolted at the idea of languishing in idleness at Paris, while fresh
      laurels were growing for him in distant climes. His imagination inscribed,
      in anticipation, his name on those gigantic monuments which alone,
      perhaps, of all the creations of man, have the character of eternity.
      Already proclaimed the most illustrious of living generals, he sought to
      efface the rival names of antiquity by his own. If Caesar fought fifty
      battles, he longed to fight a hundred&mdash;if Alexander left Macedon to
      penetrate to the Temple of Ammon, he wished to leave Paris to travel to
      the Cataracts of the Nile. While he was thus to run a race with fame,
      events would, in his opinion, so proceed in France as to render his return
      necessary and opportune. His place would be ready for him, and he should
      not come to claim it a forgotten or unknown man.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0012" id="link2HCH0012">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII.
    </h2>

      1798.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's departure from Paris&mdash;His return&mdash;The Egyptian
   expedition projected&mdash;M. de Talleyrand&mdash;General Desaix&mdash;Expedition
   against Malta&mdash;Money taken at Berne&mdash;Bonaparte's ideas respecting
   the East&mdash;Monge&mdash;Non-influence of the Directory&mdash;Marriages of
   Marmont and La Valette&mdash;Bonaparte's plan of colonising Egypt&mdash;His
   camp library&mdash;Orthographical blunders&mdash;Stock of wines&mdash;Bonaparte's
   arrival at Toulon&mdash;Madame Bonaparte's fall from a balcony&mdash;Execution
   of an old man&mdash;Simon.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte left Paris for the north on the 10th of February 1798&mdash;but
      he received no order, though I have seen it everywhere so stated, to go
      there&mdash;"for the purpose of preparing the operations connected with
      the intended invasion of England." He occupied himself with no such
      business, for which a few days certainly would not have been sufficient.
      His journey to the coast was nothing but a rapid excursion, and its sole
      object was to enable him to form an opinion on the main point of the
      question. Neither did he remain absent several weeks, for the journey
      occupied only one. There were four of us in his carriage&mdash;himself,
      Lannes, Sulkowsky, and I. Moustache was our courier. Bonaparte was not a
      little surprised on reading, in the 'Moniteur' of the 10th February, an
      article giving greater importance to his little excursion than it
      deserved.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "General Bonaparte," said the 'Moniteur', "has departed for Dunkirk
   with some naval and engineer officers. They have gone to visit the
   coasts and prepare the preliminary operations for the descent [upon
   England]. It may be stated that he will not return to Rastadt, and
   that the close of the session of the Congress there is approaching."
</pre>
    <p>
      Now for the facts. Bonaparte visited Etaples, Ambleteuse, Boulogne,
      Calais, Dunkirk, Furnes, Niewport, Ostend, and the Isle of Walcheren. He
      collected at the different ports all the necessary information with that
      intelligence and tact for which he was so eminently distinguished. He
      questioned the sailors, smugglers, and fishermen, and listened attentively
      to the answers he received.
    </p>
    <p>
      We returned to Paris by Antwerp, Brussels, Lille, and St. Quentin. The
      object of our journey was accomplished when we reached the first of these
      towns. "Well, General," said I, "what think you of our journey? Are you
      satisfied? For my part, I confess I entertain no great hopes from anything
      I have seen and heard." Bonaparte immediately answered, "It is too great a
      chance. I will not hazard it. I would not thus sport with the fate of my
      beloved France." On hearing this I already fancied myself in Cairo!
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return to Paris Bonaparte lost no time in setting on foot the
      military and scientific preparations for the projected expedition to the
      banks of the Nile, respecting which such incorrect statements have
      appeared. It had long occupied his thoughts, as the following facts will
      prove.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of August 1797 he wrote "that the time was not far distant
      when we should see that, to destroy the power of England effectually, it
      would be necessary to attack Egypt." In the same month he wrote to
      Talleyrand, who had just succeeded Charles de Lacroix as Minister of
      Foreign Affairs, "that it would be necessary to attack Egypt, which did
      not belong to the Grand Signior." Talleyrand replied, "that his ideas
      respecting Egypt were certainly grand, and that their utility could not
      fail to be fully appreciated." He concluded by saying he would write to
      him at length on the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      History will speak as favourably of M. de Talleyrand as his contemporaries
      have spoken ill of him. When a statesman, throughout a great, long, and
      difficult career, makes and preserves a number of faithful friends, and
      provokes but few enemies, it must be acknowledged that his character is
      honourable and his talent profound, and that his political conduct has
      been wise and moderate. It is impossible to know M. de Talleyrand without
      admiring him. All who have that advantage, no doubt, judge him as I do.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of November of the same year Bonaparte sent Poussielgue,
      under the pretence of inspecting the ports of the Levant, to give the
      finishing stroke to the meditated expedition against Malta.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Desaix, whom Bonaparte had made the confidant of all his plans at
      their interview in Italy after the preliminaries of Leoben, wrote to him
      from Affenbourg, on his return to Germany, that he regarded the fleet of
      Corfu with great interest. "If ever," said he, "it should be engaged in
      the grand enterprises of which I have heard you speak, do not, I beseech
      you, forget me." Bonaparte was far from forgetting him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Directory at first disapproved of the expedition against Malta, which
      Bonaparte had proposed long before the treaty of Campo-Formio was signed.
      The expedition was decided to be impossible, for Malta had observed strict
      neutrality, and had on several occasions even assisted our ships and
      seamen. Thus we had no pretext for going to war with her. It was said,
      too, that the legislative body would certainly not look with a favourable
      eye on such a measure. This opinion, which, however, did not last long,
      vexed Bonaparte. It was one of the disappointments which made him give a
      rough welcome to Bottot, Barras' agent, at the commencement of October
      1797.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the course of an animated conversation he said to Bottot, shrugging his
      shoulders, "Mon Dieu! Malta is for sale!" Sometime after he himself was
      told that "great importance was attached to the acquisition of Malta, and
      that he must not suffer it to escape." At the latter end of September 1797
      Talleyrand, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, wrote to him that the
      Directory authorized him to give the necessary orders to Admiral Brueys
      for taking Malta. He sent Bonaparte some letters for the island, because
      Bonaparte had said it was necessary to prepare the public mind for the
      event.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte exerted himself night and day in the execution of his projects.
      I never saw him so active. He made himself acquainted with the abilities
      of the respective generals, and the force of all the army corps. Orders
      and instructions succeeded each other with extraordinary rapidity. If he
      wanted an order of the Directory he ran to the Luxembourg to get it signed
      by one of the Directors. Merlin de Douai was generally the person who did
      him this service, for he was the most constant at his post. Lagarde, the
      Secretary-General, did not countersign any document relative to this
      expedition, Bonaparte not wishing him to be informed of the business. He
      transmitted to Toulon the money taken at Berne, which the Directory had
      placed at his disposal. It amounted to something above 3,000,000 francs.
      In those times of disorder and negligence the finances were very badly
      managed. The revenues were anticipated and squandered away, so that the
      treasury never possessed so large a sum as that just mentioned.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was determined that Bonaparte should undertake an expedition of an
      unusual character to the East. I must confess that two things cheered me
      in this very painful interval; my friendship and admiration for the
      talents of the conqueror of Italy, and the pleasing hope of traversing
      those ancient regions, the historical and religious accounts of which had
      engaged the attention of my youth.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was at Passeriano that, seeing the approaching termination of his
      labours in Europe, he first began to turn serious attention to the East.
      During his long strolls in the evening in the magnificent park there he
      delighted to converse about the celebrated events of that part of the
      world, and the many famous empires it once possessed. He used to say,
      "Europe is a mole-hill. There have never been great empires and
      revolutions except in the East, where there are 600,000,000 men." He
      considered that part of the world as the cradle of all religious, of all
      metaphysical extravagances. This subject was no less interesting than
      inexhaustible, and he daily introduced it when conversing with the
      generals with whom he was intimate, with Monge, and with me.
    </p>
    <p>
      Monge entirely concurred in the General-in-Chief's opinions on this point;
      and his scientific ardour was increased by Bonaparte's enthusiasm. In
      short, all were unanimously of one opinion. The Directory had no share in
      renewing the project of this memorable expedition, the result of which did
      not correspond with the grand views in which it had been conceived.
      Neither had the Directory any positive control over Bonaparte's departure
      or return. It was merely the passive instrument of the General's wishes,
      which it converted into decrees, as the law required. He was no more
      ordered to undertake the conquest of Egypt than he was instructed as to
      the plan of its execution. Bonaparte organised the army of the East,
      raised money, and collected ships; and it was he who conceived the happy
      idea of joining to the expedition men distinguished in science and art,
      and whose labours have made known, in its present and past state, a
      country, the very name of which is never pronounced without exciting grand
      recollections.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's orders flew like lightning from Toulon to Civita Vecchia. With
      admirable precision he appointed some forces to assemble before Malta, and
      others before Alexandria. He dictated all these orders to me in his
      Cabinet.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the position in which France stood with respect to Europe, after the
      treaty of Campo-Formio, the Directory, far from pressing or even
      facilitating this expedition, ought to have opposed it. A victory on the
      Adige would have been far better for France than one on the Nile. From all
      I saw, I am of opinion that the wish to get rid of an ambitious and rising
      man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed over the evident danger of
      removing, for an indefinite period, an excellent army, and the possible
      loss of the French fleet. As to Bonaparte, he was well assured that
      nothing remained for him but to choose between that hazardous enterprise
      and his certain ruin. Egypt was, he thought, the right place to maintain
      his reputation, and to add fresh glory to his name.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 12th of April 1798 he was appointed General-in-Chief of the army of
      the East.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was about this time that Marmont was married to Mademoiselle Perregaux;
      and Bonaparte's aide de camp, La Valletta, to Mademoiselle Beauharnais.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Walter Scott informs us that Josephine, when she became
   Empress, brought about the marriage between her niece and La
   Vallette. This is another fictitious incident of his historical
   romance.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Shortly before our departure I asked Bonaparte how long he intended to
      remain in Egypt. He replied, "A few months, or six years: all depends on
      circumstances. I will colonise the country. I will bring them artists and
      artisans of every description; women, actors, etc. We are but
      nine-and-twenty now, and we shall then be five-and-thirty. That is not an
      old age. Those six years will enable me, if all goes well, to get to
      India. Give out that you are going to Brest. Say so even to your family."
      I obeyed, to prove my discretion and real attachment to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte wished to form a camp library of cabinet editions, and he gave
      me a list of the books which I was to purchase. This list is in his own
      writing, and is as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
               CAMP LIBRARY.
</pre>
    <p>
      1. ARTS AND SCIENCE.&mdash;Fontenelle's Worlds, 1 vol. Letters to a German
      Princess, 2 vols. Courses of the Normal School, 6 vols. The Artillery
      Assistant, 1 vol. Treatise on Fortifications, 3 vols. Treatise on
      Fireworks, 1 vol.
    </p>
    <p>
      2. GEOGRAPHY AND TRAVELS.&mdash;Barclay's Geography, 12 vols. Cook's
      Voyages, 3 vols. La Harpe's Travels, 24 vols.
    </p>
    <p>
      3. HISTORY.&mdash;Plutarch, 12 vols. Turenne, 2 vols. Condé, 4 vols.
      Villars, 4 vols. Luxembourg, 2 vols. Duguesclin, 2 vols. Saxe, 3 vols.
      Memoirs of the Marshals of France, 20 vols. President Hainault, 4 vols.
      Chronology, 2 vols. Marlborough, 4 vols. Prince Eugène, 6 vols.
      Philosophical History of India, 12 vols. Germany, 2 vols. Charles XII., 1
      vol. Essay on the Manners of Nations, 6 vols. Peter the Great, 1 vol.
      Polybius, 6 vols. Justin, 2 vols. Arrian, 3 vols. Tacitus, 2 vols. Titus
      Livy, Thucydides, 2 vols. Vertot, 4 vols. Denina, 8 vols. Frederick II, 8
      vols.
    </p>
    <p>
      4. POETRY.&mdash;Osaian, 1 vol. Tasso, 6 vols. Ariosto, 6 vols. Homer, 6
      vols. Virgil, 4 vols. The Henriade, 1 vol. Telemachus, 2 vols. Les Jardin,
      1 vol. The Chefs-d'Oeuvre of the French Theatre, 20 vols. Select Light
      Poetry, 10 vols. La Fontaine.
    </p>
    <p>
      5. ROMANCE.&mdash;Voltaire, 4 vols. Heloise, 4 vols. Werther, 1 vol.
      Marmontel, 4 vols. English Novels, 40 vols. Le Sage, 10 vols. Prevost, 10
      vols.
    </p>
    <p>
      6. POLITICS AND MORALS.&mdash;The Old Testament. The New Testament. The
      Koran. The Vedan. Mythology. Montesquieu. The Esprit des Lois.
    </p>
    <p>
      It will be observed that he classed the books of the religious creeds of
      nations under the head of "politics."
    </p>
    <p>
      The autograph copy of the above list contains some of those orthographical
      blunders which Bonaparte so frequently committed. Whether these blunders
      are attributable to the limited course of instruction he received at
      Brienne, to his hasty writing, the rapid flow of his ideas, or the little
      importance he attached to that indispensable condition of polite
      education, I know not. Knowing so well as he did the authors and generals
      whose names appear in the above list, it is curious that he should have
      written Ducecling for Duguesclin, and Ocean for Ossian. The latter mistake
      would have puzzled me not a little had I not known his predilection for
      the Caledonian bard.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before his departure Bonaparte laid in a considerable stock of Burgundy.
      It was supplied by a man named James, of Dijon. I may observe that on this
      occasion we had an opportunity of ascertaining that good Burgundy, well
      racked off, and in casks hermetically sealed, does not lose its quality on
      a sea voyage. Several cases of this Burgundy twice crossed the desert of
      the Isthmus of Suez on camels' backs. We brought some of it back with us
      to Fréjus, and it was as good as when we departed. James went with us to
      Egypt.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the remainder of our stay in Paris nothing occurred worthy of
      mention, with the exception of a conversation between Bonaparte and me
      some days before our departure for Toulon. He went with me to the
      Luxembourg to get signatures to the official papers connected with his
      expedition. He was very silent. As we passed through the Rue Sainte Anne I
      asked him, with no other object than merely to break a long pause, whether
      he was still determined to quit France. He replied, "Yes: I have tried
      everything. They do not want me (probably alluding to the office of
      Director). I ought to overthrow them, and make myself King; but it will
      not do yet. The nobles will never consent to it. I have tried my ground.
      The time is not yet come. I should be alone. But I will dazzle them
      again." I replied, "Well, we will go to Egypt;" and changed the
      conversation.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Lucien and the Bonapartists of course deny that Napoleon wished
   to become Director, or to seize on power at this time; see Lucien,
   tome 1. p. 154. Thiers (vol. v. p. 257) takes the same view.
   Lanfrey (tome i. p. 363) believes Napoleon was at last compelled by
   the Directory to start and he credits the story told by Desaix to
   Mathieu Dumas, or rather to the wife of that officer, that there was
   a plot to upset the Directory, but that when all was ready Napoleon
   judged that the time was not ripe. Lanfrey, however, rather
   enlarges what Dumas says; see Dumas, tome iii. p. 167. See also
   the very remarkable conversation of Napoleon with Miot de Melito
   just before leaving Italy for Rastadt: "I cannot obey any longer. I
   have tasted the pleasures of command, and I cannot renounce it. My
   decision is taken. If I cannot be master, I shall quit France."
   (Miot, tome i. p. 184).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The squabble with Bernadotte at Vienna delayed our departure for a
      fortnight, and might have had the most disastrous influence on the fate of
      the squadron, as Nelson would most assuredly have waited between Malta and
      Sicily if he had arrived there before us.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Walter Scott, without any authority, states that, at the
   moment of his departure, Bonaparte seemed disposed to abandon the
   command of an expedition so doubtful and hazardous, and that for
   this purpose he endeavoured to take advantage of what had occurred
   at Vienna. This must be ranked in the class of inventions, together
   with Barras mysterious visit to communicate the change of
   destination, and also the ostracism and honourable exile which the
   Directory wished to impose on Bonaparte.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It is untrue that he ever entertained the idea of abandoning the
      expedition in consequence of Bernadotte's affair. The following letter to
      Brueys, dated the 28th of April 1798, proves the contrary:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Some disturbances which have arisen at Vienna render my presence in
   Paris necessary for a few days. This will not change any of the
   arrangements for the expedition. I have sent orders by this courier
   for the troops at Marseilles to embark and proceed to Toulon. On
   the evening of the 30th I will send you a courier with orders for
   you to embark and proceed with the squadron and convoy to Genoa,
   where I will join you.

   The delay which this fresh event has occasioned will, I imagine,
   have enabled you to complete every preparation.
</pre>
    <p>
      We left Paris on the 3d of May 1798. Ten days before Bonaparte's departure
      for Egypt a prisoner (Sir Sidney Smith) escaped from the Temple who was
      destined to contribute materially to his reverses. An escape so
      unimportant in itself afterwards caused the failure of the most gigantic
      projects and daring conceptions. This escape was pregnant with future
      events; a false order of the Minister of Police prevented the revolution
      of the East!
    </p>
    <p>
      We were at Toulon on the 8th. Bonaparte knew by the movements of the
      English that not a moment was to be lost; but adverse winds detained us
      ten days, which he occupied in attending to the most minute details
      connected with the fleet.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, whose attention was constantly occupied with his army, made a
      speech to the soldiers, which I wrote to his dictation, and which appeared
      in the public papers at the time. This address was followed by cries of
      "The Immortal Republic for ever!" and the singing of national hymns.
    </p>
    <p>
      Those who knew Madame Bonaparte are aware that few women were more amiable
      and fascinating. Bonaparte was passionately fond of her, and to enjoy the
      pleasure of her society as long as possible he brought her with him to
      Toulon. Nothing could be more affecting than their parting. On leaving
      Toulon Josephine went to the waters of Plombieres. I recollect that during
      her stay at Plombieres she incurred great danger from a serious accident.
      Whilst she was one day sitting at the balcony of the hotel, with her
      suite, the balcony suddenly gave way, and all the persons in it fell into
      the street. Madame Bonaparte was much hurt, but no serious consequences
      ensued.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had scarcely arrived at Toulon when he heard that the law for
      the death of emigrants was enforced with frightful rigour; and that but
      recently an old man, upwards of eighty, had been shot. Indignant at this
      barbarity, he dictated to me, in a tone of anger, the following letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                  HEADQUARTERS TOULON,
             27th Floréal, year VI. (16th May 1798).

   BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE, TO THE MILITARY
   COMMISSIONERS OF THE NINTH DIVISION, ESTABLISHED BY THE LAW OF
   THE 19TH FRUCTIDOR.

   I have learned, citizens, with deep regret, that an old man, between
   seventy and eighty years of age, and some unfortunate women, in a
   state of pregnancy, or surrounded with children of tender age, have
   been shot on the charge of emigration.

   Have the soldiers of liberty become executioners? Can the mercy
   which they have exercised even in the fury of battle be extinct in
   their hearts?

   The law of the 19th Fructidor was a measure of public safety. Its
   object was to reach conspirators, not women and aged men.

   I therefore exhort you, citizens, whenever the law brings to your
   tribunals women or old men, to declare that in the field of battle
   you have respected the women and old men of your enemies.

   The officer who signs a sentence against a person incapable of
   bearing arms is a coward.
                       (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      This letter saved the life of an unfortunate man who came under the
      description of persons to whom Bonaparte referred. The tone of this note
      shows what an idea he already entertained of his power. He took upon him,
      doubtless from the noblest motives, to step out of his way to interpret
      and interdict the execution of a law, atrocious, it is true, but which
      even in those times of weakness, disorder, and anarchy was still a law. In
      this instance, at least, the power of his name was nobly employed. The
      letter gave great satisfaction to the army destined for the expedition.
    </p>
    <p>
      A man named Simon, who had followed his master in emigration, and dreaded
      the application of the law, heard that I wanted a servant. He came to me
      and acknowledged his situation. He suited me, and I hired him. He then
      told me he feared he should be arrested whilst going to the port to
      embark. Bonaparte, to whom I mentioned the circumstance, and who had just
      given a striking proof of his aversion to these acts of barbarity, said to
      me in a tone of kindness, "Give him my portfolio to carry, and let him
      remain with you." The words "Bonaparte, General-in-Chief of the Army of
      the East," were inscribed in large gold letters on the green morocco.
      Whether it was the portfolio or his connection with us that prevented
      Simon from being arrested I know not; but he passed on without
      interruption. I reprimanded him for having smiled derisively at the ill
      humour of the persons appointed to arrest him. He served me faithfully,
      and was even sometimes useful to Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0013" id="link2HCH0013">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII.
    </h2>

      1798.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Departure of the squadron&mdash;Arrival at Malta&mdash;Dolomieu&mdash;General
   Barguay d'Hilliers&mdash;Attack on the western part of the island&mdash;
   Caffarelli's remark&mdash;Deliverance of the Turkish prisoners&mdash;Nelson's
   pursuit of the French fleet&mdash;Conversations on board&mdash;How Bonaparte
   passed his, time&mdash;Questions to the Captains&mdash;Propositions discussed
   &mdash;Morning music&mdash;Proclamation&mdash;Admiral Brueys&mdash;The English fleet
   avoided Dangerous landing&mdash;Bonaparte and his fortune&mdash;Alexandria
   taken&mdash;Kléber wounded&mdash;Bonaparte's entrance into Alexandria.
</pre>
    <p>
      The squadron sailed on the 19th of May. The Orient, which, owing to her
      heavy lading, drew too much water, touched the ground; but she was got off
      without much difficulty.
    </p>
    <p>
      We arrived off Malta on the 10th of June. We had lost two days in waiting
      for some convoys which joined us at Malta.
    </p>
    <p>
      The intrigues throughout Europe had not succeeded in causing the ports of
      that island to be opened to us immediately on our arrival. Bonaparte
      expressed much displeasure against the persons sent from Europe to arrange
      measures for that purpose. One of them, however, M. Dolomieu, had cause to
      repent his mission, which occasioned him to be badly treated by the
      Sicilians. M. Poussielgue had done all he could in the way of seduction,
      but he had not completely succeeded. There was some misunderstanding, and,
      in consequence, some shots were interchanged. Bonaparte was very much
      pleased with General Baraguay d'Hilliers' services in Italy. He could not
      but praise his military and political conduct at Venice when, scarcely a
      year before, he had taken possession of that city by his orders. General
      Baraguay d'Hilliers joined us with his division,&mdash;which had embarked
      in the convoy that sailed from Genoa. The General-in-Chief ordered him to
      land and attack the western part of the island. He executed this order
      with equal prudence and ability, and highly to the satisfaction of the
      General-in-Chief. As every person in the secret knew that all this was a
      mere form, these hostile demonstrations produced no unpleasant
      consequences. We wished to save the honour of the knights&mdash;that was
      all; for no one who has seen Malta can imagine that an island surrounded
      with such formidable and perfect fortifications would have surrendered in
      two days to a fleet which was pursued by an enemy. The impregnable
      fortress of Malta is so secure against a 'coup de main' that General
      Caffarelli, after examining its fortifications, said to the
      General-in-Chief, in my presence, "Upon my word, General, it is luck:
      there is some one in the town to open the gates for us."
    </p>
    <p>
      By comparing the observation of General Caffarelli with what has been
      previously stated respecting the project of the expedition to Egypt and
      Malta, an idea may be formed of the value of Bonaparte's assertion at St.
      Helena:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The capture of Malta was not owing to private intrigues, but to the
      sagacity of the Commander-in-chief. I took Malta when I was in Mantua!"
    </p>
    <p>
      It is not the less true, however, that I wrote, by his dictation, a mass
      of instructions for private intrigues. Napoleon also said to another noble
      companion of his exile at St Helena, "Malta certainly possessed vast
      physical means of resistance; but no moral means. The knights did nothing
      dishonourable, nobody is obliged to do impossibilities. No; but they were
      sold; the capture of Malta was assured before we left Toulon."
    </p>
    <p>
      The General-in-Chief proceeded to that part of the port where the Turks
      made prisoners by the knights were kept.
    </p>
    <p>
      The disgusting galleys were emptied of their occupants: The same
      principles which, a few days after, formed the basis of Bonaparte's
      proclamation to the Egyptians, guided him in this act of reason and
      humanity.
    </p>
    <p>
      He walked several times in the gardens of the grandmaster. They were in
      beautiful order, and filled with magnificent orange-trees. We regaled
      ourselves with their fruit, which the great heat rendered most delicious.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 19th of June, after having settled the government and defence of
      the island, the General left Malta, which he little dreamed he had taken
      for the English, who have very badly requited the obligation. Many of the
      knights followed Bonaparte and took civil and military appointments.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the night of the 22d of June the English squadron was almost close
      upon us. It passed at about six leagues from the French fleet. Nelson, who
      learned the capture of Malta at Messina on the day we left the island,
      sailed direct for Alexandria, without proceeding into the north. He
      considered that city to be the place of our destination. By taking the
      shortest course, with every sail set, and unembarrassed by any convoy, he
      arrived before Alexandria on the 28th of June, three days before the
      French fleet, which, nevertheless, had sailed before him from the shores
      of Malta. The French squadron took the direction of Candia, which we
      perceived on the 25th of June, and afterwards stood to the south, favoured
      by the Etesian winds, which regularly prevail at that season. The French
      fleet did not reach Alexandria till the 30th of June.
    </p>
    <p>
      When on board the 'Orient' he took pleasure in conversing frequently with
      Monge and Berthollet. The subjects on which they usually talked were
      chemistry, mathematics, and religion. General Caffarelli, whose
      conversation, supplied by knowledge, was at once energetic, witty, and
      lively, was one of those with whom he most willingly discoursed. Whatever
      friendship he might entertain for Berthollet, it was easy to perceive that
      he preferred Monge, and that he was led to that preference because Monge,
      endowed with an ardent imagination, without exactly possessing religious
      principles, had a kind of predisposition for religious ideas which
      harmonised with the notions of Bonaparte. On this subject Berthollet
      sometimes rallied his inseparable friend Monge. Besides, Berthollet was,
      with his cold imagination, constantly devoted to analysis and
      abstractions, inclined towards materialism, an opinion with which the
      General was always much dissatisfied.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte sometimes conversed with Admiral Brueys. His object was always
      to gain information respecting the different manoeuvres, and nothing
      astonished the Admiral more than the sagacity of his questions. I
      recollect that one day, Bonaparte having asked Brueys in what manner the
      hammocks were disposed of when clearing for action, he declared, after he
      had received an answer, that if the case should occur he would order every
      one to throw his baggage overboard.
    </p>
    <p>
      He passed a great part of his time in his cabin, lying on a bed, which,
      swinging on a kind of castors, alleviated the severity of the sea-sickness
      from which he frequently suffered much when the ship rolled.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was almost always with him in his cabin, where I read to him some of the
      favourite works which he had selected for his camp library. He also
      frequently conversed, for hours together, with the captains of the vessels
      which he hailed. He never failed to ask whence they came? what was their
      destination? what ships they had met? what course they had sailed? His
      curiosity being thus satisfied, he allowed them to continue their voyage,
      after making them promise to say nothing of having seen the French
      squadron.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst we were at sea he seldom rose before ten o'clock in the morning.
      The 'Orient' had the appearance of a populous town, from which women had
      been excluded; and this floating city was inhabited by 2000 individuals,
      amongst whom were a great number of distinguished men. Bonaparte every day
      invited several persons to dine with him, besides Brueys, Berthier, the
      colonels, and his ordinary household, who were always present at the table
      of the General-in-Chief. When the weather was fine he went up to the
      quarter-deck, which, from its extent, formed a grand promenade.
    </p>
    <p>
      I recollect once that when walking the quarter-deck with him whilst we
      were in Sicilian waters I thought I could see the summits of the Alps
      beautifully lighted by the rays of the setting sun. Bonaparte laughed
      much, and joked me about it. He called Admiral Brueys, who took his
      telescope and soon confirmed my conjecture. The Alps!
    </p>
    <p>
      At the mention of that word by the Admiral I think I can see Bonaparte
      still. He stood for a long time motionless; then, suddenly bursting from
      his trance, exclaimed, "No! I cannot behold the land of Italy without
      emotion! There is the East: and there I go; a perilous enterprise invites
      me. Those mountains command the plains where I so often had the good
      fortune to lead the French to victory. With them we will conquer again."
    </p>
    <p>
      One of Bonaparte's greatest pleasures during the voyage was, after dinner,
      to fix upon three or four persons to support a proposition and as many to
      oppose it. He had an object in view by this. These discussions afforded
      him an opportunity of studying the minds of those whom he had an interest
      in knowing well, in order that he might afterwards confide to each the
      functions for which he possessed the greatest aptitude: It will not appear
      singular to those who have been intimate with Bonaparte, that in these
      intellectual contests he gave the preference to those who had supported an
      absurd proposition with ability over those who had maintained the cause of
      reason; and it was not superiority of mind which determined his judgment,
      for he really preferred the man who argued well in favour of an absurdity
      to the man who argued equally well in support of a reasonable proposition.
      He always gave out the subjects which were to be discussed; and they most
      frequently turned upon questions of religion, the different kinds of
      government, and the art of war. One day he asked whether the planets were
      inhabited; on another, what was the age of the world; then he proposed to
      consider the probability of the destruction of our globe, either by water
      or fire; at another time, the truth or fallacy of presentiments, and the
      interpretation of dreams. I remember the circumstance which gave rise to
      the last proposition was an allusion to Joseph, of whom he happened to
      speak, as he did of almost everything connected with the country to which
      we were bound, and which that able administrator had governed. No country
      came under Bonaparte's observation without recalling historical
      recollections to his mind. On passing the island of Candia his imagination
      was excited, and he spoke with enthusiasm of ancient Crete and the
      Colossus, whose fabulous renown has surpassed all human glories. He spoke
      much of the fall of the empire of the East, which bore so little
      resemblance to what history has preserved of those fine countries, so
      often moistened with the blood of man. The ingenious fables of mythology
      likewise occurred to his mind, and imparted to his language something of a
      poetical, and, I may say, of an inspired character. The sight of the
      kingdom of Minos led him to reason on the laws best calculated for the
      government of nations; and the birthplace of Jupiter suggested to him the
      necessity of a religion for the mass of mankind. This animated
      conversation lasted until the favourable north winds, which drove the
      clouds into the valley of the Nile, caused us to lose sight of the island
      of Candia.
    </p>
    <p>
      The musicians on board the Orient sometimes played serenades; but only
      between decks, for Bonaparte was not yet sufficiently fond of music to
      wish to hear it in his cabin. It may be said that his taste for this art
      increased in the direct ratio of his power; and so it was with his taste
      for hunting, of which he gave no indication until after his elevation to
      the empire; as though he had wished to prove that he possessed within
      himself not only the genius of sovereignty for commanding men, but also
      the instinct for those aristocratical pleasures, the enjoyment of which is
      considered by mankind to be amongst the attributes of kings.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is scarcely possible that some accidents should not occur during a long
      voyage in a crowded vessel&mdash;that some persons should not fall
      overboard. Accidents of this kind frequently happened on board the
      'Orient'. On those occasions nothing was more remarkable than the great
      humanity of the man who has since been so prodigal of the blood of his
      fellow-creatures on the field of battle, and who was about to shed rivers
      of it even in Egypt, whither we were bound. When a man fell into the sea
      the General-in-Chief was in a state of agitation till he was saved. He
      instantly had the ship hove-to, and exhibited the greatest uneasiness
      until the unfortunate individual was recovered. He ordered me to reward
      those who ventured their lives in this service. Amongst these was a sailor
      who had incurred punishment for some fault. He not only exempted him from
      the punishment, but also gave him some money. I recollect that one dark
      night we heard a noise like that occasioned by a man falling into the sea.
      Bonaparte instantly caused the ship to be hove-to until the supposed
      victim was rescued from certain death. The men hastened from all sides,
      and at length they picked up-what?&mdash;the quarter of a bullock, which
      had fallen from the hook to which it was hung. What was Bonaparte's
      conduct? He ordered me to reward the sailors who had exerted themselves in
      this occasion even more generously than usual, saying, "It might have been
      a sailor, and these brave fellows have shown as much activity and courage
      as if it had."
    </p>
    <p>
      After the lapse of thirty years all these things are as fresh in my
      recollection as if they were passing at the present moment. In this manner
      Bonaparte employed his time on board the Orient during the voyage, and it
      was also at this time that he dictated to me the following proclamation:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
               HEADQUARTERS ON BOARD THE "ORIENT,"
                  The 4th Messidor, Year VI.

   BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE,
   GENERAL-IN-CHIEF.

   SOLDIERS&mdash;You are about to undertake a conquest the effects of which
   on civilisation and commerce are incalculable. The blow you are
   about to give to England will be the best aimed, and the most
   sensibly felt, she can receive until the time arrive when you can
   give her her deathblow.

   We must make some fatiguing marches; we must fight several battles;
   we shall succeed in all we undertake. The destinies are with us.
   The Mameluke Beys who favour exclusively English commerce, whose
   extortions oppress our merchants, and who tyrannise over the
   unfortunate inhabitants of the Nile, a few days after our arrival
   will no longer exist.

   The people amongst whom we are going to live are Mahometans. The
   first article of their faith is this: "There is no God but God, and
   Mahomet is his prophet." Do not contradict them. Behave to them as
   you have behaved to the Jews&mdash;to the Italians. Pay respect to their
   muftis, and their Imaums, as you did to the rabbis and the bishops.
   Extend to the ceremonies prescribed by the Koran and to the mosques
   the same toleration which you showed to the synagogues, to the
   religion of Moses and of Jesus Christ.

   The Roman legions protected all religions. You will find here
   customs different from those of Europe. You must accommodate
   yourselves to them. The people amongst whom we are to mix differ
   from us in the treatment of women; but in all countries he who
   violates is a monster. Pillage enriches only a small number of men;
   it dishonours us; it destroys our resources; it converts into
   enemies the people whom it is our interest to have for friends.

   The first town we shall come to was built by Alexander. At every
   step we shall meet with grand recollections, worthy of exciting the
   emulation of Frenchmen.
                         BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      During the voyage, and particularly between Malta and Alexandria, I often
      conversed with the brave and unfortunate Admiral Brueys. The intelligence
      we heard from time to time augmented his uneasiness. I had the good
      fortune to obtain the confidence of this worthy man. He complained
      bitterly of the imperfect manner in which the fleet had been prepared for
      sea; of the encumbered state of the ships of the line and frigates, and
      especially of the 'Orient'; of the great number of transports; of the bad
      Outfit of all the ships and the weakness of their crews. He assured me
      that it required no little courage to undertake the command of a fleet so
      badly equipped; and he often declared, that in the event of our falling in
      with the enemy, he could not answer for the consequences. The encumbered
      state of the vessels, the immense quantity of civic and military baggage
      which each person had brought, and would wish to save, would render proper
      manoeuvres impracticable. In case of an attack, added Brueys, even by an
      inferior squadron, the confusion and disorder amongst so great a number of
      persons would produce an inevitable catastrophe. Finally, if the English
      had appeared with ten vessels only, the Admiral could not have guaranteed
      a fortunate result. He considered victory to be a thing that was
      impossible, and even with a victory, what would have become of the
      expedition? "God send," he said, with a sigh, "that we may pass the
      English without meeting them!" He appeared to foresee what did afterwards
      happen to him, not in the open sea, but in a situation which he considered
      much more favourable to his defence.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 1st of July the expedition arrived off the coast of
      Africa, and the column of Septimus-Severus pointed out to us the city of
      Alexandria. Our situation and frame of mind hardly permitted us to reflect
      that in the distant point we beheld the city of the Ptolemies and Caesars,
      with its double port, its pharos, and the gigantic monuments of its
      ancient grandeur. Our imaginations did not rise to this pitch.
    </p>
    <p>
      Admiral Brueys had sent on before the frigate Juno to fetch M. Magallon,
      the French Consul. It was near four o'clock when he arrived, and the sea
      was very rough. He informed the General-in-Chief that Nelson had been off
      Alexandria on the 28th&mdash;that he immediately dispatched a brig to
      obtain intelligence from the English agent. On the return of the brig
      Nelson instantly stood away with his squadron towards the north-east. But
      for a delay which our convoy from Civita Vecchia occasioned, we should
      have been on this coast at the same time as Nelson.
    </p>
    <p>
      It appeared that Nelson supposed us to be already at Alexandria when he
      arrived there. He had reason to suppose so, seeing that we left Malta on
      the 19th of June, whilst he did not sail from Messina till the 21st. Not
      finding us where he expected, and being persuaded we ought to have arrived
      there had Alexandria been the place of our destination; he sailed for
      Alexandretta in Syria, whither he imagined we had gone to effect a
      landing. This error saved the expedition a second time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, on hearing the details which the French Consul communicated,
      resolved to disembark immediately. Admiral Brueys represented the
      difficulties and dangers of a disembarkation&mdash;the violence of the
      surge, the distance from the coast,&mdash;a coast, too, lined with reefs
      of rocks, the approaching night, and our perfect ignorance of the points
      suitable for landing. The Admiral, therefore, urged the necessity of
      waiting till next morning; that is to say, to delay the landing twelve
      hours. He observed that Nelson could not return from Syria for several
      days. Bonaparte listened to these representations with impatience and
      ill-humour. He replied peremptorily, "Admiral, we have no time to lose.
      Fortune gives me but three days; if I do not profit by them we are lost."
      He relied much on fortune; this chimerical idea constantly influenced his
      resolutions.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte having the command of the naval as well as the military force,
      the Admiral was obliged to yield to his wishes.
    </p>
    <p>
      I attest these facts, which passed in my presence, and no part of which
      could escape my observation. It is quite false that it was owing to the
      appearance of a sail which, it is pretended, was descried, but of which,
      for my part, I saw nothing, that Bonaparte exclaimed, "Fortune, have you
      abandoned me? I ask only five days!" No such thing occurred.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was one o'clock in the morning of the 2d of July when we landed on the
      soil of Egypt, at Marabou, three leagues to the west of Alexandria. We had
      to regret the loss of some lives; but we had every reason to expect that
      our losses would have been greater.
    </p>
    <p>
      At three o'clock the same morning the General-in-Chief marched on
      Alexandria with the divisions of Kléber, Bon, and Menou. The Bedouin
      Arabs, who kept hovering about our right flank and our rear, picked up the
      stragglers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having arrived within gunshot of Alexandria, we scaled the ramparts, and
      French valour soon triumphed over all obstacles.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first blood I saw shed in war was General Kléber's. He was struck in
      the head by a ball, not in storming the walls, but whilst heading the
      attack. He came to Pompey's Pillar, where many members of the staff were
      assembled, and where the General-in-Chief was watching the attack. I then
      spoke to Kléber for the first time, and from that day our friendship
      commenced. I had the good fortune to contribute somewhat towards the
      assistance of which he stood in need, and which, as we were situated,
      could not be procured very easily.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been endeavoured to represent the capture of Alexandria, which
      surrendered after a few hours, as a brilliant exploit. The
      General-in-Chief himself wrote that the city had been taken after a few
      discharges of cannon; the walls, badly fortified, were soon scaled.
      Alexandria was not delivered up to pillage, as has been asserted, and
      often repeated. This would have been a most impolitic mode of commencing
      the conquest of Egypt, which had no strong places requiring to be
      intimidated by a great example.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, with some others, entered the city by a narrow street which
      scarcely allowed two persons to walk abreast; I was with him. We were
      stopped by some musket-shots fired from a low window by a man and a woman.
      They repeated their fire several times. The guides who preceded their
      General kept up a heavy fire on the window. The man and woman fell dead,
      and we passed on in safety, for the place had surrendered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte employed the six days during which he remained in Alexandria in
      establishing order in the city and province, with that activity and
      superior talent which I could never sufficiently admire, and in directing
      the march of the army across the province of Bohahire'h. He sent Desaix
      with 4500 infantry and 60 cavalry to Beda, on the road to Damanhour. This
      general was the first to experience the privations and sufferings which
      the whole army had soon to endure. His great mind, his attachment to
      Bonaparte, seemed for a moment about to yield to the obstacles which
      presented themselves. On the 15th of July he wrote from Bohahire'h as
      follows: "I beseech you do not let us stop longer in this position. My men
      are discouraged and murmur. Make us advance or fall back without delay.
      The villages consist merely of huts, absolutely without resources."
    </p>
    <p>
      In these immense plains, scorched by the vertical rays of a burning sun,
      water, everywhere else so common, becomes an object of contest. The wells
      and springs, those secret treasures of the desert, are carefully concealed
      from the travellers; and frequently, after our most oppressive marches,
      nothing could be found to allay the urgent cravings of thirst but a little
      brackish water of the most disgusting description.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Some idea of the misery endured by the French troops on this
   occasion may be gathered from the following description is
   Napoleon's Memoirs, dictated at St. Helena:

   "As the Hebrews wandering in the wilderness complained, and angrily
   asked Moses for the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt, the French
   soldiers constantly regretted the luxuries of Italy. In vain were
   they assured that the country was the most fertile in the world,
   that it was even superior to Lombard; how were they to be persuaded
   of this when they could get neither bread nor wine?  We encamped on
   immense quantities of wheat, but there was neither mill nor oven in
   the country. The biscuit brought from Alexandria had long been
   exhausted; the soldiers were even reduced to bruise the wheat
   between two stones and to make cake which they baked under the
   ashes. Many parched the wheat in a pan, after which they boiled it.
   This was the best way to use the grain; but, after all, it was not
   bread. The apprehensions of the soldiers increased daily, and rose
   to such a pitch that a great number of them said there was no great
   city of calm; and that the place bring that name was, like
   Damanhour, a vast assemblage of mere huts, destitute of everything
   that could render life comfortable or agreeable. To such a
   melancholy state of mind had they brought themselves that two
   dragoons threw themselves, completely clothed, into the Nile, where
   they were drowned. It is nevertheless true that, though there was
   neither bread nor wine, the resources which were procured with
   wheat, lentils, meat, and sometimes pigeons, furnished the army with
   food of some kind. But the evil was, in the ferment of the mind.
   The officers complained more loudly than the soldiers, because the
   comparison was proportionately more disadvantageous to them. In
   Egypt they found neither the quarters, the good table, nor the
   luxury of Italy. The General-in-Chief, wishing to set an example,
   tried to bivouac in the midst of the army, and in the least
   commodious spots. No one had either tent or provisions; the dinner
   of Napoleon and his staff consisted of a dish of lentils. The
   soldiers passed the evenings in political conversations, arguments,
   and complaints. 'For what purpose are we come here?' said some of
   them, 'the Directory has transported us.' 'Caffarelli,' said others,
   'is the agent that has been made use of to deceive the
   General-in-Chief.' Many of them, having observed that wherever there
   were vestiges of antiquity they were carefully searched, vented their
   spite in invective against the savants, or scientific men, who, they
   said, had started the idea of she expedition to order to make these
   searches. Jests were showered upon them, even in their presence.
   The men called an ass a savant; and said of Caffarelli Dufalga,
   alluding to his wooden leg, 'He laughs at all these troubles; he has
   one foot to France.'"]
</pre>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIV.
    </h2>

      1798.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The mirage&mdash;Skirmishes with the Arabs&mdash;Mistake of General Desaix's
   division&mdash;Wretchedness of a rich sheik&mdash;Combat beneath the General's
   window&mdash;The flotilla on the Nile&mdash;Its distress and danger&mdash;The
   battle of Chebreisse&mdash;Defeat of the Mamelukes&mdash;Bonaparte's reception
   of me&mdash;Letter to Louis Bonaparte&mdash;Success of the French army&mdash;
   Triumphal entrance into Cairo&mdash;Civil and military organisation of
   Cairo&mdash;Bonaparte's letter to his brother Joseph&mdash;Plan of
   colonisation.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 7th of July General Bonaparte left Alexandria for Damanhour. In the
      vast plains of Bohahire'h the mirage every moment presented to the eye
      wide sheets of water, while, as we advanced, we found nothing but barren
      ground full of deep cracks. Villages, which at a distance appear to be
      surrounded with water, are, on a nearer approach, discovered to be
      situated on heights, mostly artificial, by which they are raised above the
      inundations of the Nile. This illusion continually recurs; and it is the
      more treacherous, inasmuch as it presents to the eye the perfect
      representation of water, at the time when the want of that article is most
      felt. This mirage is so considerable in the plain of Pelusium that shortly
      after sunrise no object is recognisable. The same phenomenon has been
      observed in other countries. Quintus Curtius says that in the deserts of
      Sogdiana, a fog rising from the earth obscures the light, and the
      surrounding country seems like a vast sea. The cause of this singular
      illusion is now fully explained; and, from the observations of the learned
      Monge, it appears that the mirage will be found in almost every country
      situated between the tropics where the local circumstances are similar.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Arabs harassed the army without intermission. The few wells met with
      in the desert were either filled up or the water was rendered unfit for
      use. The intolerable thirst with which the troops were tormented, even on
      this first march, was but ill allayed by brackish and unwholesome water.
      The army crossed the desert with the rapidity of lightning, scarcely
      tasting a drop of water. The sufferings of the troops were frequently
      expressed by discouraging murmurs.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the first night a mistake occurred which might have proved fatal. We
      were advancing in the dark, under feeble escort, almost sleeping on our
      horses, when suddenly we were assailed by two successive discharges of
      musketry. We aroused ourselves and reconnoitred, and to our great
      satisfaction discovered that the only mischief was a alight wound received
      by one of our guides. Our assailants were the division of General Desaix,
      who, forming the advanced guard of the army, mistook us for a party of the
      enemy, and fired upon us. It was speedily ascertained that the little
      advanced guard of the headquarters had not heard the "Qui vive?" of
      Desaix's advanced posts.
    </p>
    <p>
      On reaching Damanhour our headquarters were established at the residence
      of a sheik. The house had been new whitened, and looked well enough
      outside, but the interior was inconceivably wretched. Every domestic
      utensil was broken, and the only seats were a few dirty tattered mats.
      Bonaparte knew that the sheik was rich, and having somewhat won his
      confidence, he asked him, through the medium of the interpreter, why,
      being in easy circumstances, he thus deprived himself of all comfort.
      "Some years ago," replied the sheik, "I repaired and furnished my house.
      When this became known at Cairo a demand was made upon me for money,
      because it was said my expenses proved me to be rich. I refused to pay the
      money, and in consequence I was ill-treated, and at length forced to pay
      it. From that time I have allowed myself only the bare necessaries of
      life, and I shall buy no furniture for my house." The old man was lame in
      consequence of the treatment he had suffered. Woe to him who in this
      country is suspected of having a competency&mdash;a hundred spies are
      always ready to denounce him. The appearance of poverty is the only
      security against the rapine of power and the cupidity of barbarism.
    </p>
    <p>
      A little troop of Arabs on horseback assailed our headquarters. Bonaparte,
      who was at the window of the sheik's house, indignant at this insolence,
      turned to one of his aides de camp, who happened to be on duty, and said,
      "Croisier, take a few guides and drive those fellows away!" In an instant
      Croisier was in the plain with fifteen guides. A little skirmish ensued,
      and we looked on from the window. In the movement and in the attack of
      Croisier and his party there was a sort of hesitation which the
      General-in-Chief could not comprehend. "Forward, I say! Charge!" he
      exclaimed from the window, as if he could have been heard. Our horsemen
      seemed to fall back as the Arabs returned to the attack; and after a
      little contest, maintained with tolerable spirit, the Arabs retired
      without loss, and without being molested in their retreat. Bonaparte could
      no longer repress his rage; and when Croisier returned he experienced such
      a harsh reception that the poor fellow withdrew deeply mortified and
      distressed. Bonaparte desired me to follow him and say something to
      console him: but all was in vain. "I cannot survive this," he said. "I
      will sacrifice my life on the first occasion that offers itself. I will
      not live dishonoured." The word coward had escaped the General's lips.
      Poor Croisier died at Saint Jean d'Acre.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of July our headquarters were established at Rahmahanie'h,
      where they remained during the 11th and 12th. At this place commences the
      canal which was cut by Alexander to convey water to his new city; and to
      facilitate commercial intercourse between Europe and the East.
    </p>
    <p>
      The flotilla, commanded by the brave chief of division Perree, had just
      arrived from Rosette. Perree was on board the xebec 'Cerf'.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bonaparte had great confidence in him. He had commanded, under
   the General's orders, the naval forces in the Adriatic in 1797.&mdash;
   Bourrienne]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte placed on board the Cerf and the other vessels of the flotilla
      those individuals who, not being military, could not be serviceable in
      engagements, and whose horses served to mount a few of the troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the night of the 14th of July the General-in-Chief directed his march
      towards the south, along the left bank of the Nile. The flotilla sailed up
      the river parallel with the left wing of the army. But the force of the
      wind, which at this season blows regularly from the Mediterranean into the
      valley of the file, carried the flotilla far in advance of the army, and
      frustrated the plan of their mutually defending and supporting each other.
      The flotilla thus unprotected fell in with seven Turkish gunboats coming
      from Cairo, and was exposed simultaneously to their fire and to that of
      the Mamelukes, fellahs, and Arabs who lined both banks of the river. They
      had small guns mounted on camels.
    </p>
    <p>
      Perree cast anchor, and an engagement commenced at nine o'clock on the
      14th of July, and continued till half past twelve.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the same time the General-in-Chief met and attacked a corps of about
      4000 Mamelukes. His object, as he afterwards said, was to turn the corps
      by the left of the village of Chebreisse, and to drive it upon the Nile.
    </p>
    <p>
      About eleven in the morning Perree told me that the Turks were doing us
      more harm than we were doing them; that our ammunition would soon be
      exhausted; that the army was far inland, and that if it did not make a
      move to the left there would be no hope for us. Several vessels had
      already been boarded and taken by the Turks, who massacred the crews
      before our eyes, and with barbarous ferocity showed us the heads of the
      slaughtered men.
    </p>
    <p>
      Perree, at considerable risk, despatched several persons to inform the
      General-in-Chief of the desperate situation of the flotilla. The cannonade
      which Bonaparte had heard since the morning, and the explosion of a
      Turkish gunboat, which was blown up by the artillery of the xebec, led him
      to fear that our situation was really perilous. He therefore made a
      movement to the left, in the direction of the Nile and Chebreisse, beat
      the Mamelukes, and forced them to retire on Cairo. At sight of the French
      troops the commander of the Turkish flotilla weighed anchor and sailed up
      the Nile. The two banks of the river were evacuated, and the flotilla
      escaped the destruction which a short time before had appeared inevitable.
      Some writers have alleged that the Turkish flotilla was destroyed in this
      engagement. The truth is, the Turks did us considerable injury, while on
      their part they suffered but little. We had twenty men killed and several
      wounded. Upwards of 1500 cannon-shots were fired during the action.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Berthier, in his narrative of the Egyptian expedition, enumerates
      the individuals who, though not in the military service, assisted Perree
      in this unequal and dangerous engagement. He mentions Monge, Berthollet,
      Andreossy, the paymaster, Junot, and Bourrienne, secretary to the
      General-in-Chief. It has also been stated that Sucy, the
      commissary-general, was seriously wounded while bravely defending a
      gunboat laden with provisions; but this is incorrect.
    </p>
    <p>
      We had no communication with the army until the 23d of July. On the 22d we
      came in sight of the Pyramids, and were informed that we were only about,
      ten leagues from Gizeh, where they are situated. The cannonade which we
      heard, and which augmented in proportion as the north wind diminished,
      announced a serious engagement; and that same day we saw the banks of the
      Nile strewed with heaps of bodies, which the waves were every moment
      washing into the sea. This horrible spectacle, the silence of the
      surrounding villages, which had hitherto been armed against us, and the
      cessation of the firing from the banks of the river, led us to infer, with
      tolerable certainty, that a battle fatal to the Mamelukes had been fought.
      The misery we suffered on our passage from Rahmahanie'h to Gizeh is
      indescribable. We lived for eleven days on melons and water, besides being
      momentarily exposed to the musketry of the Arabs and the fellahs. We
      luckily escaped with but a few killed and wounded. The rising of the Nile
      was only beginning. The shallowness of the river near Cairo obliged us to
      leave the xebec and get on board a djerm. We reached Gizeh at three in the
      afternoon of the 23d of July.
    </p>
    <p>
      When I saluted the General, whom I had not seen for twelve days, he thus
      addressed me: "So you are here, are you? Do you know that you have all of
      you been the cause of my not following up the battle of Chebreisse? It was
      to save you, Monge, Berthollet, and the others on board the flotilla that
      I hurried the movement of my left upon the Nile before my right had turned
      Chebreisse. But for that, not a single Mameluke would have escaped."
    </p>
    <p>
      "I thank you for my own part," replied I; "but in conscience could you
      have abandoned us, after taking away our horses, and making us go on board
      the xebec, whether we would or not?" He laughed, and then told me how
      sorry he was for the wound of Sucy, and the death of many useful men,
      whose places could not possibly be filled up.
    </p>
    <p>
      He made me write a letter to his brother Louis, informing him that he had
      gained a complete victory over the Mamelukes at Embabeh, opposite Boulac,
      and that the enemy's loss was 2000 men killed and wounded, 40 guns, and a
      great number of horses.
    </p>
    <p>
      The occupation of Cairo was the immediate consequence of the victory of
      Embabeh. Bonaparte established his head-quarters in the home of Elfy Bey,
      in the great square of Ezbekye'h.
    </p>
    <p>
      The march of the French army to Cairo was attended by an uninterrupted
      succession of combats and victories. We had won the battles of
      Rahmahanie'h, Chebreisse, and the Pyramids. The Mamelukes were defeated,
      and their chief, Mourad Bey, was obliged to fly into Upper Egypt.
      Bonaparte found no obstacle to oppose his entrance into the capital of
      Egypt, after a campaign of only twenty days.
    </p>
    <p>
      No conqueror, perhaps, ever enjoyed a victory so much as Bonaparte, and
      yet no one was ever less inclined to abuse his triumphs.
    </p>
    <p>
      We entered Cairo on the 24th of July, and the General-in-Chief immediately
      directed his attention to the civil and military organization of the
      country. Only those who saw him in the vigour of his youth can form an
      idea of his extraordinary intelligence and activity. Nothing escaped his
      observation. Egypt had long been the object of his study; and in a few
      weeks he was as well acquainted with the country as if he had lived in it
      ten years. He issued orders for observing the strictest discipline, and
      these orders were punctually obeyed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The mosques, the civil and religious institutions, the harems, the women,
      the customs of the country&mdash;all were scrupulously respected. A few
      days after they entered Cairo the French were freely admitted into the
      shops, and were seen sociably smoking their pipes with the inhabitants,
      assisting them in their occupations, and playing with their children.
    </p>
    <p>
      The day after his arrival in Cairo Bonaparte addressed to his brother
      Joseph the following letter, which was intercepted and printed. Its
      authenticity has been doubted, but I saw Napoleon write it, and he read it
      to me before he sent it off.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                       CAIRO,
               7th. Thermidor (25th July 1798)

   You will see in the public papers the bulletins of the battles and
   conquest of Egypt, which were sufficiently contested to add another
   wreath to the laurels of this army. Egypt is richer than any
   country in the world in coin, rice, vegetables, and cattle. But the
   people are in a state of utter barbarism. We cannot procure money,
   even to pay the troops. I maybe in France in two months.

   Engage a country-house, to be ready for me on my arrival, either
   near Paris or in Burgundy, where I mean to pass the winter.

   &mdash;[Bonaparte's autograph note, after enumerating the troops and
   warlike stores he wished to be sent, concluded with the following
   list:

   1st, a company of actors; 2d, a company of dancers; 3d, some dealers
   in marionettes, at least three or four; 9th, a hundred French women;
   5th, the wives of all the men employed in the corps; 6th, twenty
   surgeons, thirty apothecaries, and ten Physicians; 7th, some
   founders; 8th, some distillers and dealers in liquor; 9th fifty
   gardeners with their families, and the seeds of every kind of
   vegetable; 10th, each party to bring with them: 200,000 pints of
   brandy; 11th, 30,000 ells of blue and scarlet cloth; 12th, a supply
   of soap and oil.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;

                    (Signed) BONAPARTE
</pre>
    <p>
      This announcement of his departure to his brother is corroborated by a
      note which he despatched some days after, enumerating the supplies and
      individuals which he wished to have sent to Egypt. His note proves, more
      convincingly than any arguments, that Bonaparte earnestly wished to
      preserve his conquest, and to make it a French colony. It must be borne in
      mind that the note here alluded to, as well as the letter above quoted,
      was written long before the destruction of the fleet.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XV.
    </h2>

      1798.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Establishment of a divan in each Egyptian province&mdash;Desaix in Upper
   Egypt&mdash;Ibrahim Bey beaten by Bonaparte at Salehye'h&mdash;Sulkowsky
   wounded&mdash;Disaster at Aboukir&mdash;Dissatisfaction and murmurs of the
   army&mdash;Dejection of the General-in-Chief&mdash;His plan respecting Egypt
   &mdash;Meditated descent upon England&mdash;Bonaparte's censure of the
   Directory&mdash;Intercepted correspondence.
</pre>
    <p>
      From the details I have already given respecting Bonaparte's plans for
      colonising Egypt, it will be seen that his energy of mind urged him to
      adopt anticipatory measures for the accomplishment of objects which were
      never realised. During the short interval in which he sheathed his sword
      he planned provisional governments for the towns and provinces occupied by
      the French troops, and he adroitly contrived to serve the interests of his
      army without appearing to violate those of the country. After he had been
      four days at Cairo, during which time he employed himself in examining
      everything, and consulting every individual from whom he could obtain
      useful information, he published the following order:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                  HEADQUARTERS, CAIRO,
                  9th Thermidor, year VI.

   BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE,
   AND GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, ORDERS:

   Art. 1. There shall be in each province of Egypt a divan, composed
   of seven individuals, whose duty will be to superintend the
   interests of the province; to communicate to me any complaints that
   may be made; to prevent warfare among the different villages; to
   apprehend and punish criminals (for which purpose they may demand
   assistance from the French commandant); and to take every
   opportunity of enlightening the people.

   Art. 2. There shall be in each province an aga of the Janizaries,
   maintaining constant communication with the French commandant. He
   shall have with him a company of sixty armed natives, whom he may
   take wherever he pleases, for the maintenance of good order,
   subordination, and tranquillity.

   Art. 3. There shall be in each province an intendant, whose
   business will be to levy the miri, the feddam, and the other
   contributions which formerly belonged to the Mamelukes, but which
   now belong to the French Republic. The intendants shall have as
   many agents as may be necessary.

   Art. 4. The said intendant shall have a French agent to correspond
   with the Finance Department, and to execute all the orders he may
   receive.
                    (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      While Bonaparte was thus actively taking measures for the organization of
      the country,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Far more thoroughly and actively than those taken by the English
   Government in 1882-3-4]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      General Desaix had marched into Upper Egypt in pursuit of Mourad Bey. We
      learned that Ibrahim, who, next to Mourad, was the most influential of the
      beys, had proceeded towards Syria, by the way of Belbeis and Salehye'h.
      The General-in-Chief immediately determined to march in person against
      that formidable enemy, and he left Cairo about fifteen days after he had
      entered it. It is unnecessary to describe the well-known engagement in
      which Bonaparte drove Ibrahim back upon El-Arish; besides, I do not enter
      minutely into the details of battles, my chief object being to record
      events which I personally witnessed.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the battle of Salehye'h Bonaparte thought he had lost one of his 'aides
      de camp', Sulkowsky, to whom he was much attached, and who had been with
      us during the whole of the campaign of Italy. On the field of battle one
      object of regret cannot long engross the mind; yet, on his return to
      Cairo, Bonaparte frequently spoke to me of Sulkowsky in terms of unfeigned
      sorrow.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I cannot," said he one day, "sufficiently admire the noble spirit and
      determined courage of poor Sulkowsky." He often said that Sulkowsky would
      have been a valuable aid to whoever might undertake the resuscitation of
      Poland. Fortunately that brave officer was not killed on that occasion,
      though seriously wounded. He was, however, killed shortly after.
    </p>
    <p>
      The destruction of the French squadron in the roads of Aboukir occurred
      during the absence of the General-in-Chief. This event happened on the 1st
      of August. The details are generally known; but there is one circumstance
      to which I cannot refrain from alluding, and which excited deep interest
      at the time. This was the heroic courage of the son of Casablanca, the
      captain of the 'Orient'. Casablanca was among the wounded, and when the
      vessel was blown up his son, a lad of ten years of age, preferred
      perishing with him rather than saving himself, when one of the seamen had
      secured him the means of escape. I told the 'aide de camp', sent by
      General Kléber, who had the command of Alexandria, that the
      General-in-Chief was near Salehye'h. He proceeded thither immediately, and
      Bonaparte hastened back to Cairo, a distance of about thirty-three
      leagues.
    </p>
    <p>
      In spite of any assertions that may have been made to the contrary, the
      fact is, that as soon as the French troops set foot in Egypt, they were
      filled with dissatisfaction, and ardently longed to return home.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;['Erreurs' objects to this description of the complaints of the
   army, but Savary (tome i. pp. 66, 67, and tome i. p. 89) fully
   confirms it, giving the reason that the army was not a homogeneous
   body, but a mixed force taken from Rome, Florence, Milan, Venice,
   Genoa, and Marseilles; see also Thiers, tome v. p. 283. But the
   fact is not singular. For a striking instance, in the days of the
   Empire, of the soldiers in 1809, in Spain, actually threatening
   Napoleon in his own hearing, see De Gonneville (tome i.
   pp. 190-193): "The soldiers of Lapisse's division gave loud
   expression to the most sinister designs against the Emperor's
   person, stirring up each other to fire a shot at him, and bandying
   accusations of cowardice for not doing it."  He heard it all as
   plainly as we did, and seemed as if he did not care a bit for it,
   but "sent the division into good quarters, when the men were as
   enthusiastic as they were formerly mutinous." In 1796
   d'Entraigues, the Bourbon spy, reports, "As a general rule, the
   French soldier grumbles and is discontented. He accuses Bonaparte
   of being a thief and a rascal. But to-morrow the very same soldier
   will obey him blindly" (Iung's Bonaparte, tome iii. p. 152).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The illusion of the expedition had disappeared, and only its reality
      remained. What bitter murmuring have I not heard from Murat, Lannes,
      Berthier, Bessières, and others! Their complaints were, indeed, often so
      unmeasured as almost to amount to sedition. This greatly vexed Bonaparte,
      and drew from him severe reproaches and violent language.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon related at St. Helena that in a fit of irritation he
   rushed among a group of dissatisfied generals, and said to one of
   them, who was remarkable for his stature, "you have held seditious
   language; but take care I do not perform my duty. Though you are
   five feet ten inches high, that shall not save you from being
   shot."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      When the news arrived of the loss of the fleet, discontent increased. All
      who had acquired fortunes under Napoleon now began to fear that they would
      never enjoy them. All turned their thoughts to Paris, and its amusements,
      and were utterly disheartened at the idea of being separated from their
      homes and their friends for a period, the termination of which it was
      impossible to foresee.
    </p>
    <p>
      The catastrophe of Aboukir came like a thunderbolt upon the
      General-in-Chief. In spite of all his energy and fortitude, he was deeply
      distressed by the disasters which now assailed him. To the painful
      feelings excited by the complaints and dejection of his companions in arms
      was now added the irreparable misfortune of the burning of our fleet. He
      measured the fatal consequences of this event at a single glance. We were
      now cut off from all communication with France, and all hope of returning
      thither, except by a degrading capitulation with an implacable and hated
      enemy. Bonaparte had lost all chance of preserving his conquest, and to
      him this was indeed a bitter reflection. And at what a time did this
      disaster befall him? At the very moment when he was about to apply for the
      aid of the mother-country.
    </p>
    <p>
      From what General Bonaparte communicated to me previously to the 1st of
      August, his object was, having once secured the possession of Egypt; to
      return to Toulon with the fleet; then to send troops and provisions of
      every kind to Egypt; and next to combine with the fleet all the forces
      that could be supplied, not only by France, but by her allies, for the
      purpose of attacking England. It is certain that previously to his
      departure for Egypt he had laid before the Directory a note relative to
      his plans. He always regarded a descent upon England as possible, though
      in its result fatal, so long as we should be inferior in naval strength;
      but he hoped by various manoeuvres to secure a superiority on one point.
    </p>
    <p>
      His intention was to return to France. Availing himself of the departure
      of the English fleet for the Mediterranean, the alarm excited by his
      Egyptian expedition, the panic that would be inspired by his sudden
      appearance at Boulogne, and his preparations against England, he hoped to
      oblige that power to withdraw her naval force from the Mediterranean, and
      to prevent her sending out troops to Egypt. This project was often in his
      head. He would have thought it sublime to date an order of the day from
      the ruins of Memphis, and three months later, one from London. The loss of
      the fleet converted all these bold conceptions into mere romantic visions.
    </p>
    <p>
      When alone with me he gave free vent to his emotion. I observed to him
      that the disaster was doubtless great, but that it would have been
      infinitely more irreparable had Nelson fallen in with us at Malta, or had
      he waited for us four-and-twenty hours before Alexandria, or in the open
      sea. "Any one of these events," said I, "which were not only possible but
      probable, would have deprived us of every resource. We are blockaded here,
      but we have provisions and money. Let us then wait patiently to see what
      the Directory will do for us."&mdash;"The Directory!" exclaimed he
      angrily, "the Directory is composed of a set of scoundrels! they envy and
      hate me, and would gladly let me perish here. Besides, you see how
      dissatisfied the whole army is: not a man is willing to stay."
    </p>
    <p>
      The pleasing illusions which were cherished at the outset of the
      expedition vanished long before our arrival in Cairo. Egypt was no longer
      the empire of the Ptolemies, covered with populous and wealthy cities; it
      now presented one unvaried scene of devastation and misery. Instead of
      being aided by the inhabitants, whom we had ruined, for the sake of
      delivering them from the yoke of the beys, we found all against us:
      Mamelukes, Arabs, and fellahs. No Frenchman was secure of his life who
      happened to stray half a mile from any inhabited place, or the corps to
      which he belonged. The hostility which prevailed against us and the
      discontent of the army were clearly developed in the numerous letters
      which were written to France at the time, and intercepted.
    </p>
    <p>
      The gloomy reflections which at first assailed Bonaparte, were speedily
      banished; and he soon recovered the fortitude and presence of mind which
      had been for a moment shaken by the overwhelming news from Aboukir. He,
      however, sometimes repeated, in a tone which it would be difficult to
      describe, "Unfortunate Brueys, what have you done!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I have remarked that in some chance observations which escaped Napoleon at
      St. Helena he endeavoured to throw all the blame of the affair on Admiral
      Brueys. Persons who are determined to make Bonaparte an exception to human
      nature have unjustly reproached the Admiral for the loss of the fleet.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0016" id="link2HCH0016">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVI.
    </h2>

      1798.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Egyptian Institute&mdash;Festival of the birth of Mahomet&mdash;Bonaparte's
   prudent respect for the Mahometan religion&mdash;His Turkish dress&mdash;
   Djezzar, the Pasha of Acre&mdash;Thoughts of a campaign in Germany&mdash;Want
   of news from France&mdash;Bonaparte and Madame Fourés&mdash;The Egyptian
   fortune-teller, M. Berthollet, and the Sheik El Bekri&mdash;The air
   "Marlbrook"&mdash;Insurrection in Cairo&mdash;Death of General Dupuis&mdash;Death
   of Sulkowsky&mdash;The insurrection quelled&mdash;Nocturnal executions&mdash;
   Destruction of a tribe of Arabs&mdash;Convoy of sick and wounded&mdash;
   Massacre of the French in Sicily&mdash;projected expedition to Syria&mdash;
   Letter to Tippoo Saib.
</pre>
    <p>
      The loss of the fleet convinced General Bonaparte of the necessity of
      speedily and effectively organising Egypt, where everything denoted that
      we should stay for a considerable time, excepting the event of a forced
      evacuation, which the General was far from foreseeing or fearing. The
      distance of Ibrahim Bey and Mourad Bey now left him a little at rest. War,
      fortifications, taxation, government, the organization of the divans,
      trade, art, and science, all occupied his attention. Orders and
      instructions were immediately despatched, if not to repair the defeat, at
      least to avert the first danger that might ensue from it. On the 21st of
      August Bonaparte established at Cairo an institute of the arts and
      sciences, of which he subsequently appointed me a member in the room of M.
      de Sucy, who was obliged to return to France, in consequence of the wound
      he received on board the flotilla in the Nile.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Institute of Egypt was composed of members of the French
   Institute, and of the men of science and artists of the commission
   who did not belong to that body. They assembled and added to their
   number several officers of the artillery and staff, and others who
   had cultivated the sciences and literature.

   The Institute was established in one of the palaces of the bey's.
   A great number of machines, and physical, chemical, and astronomical
   instruments had been brought from France. They were distributed in
   the different rooms, which were also successively filled with all
   the curiosities of the country, whether of the animal, vegetable, or
   mineral kingdom.

   The garden of the palace became a botanical garden. A chemical
   laboratory was formed at headquarters; Berthollet performed
   experiments there several times every week, which Napoleon and a
   great number of officers attended ('Memoirs of Napoleon')]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In founding this Institute, Bonaparte wished to afford an example of his
      ideas of civilisation. The minutes of the sittings of that learned body,
      which have been printed, bear evidence of its utility, and of Napoleon's
      extended views. The objects of the Institute were the advancement and
      propagation of information in Egypt, and the study and publication of all
      facts relating to the natural history, trade, and antiquities of that
      ancient country.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th Bonaparte was present at the ceremony of opening the dyke of
      the canal of Cairo, which receives the water of the Nile when it reaches
      the height fired by the Mequyas.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two days after came the anniversary festival of the birth of Mahomet. At
      this Napoleon was also present, in company with the sheik El Bekri, who at
      his request gave him two young Mamelukes, Ibrahim, and Roustan.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The General-in-Chief went to celebrate the feast of the Prophet
   at the house of the sheik El Bekri. The ceremony was begun by the
   recital of a kind of litany, containing the life of Mahomet from his
   birth to his death. About a hundred sheiks, sitting in a circle, on
   carpets, with their legs crossed, recited all the verses, swinging
   their bodies violently backwards and forwards, and altogether.

   A grand dinner was afterwards served up, at which the guests sat on
   carpets, with their legs across. There were twenty tables, and five
   or six people at each table. That of the General-in-Chief and the
   sheik El Bekri was in the middle; a little slab of a precious kind
   of wood ornamented with mosaic work was placed eighteen inches above
   the floor and covered with a great number of dishes in succession.
   They were pillaws of rice, a particular kind of roast, entrees, and
   pastry, all very highly spiced. The sheiks picked everything with
   their fingers. Accordingly water was brought to wash the hands
   three times during dinner. Gooseberry-water, lemonade, and other
   sorts of sherbets were served to drink, and abundance of preserves
   and confectionery with the dessert. On the whole, the dinner was
   not disagreeable; it was only the manner of eating it that seemed
   strange to us.

   In the evening the whole city was illuminated. After dinner the
   party went into the square of El Bekri, the illumination of which,
   in coloured lamps, was very beautiful. An immense concourse of
   people attended. They were all placed in order, in ranks of from
   twenty to a hundred persons, who, standing close together, recited
   the prayers and litanies of the Prophet with movements which kept
   increasing, until at length they seemed to be convulsive, and some
   of the most zealous fainted away ('Memoirs of Napoleon').]&mdash;

   &mdash;[Roustan or Rustan, a Mameluke, was always with Napoleon from the
   time of the return from Egypt till 1814, when he abandoned his
   master. He slept at or near the door of Napoleon. See Rémusat,
   tome i, p. 209, for an amusing description of the alarm of
   Josephine, and the precipitate flight of Madame de Rémusat, at the
   idea of being met and killed by this man in one of Josephine's
   nocturnal attacks on the privacy of her husband when closeted with
   his mistress.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It has been alleged that Bonaparte, when in Egypt, took part in the
      religious ceremonies and worship of the Mussulmans; but it cannot be said
      that he celebrated the festivals of the overflowing of the Nile and the
      anniversary of the Prophet. The Turks invited him to these merely as a
      spectator; and the presence of their new master was gratifying to the
      people. But he never committed the folly of ordering any solemnity. He
      neither learned nor repeated any prayer of the Koran, as many persons have
      asserted; neither did he advocate fatalism, polygamy, or any other
      doctrine of the Koran. Bonaparte employed himself better than in
      discussing with the Imaums the theology of the children of Ismael. The
      ceremonies, at which policy induced him to be present, were to him, and to
      all who accompanied him, mere matters of curiosity. He never set foot in a
      mosque; and only on one occasion, which I shall hereafter mention, dressed
      himself in the Mahometan costume. He attended the festivals to which the
      green turbans invited him. His religious tolerance was the natural
      consequence of his philosophic spirit.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[From this Sir Walter Scott infers that he did not scruple to join
   the Musselmans in the external ceremonies of their religion. He
   embellishes his romance with the ridiculous farce of the sepulchral
   chamber of the grand pyramid, and the speeches which were addressed
   to the General as well as to the muftis and Imaums; and he adds that
   Bonaparte was on the point of embracing Islamism. All that Sir
   Walter says on this subject is the height of absurdity, and does not
   even deserve to be seriously refuted. Bonaparte never entered a
   mosque except from motives of curiosity,(see contradiction in
   previous paragraph. D.W.) and he never for one moment afforded any
   ground for supposing that he believed in the mission of Mahomet.&mdash;
   Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Doubtless Bonaparte did, as he was bound to do, show respect for the
      religion of the country; and he found it necessary to act more like a
      Mussulman than a Catholic. A wise conqueror supports his triumphs by
      protecting and even elevating the religion of the conquered people.
      Bonaparte's principle was, as he himself has often told me, to look upon
      religions as the work of men, but to respect them everywhere as a powerful
      engine of government. However, I will not go so far as to say that he
      would not have changed his religion had the conquest of the East been the
      price of that change. All that he said about Mahomet, Islamism, and the
      Koran to the great men of the country he laughed at himself. He enjoyed
      the gratification of having all his fine sayings on the subject of
      religion translated into Arabic poetry, and repeated from mouth to mouth.
      This of course tended to conciliate the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      I confess that Bonaparte frequently conversed with the chiefs of the
      Mussulman religion on the subject of his conversion; but only for the sake
      of amusement. The priests of the Koran, who would probably have been
      delighted to convert us, offered us the most ample concessions. But these
      conversations were merely started by way of entertainment, and never could
      have warranted a supposition of their leading to any serious result. If
      Bonaparte spoke as a Mussulman, it was merely in his character of a
      military and political chief in a Mussulman country. To do so was
      essential to his success, to the safety of his army, and, consequently, to
      his glory. In every country he would have drawn up proclamations and
      delivered addresses on the same principle. In India he would have been for
      Ali, at Thibet for the Dalai-lama, and in China for Confucius.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[On the subject of his alleged conversion to Mahometanism
   Bonaparte expressed himself at St. Helena as follows:

   "I never followed any of the tenets of that religion. I never
   prayed in the mosques. I never abstained from wine, or was
   circumcised, neither did I ever profess it. I said merely that we
   were the friends of the Mussulmans, and that I respected Mahomet
   their prophet, which was true; I respect him now. I wanted to make
   the Imaums cause prayers to be offered up in the mosques for me, in
   order to make the people respect me still more than they actually
   did, and obey me more readily. The Imaums replied that there was a
   great obstacle, because their Prophet in the Koran had inculcated to
   them that they were not to obey, respect, or hold faith with
   infidels, and that I came under that denomination. I then desired
   them to hold a consultation, and see what was necessary to be done
   in order to become a Mussulman, as some of their tenets could not be
   practised by us. That, as to circumcision, God had made us unfit
   for that. That, with respect to drinking wine, we were poor cold
   people, inhabitants of the north, who could not exist without it.
   They consulted together accordingly, and in about three weeks issued
   a fetham, declaring that circumcision might be omitted, because it
   was merely a profession; that as to drinking wine, it might be drunk
   by Mussulmans, but that those who drank it would not go to paradise,
   but to hell. I replied that this would not do; that we had no
   occasion to make ourselves Mussulmans in order to go to hell, that
   there were many ways of getting there without coming to Egypt, and
   desired them to hold another consultation. After deliberating and
   battling together for I believe three months, they finally decided
   that a man might become a Mussulman, and neither circumcise nor
   abstain from wine; but that, in proportion to the wine drunk, some
   good works must be done. I then told them that we were all
   Mussulmans and friends of the Prophet, which they really believed,
   as the French soldiers never went to church, and had no priests with
   them. For you must know that during the Revolution there was no
   religion whatever in the French army. Menou," continued Napoleon,
   "really turned Mahometan, which was the reason I left him behind."
   &mdash;(Voices from St. Helena.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The General-in-Chief had a Turkish dress made, which he once put on,
      merely in joke. One day he desired me to go to breakfast without waiting
      for him, and that he would follow me. In about a quarter of an hour he
      made his appearance in his new costume. As soon as he was recognised he
      was received with a loud burst of laughter. He sat down very coolly; but
      he found himself so encumbered and ill at ease in his turban and Oriental
      robe that he speedily threw them off, and was never tempted to a second
      performance of the masquerade.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the end of August Bonaparte wished to open negotiations with the
      Pasha of Acre, nicknamed the Butcher. He offered Djezzar his friendship,
      sought his in return, and gave him the most consolatory assurances of the
      safety of his dominions. He promised to support him against the Grand
      Seignior, at the very moment when he was assuring the Egyptians that he
      would support the Grand Seignior against the beys. But Djezzar, confiding
      in his own strength and in the protection of the English, who had
      anticipated Bonaparte, was deaf to every overture, and would not even
      receive Beauvoisin, who was sent to him on the 22d of August. A second
      envoy was beheaded at Acre. The occupations of Bonaparte and the necessity
      of obtaining a more solid footing in Egypt retarded for the moment the
      invasion of that pashalic, which provoked vengeance by its barbarities,
      besides being a dangerous neighbour.
    </p>
    <p>
      From the time he received the accounts of the disaster of Aboukir until
      the revolt of Cairo on the 22d of October, Bonaparte sometimes found the
      time hang heavily on his hands. Though he devoted attention to everything,
      yet there was not sufficient occupation for his singularly active mind.
      When the heat was not too great he rode on horseback; and on his return,
      if he found no despatches to read (which often happened), no orders to
      send off; or no letters to answer, he was immediately absorbed in reverie,
      and would sometimes converse very strangely. One day, after a long pause,
      he said to me:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Do you know what I am thinking of?"&mdash;"Upon my word, that would be
      very difficult; you think of such extraordinary things."&mdash;"I don't
      know," continued he, "that I shall ever see France again; but if I do, my
      only ambition is to make a glorious campaign in Germany&mdash;in the
      plains of Bavaria; there to gain a great battle, and to avenge France for
      the defeat of Hochstadt. After that I would retire into the country, and
      live quietly."
    </p>
    <p>
      He then entered upon a long dissertation on the preference he would give
      to Germany as the theatre of war; the fine character of the people, and
      the prosperity and wealth of the country, and its power of supporting an
      army. His conversations were sometimes very long; but always replete with
      interest.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[So early as 1794 Napoleon had suggested that Austria should
   always be attacked in Germany, not in Italy. "It is Germany that
   should be overwhelmed; that done, Italy and Spain fall of
   themselves. Germany should be attacked, not Spain or Italy. If we
   obtain great success, advantage should never be taken of it to
   penetrate into Italy while Germany, unweakened, offers a formidable
   front" (Iung's Bonaparte, tome ii. p. 936), He was always opposed
   to the wild plans which had ruined so many French armies in Italy,
   and which the Directory tried to force on him, of marching on Rome
   and Naples after every success in the north.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In these intervals of leisure Bonaparte was accustomed to retire to bed
      early. I used to read to him every evening. When I read poetry he would
      fall asleep; but when he asked for the Life of Cromwell I counted on
      sitting up pretty late. In the course of the day he used to read and make
      notes. He often expressed regret at not receiving news from France; for
      correspondence was rendered impracticable by the numerous English and
      Turkish cruisers. Many letters were intercepted and scandalously
      published. Not even family secrets and communications of the most
      confidential nature were respected.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the middle of September in this year (1798), Bonaparte ordered to be
      brought to the house of Elfy Bey half a dozen Asiatic women whose beauty
      he had heard highly extolled. But their ungraceful obesity displeased him,
      and they were immediately dismissed. A few days after he fell violently in
      love with Madame Foures, the wife of a lieutenant of infantry. She was
      very pretty, and her charms were enhanced by the rarity of seeing a woman
      in Egypt who was calculated to please the eye of a European. Bonaparte
      engaged for her a house adjoining the palace of Elfy Bey, which we
      occupied. He frequently ordered dinner to be prepared there, and I used to
      go there with him at seven o'clock, and leave him at nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      This connection soon became the general subject of gossip at
      head-quarters. Through a feeling of delicacy to M. Foures, the
      General-in-Chief gave him a mission to the Directory. He embarked at
      Alexandria, and the ship was captured by the English, who, being informed
      of the cause of his mission, were malicious enough to send him back to
      Egypt, instead of keeping him prisoner. Bonaparte wished to have a child
      by Madame Foures, but this wish was not realised.
    </p>
    <p>
      A celebrated soothsayer was recommended to Bonaparte by the inhabitants of
      Cairo, who confidentially vouched for the accuracy with which he could
      foretell future events. He was sent for, and when he arrived, I, Venture,
      and a sheik were with the General. The prophet wished first to exercise
      his skill upon Bonaparte, who, however, proposed that I should have my
      fortune told first, to which I acceded without hesitation. To afford an
      idea of his prophetic skill I must mention that since my arrival in Cairo
      I had been in a very weak state. The passage of the Nile and the bad food
      we had had for twelve days had greatly reduced me, so that I was miserably
      pale and thin.
    </p>
    <p>
      After examining my hands, feeling my pulse, my forehead, and the nape of
      my neck, the fortune-teller shrugged his shoulders, and, in a melancholy
      tone, told Venture that he did not think it right to inform me of my fate.
      I gave him to understand that he might say what he pleased, as it was a
      matter of indifference to me. After considerable hesitation on his part
      and pressing on mine, he announced to me that the earth of Egypt would
      receive me in two months.
    </p>
    <p>
      I thanked him, and he was dismissed. When we were alone the General said
      to me, "Well, what do you think of that?" I observed that the
      fortune-teller did not run any great risk in foretelling my death, which
      was a very probable circumstance in the state in which I was; "but," added
      I, "if I procure the wines which I have ordered from France, you will soon
      see me get round again."
    </p>
    <p>
      The art of imposing on mankind has at all times been an important part of
      the art of governing; and it was not that portion of the science of
      government which Bonaparte was the least acquainted with. He neglected no
      opportunity of showing off to the Egyptians the superiority of France in
      arts and sciences; but it happened, oftener than once, that the simple
      instinct of the Egyptians thwarted his endeavours in this way. Some days
      after the visit of the pretended fortune-teller he wished, if I may so
      express myself, to oppose conjurer to conjurer. For this purpose he
      invited the principal sheiks to be present at some chemical experiments
      performed by M. Berthollet. The General expected to be much amused at
      their astonishment; but the miracles of the transformation of liquids,
      electrical commotions and galvanism, did not elicit from them any symptom
      of surprise. They witnessed the operations of our able chemist with the
      most imperturbable indifference. When they were ended, the sheik El Bekri
      desired the interpreter to tell M. Berthollet that it was all very fine;
      "but," said he, "ask him whether he can make me be in Morocco and here at
      one and the same moment?" M. Berthollet replied in the negative, with a
      shrug of his shoulders. "Oh! then," said the sheik, "he is not half a
      sorcerer."
    </p>
    <p>
      Our music produced no greater effect upon them. They listened with
      insensibility to all the airs that were played to them, with the exception
      of "Marlbrook." When that was played they became animated, and were all in
      motion, as if ready to dance.
    </p>
    <p>
      An order which had been issued on our arrival in Cairo for watching the
      criers of the mosques had for some weeks been neglected. At certain hours
      of the night these criers address prayers to the Prophet. As it was merely
      a repetition of the same ceremony over and over again, in a short time no
      notice was taken of it. The Turks, perceiving this negligence, substituted
      for their prayers and hymns cries of revolt, and by this sort of verbal
      telegraph, insurrectionary excitement was transmitted to the northern and
      southern extremities of Egypt. By this means, and by the aid of secret
      emissaries, who eluded our feeble police, and circulated real or forged
      firmans of the Sultan disavowing the concord between France and the Porte,
      and provoking war, the plan of a revolution was organised throughout the
      country.
    </p>
    <p>
      The signal for the execution of this plan was given from the minarets on
      the night of the 20th of October, and on the morning of the 21st it was
      announced at headquarters that the city of Cairo was in open insurrection.
      The General-in-Chief was not, as has been stated, in the isle of Raeuddah:
      he did not hear the firing of the alarm-guns. He rose when the news
      arrived; it was then five o'clock. He was informed that all the shops were
      closed, and that the French were attacked. A moment after he heard of the
      death of General Dupuis, commandant of the garrison, who was killed by a
      lance in the street. Bonaparte immediately mounted his horse, and,
      accompanied by only thirty guides, visited all the threatened points,
      restored confidence, and, with great presence of mind, adopted measures of
      defence.
    </p>
    <p>
      He left me at headquarters with only one sentinel; but he had been
      accurately informed of the situation of the insurgents; and such was my
      confidence in his activity and foresight that I had no apprehension, and
      awaited his return with perfect composure. This composure was not
      disturbed even when I saw a party of insurgents attack the house of M.
      Estève, our paymaster-general, which was situated on the opposite side of
      Ezbekye'h Place. M. Estève was, fortunately, able to resist the attack
      until troops from Boulac came up to his assistance.
    </p>
    <p>
      After visiting all the posts, and adopting every precautionary measure,
      Bonaparte returned to headquarters. Finding me still alone with the
      sentinel, he asked me, smiling, "whether I had not been frightened?"&mdash;"Not
      at all, General, I assure you," replied I.
    </p>
    <p>
      &mdash;It was about half-past eight in the morning when Bonaparte returned
      to headquarters, and while at breakfast he was informed that some Bedouin
      Arabs, on horseback, were trying to force their entrance into Cairo. He
      ordered his aide de camp, Sulkowsky, to mount his horse, to take with him
      fifteen guides, and proceed to the point where the assailants were most
      numerous. This was the Bab-el-Nasser, or the gate of victory. Croisier
      observed to the General-in-Chief that Sulkowsky had scarcely recovered
      from the wounds at Salehye'h, and he offered to take his place. He had his
      motives for this. Bonaparte consented; but Sulkowsky had already set out.
      Within an hour after, one of the fifteen guides returned, covered with
      blood, to announce that Sulkowsky and the remainder of his party had been
      cut to pieces. This was speedy work, for we were still at table when the
      sad news arrived.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mortars were planted on Mount Mokatam, which commands Cairo. The populace,
      expelled from all the principal streets by the troops, assembled in the
      square of the Great Mosque, and in the little streets running into it,
      which they barricaded. The firing of the artillery on the heights was kept
      up with vigour for two days.
    </p>
    <p>
      About twelve of the principal chiefs of Cairo were arrested and confined
      in an apartment at headquarters. They awaited with the calmest resignation
      the death they knew they merited; but Bonaparte merely detained them as
      hostages. The aga in the service of Bonaparte was astonished that sentence
      of death was not pronounced upon them; and he said, shrugging his
      shoulders, and with a gesture apparently intended to provoke severity,
      "You see they expect it."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the third the insurrection was at an end, and tranquillity restored.
      Numerous prisoners were conducted to the citadel. In obedience to an order
      which I wrote every evening, twelve were put to death nightly. The bodies
      were then put into sacks and thrown into the Nile. There were many women
      included in these nocturnal executions.
    </p>
    <p>
      I am not aware that the number of victims amounted to thirty per day, as
      Bonaparte assured General Reynier in a letter which he wrote to him six
      days after the restoration of tranquillity. "Every night," said he, "we
      cut off thirty heads. This, I hope, will be an effectual example." I am of
      opinion that in this instance he exaggerated the extent of his just
      revenge.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after the revolt of Cairo the necessity of ensuring our own
      safety forced the commission of a terrible act of cruelty. A tribe of
      Arabs in the neighbourhood of Cairo had surprised and massacred a party of
      French. The General-in-Chief ordered his aide de camp Croisier to proceed
      to the spot, surround the tribe, destroy the huts, kill all the men, and
      conduct the rest of the population to Cairo. The order was to decapitate
      the victims, and bring their heads in sacks to Cairo to be exhibited to
      the people. Eugène Beauharnais accompanied Croisier, who joyfully set out
      on this horrible expedition, in hope of obliterating all recollection of
      the affair of Damanhour.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the following day the party returned. Many of the poor Arab women had
      been delivered on the road, and the children had perished of hunger, heat,
      and fatigue. About four o'clock a troop of asses arrived in Ezbekye'h
      Place, laden with sacks. The sacks were opened and the heads rolled out
      before the assembled populace. I cannot describe the horror I experienced;
      but I must nevertheless acknowledge that this butchery ensured for a
      considerable time the tranquillity and even the existence of the little
      caravans which were obliged to travel in all directions for the service of
      the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      Shortly before the loss of the fleet the General-in Chief had formed the
      design of visiting Suez, to examine the traces of the ancient canal which
      united the Nile to the Gulf of Arabia, and also to cross the latter. The
      revolt at Cairo caused this project to be adjourned until the month of
      December.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before his departure for Suez, Bonaparte granted the commissary Sucy leave
      to return to France. He had received a wound in the right hand, when on
      board the xebec 'Cerf'. I was conversing with him on deck when he received
      this wound. At first it had no appearance of being serious; but some time
      after he could not use his hand. General Bonaparte despatched a vessel
      with sick and wounded, who were supposed to be incurable, to the number of
      about eighty. All envied their fate, and were anxious to depart with them,
      but the privilege was conceded to very few. However, those who were,
      disappointed had, no cause for regret. We never know what we wish for.
      Captain Marengo, who landed at Augusta in Sicily, supposing it to be a
      friendly land, was required to observe quarantine for twenty-two days, and
      information was given of the arrival of the vessel to the court, which was
      at Palermo. On the 25th of January 1799 all on board the French vessel
      were massacred, with the exception of twenty-one who were saved by a
      Neapolitan frigate, and conducted to Messing, where they were detained.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before he conceived the resolution of attacking the Turkish advanced guard
      in the valleys of Syria, Bonaparte had formed a plan of invading British
      India from Persia. He had ascertained, through the medium of agents, that
      the Shah of Persia would, for a sum of money paid in advance, consent to
      the establishment of military magazines on certain points of his
      territory. Bonaparte frequently told me that if, after the subjugation of
      Egypt, he could have left 15,000 men in that country, and have had 30,000
      disposable troops, he would have marched on the Euphrates. He was
      frequently speaking about the deserts which were to be crossed to reach
      Persia.
    </p>
    <p>
      How many times have I seen him extended on the ground, examining the
      beautiful maps which he had brought with him, and he would sometimes make
      me lie down in the same position to trace to me his projected march. This
      reminded him of the triumphs of his favourite hero, Alexander, with whom
      he so much desired to associate his name; but, at the same time, he felt
      that these projects were incompatible with our resources, the weakness of
      the Government; and the dissatisfaction which the army already evinced.
      Privation and misery are inseparable from all these remote operations.
    </p>
    <p>
      This favourite idea still occupied his mind a fortnight before his
      departure for Syria was determined on, and on the 25th of January 1799 he
      wrote to Tippoo Saib as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   You are of course already informed of my arrival on the banks of
   the Red Sea, with a numerous and invincible army. Eager to deliver
   you from the iron yoke of England, I hasten to request that you will
   send me, by the way of Mascate or Mocha, an account of the political
   situation in which you are. I also wish that you could send to
   Suez, or Grand Cairo, some able man, in your confidence, with whom I
   may confer.

   &mdash;[It is not true, as has often been stated, that Tippoo Saib wrote
   to General Bonaparte. He could not reply to a letter written on the
   23th of January, owing to the great difficulty of communication, the
   considerable distance, and the short interval which elapsed between
   the 25th of January and the fall of the Empire of Mysore, which
   happened on the 20th of April following. The letter to Tippo Saib
   commenced "Citizen-Sultan!"&mdash;Bourrienne]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0017" id="link2HCH0017">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVII.
    </h2>

      1798-1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's departure for Suez&mdash;Crossing the desert&mdash;Passage of the
   Red Sea&mdash;The fountain of Moses&mdash;The Cenobites of Mount Sinai&mdash;Danger
   in recrossing the Red Sea&mdash;Napoleon's return to Cairo&mdash;Money
   borrowed at Genoa&mdash;New designs upon Syria&mdash;Dissatisfaction of the
   Ottoman Porte&mdash;Plan for invading Asia&mdash;Gigantic schemes&mdash;General
   Berthier's permission to return to France&mdash;His romantic love and the
   adored portrait&mdash;He gives up his permission to return home&mdash;Louis
   Bonaparte leaves Egypt&mdash;The first Cashmere shawl in France&mdash;
   Intercepted correspondence&mdash;Departure for Syria&mdash;Fountains of
   Messoudish&mdash;Bonaparte jealous&mdash;Discontent of the troops&mdash;El-Arish
   taken&mdash;Aspect of Syria&mdash;Ramleh&mdash;Jerusalem.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 24th of December we set out for Suez, where we arrived on the 26th.
      On the 25th we encamped in the desert some leagues before Ad-Geroth. The
      heat had been very great during the day; but about eleven at night the
      cold became so severe as to be precisely in an inverse ratio to the
      temperature of the day. This desert, which is the route of the caravans
      from Suez, from Tor and the countries situated on the north of Arabia, is
      strewed with the bones of the men and animals who, for ages past, have
      perished in crossing it. As there was no wood to be got, we collected a
      quantity of these bones for fuel. Monge himself was induced to sacrifice
      some of the curious skulls of animals which he had picked up on the way
      and deposited in the Berlin of the General-in-Chief. But no sooner had we
      kindled our fires than an intolerable effluvium obliged us to raise our
      camp and advance farther on, for we could procure no water to extinguish
      the fires.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th Bonaparte employed himself in inspecting the town and port of
      Suez, and in giving orders for some naval and military works. He feared&mdash;what
      indeed really occurred after his departure from Egypt&mdash;the arrival of
      some English troops from the East Indies, which he had intended to invade.
      These regiments contributed to the loss of his conquest.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir David Baird, with a force of about 7000 men sent from India,
   landed at Cosseir in July 1801.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 28th we crossed the Red Sea dry-shod, to go to the
      Wells of Moses, which are nearly a myriametre from the eastern coast, and
      a little southeast of Suez. The Gulf of Arabia terminates at about 5,000
      metres north of that city. Near the port the Red Sea is not above 1,500
      metres wide, and is always fordable at low water. The caravans from Tor
      and Mount Sinai always pass at that part,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I shall say nothing of the Cenobites of Mount Sinai, as I had not
   the honour of seeing them. Neither did I see the register
   containing the names of Ali, Salah-Eddin, Ibrahim or Abraham,
   on which Bonaparte is said to have inscribed his name. I perceived
   at a distance some high hills which were said to be Mount Sinai.
   I conversed, through the medium of an interpreter, with some Arabian
   chiefs of Tor and its neighbourhood. They had been informed of our
   excursion to the Wells, and that they might there thank the French
   General for the protection granted to their caravans and their trade
   with Egypt. On the 19th of December, before his departure from
   Suez, Bonaparte signed a sort of safeguard, or exemption from
   duties, for the convent of Mount Sinai. This had been granted out
   of respect to Moses and the Jewish nation, and also because the
   convent of Mount Sinai is a seat of learning and civilisation amidst
   the barbarism of the deserts.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      either in going to or returning from Egypt. This shortens their journey
      nearly a myriametre. At high tide the water rises five or six feet at
      Suez, and when the wind blows fresh it often rises to nine or ten feet.
    </p>
    <p>
      We spent a few hours seated by the largest of the springs called the Wells
      of Moses, situated on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Arabia. We made
      coffee with the water from these springs, which, however, gave it such a
      brackish taste that it was scarcely drinkable.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though the water of the eight little springs which form the Wells of Moses
      is not so salt as that of many wells dug in other parts of the deserts, it
      is, nevertheless, exceedingly brackish, and does not allay thirst so well
      as fresh water.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte returned to Suez that same night. It was very dark when we
      reached the sea-shore. The tide was coming up, and the water was pretty
      high. We deviated a little from the way we had taken in the morning; we
      crossed a little too low down; we were thrown into disorder, but we did
      not lose ourselves in the marshes as has been stated. There were none. I
      have read somewhere, though I did not see the fact, nor did I hear it
      mentioned at the time, that the tide, which was coming up, would have been
      the grave of the General-in-Chief had not one of the guides saved him by
      carrying him on his shoulders. If any such danger had existed, all who had
      not a similar means of escape must have perished.
    </p>
    <p>
      This is a fabrication. General Caffarelli was the only person who was
      really in danger, for his wooden leg prevented his sitting firmly on his
      horse in the water; but some persons came to his assistance and supported
      him.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bonaparte extricated himself as the others did from the real
   danger he and his escort had run. At St. Helena he said, "Profiting
   by the low tide, I crossed the Red Sea dry-shod. On my return I was
   overtaken by the night and went astray in the middle of the rising
   tide. I ran the greatest danger. I nearly perished in the same
   manner as Pharaoh did. This would certainly have furnished all the
   Christian preachers with a magnificent test against me."
   &mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief wished to discover the site of
      the canal which in ancient times formed a junction between the Red Sea and
      the Nile by Belbeis. M. Lepère, who was a member of the Egyptian
      Institute, and is now inspector-general of bridges and highways, executed
      on the spot a beautiful plan, which may confidently be consulted by those
      who wish to form an accurate idea of that ancient communication, and the
      level of the two seas.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Since accurately ascertained during the progress of the works for
   the Suez Canal.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On his arrival at the capital Bonaparte again devoted all his thoughts to
      the affairs of the army, which he had not attended to during his short
      absence. The revenues of Egypt were far from being sufficient to meet the
      military expenditure. To defray his own expenses Bonaparte raised several
      considerable loans in Genoa through the medium of M. James. The connection
      of James with the Bonaparte family takes its date from this period.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte says that the fathers of Napoleon and of M.
   James had long known one another, and that Napoleon had met James at
   Autun. ('Erreurs', tome i, p. 296).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Since the month of August the attention of General Bonaparte had been
      constantly fixed on Syria. The period of the possible landing of an enemy
      in Egypt had now passed away, and could not return until the month of July
      in the following year. Bonaparte was fully convinced that that landing
      would take place, and he was not deceived. The Ottoman Porte had, indeed,
      been persuaded that the conquest of Egypt was not in her interest. She
      preferred enduring a rebel whom she hoped one day to subdue to supporting
      a power which, under the specious pretext of reducing her insurgent beys
      to obedience, deprived her of one of her finest provinces, and threatened
      the rest of the empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief had no longer any doubt as to
      the course which the Porte intended to adopt. The numerous class of
      persons who believed that the Ottoman Porte had consented to our
      occupation of Egypt were suddenly undeceived. It was then asked how we
      could, without that consent, have attempted such an enterprise? Nothing,
      it was said, could justify the temerity of such an expedition, if it
      should produce a rupture between France, the Ottoman empire, and its
      allies. However, for the remainder of the year Bonaparte dreaded nothing
      except an expedition from Gaza and El-Arish, of which the troops of
      Djezzar had already taken possession. This occupation was justly regarded
      as a decided act of hostility; war was thus practically declared. "We must
      adopt anticipatory measures," thought Napoleon; "we must destroy this
      advanced guard of the Ottoman empire, overthrow the ramparts of Jaffa and
      Acre, ravage the country, destroy all her resources, so as to render the
      passage of an army across the desert impracticable." Thus was planned the
      expedition against Syria.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Berthier, after repeated entreaties, had obtained permission to
      return to France. The 'Courageuse' frigate, which was to convey him home,
      was fitting out at Alexandria; he had received his instructions, and was
      to leave Cairo on the 29th of January, ten days before Bonaparte's
      departure for Syria. Bonaparte was sorry to part with him; but he could
      not endure to see an old friend, and one who had served him well in all
      his campaigns, dying before his eyes, the victim of nostalgia and romantic
      love. Besides, Berthier had been for some time past, anything but active
      in the discharge of his duties. His passion, which amounted almost to
      madness, impaired the feeble faculties with which nature had endowed him.
      Some writers have ranked him in the class of sentimental lovers: be this
      as it may, the homage which Berthier rendered to the portrait of the
      object of his adoration more frequently excited our merriment than our
      sensibility.
    </p>
    <p>
      One day I went with an order from Bonaparte to the chief of his staff,
      whom I found on his knees before the portrait of Madame Visconti, which
      was hanging opposite the door. I touched him, to let him know I was there.
      He grumbled a little, but did not get angry.
    </p>
    <p>
      The moment was approaching when the two friends were to part, perhaps
      forever. Bonaparte was sincerely distressed at this separation, and the
      chief of his staff was informed of the fact. At a moment when it was
      supposed Berthier was on his way to Alexandria, he presented himself to
      the General-in-Chief. "You are, then, decidedly going to Asia?" said he.&mdash;"You
      know," replied the General, "that all is ready, and I shall set out in a
      few days."&mdash;"Well, I will not leave you. I voluntarily renounce all
      idea of returning to France. I could not endure to forsake you at a moment
      when you are going to encounter new dangers. Here are my instructions and
      my passport." Bonaparte, highly pleased with this resolution, embraced
      Berthier; and the coolness which had been excited by his request to return
      home was succeeded by a sincere reconciliation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis Bonaparte, who was suffering from the effects of the voyage, was
      still at Alexandria. The General-in-Chief, yielding to the pacific views
      of his younger brother, who was also beginning to evince some symptoms of
      nostalgia, consented to his return home. He could not, however, depart
      until the 11th of March 1799. I felt the absence of Louis very much.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return to France Louis passed through Sens, where he dined with
      Madame de Bourrienne, to whom he presented a beautiful shawl, which
      General Berthier had given me. This, I believe, was the first Cashmere
      that had ever been seen in France. Louis was much surprised when Madame de
      Bourrienne showed him the Egyptian correspondence, which had been seized
      by the English and printed in London. He found in the collection some
      letters addressed to himself, and there were others, he said, which were
      likely to disturb the peace of more than one family on the return of the
      army.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of February 1799 we began our march for Syria, with about
      12,000 men. It has been erroneously stated that the army amounted to only
      6000: nearly that number was lost in the course of the campaign. However,
      at the very moment we were on our way to Syria, with 12,000 men, scarcely
      as many being left in Egypt, the Directory published that, "according to
      the information which had been received," we had 60,000 infantry and
      10,000 cavalry; that the army had doubled its numbers by battles; and that
      since our arrival in Egypt, we had lost only 300 men. Is history to be
      written from such documents?
    </p>
    <p>
      We arrived, about four o'clock in the afternoon, at Messoudiah, or, "the
      Fortunate Spot." Here we witnessed a kind of phenomenon, which was not a
      little agreeable to us. Messoudiah is a place situated on the coast of the
      Mediterranean, surrounded with little dunes of very fine sand, which the
      copious rains of winter readily penetrate. The rain remains in the sand,
      so that on making with the fingers holes of four or five inches in depth
      at the bottom of these little hills, the water immediately flows out. This
      water was, indeed, rather thick, but its flavour was agreeable; and it
      would have become clear if we could have spared time to allow it to rest
      and deposit the particles of sand it contained.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was a curious spectacle to behold us all lying prostrate, digging wells
      in miniature; and displaying a laughable selfishness in our endeavours to
      obtain the most abundant source. This was a very important discovery to
      us. We found these sand-wells at the extremity of the desert, and it
      contributed, in no small degree, to revive the courage of our soldiers;
      besides, when men are, as was the case with us, subject to privations of
      every kind, the least benefit which accrues inspires the hope of a new
      advantage. We were approaching the confines of Syria, and we enjoyed by
      anticipation, the pleasure we were about to experience, on treading a soil
      which, by its variety of verdure and vegetation, would remind us of our
      native land. At Messoudiah we likewise possessed the advantage of bathing
      in the sea, which was not more than fifty paces from our unexpected
      water-supply.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst near the wells of Messoudiah, on the way to El-Arish, I one day saw
      Bonaparte walking alone with Junot, as he was often in the habit of doing.
      I stood at a little distance, and my eyes, I know not why, were fixed on
      him during their conversation. The General's countenance, which was always
      pale, had, without my being able to divine the cause, become paler than
      usual. There was something convulsive in his features&mdash;a wildness in
      his look, and he several times struck his head with his hand. After
      conversing with Junot about a quarter of an hour he quitted him and came
      towards me. I never saw him exhibit such an air of dissatisfaction, or
      appear so much under the influence of some prepossession. I advanced
      towards him, and as soon as we met, he exclaimed in an abrupt and angry
      tone, "So! I find I cannot depend upon you.&mdash;These women!&mdash;Josephine!
      &mdash;if you had loved me, you would before now have told me all I have
      heard from Junot&mdash;he is a real friend&mdash;Josephine!&mdash;and I
      600 leagues from her&mdash;you ought to have told me.&mdash;That she
      should thus have deceived me!&mdash;'Woe to them!&mdash;I will exterminate
      the whole race of fops and puppies!&mdash;As to her&mdash;divorce!&mdash;yes,
      divorce! a public and open divorce!&mdash;I must write!&mdash;I know all!&mdash;It
      is your fault&mdash;you ought to have told me!"
    </p>
    <p>
      These energetic and broken exclamations, his disturbed countenance and
      altered voice informed me but too well of the subject of his conversation
      with Junot. I saw that Junot had been drawn into a culpable indiscretion;
      and that, if Josephine had committed any faults, he had cruelly
      exaggerated them. My situation was one of extreme delicacy. However, I had
      the good fortune to retain my self-possession, and as soon as some degree
      of calmness succeeded to this first burst, I replied that I knew nothing
      of the reports which Junot might have communicated to him; that even if
      such reports, often the offspring of calumny, had reached my ear, and if I
      had considered it my duty to inform him of them, I certainly would not
      have selected for that purpose the moment when he was 600 leagues from
      France. I also did not conceal how blamable Junot's conduct appeared to
      me, and how ungenerous I considered it thus rashly to accuse a woman who
      was not present to justify or defend herself; that it was no great proof
      of attachment to add domestic uneasiness to the anxiety, already
      sufficiently great, which the situation of his brothers in arms, at the
      commencement of a hazardous enterprise, occasioned him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding these observations, which, however, he listened to with
      some calmness, the word "divorce" still escaped his lips; and it is
      necessary to be aware of the degree of irritation to which he was liable
      when anything seriously vexed him, to be able to form an idea of what
      Bonaparte was during this painful scene. However, I kept my ground. I
      repeated what I had said. I begged of him to consider with what facility
      tales were fabricated and circulated, and that gossip such as that which
      had been repeated to him was only the amusement of idle persons; and
      deserved the contempt of strong minds. I spoke of his glory. "My glory!"
      cried he. "I know not what I would not give if that which Junot has told
      me should be untrue; so much do I love Josephine! If she be really guilty
      a divorce must separate us for ever. I will not submit to be a
      laughing-stock for all the imbeciles in Paris. I will write to Joseph; he
      will get the divorce declared."
    </p>
    <p>
      Although his agitation continued long, intervals occurred in which he was
      less excited. I seized one of these moments of comparative calm to combat
      this idea of divorce which seemed to possess his mind. I represented to
      him especially that it would be imprudent to write to his brother with
      reference to a communication which was probably false. "The letter might
      be intercepted; it would betray the feelings of irritation which dictated
      it. As to a divorce, it would be time to think of that hereafter, but
      advisedly."
    </p>
    <p>
      These last words produced an effect on him which I could not have ventured
      to hope for so speedily. He became tranquil, listened to me as if he had
      suddenly felt the justice of my observations, dropped the subject, and
      never returned to it; except that about a fortnight after, when we were
      before St. Jean d'Acre, he expressed himself greatly dissatisfied with
      Junot, and complained of the injury he had done him by his indiscreet
      disclosures, which he began to regard as the inventions of malignity. I
      perceived afterwards that he never pardoned Junot for this indiscretion;
      and I can state, almost with certainty, that this was one of the reasons
      why Junot was not created a marshal of France, like many of his comrades
      whom Bonaparte had loved less. It may be supposed that Josephine, who was
      afterwards informed by Bonaparte of Junot's conversation, did not feel
      particularly interested in his favour. He died insane on the 27th of July
      1813.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[However indiscreet Junot might on this occasion have shown
   himself in interfering in so delicate a matter, it is pretty certain
   that his suspicions were breathed to no other ear than that of
   Bonaparte himself. Madame Junot, in speaking of the ill-suppressed
   enmity between her husband and Madame Bonaparte, says that he never
   uttered a word even to her of the subject of his conversation with
   the General-in-Chief to Egypt. That Junot's testimony, however,
   notwithstanding the countenance it obtained from Bonaparte's
   relations, ought to be cautiously received, the following passage
   from the Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. i. p. 250,
   demonstrative of the feelings of irritation between the parties,
   will show:

   "Junot escorted Madame Bonaparte when she went to join the
   General-in-Chief in Italy. I am surprised that M. de Bourrienne
   has omitted mentioning this circumstance in his Memoirs. He must
   have known it, since he was well acquainted with everything
   relating to Josephine, and knew many facts of high interest in her
   life at this period and subsequently. How happens it too that he
   makes no mention of Mademoiselle Louise, who might be called her
   'demoiselle de compagnie' rather than her 'femme de chambre'? At
   the outset of the journey to Italy she was such a favourite with
   Josephine that she dressed like her mistress, ate at table with
   her, and was in all respects her friend and confidante.

   "The journey was long, much too long for Junot, though he was very
   much in love with Mademoiselle Louise. But he was anxious to join
   the army, for to him his General was always the dearest of
   mistresses. Junot has often spoken to me, and to me alone, of the
   vexations he experienced on this journey. He might have added to
   his circumstantial details relative to Josephine the conversation he
   is reported to have had with Bonaparte to Egypt; but he never
   breathed a word on the subject, for his character was always noble
   and generous. The journey to Italy did not produce the effect which
   usually arises from such incidents in common life; namely, a closer
   friendship and intimacy between the parties. On the contrary,
   Madame Bonaparte from that moment evinced some degree of ill-humour
   towards Junot, and complained with singular warmth of the want of
   respect which he had shown her, in making love to her 'femme de
   chambre' before her face."

   According to 'Erreurs (tome i. pp. 4, 50) Junot was not then in
   Syria. On 10th February Napoleon was at Messoudiah. Junot only
   arrived from Egypt at Gaza on the 25th February. Madame d'Abrantes
   (ii. 32) treats this conversation as apocryphal. "This (an anecdote
   of her own) is not an imaginary episode like that, for example, of
   making a person speak at Messoudiah who never was there."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Our little army continued its march on El-Arish, where we arrived on the
      17th of February. The fatigues experienced in the desert and the scarcity
      of water excited violent murmurs amongst the soldiers during their march
      across the isthmus. When any person on horseback passed them they
      studiously expressed their discontent. The advantage possessed by the
      horsemen provoked their sarcasms. I never heard the verses which they are
      said to have repeated, but they indulged in the most violent language
      against the Republic, the men of science, and those whom they regarded as
      the authors of the expedition. Nevertheless these brave fellows, from whom
      it was not astonishing that such great privations should extort
      complaints, often compensated by their pleasantries for the bitterness of
      their reproaches.
    </p>
    <p>
      Many times during the crossing of the isthmus I have seen soldiers,
      parched with thirst, and unable to wait till the hour for distribution of
      water, pierce the leathern bottles which contained it; and this conduct,
      so injurious to all, occasioned numerous quarrels.
    </p>
    <p>
      El-Arish surrendered on the 17th of February. It has been erroneously
      stated that the garrison of this insignificant place, which was set at
      liberty on condition of not again serving against us, was afterwards found
      amongst the besieged at Jaffa. It has also been stated that it was because
      the men composing the El-Arish garrison did not proceed to Bagdad,
      according to the capitulation, that we shot them at Jaffa. We shall
      presently see the falsehood of these assertions.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of February we obtained the first glimpse of the green and
      fertile plains of Syria, which, in many respects, reminded us of the
      climate and soil of Europe. We now had rain, and sometimes rather too
      much. The feelings which the sight of the valleys and mountains called
      forth made us, in some degree, forget the hardships and vexations of an
      expedition of which few persons could foresee the object or end. There are
      situations in life when the slightest agreeable sensation alleviates all
      our ills.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of March we slept at Ramleh, in a small convent occupied by two
      monks, who paid us the greatest attention. They gave us the church for a
      hospital. These good fathers did not fail to tell us that it was through
      this place the family of Jesus Christ passed into Egypt, and showed us the
      wells at which they quenched their thirst.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Ramleh, the ancient Arimathea, is situated at the base of a chain
   of mountains, the eastern extremity of which is washed by the
   Persian Gulf, and the western by the Mediterranean.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The pure and cool water of these wells delighted us.
    </p>
    <p>
      We were not more than about six leagues from Jerusalem.
    </p>
    <p>
      I asked the General whether he did not intend to direct his march by the
      way of that city, so celebrated in many respects. He replied, "Oh no!
      Jerusalem is not in my line of operations. I do not wish to be annoyed by
      mountaineers in difficult roads. And, besides, on the other side of the
      mountain I should be assailed by swarms of cavalry. I am not ambitious of
      the fate of Cassius."
    </p>
    <p>
      We therefore did not enter Jerusalem, which was not disturbed by the war.
      All we did was to send a written declaration to the persons in power at
      Jerusalem, assuring them that we had no design against that country, and
      only wished them to remain at peace. To this communication no answer was
      returned, and nothing more passed on the subject.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Walter Scott says, speaking of Bonaparte, that he believes
   that little officer of artillery dreamed of being King of Jerusalem.
   What I have just stated proves that he never thought of such a
   thing. The "little officer of artillery" had a far more splendid
   dream in his head.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      We found at Ramleh between two and three hundred Christians in a pitiable
      state of servitude, misery, and dejection. On conversing with them I could
      not help admiring how much the hope of future rewards may console men
      under present ills. But I learned from many of them that they did not live
      in harmony together. The feelings of hatred and jealousy are not less
      common amongst these people than amongst the better-instructed inhabitants
      of rich and populous cities.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0018" id="link2HCH0018">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVIII
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Arrival at Jaffa&mdash;The siege&mdash;Beauharnais and Croisier&mdash;Four thousand
   prisoners&mdash;Scarcity of provisions&mdash;Councils of war&mdash;Dreadful
   necessity&mdash;The massacre&mdash;The plague&mdash;Lannes and the mountaineers&mdash;
   Barbarity of Djezarr&mdash;Arrival at St Jean d'Acre, and abortive
   attacks&mdash;Sir Sidney Smith&mdash;Death of Caffarelli&mdash;Duroc wounded&mdash;
   Rash bathing&mdash;Insurrections in Egypt.
</pre>
    <p>
      On arriving before Jaffa, where there were already some troops, the first
      person I met was Adjutant-General Gresieux, with whom I was well
      acquainted. I wished him good-day, and offered him my hand. "Good God!
      what are you about?" said he, repulsing me with a very abrupt gesture;
      "you may have the plague. People do not touch each other here!" I
      mentioned the circumstance to Bonaparte, who said, "If he be afraid of the
      plague, he will die of it." Shortly after, at St. Jean d'Acre, he was
      attacked by that malady, and soon sank under it.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 4th of March we commenced the siege of Jaffa. That paltry place,
      which, to round a sentence, was pompously styled the ancient Joppa, held
      out only to the 6th of March, when it was taken by storm, and given up to
      pillage. The massacre was horrible. General Bonaparte sent his aides de
      camp Beauharnais and Croisier to appease the fury of the soldiers as much
      as possible, and to report to him what was passing. They learned that a
      considerable part of the garrison had retired into some vast buildings, a
      sort of caravanserai, which formed a large enclosed court. Beauharnais and
      Croisier, who were distinguished by wearing the 'aide de camp' scarf on
      their arms, proceeded to that place. The Arnauts and Albanians, of whom
      these refugees were almost entirely composed, cried from the windows that
      they were willing to surrender upon an assurance that they would be
      exempted from the massacre to which the town was doomed; if not, they
      threatened to fire on the 'aides de camp', and to defend themselves to the
      last extremity. The two officers thought that they ought to accede to the
      proposition, notwithstanding the decree of death which had been pronounced
      against the whole garrison, in consequence of the town being taken by
      storm. They brought them to our camp in two divisions, one consisting of
      about 2500 men, the other of about 1600.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was walking with General Bonaparte, in front of his tent, when he beheld
      this mass of men approaching, and before he even saw his 'aides de camp'
      he said to me, in a tone of profound sorrow, "What do they wish me to do
      with these men? Have I food for them?&mdash;ships to convey them to Egypt
      or France? Why, in the devil's name, have they served me thus?" After
      their arrival, and the explanations which the General-in-Chief demanded
      and listened to with anger, Eugène and Croisier received the most severe
      reprimand for their conduct. But the deed was done. Four thousand men were
      there. It was necessary to decide upon their fate. The two aides de camp
      observed that they had found themselves alone in the midst of numerous
      enemies, and that he had directed them to restrain the carnage. "Yes,
      doubtless," replied the General-in-Chief, with great warmth, "as to women,
      children, and old men&mdash;all the peaceable inhabitants; but not with
      respect to armed soldiers. It was your duty to die rather than bring these
      unfortunate creatures to me. What do you want me to do with them?" These
      words were pronounced in the most angry tone.
    </p>
    <p>
      The prisoners were then ordered to sit down, and were placed, without any
      order, in front of the tents, their hands tied behind their backs. A
      sombre determination was depicted on their countenances. We gave them a
      little biscuit and bread, squeezed out of the already scanty supply for
      the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the first day of their arrival a council of war was held in the tent of
      the General-in-Chief, to determine what course should be pursued with
      respect to them. The council deliberated a long time without coming to any
      decision.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the following day the daily reports of the generals of
      division came in. They spoke of nothing but the insufficiency of the
      rations, the complaints of the soldiers&mdash;of their murmurs and
      discontent at seeing their bread given to enemies who had been withdrawn
      from their vengeance, inasmuch as a decree of death, in conformity with
      the laws of war, had been passed on Jaffa. All these reports were
      alarming, and especially that of General Bon, in which no reserve was
      made. He spoke of nothing less than the fear of a revolt, which would be
      justified by the serious nature of the case.
    </p>
    <p>
      The council assembled again. All the generals of division were summoned to
      attend, and for several hours together they discussed, under separate
      questions, what measures might be adopted, with the most sincere desire to
      discover and execute one which would save the lives of these unfortunate
      prisoners.
    </p>
    <p>
      (1.) Should they be sent into Egypt? Could it be done?
    </p>
    <p>
      To do so, it would be necessary to send with them a numerous escort, which
      would too much weaken our little army in the enemy's country. How,
      besides, could they and the escort be supported till they reached Cairo,
      having no provisions to give them on setting out, and their route being
      through a hostile territory, which we had exhausted, which presented no
      fresh resources, and through which we, perhaps, might have to return.
    </p>
    <p>
      (2.) Should they be embarked?
    </p>
    <p>
      Where were the ships?&mdash;Where could they be found? All our telescopes,
      directed over the sea, could not descry a single friendly sail. Bonaparte,
      I affirm, would have regarded such an event as a real favour of fortune.
      It was, and&mdash;I am glad to have to say it, this sole idea, this sole
      hope, which made him brave, for three days, the murmurs of his army. But
      in vain was help looked for seaward. It did not come.
    </p>
    <p>
      (3.) Should the prisoners be set at liberty?
    </p>
    <p>
      They would then instantly proceed to St. Jean d'Acre to reinforce the
      pasha, or else, throwing themselves into the mountains of Nablous, would
      greatly annoy our rear and right-flank, and deal out death to us, as a
      recompense for the life we had given them. There could be no doubt of
      this. What is a Christian dog to a Turk? It would even have been a
      religious and meritorious act in the eye of the Prophet.
    </p>
    <p>
      (4.) Could they be incorporated, disarmed, with our soldiers in the ranks?
    </p>
    <p>
      Here again the question of food presented itself in all its force. Next
      came to be considered the danger of having such comrades while marching
      through an enemy's country. What might happen in the event of a battle
      before St. Jean d'Acre? Could we even tell what might occur during the
      march? And, finally, what must be done with them when under the ramparts
      of that town, if we should be able to take them there? The same
      embarrassments with respect to the questions of provisions and security
      would then recur with increased force.
    </p>
    <p>
      The third day arrived without its being possible, anxiously as it was
      desired, to come to any conclusion favourable to the preservation of these
      unfortunate men. The murmurs in the camp grew louder&mdash;the evil went
      on increasing&mdash;remedy appeared impossible&mdash;the danger was real
      and imminent. The order for shooting the prisoners was given and executed
      on the 10th of March. We did not, as has been stated, separate the
      Egyptians from the other prisoners. There were no Egyptians.
    </p>
    <p>
      Many of the unfortunate creatures composing the smaller division, which
      was fired on close to the seacoast, at some distance from the other
      column, succeeded in swimming to some reefs of rocks out of the reach of
      musket-shot. The soldiers rested their muskets on the sand, and, to induce
      the prisoners to return, employed the Egyptian signs of reconciliation in
      use in the country. They came back; but as they advanced they were killed,
      and disappeared among the waves.
    </p>
    <p>
      I confine myself to these details of this act of dreadful necessity, of
      which I was an eye-witness. Others, who, like myself, saw it, have
      fortunately spared me the recital of the sanguinary result. This atrocious
      scene, when I think of it, still makes me shudder, as it did on the day I
      beheld it; and I would wish it were possible for me to forget it, rather
      than be compelled to describe it. All the horrors imagination can
      conceive, relative to that day of blood, would fall short of the reality.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have related the truth, the whole truth. I was present at all the
      discussions, all the conferences, all the deliberations. I had not, as may
      be supposed, a deliberative voice; but I am bound to declare that the
      situation of the army, the scarcity of food, our small numerical strength,
      in the midst of a country where every individual was an enemy, would have
      induced me to vote in the affirmative of the proposition which was carried
      into effect, if I had a vote to give. It was necessary to be on the spot
      in order to understand the horrible necessity which existed.
    </p>
    <p>
      War, unfortunately, presents too many occasions on which a law, immutable
      in all ages, and common to all nations, requires that private interests
      should be sacrificed to a great general interest, and that even humanity
      should be forgotten. It is for posterity to judge whether this terrible
      situation was that in which Bonaparte was placed. For my own part, I have
      a perfect conviction that he could not do otherwise than yield to the dire
      necessity of the case. It was the advice of the council, whose opinion was
      unanimous in favour of the execution, that governed him. Indeed I ought in
      truth to say, that he yielded only in the last extremity, and was one of
      those, perhaps, who beheld the massacre with the deepest pain.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the siege of Jaffa the plague began to exhibit itself with a little
      more virulence. We lost between seven and eight hundred, men by the
      contagion during the campaign of Syria.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Walter Scott says, that Heaven sent this pestilence amongst
   us to avenge the massacre of Jaffa]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      During our march on St. Jean d'Acre, which was commenced on the 14th of
      March, the army neither obtained the brilliant triumphs nor encountered
      the numerous obstacles spoken of in certain works. Nothing of importance
      occurred but a rash skirmish of General Lannes who, in spite of contrary
      orders from Bonaparte, obstinately pursued a troop of mountaineers into
      the passes of Nablous. On returning, he found the mountaineers placed in
      ambush in great numbers amongst rocks, the windings of which they were
      well acquainted with, whence they fired close upon our troops, whose
      situation rendered them unable to defend themselves. During the time of
      this foolish and useless enterprise, especially while the firing was
      brisk, Bonaparte exhibited much impatience, and it must be confessed, his
      anger was but natural. The Nablousians halted at the openings of the
      mountain defiles. Bonaparte reproached Lannes bitterly for having
      uselessly exposed himself, and "sacrificed, without any object, a number
      of brave men." Lannes excused himself by saying that the mountaineers had
      defied him, and he wished to chastise the rabble. "We are not in a
      condition to play the swaggerer," replied Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      In four days we arrived before St. Jean d'Acre, where we learned that
      Djezzar had cut off the head of our envoy, Mailly-de-Chateau-Renaud, and
      thrown his body into the sea in a sack. This cruel pasha was guilty of a
      great number of similar executions. The waves frequently drove dead bodies
      towards the coast, and we came upon them whilst bathing.
    </p>
    <p>
      The details of the siege of Acre are well known. Although surrounded by a
      wall, flanked with strong towers, and having, besides, a broad and deep
      ditch defended by works this little fortress did not appear likely to hold
      out against French valour and the skill of our corps of engineers and
      artillery; but the ease and rapidity with which Jaffa had been taken
      occasioned us to overlook in some degree the comparative strength of the
      two places, and the difference of their respective situations. At Jaffa we
      had sufficient artillery: at St. Jean d'Acre we had not. At Jaffa we had
      to deal only with a garrison left to itself: at St. Jean d'Acre we were
      opposed by a garrison strengthened by reinforcements of men and supplies
      of provisions, supported by the English fleet, and assisted by European
      Science. Sir Sidney Smith was, beyond doubt, the man who did us the
      greatest injury.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Sidney Smith was the only Englishman besides the Duke of
   Wellington who defeated Napoleon in military operations. The third
   Englishman opposed to him, Sir John Moore, was compelled to make a
   precipitate retreat through the weakness of his force]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Much has been said respecting his communications with the
      General-in-Chief. The reproaches which the latter cast upon him for
      endeavouring to seduce the soldiers and officers of the army by tempting
      offers were the more singular, even if they were well founded, inasmuch as
      these means are frequently employed by leaders in war.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[At one time the French General was so disturbed by them as to
   endeavour to put a stop to them; which object he effected by
   interdicting all communication with the English, and signifying, in
   an order of the day, that their Commodore was a madman. This, being
   believed in the army, so enraged Sir Sidney Smith, that in his wrath
   he sent a challenge to Napoleon. The latter replied, that he had
   too many weighty affairs on his hands to trouble himself in so
   trifling a matter. Had it, indeed, been the great Marlborough, it
   might have been worthy his attention. Still, if the English sailor
   was absolutely bent upon fighting, he would send him a bravo from
   the army, and show them a small portion of neutral ground, where the
   mad Commodore might land, and satisfy his humour to the full.&mdash;
   (Editor of 1836 edition.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      As to the embarking of French prisoners on board a vessel in which the
      plague existed, the improbability of the circumstance alone, but
      especially the notorious facts of the case, repel this odious accusation.
      I observed the conduct of Sir Sidney Smith closely at the time, and I
      remarked in him a chivalric spirit, which sometimes hurried him into
      trifling eccentricities; but I affirm that his behaviour towards the
      French was that of a gallant enemy. I have seen many letters, in which the
      writers informed him that they "were very sensible of the good treatment
      which the French experienced when they fell into his hands." Let any one
      examine Sir Sidney's conduct before the capitulation of El-Arish, and
      after its rupture, and then they can judge of his character.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon, when at St. Helena, in speaking of the siege of Acre,
   said,&mdash;Sidney Smith is a brave officer. He displayed considerable
   ability in the treaty for the evacuation of Egypt by the French. He
   took advantage of the discontent which he found to prevail amongst
   the French troops at being so long away from France, and other
   circumstances. He manifested great honour in sending immediately to
   Kléber the refusal of Lord Keith to ratify the treaty, which saved
   the French army; if he had kept it a secret seven or eight days
   longer, Cairo would have been given up to the Turks, and the French
   army necessarily obliged to surrender to the English. He also
   showed great humanity and honour in all his proceedings towards the
   French who felt into his hands. He landed at Havre, for some
   'sottise' of a bet he had made, according to some, to go to the
   theatre; others said it was for espionage; however that may be, he
   was arrested and confined in the Temple as a spy; and at one time it
   was intended to try and execute him. Shortly after I returned from
   Italy he wrote to me from his prison, to request that I would
   intercede for him; but, under the circumstances in which he was
   taken, I could do nothing for him. He is active, intelligent,
   intriguing, and indefatigable; but I believe that he is 'mezzo
   pazo'.

   "The chief cause of the failure at Acre was, that he took all my
   battering train, which was on board of several small vessels.
   Had it not been for that, I would have taken Acre in spite of him.
   He behaved very bravely, and was well seconded by Phillipeaux, a
   Frenchman of talent, who had studied with me as an engineer. There
   was a Major Douglas also, who behaved very gallantly. The
   acquisition of five or six hundred seamen as gunners was a great
   advantage to the Turks, whose spirits they revived, and whom they
   showed how to defend the fortress. But he committed a great fault
   in making sorties, which cost the lives of two or three hundred
   brave fellows without the possibility of success. For it was
   impossible he could succeed against the number of the French who
   were before Acre. I would lay a wage that he lost half of his crew
   in them. He dispersed Proclamations amongst my troops, which
   certainly shook some of them, and I in consequence published an
   order, stating that he was mad, and forbidding all communication
   with him. Some days after he sent, by means of a flag of truce,
   a lieutenant or a midshipman with a letter containing a challenge to
   me to meet him at some place he pointed out in order to fight a
   duel. I laughed at this, and sent him back an intimation that when
   he brought Marlborough to fight me I would meet him. Notwithstanding
   this, I like the character of the man." (Voices from
   St. Helena, vol. 4, p. 208).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      All our manoeuvres, our works, and attacks were made with that levity and
      carelessness which over-confidence inspires. Kléber, whilst walking with
      me one day in the lines of our camp, frequently expressed his surprise and
      discontent. "The trenches," said, he, "do not come up to my knees."
      Besieging artillery was, of necessity, required: we commenced with field
      artillery. This encouraged the besieged, who perceived the weakness of our
      resources. The besieging artillery, consisting only of three twenty-four
      pounders and six eighteen pounders, was not brought up until the end of
      April, and before that period three assaults had taken place with very
      serious loss. On the 4th of May our powder began to fail us. This cruel
      event obliged us to slacken our fire. We also wanted shot; and an order of
      the day fixed a price to be given for all balls, according to their
      calibre, which might be picked up after being fired from the fortress or
      the two ships of the line, the 'Tiger' and 'Theseus', which were stationed
      on each side of the harbour. These two vessels embarrassed the
      communication between the camp and the trenches; but though they made much
      noise, they did little harm. A ball from one of them killed an officer on
      the evening the siege was raised.
    </p>
    <p>
      The enemy had within the walls some excellent riflemen, chiefly Albanians.
      They placed stones, one over the other, on the walls, put their firearms
      through the interstices, and thus, completely sheltered, fired with
      destructive precision.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 9th of April General Caffarelli, so well known for his courage and
      talents, was passing through the trench, his hand resting as he stooped on
      his hip, to preserve the equilibrium which his wooden leg impaired; his
      elbow only was raised above the trench. He was warned that the enemy's
      shot, fired close upon us, did not miss the smallest object. He paid no
      attention to any observation of this kind, and in a few instants his elbow
      joint was fractured. Amputation of the arm was judged indispensable. The
      General survived the operation eighteen days. Bonaparte went regularly
      twice a day to his tent. By his order, added to my friendship for
      Caffarelli, I scarcely ever quitted him. Shortly before he expired he said
      to me, "My dear Bourrienne, be so good as to read to me Voltaire's preface
      to 'Esprit des Lois'." When I returned to the tent of the General-in-Chief
      he asked, "How is Caffarelli?" I replied, "He is near his end; but he
      asked me to read him Voltaire's preface to the 'Esprit de Lois', he has
      just fallen asleep." Bonaparte said, "Bah! to wish to hear that preface?
      how singular!" He went to see Caffarelli, but he was still asleep. I
      returned to him that evening and received his last breath. He died with
      the utmost composure. His death was equally regretted by the soldiers and
      the men of science, who accompanied us. It was a just regret due to that
      distinguished man, in whom very extensive information was united with
      great courage and amiable disposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of May, when an assault took place, Bonaparte proceeded at an
      early hour to the trenches.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Sidney Smith, in his official report of the assault of the
   8th of May, says that Napoleon was distinctly seen directing the
   operation.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Croisier, who was mentioned on our arrival at Damanhour and on the capture
      of Jaffa, had in vain courted death since the commencement of the siege.
      Life had become insupportable to him since the unfortunate affair at
      Jaffa. He as usual accompanied his General to the trenches. Believing that
      the termination of the siege, which was supposed to be near, would
      postpone indefinitely the death which he sought, he mounted a battery. In
      this situation his tall figure uselessly provoked all the enemy's shots.
      "Croisier, come down, I command you; you have no business there," cried
      Bonaparte, in a loud and imperative tone. Croisier remained without making
      any reply. A moment after a ball passed through his right leg. Amputation
      was not considered indispensable. On the day of our departure he was
      placed on a litter, which was borne by sixteen men alternately, eight at a
      time. I received his farewell between Gaza and El-Arish, where he died of
      tetanus. His modest tomb will not be often visited.
    </p>
    <p>
      The siege of St. Jean d'Acre lasted sixty days. During that time eight
      assaults and twelve sorties took place. In the assault of the 8th of May
      more than 200 men penetrated into the town. Victory was already shouted;
      but the breach having been taken in reverse by the Turks, it was not
      approached without some degree of hesitation, and the men who had entered
      were not supported. The streets were barricaded. The cries, the howlings
      of the women, who ran through the streets throwing, according to the
      custom of the country, dust in the air, excited the male inhabitants to a
      desperate resistance, which rendered unavailing this short occupation of
      the town, by a handful of men, who, finding themselves left without
      assistance, retreated towards the breach. Many who could not reach it
      perished in the town.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this assault Duroc, who was in the trench, was wounded in the right
      thigh by the splinter from a shell fired against the fortifications.
      Fortunately this accident only carried away the flesh from the bone, which
      remained untouched. He had a tent in common with several other 'aides de
      camp'; but for his better accommodation I gave him mine, and I scarcely
      ever quitted him. Entering his tent one day about noon, I found him in a
      profound sleep. The excessive heat had compelled him to throw off all
      covering, and part of his wound was exposed. I perceived a scorpion which
      had crawled up the leg of the camp-bed and approached very near to the
      wound. I was just in time to hurl it to the ground. The sudden motion of
      my hand awoke Duroc.
    </p>
    <p>
      We often bathed in the sea. Sometimes the English, perhaps after taking a
      double allowance of grog, would fire at our heads, which appeared above
      water. I am not aware that any accident was occasioned by their cannonade;
      but as we were beyond reach of their guns, we paid scarcely any attention
      to the firing. It was seen a subject of amusement to us.
    </p>
    <p>
      Had our attack on St. Jean d'Acre been less precipitate, and had the siege
      been undertaken according to the rules of war, the place would not have
      held out three days; one assault, like that of the 8th of May, would have
      been sufficient. If, in the situation in which we were on the day when we
      first came in sight of the ramparts of Acre; we had made a less
      inconsiderate estimate of the strength of the place; if we had likewise
      taken into consideration the active co-operation of the English and the
      Ottoman Porte, our absolute want of artillery of sufficient calibre, our
      scarcity of gunpowder and the difficulty of procuring food, we certainly
      should not have undertaken the siege; and that would have been by far the
      wisest course.
    </p>
    <p>
      Towards the end of the siege the General-in-Chief received intelligence of
      some trifling insurrections in northern Egypt. An angel had excited them,
      and the heavenly messenger, who had condescended to assume a name, was
      called the Mahdi, or El Mohdy. This religious extravagance, however, did
      not last long, and tranquillity was soon restored. All that the fanatic
      Mahdi, who shrouded himself in mystery, succeeded in doing was to attack
      our rear by some vagabonds, whose illusions were dissipated by a few
      musket shots.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0019" id="link2HCH0019">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIX.
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The siege of Acre raised&mdash;Attention to names in bulletins&mdash;Gigantic
   project&mdash;The Druses&mdash;Mount Carmel&mdash;The wounded and infected&mdash;
   Order to march on foot&mdash;Loss of our cannon&mdash;A Nablousian fires at
   Bonaparte&mdash;Return to Jaffa&mdash;Bonaparte visits the plague hospital&mdash;
   A potion given to the sick&mdash;Bonaparte's statement at St. Helena.
</pre>
    <p>
      The siege of St. Jean d'Acre was raised on the 20th of May. It cost us a
      loss of nearly 3000 men, in killed, deaths by the plague, or wounds. A
      great number were wounded mortally. In those veracious documents, the
      bulletins, the French loss was made 500 killed, and 1000 wounded, and the
      enemy's more than 15,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our bulletins may form curious materials for history; but their value
      certainly will not depend on the credit due to their details. Bonaparte
      attached the greatest importance to those documents; generally drawing
      them up himself, or correcting them, when written by another hand, if the
      composition did not please him.
    </p>
    <p>
      It must be confessed that at that time nothing so much flattered self-love
      as being mentioned in a bulletin. Bonaparte was well aware of this; he
      knew that to insert a name in a bulletin was conferring a great honour,
      and that its exclusion was a severe disappointment. General Berthier, to
      whom I had expressed a strong desire to examine the works of the siege,
      took me over them; but, notwithstanding his promise of secrecy, he
      mentioned the circumstance to the General-in-Chief, who had desired me not
      to approach the works. "What did you go there for?" said Bonaparte to me,
      with some severity; "that is not your place." I replied that Berthier told
      me that no assault would take place that day; and he believed there would
      be no sortie, as the garrison had made one the preceding evening. "What
      matters that? There might have been another. Those who have nothing to do
      in such places are always the first victims. Let every man mind his own
      business. Wounded or killed, I would not even have noticed you in the
      bulletin. You could have been laughed at, and that justly."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, not having at this time experienced reverses, having
      continually proceeded from triumph to triumph, confidently anticipated the
      taking of St. Jean d'Acre. In his letters to the generals in Egypt he
      fixed the 25th of April for the accomplishment of that event. He reckoned
      that the grand assault against the tower could not be made before that
      day; it took place, however, twenty-four hours sooner. He wrote to Desaix
      on the 19th of April, "I count on being master of Acre in six days." On
      the 2d of May he told Junot, "Our 18 and 24 pounders have arrived. We hope
      to enter Acre in a few days. The fire of their artillery is completely
      extinguished." Letters have been printed, dated 30th Floréal (19th May),
      in which he announces to Dugua and to Poussielque that they can rely on
      his being in Acre on 6th Floréal (25th April). Some mistake has evidently
      been made. "The slightest circumstances produce the greatest events," said
      Napoleon, according to the Memorial of St. Helena; "had St. Jean d'Acre
      fallen, I should have changed the face of the world." And again, "The fate
      of the East lay in that small town." This idea is not one which he first
      began to entertain at St. Helena; he often repeated the very same words at
      St. Jean d'Acre. On the shore of Ptolemes gigantic projects agitated him,
      as, doubtless, regret for not having carried them into execution tormented
      him at St. Helena.
    </p>
    <p>
      Almost every evening Bonaparte and myself used to walk together, at a
      little distance from the sea-shore. The day after the unfortunate assault
      of the 8th of May Bonaparte, afflicted at seeing the blood of so many
      brave men uselessly shed, said to me, "Bourrienne, I see that this
      wretched place has cost me a number of men, and wasted much time. But
      things are too far advanced not to attempt a last effort. If I succeed, as
      I expect, I shall find in the town the pasha's treasures, and arms for
      300,000 men. I will stir up and arm the people of Syria, who are disgusted
      at the ferocity of Djezzar, and who, as you know, pray for his destruction
      at every assault. I shall then march upon Damascus and Aleppo. On
      advancing into the country, the discontented will flock round my standard,
      and swell my army. I will announce to the people the abolition of
      servitude and of the tyrannical governments of the pashas. I shall arrive
      at Constantinople with large masses of soldiers. I shall overturn the
      Turkish empire, and found in the East a new and grand empire, which will
      fix my place in the records of posterity. Perhaps I shall return to Paris
      by Adrianople, or by Vienna, after having annihilated the house of
      Austria." After I had made some observations which these grand projects
      naturally suggested, he replied, "What! do you not see that the Druses
      only wait for the fall of Acre to rise in rebellion? Have not the keys of
      Damascus already been offered me? I only stay till these walls fall
      because until then I can derive no advantage from this large town. By the
      operation which I meditate I cut off all kind of succour from the beys,
      and secure the conquest of Egypt. I will have Desaix nominated
      commander-in-chief; but if I do not succeed in the last assault I am about
      to attempt, I set off directly. Time presses,&mdash;I shall not be at
      Cairo before the middle of June; the winds will then lie favourable for
      ships bound to Egypt, from the north. Constantinople will send troops to
      Alexandria and Rosetta. I must be there. As for the army, which will
      arrive afterwards by land, I do not fear it this year. I will cause
      everything to be destroyed, all the way to the entrance of the desert. I
      will render the passage of an army impossible for two years. Troops cannot
      exist amoung ruins."
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as I returned to my tent I committed to paper this conversation,
      which was then quite fresh in my memory, and, I may venture to say that
      every word I put down is correct. I may add, that during the siege our
      camp was constantly filled with the inhabitants, who invoked Heaven to
      favour our arms, and prayed fervently at every assault for our success,
      many of them on their knees, with their faces to the city. The people of
      Damascus, too, had offered the keys to Bonaparte. Thus everything
      contributed to make him confident in his favourite plan.
    </p>
    <p>
      The troops left St. Jean d'Acre on the 20th of May, taking advantage of
      the night to avoid a sortie from the besieged, and to conceal the retreat
      of the army, which had to march three leagues along the shore, exposed to
      the fire of the English vessels lying in the roads of Mount Carmel. The
      removal of the wounded and sick commenced on the 18th and 19th of May.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte then made a proclamation, which from one end to the other
      offends against truth. It has been published in many works. The season of
      the year for hostile landing is there very dexterously placed in the
      foreground; all the rest is a deceitful exaggeration. It must be observed
      that the proclamations which Bonaparte regarded as calculated to dazzle an
      ever too credulous public were amplifications often ridiculous and
      incomprehensible upon the spot, and which only excited the laughter of men
      of common sense. In all Bonaparte's correspondence there is an endeavour
      to disguise his reverses, and impose on the public, and even on his own
      generals. For example, he wrote to General Dugua, commandant of Cairo, on
      the 15th of February, "I will bring you plenty of prisoners and flags!"
      One would almost be inclined to say that he had resolved, during his stay
      in the East, thus to pay a tribute to the country of fables.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The prisoners and flags were sent. The Turkish flags were
   entrusted by Berthier to the Adjutant-Commandant Boyer, who
   conducted a convoy of sick and wounded to Egypt. Sidney Smith
   acknowledges the loss of some flags by the Turks. The Turkish
   prisoners were used as carriers of the litters for the wounded, and
   were, for the most part, brought into Egypt. (Erreurs, tome i. pp.
   47 and 160)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus terminated this disastrous expedition. I have read somewhere that
      during this immortal campaign the two heroes Murat and Mourad had often
      been in face of one another. There is only a little difficulty; Mourad Bey
      never put his foot in Syria.
    </p>
    <p>
      We proceeded along the coast, and passed Mount Carmel. Some of the wounded
      were carried on litters, the remainder on horses, mules, and camels. At a
      short distance from Mount Carmel we were informed that three soldiers, ill
      of the plague, who were left in a convent (which served for a hospital),
      and abandoned too confidently to the generosity of the Turks, had been
      barbarously put to death.
    </p>
    <p>
      A most intolerable thirst, the total want of water, an excessive heat, and
      a fatiguing march over burning sand-hills, quite disheartened the men, and
      made every generous sentiment give way to feelings of the grossest
      selfishness and most shocking indifference. I saw officers, with their
      limbs amputated, thrown off the litters, whose removal in that way had
      been ordered, and who had themselves given money to recompense the
      bearers. I saw the amputated, the wounded, the infected, or those only
      suspected of infection, deserted and left to themselves. The march was
      illumined by torches, lighted for the purpose of setting fire to the
      little towns, villages, and hamlets which lay in the route, and the rich
      crops with which the land was then covered. The whole country was in a
      blaze. Those who were ordered to preside at this work of destruction
      seemed eager to spread desolation on every side, as if they could thereby
      avenge themselves for their reverses, and find in such dreadful havoc an
      alleviation of their sufferings. We were constantly surrounded by
      plunderers, incendiaries, and the dying, who, stretched on the sides of
      the road, implored assistance in a feeble voice, saying, "I am not
      infected&mdash;I am only wounded;" and to convince those whom they
      addressed, they reopened their old wounds, or inflicted on themselves
      fresh ones. Still nobody attended to them. "It is all over with him," was
      the observation applied to the unfortunate beings in succession, while
      every one pressed onward. The sun, which shone in an unclouded sky in all
      its brightness, was often darkened by our conflagrations. On our right lay
      the sea; on our left, and behind us, the desert made by ourselves; before
      were the privations and sufferings which awaited us. Such was our true
      situation.
    </p>
    <p>
      We reached Tentoura on the 20th of May, when a most oppressive heat
      prevailed, and produced general dejection. We had nothing to sleep on but
      the parched and burning sand; on our right lay a hostile sea; our losses
      in wounded and sick were already considerable since leaving Acre; and
      there was nothing consolatory in the future. The truly afflicting
      condition in which the remains of an army called triumphant were plunged,
      produced, as might well be expected, a corresponding impression on the
      mind of the General-in-Chief. Scarcely had he arrived at Tentoura when he
      ordered his tent to be pitched. He then called me, and with a mind
      occupied by the calamities of our situation, dictated an order that every
      one should march on foot; and that all the horses, mules, and camels
      should be given up to the wounded, the sick, and infected who had been
      removed, and who still showed signs of life. "Carry that to Berthier,"
      said he; and the order was instantly despatched. Scarcely had I returned
      to the tent when the elder Vigogne, the General-in-Chief's groom, entered,
      and raising his hand to his cap, said, "General, what horse do you reserve
      for yourself?" In the state of excitement in which Bonaparte was this
      question irritated him so violently that, raising his whip, he gave the
      man a severe blow on the head, saying in a terrible voice, "Every-one must
      go on foot, you rascal&mdash;I the first&mdash;Do you not know the order?
      Be off!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Every one in parting with his horse was now anxious to avoid giving it to
      any unfortunate individual supposed to be suffering from plague. Much
      pains were taken to ascertain the nature of the diseases of the sick; and
      no difficulty was made in accommodating the wounded of amputated. For my
      part I had an excellent horse; a mule, and two camels, all which I gave up
      with the greatest pleasure; but I confess that I directed my servant to do
      all he could to prevent an infected person from getting my horse. It was
      returned to me in a very short time. The same thing happened to many
      others. The cause may be easily conjectured.
    </p>
    <p>
      The remains of our heavy artillery were lost in the moving sands of
      Tentoura, from the want of horses, the small number that remained being
      employed in more indispensable services. The soldiers seemed to forget
      their own sufferings, plunged in grief at the loss of their bronze guns,
      often the instruments of their triumphs, and which had made Europe
      tremble.
    </p>
    <p>
      We halted at Caesarea on the 22d of May, and we marched all the following
      night. Towards daybreak a man, concealed in a bush upon the left of the
      road (the sea was two paces from us on the right), fired a musket almost
      close to the head of the General-in-Chief, who was sleeping on his horse.
      I was beside him. The wood being searched, the Nablousian was taken
      without difficulty, and ordered to be shot on the spot. Four guides pushed
      him towards the sea by thrusting their carbines against his back; when
      close to the water's edge they drew the triggers, but all the four muskets
      hung fire: a circumstance which was accounted for by the great humidity of
      the night. The Nablousian threw himself into the water, and, swimming with
      great agility and rapidity, gained a ridge of rocks so far off that not a
      shot from the whole troop, which fired as it passed, reached him.
      Bonaparte, who continued his march, desired me to wait for Kléber, whose
      division formed the rear-guard, and to tell him not to forget the
      Nablousian. He was, I believe, shot at last.
    </p>
    <p>
      We returned to Jaffa on the 24th of May, and stopped there during the
      25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th. This town had lately been the scene of a
      horrible transaction, dictated by necessity, and it was again destined to
      witness the exercise of the same dire law. Here I have a painful duty to
      perform&mdash;I will perform it. I will state what I know, what I saw.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have seen the following passage in a certain, work:&mdash;"Bonaparte,
      having arrived at Jaffa, ordered three removals of the infected: one by
      sea to Damietta, and also by land; the second to Gaza; and the third to
      El-Arish!" So, many words, so many errors!
    </p>
    <p>
      Some tents were pitched on an eminence near the gardens east of Jaffa.
      Orders were given directly to undermine the fortifications and blow them
      up; and on the 27th of May, upon the signaling given, the town was in a
      moment laid bare. An hour afterwards the General-in-Chief left his tent
      and repaired to the town, accompanied by Berthier, some physicians and
      surgeons, and his usual staff. I was also one of the party. A long and sad
      deliberation took place on the question which now arose relative to the
      men who were incurably ill of the plague, or who were at the point of
      death. After a discussion of the most serious and conscientious kind it
      was decided to accelerate a few moments, by a potion, a death which was
      inevitable, and which would otherwise be painful and cruel.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte took a rapid view of the destroyed ramparts of the town and
      returned to the hospital, where there were men whose limbs had been
      amputated, many wounded, many afflicted with ophthalmia, whose
      lamentations were distressing, and some infected with the plague. The beds
      of the last description of patients were to the right on entering the
      first ward. I walked by the General's side, and I assert that I never saw
      him touch any one of the infected. And why should he have done so? They
      were in the last stage of the disease. Not one of them spoke a word to
      him, and Bonaparte well knew that he possessed no protection against the
      plague. Is Fortune to be again brought forward here? She had, in truth,
      little favoured him during the last few months, when he had trusted to her
      favours. I ask, why should he have exposed himself to certain death, and
      have left his army in the midst of a desert created by our ravages, in a
      desolate town, without succour, and without the hope of ever receiving
      any? Would he have acted rightly in doing so&mdash;he who was evidently so
      necessary, so indispensable to his army; he on whom depended at that
      moment the lives of all who had survived the last disaster, and who had
      proved their attachment to him by their sufferings, their privations, and
      their unshaken courage, and who had done all that he could have required
      of men, and whose only trust was in him?
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte walked quickly through the rooms, tapping the yellow top of his
      boot with a whip he held in his hand. As he passed along with hasty steps
      he repeated these words: "The fortifications are destroyed. Fortune was
      against me at St. Jean d'Acre. I must return to Egypt to preserve it from
      the enemy, who will soon be there: In a few hours the Turks will be here.
      Let all those who have strength enough rise and come along with us. They
      shall be carried on litters and horses." There were scarcely sixty cases
      of plague in the hospital; and all accounts stating a greater number are
      exaggerated. The perfect silence, complete dejection, and general stupor
      of the patients announced their approaching end. To carry them away in the
      state in which they were would evidently have been doing nothing else than
      inoculating the rest of the army with the plague. I have, it is true,
      learned, since my return to Europe, that some persons touched the infected
      with impunity; nay; that others went so far as to inoculate themselves
      with the plague in order to learn how to cure those whom it might attack.
      It certainly was a special protection from Heaven to be preserved from it;
      but to cover in some degree the absurdity of such a story, it is added
      that they knew how to elude the danger, and that any one else who braved
      it without using precautions met with death for their temerity. This is,
      in fact, the whole point of the question. Either those privileged persons
      took indispensable precautions; and in that case their boasted heroism is
      a mere juggler's trick; or they touched the infected without using
      precautions, and inoculated themselves with the plague, thus voluntarily
      encountering death, and then the story is really a good one.
    </p>
    <p>
      The infected were confided, it has been stated, to the head apothecary of
      the army, Royer, who, dying in Egypt three years after, carried the secret
      with him to the grave. But on a moment's reflection it will be evident
      that the leaving of Royer alone in Jaffa would have been to devote to
      certain death; and that a prompt and cruel one, a man who was extremely
      useful to the army, and who was at the time in perfect health. It must be
      remembered that no guard could be left with him, and that the Turks were
      close at our heels. Bonaparte truly said, while walking through the rooms
      of the hospital, that the Turks would be at Jaffa in a few hours. With
      this conviction, would he have left the head apothecary in that town?
    </p>
    <p>
      Recourse has been had to suppositions to support the contrary belief to
      what I state. For example, it is said that the infected patients were
      embarked in ships of war. There were no such ships. Where had they
      disembarked, who had received them; what had been done with them? No one
      speaks of them. Others, not doubting that the infected men died at Jaffa,
      say, that the rearguard under Kléber, by order of Bonaparte, delayed its
      departure for three days, and only began its march when death had put an
      end to the sufferings of these unfortunate beings, unshortened by any
      sacrifice. All this is incorrect. No rear-guard was left&mdash;it could
      not be done. Pretence is made of forgetting that the ramparts were
      destroyed, that the town was as open and as defenceless as any village, so
      this small rear-guard would have been left for certain destruction. The
      dates themselves tell against these suppositions. It is certain, as can be
      seen by the official account, that we arrived at Jaffa on 24th May, and
      stayed there the 25th, 26th, and 27th. We left it on the 28th. Thus the
      rear-guard, which, according to these writers, left-on the 29th, did not
      remain, even according to their own hypothesis, three days after the army
      to see the sick die. In reality it left on the 29th of May, the day after
      we did. Here are the very words of the Major-General (Berthier) in his
      official account, written under the eye and under the dictation of the
      Commander-in-Chief:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The army arrived at Jaffa, 5th Prairial (24th May), and remained
   there the 6th, 7th, and 8th (25th-27th May). This time was employed
   in punishing the village, which had behaved badly. The
   fortifications of Jaffa were blown up. All the iron guns of the
   place were thrown into the sea. The wounded were removed by sea and
   by land. There were only a few ships, and to give time to complete
   the evacuation by land, the departure of the army had to be deferred
   until the 9th (28th May). Kléber's division formed the rear-guard,
   and only left Jaffa on the 10th (29th May).
</pre>
    <p>
      The official report of what passed at Jaffa was drawn up by Berthier,
      under the eye of Bonaparte. It has been published; but it may be remarked
      that not a word about the infected, not a word of the visit to the
      hospital, or the touching of the plague-patients with impunity, is there
      mentioned. In no official report is anything said about the matter. Why
      this silence? Bonaparte was not the man to conceal a fact which would have
      afforded him so excellent and so allowable a text for talking about his
      fortune. If the infected were removed, why not mention it? Why be silent
      on so important an event? But it would have been necessary to confess that
      being obliged to have recourse to so painful a measure was the unavoidable
      consequence of this unfortunate expedition. Very disagreeable details must
      have been entered into; and it was thought more advisable to be silent on
      the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      But what did Napoleon himself say on the subject at St. Helena? His
      statement there was to the following effect:&mdash;"I ordered a
      consultation as to what was best to be done. The report which was made
      stated that there were seven or eight men (the question is not about the
      number) so dangerously ill that they could not live beyond twenty-four
      hours, and would besides infect the rest of the army with the plague. It
      was thought it would be an act of charity to anticipate their death a few
      hours."
    </p>
    <p>
      Then comes the fable of the 500 men of the rear guard, who, it is
      pretended, saw them die! I make no doubt that the story of the poisoning
      was the invention of Den&mdash;&mdash;. He was a babbler, who understood a
      story badly, and repeated it worse. I do not think it would have been a
      crime to have given opium to the infected. On the contrary, it would have
      been obedience to the dictates of reason. Where is the man who would not,
      in such a situation, have preferred a prompt death, to being exposed to
      the lingering tortures inflicted by barbarians? If my child, and I believe
      I love him as much as any father does his, had been in such a state, my
      advice would have been the same; if I had been among the infected myself,
      I should have demanded to be so treated.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the reasoning at St. Helena, and such was the view which he and
      every one else took of the case twenty years ago at Jaffa.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our little army arrived at Cairo on the 14th of June, after a painful and
      harassing march of twenty-five days. The heats during the passage of the
      desert between El-Arish and Belbeis exceeded thirty-three degrees. On
      placing the bulb of the thermometer in the sand the mercury rose to
      forty-five degrees. The deceitful mirage was even more vexatious than in
      the plains of Bohahire'h. In spite of our experience an excessive thirst,
      added to a perfect illusion, made us goad on our wearied horses towards
      lakes which vanished at our approach, and left behind nothing but salt and
      arid sand. In two days my cloak was completely covered with salt, left on
      it after the evaporation of the moisture which held it in solution. Our
      horses, who ran eagerly to the brackish springs of the desert, perished in
      numbers, after travelling about a quarter of a league from the spot where
      they drank the deleterious fluid.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte preceded his entry into the capital of Egypt by one of those
      lying bulletins which only imposed on fools. "I will bring with me," said
      he, "many prisoners and flags. I have razed the palace of the Djezzar and
      the ramparts of Acre&mdash;not a stone remains upon another. All the
      inhabitants have left the city, by sea. Djezzar is severely wounded."
    </p>
    <p>
      I confess that I experienced a painful sensation in writing, by his
      dictation, these official words, everyone of which was an imposition.
      Excited by all I had just witnessed, it was difficult for me to refrain
      from making the observation; but his constant reply was, "My dear fellow,
      you are a simpleton: you do not understand this business." And he
      observed, when signing the bulletin, that he would yet fill the world with
      admiration, and inspire historians and poets.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our return to Cairo has been attributed to the insurrections which broke
      out during the unfortunate expedition into Syria. Nothing is more
      incorrect. The term insurrection cannot be properly applied to the foolish
      enterprises of the angel El-Mahdi in the Bohahire'h, or to the less
      important disturbances in the Charkyeh. The reverses experienced before
      St. Jean d'Acre, the fear, or rather the prudent anticipation of a hostile
      landing, were sufficient motives, and the only ones, for our return to
      Egypt. What more could we do in Syria but lose men and time, neither of
      which the General had to spare?
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XX.
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Murat and Moarad Bey at the Natron Lakes&mdash;Bonaparte's departure for
   the Pyramids&mdash;Sudden appearance of an Arab messenger&mdash;News of
   the landing of the Turks at Aboukir&mdash;Bonaparte marches against
   them&mdash;They are immediately attacked and destroyed in the battle of
   Aboukir&mdash;Interchange of communication with the English&mdash;Sudden
   determination to return to Europe&mdash;Outfit of two frigates&mdash;
   Bonaparte's dissimulation&mdash;His pretended journey to the Delta&mdash;
   Generous behaviour of Lanusee&mdash;Bonaparte's artifice&mdash;His bad
   treatment of General Kléber.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had hardly set foot in Cairo when he was informed that the brave
      and indefatigable Mourad Bey was descending by the Fayoum, in order to
      form a junction with reinforcements which had been for some time past
      collected in the Bohahire'h. In all probability this movement of Mourad
      Bey was the result of news he had received respecting plans formed at
      Constantinople, and the landing which took place a short time after in the
      roads of Aboukir. Mourad had selected the Natron Lakes for his place of
      rendezvous. To these lakes Murat was despatched. The Bey no sooner got
      notice of Murat's presence than he determined to retreat and to proceed by
      the desert to Gizeh and the great Pyramids. I certainly never heard, until
      I returned to France, that Mourad had ascended to the summit of the great
      Pyramid for the purpose of passing his time in contemplating Cairo!
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon said at St. Helena that Murat might have taken Mourad Bey had the
      latter remained four-and-twenty hours longer in the Natron Lakes. Now the
      fact is, that as soon as the Bey heard of Murat's arrival he was off. The
      Arabian spies were far more serviceable to our enemies than to us; we had
      not, indeed, a single friend in Egypt. Mourad Bey, on being informed by
      the Arabs, who acted as couriers for him, that General Desaix was
      despatching a column from the south of Egypt against him, that the
      General-in-Chief was also about to follow his footsteps along the frontier
      of Gizeh, and that the Natron Lakes and the Bohahire'h were occupied by
      forces superior to his own, retired into Fayoum.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte attached great importance to the destruction of Mourad, whom he
      looked upon as the bravest, the most active, and most dangerous of his
      enemies in Egypt. As all accounts concurred in stating that Mourad,
      supported by the Arabs, was hovering about the skirts of the desert of the
      province of Gizeh, Bonaparte proceeded to the Pyramids, there to direct
      different corps against that able and dangerous partisan. He, indeed,
      reckoned him so redoubtable that he wrote to Murat, saying he wished
      fortune might reserve for him the honour of putting the seal on the
      conquest of Egypt by the destruction of this opponent.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of July Bonaparte left Cairo for the Pyramids. He intended
      spending three or four days in examining the ruins of the ancient
      necropolis of Memphis; but he was suddenly obliged to alter his plan. This
      journey to the Pyramids, occasioned by the course of war, has given an
      opportunity for the invention of a little piece of romance. Some ingenious
      people have related that Bonaparte gave audiences to the mufti and ulemas,
      and that on entering one of the great Pyramids he cried out, "Glory to
      Allah! God only is God, and Mahomet is his prophet!" Now the fact is, that
      Bonaparte never even entered the great Pyramid. He never had any thought
      of entering it:&mdash;I certainly should have accompanied him had he done
      so for I never quitted his side a single moment in the desert. He caused
      some person to enter into one of the great Pyramids while he remained
      outside, and received from them, on their return, an account of what they
      had seen. In other words, they informed him there was nothing to be seen!
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the 15th of July, while we were taking a walk, we
      perceived, on the road leading from Alexandria, an Arab riding up to us in
      all haste. He brought to the General-in-Chief a despatch from General
      Marmont, who was entrusted with the command of Alexandria, and who had
      conducted himself so well, especially during the dreadful ravages of the
      plague, that he had gained the unqualified approbation of Bonaparte. The
      Turks had landed on the 11th of July at Aboukir, under the escort and
      protection of English ships of war. The news of the landing of from
      fifteen to sixteen thousand men did not surprise Bonaparte, who had for
      some time expected it. It was not so, however, with the generals most in
      his favor, whose apprehensions, for reasons which may be conjectured, he
      had endeavoured to calm. He had even written to Marmont, who, being in the
      most exposed situation, had the more reason to be vigilant, in these
      terms:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The army which was to have appeared before Alexandria, and which
   left Constantinople on the 1st of the Ramadhan, has been destroyed
   under the walls of Acre. If, however, that mad Englishman (Smith)
   has embarked the remains of that army in order to convey them to
   Aboukir, I do not believe there can be more than 2000 men.
</pre>
    <p>
      He wrote in the following strain to General Dugua, who had the command of
      Cairo:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The English Commander, who has summoned Damietta, is a madman. The
   combined army they speak of has been destroyed before Acre, where it
   arrived a fortnight before we left that place.
</pre>
    <p>
      As soon as he arrived at Cairo, in a letter he despatched to Desaix, he
      said:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The time has now arrived when disembarkations have become
   practicable. I shall lose no time in getting ready. The
   probabilities, however, are, that none will take place this year.
</pre>
    <p>
      What other language could he hold, when he had proclaimed when after the
      raising of the siege of Acre, that he had destroyed those 15,000 men who
      two months after landed at Aboukir?
    </p>
    <p>
      No sooner had Bonaparte perused the contents of Marmont's letter than he
      retired into his tent and dictated to me, until three in the morning, his
      orders for the departure of the troops, and for the routes he wished to be
      pursued during his absence by the troops who should remain in the
      interior. At this moment I observed in him the development of that
      vigorous character of mind which was excited by obstacles until he
      overcame them&mdash;that celerity of thought which foresaw everything. He
      was all action, and never for a moment hesitated. On the 16th of July, at
      four in the morning, he was on horseback and the army in full march. I
      cannot help doing justice to the presence of mind, promptitude of
      decision, and rapidity of execution which at this period of his life never
      deserted him on great occasions.
    </p>
    <p>
      We reached Ouardan, to the north of Gizeh, on the evening of the 16th; on
      the 19th we arrived at Rahmalianie'h, and on the 23d at Alexandria, where
      every preparation was made for that memorable battle which, though it did
      not repair the immense losses and fatal consequences of the naval conflict
      of the same name, will always recall to the memory of Frenchmen one of the
      most brilliant achievements of their arms.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[As M. de Bourrienne gives no details of the battle, the
   following extract from the Duc de Rovigo's Memoirs, tome i, p. 167,
   will supply the deficiency:

   "General Bonaparte left Cairo in the utmost haste to place himself
   at the head of the troops which he had ordered to quit their
   cantonments and march down to the coast.

   "Whilst the General was making these arrangements and coming in
   person from Cairo, the troops on board the Turkish fleet had
   effected a landing and taken possession of the fort of Aboukir, and
   of a redoubt placed behind the village of that name which ought to
   have been put into a state of defence six months before, but had
   been completely neglected.

   "The Turks had nearly destroyed the weak garrisons that occupied
   those two military points when General Marmont (who commanded at
   Alexandria) came to their relief. This general, seeing the two
   posts in the power of the Turks, returned to shut himself up in
   Alexandria, where he would probably have been blockaded by the
   Turkish army had it not been for the arrival of General Bonaparte
   with his forces, who was very angry when he saw that the fort and
   redoubt had been taken; but he did not blame Marmont for retreating
   to Alexandria with the forces at his disposal.

   "General Bonaparte arrived at midnight with his guides and the
   remaining part of his army, and ordered the Turks to be attacked the
   next morning. In this battle, as in the preceding ones, the attack,
   the encounter, and the rout were occurrences of a moment, and the
   result of a single movement on the part of our troops. The whole
   Turkish army plunged into the sea to regain its ships, leaving
   behind them everything they had brought on shore.

   "Whilst this event was occurring on the seashore a pasha had left
   the field of battle with a corps of about 3000 men in order to throw
   himself into the fort of Aboukir. They soon felt the extremities
   of thirst, which compelled them, after the lapse of a few days, to
   surrender unconditionally to General Menou, who was left to close
   the operations connected with the recently defeated Turkish army."]
</pre>
    <p>
      After the battle, which took place on the 25th of July, Bonaparte sent a
      flag of truce on board the English Admiral's ship. Our intercourse was
      full of politeness, such as might be expected in the communications of the
      people of two civilised nations. The English Admiral gave the flag of
      truce some presents in exchange for some we sent, and likewise a copy of
      the French Gazette of Frankfort, dated 10th of June 1799. For ten months
      we had received no news from France. Bonaparte glanced over this journal
      with an eagerness which may easily be conceived.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The French, on their return from St. Jean d'Acre were totally
   ignorant of all that had taken place in Europe for several months.
   Napoleon, eager to obtain intelligence, sent a flag of truce on
   board the Turkish admiral's ship, under the pretence of treating for
   the ransom of the prisoners taken at Aboukir, not doubting but the
   envoy would be stopped by Sir Sidney Smith, who carefully prevented
   all direct communication between the French and the Turks.
   Accordingly the French flag of truce received directions from Sir
   Sidney to go on board his ship. He experienced the handsomest
   treatment; and the English commander having, among other things,
   ascertained that the disasters of Italy were quite unknown to
   Napoleon, indulged in the malicious pleasure of sending him a file
   of newspapers. Napoleon spent the whole night in his tent perusing
   the papers; and he came to the determination of immediately
   proceeding to Europe to repair the disasters of France; and if
   possible, to save her from destruction (Memorial de Sainte Helene)].
</pre>
    <p>
      "Heavens!" said he to me, "my presentiment is verified: the fools have
      lost Italy. All the fruits of our victories are gone! I must leave Egypt!"
    </p>
    <p>
      He sent for Berthier, to whom he communicated the news, adding that things
      were going on very badly in France&mdash;that he wished to return home&mdash;that
      he (Berthier) should go along with him, and that, for the present, only
      he, Gantheaume, and I were in the secret. He recommended Berthier to be
      prudent, not to betray any symptoms of joy, nor to purchase or sell
      anything, and concluded by assuring him that he depended on him. "I can
      answer," said he, "for myself and for Bourrienne." Berthier promised to be
      secret, and he kept his word. He had had enough of Egypt, and he so
      ardently longed to return to France, that there was little reason to fear
      he would disappoint himself by any indiscretion.
    </p>
    <p>
      Gantheaume arrived, and Bonaparte gave him orders to fit out the two
      frigates, the 'Muiron' and the 'Carrère', and the two small vessels, the
      'Revanche' and the 'Fortune', with a two months' supply of provisions for
      from four to five hundred men. He enjoined his secrecy as to the object of
      these preparations, and desired him to act with such circumspection that
      the English cruisers might have no knowledge of what was going on. He
      afterwards arranged with Gantheaume the course he wished to take. No
      details escaped his attention.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte concealed his preparations with much care, but still some vague
      rumours crept abroad. General Dugua, the commandant of Cairo, whom he had
      just left for the purpose of embarking, wrote to him on the 18th of August
      to the following effect:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I have this moment heard that it is reported at the Institute you
   are about to return to France, taking with you Monge, Berthollet,
   Berthier, Lannes, and Murat. This news has spread like lightning
   through the city, and I should not be at all surprised if it produce
   an unfavourable effect, which, however, I hope you will obviate.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte embarked five days after the receipt of Dugua's letter, and, as
      may be supposed, without replying to it.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of August he wrote to the divan of Cairo as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I set out to-morrow for Menouf, whence I intend to make various
   excursions in the Delta, in order that I may myself witness the acts
   of oppression which are committed there, and acquire some knowledge
   of the people.
</pre>
    <p>
      He told the army but half the truth:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The news from Europe (said he) has determined me to proceed to
   France. I leave the command of the army to General Kléber. The
   army shall hear from me forthwith. At present I can say no more.
   It costs me much pain to quit troops to whom I am so strongly
   attached. But my absence will be but temporary, and the general I
   leave in command has the confidence of the Government as well as
   mine.
</pre>
    <p>
      I have now shown the true cause of General Bonaparte's departure for
      Europe. This circumstance, in itself perfectly natural, has been the
      subject of the most ridiculous conjectures to those who always wish to
      assign extraordinary causes for simple events. There is no truth whatever
      in the assertion of his having planned his departure before the battle of
      Aboukir. Such an idea never crossed his mind. He had no thought whatever
      of his departure for France when he made the journey to the Pyramids, nor
      even when he received the news of the landing of the Anglo-Turkish force.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the end of December 1798 Bonaparte thus wrote to the Directory: "We are
      without any news from France. No courier has arrived since the month of
      June."
    </p>
    <p>
      Some writers have stated that we received news by the way of Tunis,
      Algiers, or Morocco; but there is no contradicting a positive fact. At
      that period I had been with Bonaparte more than two years, and during that
      time not a single despatch on any occasion arrived of the contents of
      which I was ignorant. How then should the news alluded to have escaped me?
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Details on the question of the correspondence of Napoleon with
   France while he was to Egypt will be found in Colonel Iung's work,
   Lucien Bonaparte (Paris. Charpentier, 1882), tome i. pp. 251-274.
   It seems most probable that Napoleon was in occasional communication
   with his family and with some of the Directors by way of Tunis and
   Tripoli. It would not be his interest to let his army or perhaps
   even Bourrienne know of the disasters in Italy till he found that
   they were sure to hear of them through the English. This would
   explain his affected ignorance till such a late date. On the 11th
   of April Barras received a despatch by which Napoleon stated his
   intention of returning to France if the news brought by Hamelin was
   confirmed. On the 26th of May 1799 three of the Directors, Barras,
   Rewbell, and La Révellière-Lepeaux, wrote to Napoleon that Admiral
   Bruix had been ordered to attempt every means of bringing back his
   army. On the 15th of July Napoleon seems to have received this and
   other letters. On the 20th of July he warns Admiral Gantheaume to
   be ready to start. On the 11th of September the Directors formally
   approved the recall of the army from Egypt. Thus at the time
   Napoleon landed in France (on the 8th October), his intended return
   had been long known to and approved by the majority of the
   Directors, and had at last been formally ordered by the Directory.
   At the most he anticipated the order. He cannot be said to have
   deserted his post. Lantrey (tome i. p. 411) remarks that the
   existence and receipt of the letter from Joseph denied by Bourrienne
   is proved by Miot (the commissary, the brother of Miot de Melito)
   and by Joseph himself. Talleyrand thanks the French Consul at
   Tripoli for sending news from Egypt, and for letting Bonaparte know
   what passed in Europe. See also Ragusa (Marmont), tome i. p. 441,
   writing on 24th December 1798: "I have found an Arab of whom I am
   sure, and who shall start to-morrow for Derne. . . . This means
   can be used to send a letter to Tripoli, for boats often go there."]
</pre>
    <p>
      Almost all those who endeavour to avert from Bonaparte the reproach of
      desertion quote a letter from the Directory, dated the 26th of May 1799.
      This letter may certainly have been written, but it never reached its
      destination. Why then should it be put upon record?
    </p>
    <p>
      The circumstance I have stated above determined the resolution of
      Bonaparte, and made him look upon Egypt as an exhausted field of glory,
      which it was high time he had quitted, to play another part in France. On
      his departure from Europe Bonaparte felt that his reputation was
      tottering. He wished to do something to raise up his glory, and to fix
      upon him the attention of the world. This object he had in great part
      accomplished; for, in spite of serious disasters, the French flag waved
      over the cataracts of the Nile and the ruins of Memphis, and the battles
      of the Pyramids, and Aboukir were calculated in no small degree to dazzle
      the imagination. Cairo and Alexandria too were ours. Finding that the
      glory of his arms no longer supported the feeble power of the Directory,
      he was anxious to see whether he could not share it, or appropriate it to
      himself.
    </p>
    <p>
      A great deal has been said about letters and secret communications from
      the Directory, but Bonaparte needed no such thing. He could do what he
      pleased: there was no power to check him; such had been the nature of his
      arrangements on leaving France. He followed only the dictates of his own
      will, and probably, had not the fleet been destroyed, he would have
      departed from Egypt much sooner. To will and to do were with him one and
      the same thing. The latitude he enjoyed was the result of his verbal
      agreement with the Directory, whose instructions and plans he did not wish
      should impede his operations.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte left Alexandria on the 5th of August, and on the 10th arrived at
      Cairo. He at first circulated the report of a journey to Upper Egypt. This
      seemed so much the more reasonable, as he had really entertained that
      design before he went to the Pyramids, and the fact was known to the army
      and the inhabitants of Cairo. Up to this time our secret had been
      studiously kept. However, General Lanusse, the commandant at Menouf, where
      we arrived on the 20th of August, suspected it. "You are going to France,"
      said he to me. My negative reply confirmed his suspicion. This almost
      induced me to believe the General-in-Chief had been the first to make the
      disclosure. General Lanusse, though he envied our good fortune, made no
      complaints. He expressed his sincere wishes for our prosperous voyage, but
      never opened his mouth on the subject to any one.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 21st of August we reached the wells of Birkett. The Arabs had
      rendered the water unfit for use, but the General-in-Chief was resolved to
      quench his thirst, and for this purpose squeezed the juice of several
      lemons into a glass of the water; but he could not swallow it without
      holding his nose and exhibiting strong feelings of disgust.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day we reached Alexandria, where the General informed all those,
      who had accompanied him from Cairo that France was their destination. At
      this announcement joy was pictured in every countenance.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Kléber, to whose command Bonaparte had resigned the army, was
      invited to come from Damietta to Rosetta to confer with the
      General-in-Chief on affairs of extreme importance. Bonaparte, in making an
      appointment which he never intended to keep, hoped to escape the unwelcome
      freedom of Kléber's reproaches. He afterwards wrote to him all he had to
      say; and the cause he assigned for not keeping his appointment was, that
      his fear of being observed by the English cruisers had forced him to
      depart three days earlier than he intended. But when he wrote Bonaparte
      well knew that he would be at sea before Kléber could receive his letter.
      Kléber, in his letter to the Directory, complained bitterly of this
      deception. The singular fate that befell this letter will be seen by and
      by.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXI
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Our departure from Egypt&mdash;Nocturnal embarkation&mdash;M. Parseval
   Grandmaison&mdash;On course&mdash;Adverse winds&mdash;Fear of the English&mdash;
   Favourable weather&mdash;Vingt-et-un&mdash;Chess&mdash;We land at Ajaccio&mdash;
   Bonaparte's pretended relations&mdash;Family domains&mdash;Want of money&mdash;
   Battle of Novi&mdash;Death of Joubert&mdash;Visionary schemes&mdash;Purchase of a
   boat&mdash;Departure from Corsica&mdash;The English squadron&mdash;Our escape&mdash;
   The roads of Fréjus&mdash;Our landing in France&mdash;The plague or the
   Austrians&mdash;Joy of the people&mdash;The sanitary laws&mdash;Bonaparte falsely
   accused.
</pre>
    <p>
      We were now to return to our country&mdash;again to cross the sea, to us
      so pregnant with danger&mdash;Caesar and his fortune were once more to
      embark. But Caesar was not now advancing to the East to add Egypt to the
      conquests of the Republic. He was revolving in his mind vast schemes,
      unawed by the idea of venturing everything to chance in his own favour the
      Government for which he had fought. The hope of conquering the most
      celebrated country of the East no longer excited the imagination, as on
      our departure from France. Our last visionary dream had vanished before
      the walls of St. Jean d'Acre, and we were leaving on the burning sands of
      Egypt most of our companions in arms. An inconceivable destiny seemed to
      urge us on, and we were obliged to obey its decrees.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23d of August we embarked on board two frigates, the 'Muiron'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Named after Bonaparte's aide de camp killed in the Italian
   campaign]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and 'Carrère'. Our number was between four and five hundred. Such was our
      squadron, and such the formidable army with which Bonaparte had resolved,
      as he wrote to the divan of Cairo, "to annihilate all his enemies." This
      boasting might impose on those who did not see the real state of things;
      but what were we to think of it? What Bonaparte himself thought the day
      after.
    </p>
    <p>
      The night was dark when we embarked in the frigates which lay at a
      considerable distance from the port of Alexandria; but by the faint light
      of the stars we perceived a corvette, which appeared to be observing our
      silent nocturnal embarkation.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The horses of the escort had been left to run loose on the beach,
   and all was perfect stillness in Alexandria, when the advanced posts
   of the town were alarmed by the wild galloping of horses, which from
   a natural instinct, were returning to Alexandria through the desert.
   The picket ran to arms on seeing horses ready saddled and bridled,
   which were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of guides.
   They at first thought that a misfortune had happened to some
   detachment in its pursuit of the Arabs. With these horses came also
   those of the generals who had embarked with General Bonaparte; so
   that Alexandria was for a time in considerable alarm. The cavalry
   was ordered to proceed in all haste in the direction whence the
   horses came, and every one was giving himself up to the most gloomy
   conjectures, when the cavalry returned to the city with the Turkish
   groom, who was bringing back General Bonaparte's horse to Alexandria
   (Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo, tome i. p. 182).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Next morning, just as we were on the point of setting sail, we saw, coming
      from the port of Alexandria a boat, on board of which was M. Parseval
      Grandmaison. This excellent man, who was beloved by all of us, was not
      included among the persons whose return to France had been determined by
      the General-in-Chief. In his anxiety to get off Bonaparte would not hear
      of taking him on board. It will readily be conceived how urgent were the
      entreaties of Parseval; but he would have sued in vain had not Gantheaume,
      Monge, Berthollet, and I interceded for him. With some difficulty we
      overcame Bonaparte's resistance, and our colleague of the Egyptian
      Institute got on board after the wind had filled our sails.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been erroneously said that Admiral Gantheaume had full control of
      the frigates, as if any one could command when Bonaparte was present. On
      the contrary, Bonaparte declared to the admiral, in my hearing, that he
      would not take the ordinary course and get into the open sea. "Keep close
      along the coast of the Mediterranean," said he, "on the African side,
      until you get south of Sardinia. I have here a handful of brave fellows
      and a few pieces of artillery; if the English should appear I will run
      ashore, and with my party, make my way by land to Oran, Tunis, or some
      other port, whence we may find an opportunity of getting home." This was
      his irrevocable determination.
    </p>
    <p>
      For twenty-one days adverse winds, blowing from west or north-west, drove
      us continually on the coast of Syria, or in the direction of Alexandria.
      At one time it was even proposed that we should again put into the port;
      but Bonaparte declared he would rather brave every danger than do so.
      During the day we tacked to a certain distance northward, and in the
      evening we stood towards Africa, until we came within sight of the coast.
      Finally after no less than twenty-one days of impatience and
      disappointment, a favourable east wind carried us past that point of
      Africa on which Carthage formerly stood, and we soon doubled Sardinia. We
      kept very near the western coast of that island, where Bonaparte had
      determined to land in case of our falling in with the English squadron.
      From thence his plan was to reach Corsica, and there to await a favourable
      opportunity of returning to France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Everything had contributed to render our voyage dull and monotonous; and,
      besides, we were not entirely without uneasiness as to the steps which
      might be taken by the Directory, for it was certain that the publication
      of the intercepted correspondence must have occasioned many unpleasant
      disclosures. Bonaparte used often to walk on deck to superintend the
      execution of his orders. The smallest sail that appeared in view excited
      his alarm.
    </p>
    <p>
      The fear of falling into the hands of the English never forsook him. That
      was what he dreaded most of all, and yet, at a subsequent period, he
      trusted to the generosity of his enemies.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, in spite of our well-founded alarm, there were some moments in
      which we sought to amuse ourselves, or, to use a common expression, to
      kill time. Cards afforded us a source of recreation, and even this
      frivolous amusement served to develop the character of Bonaparte. In
      general he was not fond of cards; but if he did play, vingt-et-un was his
      favourite game, because it is more rapid than many others, and because, in
      short, it afforded him an opportunity of cheating. For example, he would
      ask for a card; if it proved a bad one he would say nothing, but lay it
      down on the table and wait till the dealer had drawn his. If the dealer
      produced a good card, then Bonaparte would throw aside his hand, without
      showing it, and give up his stake. If, on the contrary, the dealer's card
      made him exceed twenty-one, Bonaparte also threw his cards aside without
      showing them, and asked for the payment of his stake. He was much diverted
      by these little tricks, especially when they were played off undetected;
      and I confess that even then we were courtiers enough to humour him, and
      wink at his cheating. I must, however, mention that he never appropriated
      to himself the fruit of these little dishonesties, for at the end of the
      game he gave up all his winnings, and they were equally divided. Gain, as
      may readily be supposed, was not his object; but he always expected that
      fortune would grant him an ace or a ten at the right moment with the same
      confidence with which he looked for fine weather on the day of battle. If
      he were disappointed he wished nobody to know it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte also played at chess, but very seldom, because he was only a
      third-rate player, and he did not like to be beaten at that game, which, I
      know not why, is said to bear a resemblance to the grand game of war. At
      this latter game Bonaparte certainly feared no adversary. This reminds me
      that when we were leaving Passeriano he announced his intention of passing
      through Mantua. He was told that the commandant of that town, I believe
      General Beauvoir, was a great chess-player, and he expressed a wish to
      play a game with him. General Beauvoir asked him to point out any
      particular pawn with which he would be checkmated; adding, that if the
      pawn were taken, he, Bonaparte, should be declared the winner. Bonaparte
      pointed out the last pawn on the left of his adversary. A mark was put
      upon it, and it turned out that he actually was checkmated with that very
      pawn. Bonaparte was not very well pleased at this. He liked to play with
      me because, though rather a better player than himself, I was not always
      able to beat him. As soon as a game was decided in his favour he declined
      playing any longer, preferring to rest on his laurels.
    </p>
    <p>
      The favourable wind which had constantly prevailed after the first twenty
      days of our voyage still continued while we kept along the coast of
      Sardinia; but after we had passed that island the wind again blew
      violently from the west, and on the 1st of October we were forced to enter
      the Gulf of Ajaccio. We sailed again next day but we found it impossible
      to work our way out of the gulf. We were therefore obliged to put into the
      port and land at Ajaccio. Adverse winds obliged us to remain there until
      the 7th of October. It may readily be imagined how much this delay annoyed
      Bonaparte. He sometimes expressed his impatience, as if he could enforce
      the obedience of the elements as well as of men. He was losing time, and
      time was everything to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was one circumstance which seemed to annoy him as much as any of his
      more serious vexations. "What will become of me," said he, "if the
      English, who are cruising hereabout, should learn that I have landed in
      Corsica? I shall be forced to stay here. That I could never endure. I have
      a torrent of relations pouring upon me." His great reputation had
      certainly prodigiously augmented the number of his family. He was
      overwhelmed with visits, congratulations, and requests. The whole town was
      in a commotion. Every one of its inhabitants wished to claim him as their
      cousin; and from the prodigious number of his pretended godsons and
      goddaughters, it might have been supposed that he had held one-fourth of
      the children of Ajaccio at the baptismal font.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte frequently walked with us in the neighbourhood of Ajaccio; and
      when in all the plenitude of his power he did not count his crowns with
      greater pleasure than he evinced in pointing out to us the little domains
      of his ancestors.
    </p>
    <p>
      While we were at Ajaccio M. Fesch gave Bonaparte French money in exchange
      for a number of Turkish sequins, amounting in value to 17,000 francs. This
      sum was all that the General brought with him from Egypt. I mention this
      fact because he was unjustly calumniated in letters written after his
      departure, and which were intercepted and published by the English. I
      ought also to add, that as he would never for his own private use resort
      to the money-chest of the army, the contents of which were, indeed, never
      half sufficient to defray the necessary expenses, he several times drew on
      Genoa, through M. James, and on the funds he possessed in the house of
      Clary, 16,000, 25,000, and up to 33,000 francs. I can bear witness that in
      Egypt I never saw him touch any money beyond his pay; and that he left the
      country poorer than he had entered it is a fact that cannot be denied. In
      his notes on Egypt it appears that in one year 12,600,000 francs were
      received. In this sum were included at least 2,000,000 of contributions,
      which were levied at the expense of many decapitations. Bonaparte was
      fourteen months in Egypt, and he is said to have brought away with him
      20,000,000. Calumny may be very gratifying to certain persons, but they
      should at least give it a colouring of probability. The fact is, that
      Bonaparte had scarcely enough to maintain himself at Ajaccio and to defray
      our posting expenses to Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      On our arrival at Ajaccio we learnt the death of Joubert, and the loss of
      the battle of Novi, which was fought on the 15th of August. Bonaparte was
      tormented by anxiety; he was in a state of utter uncertainty as to the
      future. From the time we left Alexandria till our arrival in Corsica he
      had frequently talked of what he should do during the quarantine, which he
      supposed he would be required to observe on reaching Toulon, the port at
      which he had determined to land.
    </p>
    <p>
      Even then he cherished some illusions respecting the state of affairs; and
      he often said to me, "But for that confounded quarantine, I would hasten
      ashore, and place myself at the head of the army of Italy. All is not
      over; and I am sure that there is not a general who would refuse me the
      command. The news of a victory gained by me would reach Paris as soon as
      the battle of Aboukir; that, indeed, would be excellent."
    </p>
    <p>
      In Corsica his language was very different. When he was informed of our
      reverses, and saw the full extent of the evil, he was for a moment
      overwhelmed. His grand projects then gave way to the consideration of
      matters of minor import, and he thought about his detention in the
      Lazaretto of Toulon. He spoke of the Directory, of intrigues, and of what
      would be said of him. He accounted his enemies those who envied him, and
      those who could not be reconciled to his glory and the influence of his
      name. Amidst all these anxieties Bonaparte was outwardly calm, though he
      was moody and reflective.
    </p>
    <p>
      Providing against every chance of danger, he had purchased at Ajaccio a
      large launch which was intended to be towed by the 'Muiron', and it was
      manned by twelve of the best sailors the island could furnish. His
      resolution was, in case of inevitable danger, to jump into this boat and
      get ashore. This precaution had well-nigh proved useful.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sir Walter Scott, at the commencement of his Life of Napoleon,
   says that Bonaparte did not see his native City after 1793.
   Probably to avoid contradicting himself, the Scottish historian
   observes that Bonaparte was near Ajaccio on his return from Egypt.
   He spent eight days there.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      After leaving the Gulf of Ajaccio the voyage was prosperous and
      undisturbed for one day; but on the second day, just at sunset, an English
      squadron of fourteen sail hove in sight. The English, having advantage of
      the lights which we had in our faces, saw us better than we could see
      them. They recognised our two frigates as Venetian built; but luckily for
      us, night came on, for we were not far apart. We saw the signals of the
      English for a long time, and heard the report of the guns more and more to
      our left, and we thought it was the intention of the cruisers to intercept
      us on the south-east. Under these circumstances Bonaparte had reason to
      thank fortune; for it is very evident that had the English suspected our
      two frigates of coming from the East and going to France, they would have
      shut us out from land by running between us and it, which to them was very
      easy. Probably they took us for a convoy of provisions going from Toulon
      to Genoa; and it was to this error and the darkness that we were indebted
      for escaping with no worse consequence than a fright.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Here Bourrienne says in a note "Where did Sir Walter Scott learn
   that we were neither seen nor recognised? We were not recognised,
   but certainly seen," This is corroborated by the testimony of the
   Duc de Rovigo, who, in his Memoirs, says, "I have met officers of
   the English navy who assured me that the two frigates had been seen
   but were considered by the Admiral to belong to his squadron, as
   they steered their course towards him; and as he knew we had only
   one frigate in the Mediterranean, and one in Toulon harbour, he was
   far from supposing that the frigates which he had descried could
   have General Bonaparte on board." (Savary, tome i. p. 226).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      During the remainder of the night the utmost agitation prevailed on board
      the Muiron. Gantheaume especially was in a state of anxiety which it is
      impossible to describe, and which it was painful to witness: he was quite
      beside himself, for a disaster appeared inevitable. He proposed to return
      to Corsica. "No, no!" replied Bonaparte imperiously. "No! Spread all sail!
      Every man at his post! To the north-west! To the north-west!" This order
      saved us; and I am enabled to affirm that in the midst of almost general
      alarm Bonaparte was solely occupied in giving orders. The rapidity of his
      judgment seemed to grow in the face of danger. The remembrance of that
      night will never be effaced from my mind. The hours lingered on; and none
      of us could guess upon what new dangers the morrow's sun would shine.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, Bonaparte's resolution was taken: his orders were given, his
      arrangements made. During the evening he had resolved upon throwing
      himself into the long boat; he had already fixed on the persons who were
      to share his fate, and had already named to me the papers which he thought
      it most important to save. Happily our terrors were vain and our
      arrangements useless. By the first rays of the sun we discovered the
      English fleet sailing to the north-east, and we stood for the wished-for
      coast of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 8th of October, at eight in the morning, we entered the roads of
      Fréjus. The sailors not having recognised the coast during the night, we
      did not know where we were. There was, at first, some hesitation whether
      we should advance. We were by no means expected, and did not know how to
      answer the signals, which has been changed during our absence. Some guns
      were even fired upon us by the batteries on the coast; but our bold entry
      into the roads, the crowd upon the decks of the two frigates, and our
      signs of joy, speedily banished all doubt of our being friends. We were in
      the port, and approaching the landing-place, when the rumour spread that
      Bonaparte was on board one of the frigates. In an instant the sea was
      covered with boats. In vain we begged them to keep at a distance; we were
      carried ashore, and when we told the crowd, both of men and women who were
      pressing about us, the risk they ran, they all exclaimed, "We prefer the
      plague to the Austrians!"
    </p>
    <p>
      What were our feelings when we again set foot on the soil of France I will
      not attempt to describe. Our escape from the dangers that threatened us
      seemed almost miraculous. We had lost twenty days at the beginning of our
      voyage, and at its close had been almost taken by an English squadron.
      Under these circumstances, how rapturously we inhaled the balmy air of
      Provence! Such was our joy, that we were scarcely sensible of the
      disheartening news which arrived from all quarters. At the first moment of
      our arrival, by a spontaneous impulse, we all repeated, with tears in our
      eyes, the beautiful lines which Voltaire has put into the mouth of the
      exile of Sicily.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte has been reproached with having violated the sanitary laws; but,
      after what I have already stated respecting his intentions, I presume
      there can remain no doubt of the falsehood of this accusation. All the
      blame must rest with the inhabitants of Fréjus, who on this occasion found
      the law of necessity more imperious than the sanitary laws. Yet when it is
      considered that four or five hundred persons, and a quantity of effects,
      were landed from Alexandria, where the plague had been raging during the
      summer, it is almost a miracle that France, and indeed Europe escaped the
      scourge.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0022" id="link2HCH0022">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXII.
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Effect produced by Bonaparte's return&mdash;His justification&mdash;
   Melancholy letter to my wife&mdash;Bonaparte's intended dinner at Sens&mdash;
   Louis Bonaparte and Josephine&mdash;He changes his intended route&mdash;
   Melancholy situation of the provinces&mdash;Necessity of a change&mdash;
   Bonaparte's ambitious views&mdash;Influence of popular applause&mdash;
   Arrival in Paris&mdash;His reception of Josephine&mdash;Their reconciliation&mdash;
   Bonaparte's visit to the Directory&mdash;His contemptuous treatment of
   Sieyès.
</pre>
    <p>
      The effect produced in France and throughout Europe by the mere
      intelligence of Bonaparte's return is well known. I shall not yet speak of
      the vast train of consequences which that event entailed. I must, however,
      notice some accusations which were brought against him from the time of
      our landing to the 9th of November. He was reproached for having left
      Egypt, and it was alleged that his departure was the result of long
      premeditation. But I, who was constantly with him, am enabled positively
      to affirm that his return to France was merely the effect of a sudden
      resolution. Of this the following fact is in itself sufficient evidence.
    </p>
    <p>
      While we were at Cairo, a few days before we heard of the landing of the
      Anglo-Turkish fleet, and at the moment when we were on the point of
      setting off to encamp at the Pyramids, Bonaparte despatched a courier to
      France. I took advantage of this opportunity to write to my wife. I almost
      bade her an eternal adieu. My letter breathed expressions of grief such as
      I had not before evinced. I said, among other things, that we knew not
      when or how it would be possible for us to return to France. If Bonaparte
      had then entertained any thought of a speedy return I must have known it,
      and in that case I should not certainly have distressed my family by a
      desponding letter, when I had not had an opportunity of writing for seven
      months before.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two days after the receipt of my letter my wife was awoke very early in
      the morning to be informed of our arrival in France. The courier who
      brought this intelligence was the bearer of a second letter from me, which
      I had written on board ship, and dated from Fréjus. In this letter I
      mentioned that Bonaparte would pass through Sens and dine with my mother.
    </p>
    <p>
      In fulfilment of my directions Madame de Bourrienne set off for Paris at
      five in the morning. Having passed the first post-house she met a Berlin
      containing four travellers, among whom she recognised Louis Bonaparte
      going to meet the General on the Lyons road. On seeing Madame de
      Bourrienne Louis desired the postillion to stop, and asked her whether she
      had heard from me. She informed him that we should pass through Sens,
      where the General wished to dine with my mother, who had made every
      preparation for receiving him. Louis then continued his journey. About
      nine o'clock my wife met another Berlin, in which were Madame Bonaparte
      and her daughter. As they were asleep, and both carriages were driving at
      a very rapid rate, Madame de Bourrienne did not stop them. Josephine
      followed the route taken by Louis. Both missed the General, who changed
      his mind at Lyons, and proceeded by way of Bourbonnais. He arrived fifteen
      hours after my wife; and those who had taken the Burgundy road proceeded
      to Lyons uselessly.
    </p>
    <p>
      Determined to repair in all haste to Paris, Bonaparte had left Fréjus on
      the afternoon of the day of our landing. He himself had despatched the
      courier to Sens to inform my mother of his intended visit to her; and it
      was not until he got to Lyons that he determined to take the Bourbonnais
      road. His reason for doing so will presently be seen. All along the road,
      at Aix, at Lyons, in every town and village, he was received, as at
      Fréjus, with the most rapturous demonstrations of joy.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[From Fréjus to Aix a crowd of men kindly escorted us, carrying
   torches alongside the carriage of the General, not so much to show
   their enthusiasm as to ensure our safety (Bourrienne) These brigands
   became so bad in France that at one time soldiers were placed in the
   imperials of all the diligences, receiving from the wits the
   curiously anticipative name of "imperial armies".]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Only those who witnessed his triumphal journey can form any notion of it;
      and it required no great discernment to foresee something like the 18th
      Brumaire.
    </p>
    <p>
      The provinces, a prey to anarchy and civil war, were continually
      threatened with foreign invasion. Almost all the south presented the
      melancholy spectacle of one vast arena of conflicting factions. The nation
      groaned beneath the yoke of tyrannical laws; despotism was systematically
      established; the law of hostages struck a blow at personal liberty, and
      forced loans menaced every man's property. The generality of the citizens
      had declared themselves against a pentarchy devoid of power, justice, and
      morality, and which had become the sport of faction and intrigue. Disorder
      was general; but in the provinces abuses were felt more sensibly than
      elsewhere. In great cities it was found more easy to elude the hand of
      despotism and oppression.
    </p>
    <p>
      A change so earnestly wished for could not fail to be realised, and to be
      received with transport. The majority of the French people longed to be
      relieved from the situation in which they then stood. There were two
      dangers bar to cope with&mdash;anarchy and the Bourbons. Every one felt
      the urgent and indispensable necessity of concentrating the power of the
      Government in a single hand; at the same time maintaining the institutions
      which the spirit of the age demanded, and which France, after having so
      dearly purchased, was now about to lose. The country looked for a man who
      was capable of restoring her to tranquillity; but as yet no such man had
      appeared. A soldier of fortune presented himself, covered with glory; he
      had planted the standard of France on the Capitol and on the Pyramids. The
      whole world acknowledged his superior talent; his character, his courage,
      and his victories had raised him to the very highest rank. His great
      works, his gallant actions, his speeches, and his proclamations ever since
      he had risen to eminence left no doubt of his wish to secure happiness and
      freedom to France, his adopted country. At that critical moment the
      necessity of a temporary dictatorship, which sometimes secures the safety
      of a state, banished all reflections on the consequences of such a power,
      and nobody seemed to think glory incompatible with personal liberty. All
      eyes were therefore directed on the General, whose past conduct guaranteed
      his capability of defending the Republic abroad, and liberty at home,&mdash;on
      the General whom his flatterers, and indeed some of his sincere friends,
      styled, "the hero of liberal ideas," the title to which he aspired.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under every point of view, therefore, he was naturally chosen as the chief
      of a generous nation, confiding to him her destiny, in preference to a
      troop of mean and fanatical hypocrites, who, under the names of
      republicanism and liberty, had reduced France to the most abject slavery.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the schemes which Bonaparte was incessantly revolving in his mind
      may undoubtedly be ranked the project of attaining the head of the French
      Government; but it would be a mistake to suppose that on his return from
      Egypt he had formed any fixed plan. There was something vague in his
      ambitious aspirations; and he was, if I may so express myself, fond of
      building those imaginary edifices called castles in the air. The current
      of events was in accordance with his wishes; and it may truly be said that
      the whole French nation smoothed for Bonaparte the road which led to
      power. Certainly the unanimous plaudits and universal joy which
      accompanied him along a journey of more than 200 leagues must have induced
      him to regard as a national mission that step which was at first prompted
      merely by his wish of meddling with the affairs of the Republic.
    </p>
    <p>
      This spontaneous burst of popular feeling, unordered and unpaid for,
      loudly proclaimed the grievances of the people, and their hope that the
      man of victory would become their deliverer. The general enthusiasm
      excited by the return of the conqueror of Egypt delighted him to a degree
      which I cannot express, and was, as he has often assured me, a powerful
      stimulus in urging him to the object to which the wishes of France seemed
      to direct him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among people of all classes and opinions an 18th Brumaire was desired and
      expected. Many royalists even believed that a change would prove
      favourable to the King. So ready are we to persuade ourselves of the
      reality of what we wish.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as it was suspected that Bonaparte would accept the power offered
      him, an outcry was raised about a conspiracy against the Republic, and
      measures were sought for preserving it. But necessity, and indeed, it must
      be confessed, the general feeling of the people, consigned the execution
      of those measures to him who was to subvert the Republic. On his return to
      Paris Bonaparte spoke and acted like a man who felt his own power; he
      cared neither for flattery, dinners, nor balls,&mdash;his mind took a
      higher flight.
    </p>
    <p>
      We arrived in Paris on the 24th Vendemiaire (the 16th of October). As yet
      he knew nothing of what was going on; for he had seen neither his wife nor
      his brothers, who were looking for him on the Burgundy road. The news of
      our landing at Fréjus had reached Paris by a telegraphic despatch. Madame
      Bonaparte, who was dining with M. Gohier when that despatch was
      communicated to him, as president of the Directory, immediately set off to
      meet her husband, well knowing how important it was that her first
      interview with him should not be anticipated by his brothers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The imprudent communications of Junot at the fountains of Messoudiah will
      be remembered, but, after the first ebullition of jealous rage, all traces
      of that feeling had apparently disappeared. Bonaparte however, was still
      harassed by secret suspicion, and the painful impressions produced by
      Junot were either not entirely effaced or were revived after our arrival
      in Paris. We reached the capital before Josephine returned. The
      recollection of the past, the ill-natured reports of his brothers,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte remarks on this that Napoleon met Josephine at
   Paris before his brothers arrived there, (Compare d'Abrantès,
   vol. 1, pp. 260-262 and Rémusat, tome i. pp. 147-148.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and the exaggeration of facts had irritated Napoleon to the very highest
      pitch, and he received Josephine with studied coldness, and with an air of
      the most cruel indifference. He had no communication with her for three
      days, during which time he frequently spoke to me of suspicions which his
      imagination converted into certainty; and threats of divorce escaped his
      lips with no less vehemence than when we were on the confines of Syria. I
      took upon me the office of conciliator, which I had before discharged with
      success. I represented to him the dangers to be apprehended from the
      publicity and scandal of such an affair; and that the moment when his
      grand views might possibly be realized was not the fit time to entertain
      France and Europe with the details of a charge of adultery. I spoke to him
      of Hortense and Eugène, to whom he was much attached. Reflection, seconded
      by his ardent affection for Josephine, brought about a complete
      reconciliation. After these three days of conjugal misunderstanding their
      happiness was never afterwards disturbed by a similar cause.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In speaking of the unexpected arrival of Bonaparte and of the
   meeting between him and Josephine, Madame Junot says: "On the 10th
   October Josephine set off to meet her husband, but without knowing
   exactly what road he would take. She thought it likely he would
   come by way of Burgundy, and therefore Louis and she set off for
   Lyons.

   "Madame Bonaparte was a prey to great and well-founded aspersions.
   Whether she was guilty or only imprudent, she was strongly accused
   by the Bonaparte family, who were desirous that Napoleon should
   obtain a divorce. The elder M. de Caulaincourt stated to us his
   apprehensions on this point; but whenever the subject was introduced
   my mother changed the conversation, because, knowing as she did the
   sentiments of the Bonaparte family, she could not reply without
   either committing them or having recourse to falsehood. She knew,
   moreover, the truth of many circumstances which M. de Caulaincourt
   seemed to doubt, and which her situation with respect to Bonaparte
   prevented her from communicating to him.

   "Madame Bonaparte committed a great fault in neglecting at this
   juncture to conciliate her mother-in-law, who might have protected
   her against those who sought her ruin and effected it nine years
   later; for the divorce in 1809 was brought about by the joint
   efforts of all the members of the Bonaparte family, aided by some of
   Napoleon's most confidential servants, whom Josephine, either as
   Madame Bonaparte or as Empress, had done nothing to make her
   friends.

   "Bonaparte, on his arrival in Paris, found his house deserted: but
   his mother, sisters, and sisters-in-law, and, in short, every member
   of his family, except Louis, who had attended Madame Bonaparte to
   Lyons, came to him immediately. The impression made upon him by the
   solitude of his home and its desertion by its mistress was profound
   and terrible, and nine years afterwards, when the ties between him
   and Josephine were severed for ever, he showed that it was not
   effaced. From not finding her with his family he inferred that she
   felt herself unworthy of their presence, and feared to meet the man
   she had wronged. He considered her journey to Lyons as a mere
   pretence.

   "M. de Bourrienne says that for some days after Josephine's return
   Bonaparte treated her with extreme coldness. As he was an
   eyewitness, why does he not state the whole truth, and say that on
   her return Bonaparte refused to see her and did not see her? It was
   to the earnest entreaties of her children that she owed the
   recovery, not of her husband's love, for that had long ceased, but
   of that tenderness acquired by habit, and that intimate intercourse
   which made her still retain the rank of consort to the greatest man
   of his age. Bonaparte was at this period much attached to Eugène
   Beauharnais, who, to do him justice, was a charming youth. He knew
   less of Hortense; but her youth and sweetness of temper, and the
   protection of which, as his adopted daughter, she besought him not
   to deprive her, proved powerful advocates, and overcame his
   resistance.

   "In this delicate negotiation it was good policy not to bring any
   other person into play, whatever might be their influence with
   Bonaparte, and Madame Bonaparte did not, therefore, have recourse
   either to Barras, Bourrienne, or Berthier. It was expedient that
   they who interceded for her should be able to say something without
   the possibility of a reply. Now Bonaparte could not with any degree
   of propriety explain to such children as Eugène or Hortense the
   particulars of their mother's conduct. He was therefore constrained
   to silence, and had no argument to combat the tears of two innocent
   creatures at his feet exclaiming, 'Do not abandon our mother; she
   will break her heart! and ought injustice to take from us, poor
   orphans, whose natural protector the scaffold has already deprived
   us of, the support of one whom Providence has sent to replace him!'

   "The scene, as Bonaparte has since stated, was long and painful, and
   the two children at length introduced their mother, and placed her
   in his arms. The unhappy woman had awaited his decision at the door
   of a small back staircase, extended at almost full length upon the
   stairs, suffering the acutest pangs of mental torture.

   "Whatever might be his wife's errors, Bonaparte appeared entirely to
   forget them, and the reconciliation was complete. Of all the
   members of the family Madame Leclerc was most vexed at the pardon
   which Napoleon had granted to his wife. Bonaparte's mother was also
   very ill pleased; but she said nothing. Madame Joseph Bonaparte,
   who was always very amiable, took no part in these family quarrels;
   therefore she could easily determine what part to take when fortune
   smiled on Josephine. As to Madame Bacciocchi, she gave free vent to
   her ill-humour and disdain; the consequence was that her
   sister-in-law could never endure her. Christine who was a
   beautiful creature, followed the example of Madame Joseph, and
   Caroline was so young that her opinion could have no weight in such
   an affair. As to Bonaparte's brothers, they were at open war with
   Josephine."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the day after his arrival Bonaparte visited the Directors.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Directors at this time were Barras, Sieyès, Moulins, Gohier,
   and Roger Ducos.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The interview was cold. On the 24th of October he said to me, "I dined
      yesterday at Gohier's; Sieyès was present, and I pretended not to see him.
      I observed how much he was enraged at this mark of disrespect."&mdash;"But
      are you sure he is against you?" inquired I. "I know nothing yet; but he
      is a scheming man, and I don't like him." Even at that time Bonaparte had
      thoughts of getting himself elected a member of the Directory in the room
      of Sieyès.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0023" id="link2HCH0023">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIII
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Moreau and Bernadotte&mdash;Bonaparte's opinion of Bernadotte&mdash;False
   report&mdash;The crown of Sweden and the Constitution of the year III.&mdash;
   Intrigues of Bonaparte's brothers&mdash;Angry conversation between
   Bonaparte and Bernadotte&mdash;Bonaparte's version&mdash;Josephine's version&mdash;
   An unexpected visit&mdash;The Manege Club&mdash;Salicetti and Joseph Bonaparte
   &mdash;Bonaparte invites himself to breakfast with Bernadotte&mdash;Country
   excursion&mdash;Bernadotte dines with Bonaparte&mdash;The plot and conspiracy
   &mdash;Conduct of Lucien&mdash;Dinner given to Bonaparte by the Council of the
   Five Hundred&mdash;Bonaparte's wish to be chosen a member of the
   Directory&mdash;His reconciliation with Sieyès&mdash;Offer made by the
   Directory to Bonaparte&mdash;He is falsely accused by Barras.
</pre>
    <p>
      To throw a clear light on the course of the great events which will
      presently be developed it is necessary to state briefly what intrigues had
      been hatched and what ambitious hopes had risen up while we were in Egypt.
      When in Egypt Bonaparte was entirely deprived of any means of knowing what
      was going on in France; and in our rapid journey from Fréjus to Paris we
      had no opportunity of collecting much information. Yet it was very
      important that we should know the real state of affairs, and the
      sentiments of those whom Bonaparte had counted among his rivals in glory,
      and whom he might now meet among his rivals in ambition.
    </p>
    <p>
      Moreau's military reputation stood very high, and Bernadotte's firmness
      appeared inflexible. Generally speaking, Bonaparte might have reckoned
      among his devoted partisans the companions of his glory in Italy, and also
      those whom he subsequently denominated "his Egyptians." But brave men had
      distinguished themselves in the army of the Rhine; and if they did not
      withhold their admiration from the conqueror of Italy, they felt at least
      more personally interested in the admiration which they lavished on him
      who had repaired the disaster of Scherer. Besides, it must be borne in
      mind that a republican spirit prevailed, almost without exception, in the
      army, and that the Directory appeared to be a Government invented
      expressly to afford patronage to intriguers. All this planted difficulties
      in our way, and rendered it indispensably necessary that we should know
      our ground. We had, it is true, been greeted by the fullest measure of
      popular enthusiasm on our arrival; but this was not enough. We wanted
      suffrages of a more solid kind.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the campaign of Egypt, Bernadotte, who was a zealous republican,
      had been War Minister,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bernadotte was Minister of War from 2d July 1799 to 14th
   September 1799, when, as he himself wrote to the Directory, they
   "accepted" the resignation he had not offered.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      but he had resigned the portfolio to Dubois-Crancé three weeks before
      Bonaparte's return to France. Some partisans of the old Minister were
      endeavouring to get him recalled, and it was very important to Bonaparte's
      interests that he should prevent the success of this design. I recollect
      that on the second day of our arrival Bonaparte said to me, "I have
      learned many things; but we shall see what will happen. Bernadotte is a
      singular man. When he was War Minister Augereau, Salicetti, and some
      others informed him that the Constitution was in danger, and that it was
      necessary to get rid of Sieyès, Barras, and Fouché, who were at the head
      of a plot. What did Bernadotte do? Nothing. He asked for proofs. None
      could be produced. He asked for powers. Who could grant them? Nobody. He
      should have taken them; but he would not venture on that. He wavered. He
      said he could not enter into the schemes which were proposed to him. He
      only promised to be silent on condition that they were renounced.
      Bernadotte is not a help; he is an obstacle. I have heard from good
      authority that a great number of influential persons wished to invest him
      with extensive power for the public good; but he was obstinate, and would
      listen to nothing."
    </p>
    <p>
      After a brief interval of silence, during which Bonaparte rubbed his
      forehead with his right hand, he then resumed:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I believe I shall have Bernadotte and Moreau against me. But I do not
      fear Moreau. He is devoid of energy. I know he would prefer military to
      political power. The promise of the command of an army would gain him
      over. But Bernadotte has Moorish blood in his veins. He is bold and
      enterprising. He is allied to my brothers.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte and Bernadotte had married sisters. Marie-Julie
   and Eugénie Bernardine-Desirée Clary. The feeling of Bourrienne for
   Bernadotte makes this passage doubtful. It is to be noticed that in
   the same conversation he makes Napoleon describe Bernadotte as not
   venturing to act without powers and as enterprising. The stern
   republican becoming Prince de Monte Carlo and King of Sweden, in a
   way compatible with his fidelity to the Constitution of the year
   III., is good. Lanfrey attributes Bernadotte's refusal to join more
   to rivalry than to principle (Lanfrey, tome i. p. 440). But in any
   case Napoleon did not dread Bernadotte, and was soon threatening to
   shoot him; see Lucien, tome ii. p. 107.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "He does not like me, and I am almost certain that he will oppose me. If
      he should become ambitious he will venture anything. And yet, you
      recollect in what a lukewarm way he acted on the 18th Fructidor, when I
      sent him to second Augereau. This devil of a fellow is not to be seduced.
      He is disinterested and clever. But, after all, we have but just arrived,
      and know not what may happen."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte, it was reported, had advised that Bonaparte should be brought
      to a court-martial, on the two-fold charge of having abandoned his army
      and violated the quarantine laws. This report came to the ear of
      Bonaparte; but he refused to believe it and he was right. Bernadotte
      thought himself bound to the Constitution which he had sworn to defend.
      Hence the opposition he manifested to the measures of the 18th Brumaire.
      But he cherished no personal animosity against Bonaparte as long as he was
      ignorant of his ambitious designs. The extraordinary and complicated
      nature of subsequent events rendered his possession of the crown of Sweden
      in no way incompatible with his fidelity to the Constitution of the year
      III.
    </p>
    <p>
      On our first arrival in Paris, though I was almost constantly with the
      General, yet, as our routine of occupation was not yet settled, I was
      enabled now and then to snatch an hour or two from business. This leisure
      time I spent in the society of my family and a few friends, and in
      collecting information as to what had happened during our absence, for
      which purpose I consulted old newspapers and pamphlets. I was not
      surprised to learn that Bonaparte's brothers&mdash;that is to say, Joseph
      and Lucien&mdash;had been engaged in many intrigues. I was told that
      Sieyès had for a moment thought of calling the Duke of Brunswick to the
      head of the Government; that Barras would not have been very averse to
      favouring the return of the Bourbons; and that Moulins, Roger Ducos, and
      Gohier alone believed or affected to believe, in the possibility of
      preserving the existing form of government. From what I heard at the time
      I have good reasons for believing that Joseph and Lucien made all sorts of
      endeavours to inveigle Bernadotte into their brother's party, and in the
      hope of accomplishing that object they had assisted in getting him
      appointed War Minister. However, I cannot vouch for the truth of this. I
      was told that Bernadotte had at first submitted to the influence of
      Bonaparte's two brothers; but that their urgent interference in their
      client's behalf induced him to shake them off, to proceed freely in the
      exercise of his duties, and to open the eyes of the Directory on what the
      Republic might have to apprehend from the enterprising character of
      Bonaparte. It is certain that what I have to relate respecting the conduct
      of Bernadotte to Bonaparte is calculated to give credit to these
      assertions.
    </p>
    <p>
      All the generals who were in Paris, with the exception of Bernadotte, had
      visited Bonaparte during the first three days which succeeded his arrival.
      Bernadotte's absence was the more remarkable because he had served under
      Bonaparte in Italy. It was not until a fortnight had elapsed, and then
      only on the reiterated entreaties of Joseph and Madame Joseph Bonaparte
      (his sister-in-law), that he determined to go and see his old
      General-in-Chief. I was not present at their interview, being at that
      moment occupied in the little cabinet of the Rue Chantereine. But I soon
      discovered that their conversation had been long and warm; for as soon as
      it was ended Bonaparte entered the cabinet exceedingly agitated, and said
      to me, "Bourrienne, how do you think Bernadotte has behaved? You have
      traversed France with me&mdash;you witnessed the enthusiasm which my
      return excited&mdash;you yourself told me that you saw in that enthusiasm
      the desire of the French people to be relieved from the disastrous
      position in which our reverses have placed them. Well! would you believe
      it? Bernadotte boasts, with ridiculous exaggeration, of the brilliant and
      victorious situation of France! He talks about the defeat of the Russians,
      the occupation of Genoa, the innumerable armies that are rising up
      everywhere. In short, I know not what nonsense he has got in his head."&mdash;"What
      can all this mean?" said I. "Did he speak about Egypt?"&mdash;"Oh, yes!
      Now you remind me. He actually reproached me for not having brought the
      army back with me! 'But,' observed I, 'have you not just told me that you
      are absolutely overrun with troops; that all your frontiers are secure,
      that immense levies are going on, and that you will have 200,000 infantry?&mdash;If
      this be true, what do you want with a few thousand men who may ensure the
      preservation of Egypt?' He could make no answer to this. But he is quite
      elated by the honour of having been War Minister, and he told me boldly
      that he looked upon the army of Egypt as lost nay, more. He made
      insinuations. He spoke of enemies abroad and enemies at home; and as he
      uttered these last words he looked significantly at me. I too gave him a
      glance! But stay a little. The pear will soon be ripe! You know
      Josephine's grace and address. She was present. The scrutinising glance of
      Bernadotte did not escape her, and she adroitly turned the conversation.
      Bernadotte saw from my countenance that I had had enough of it, and he
      took his leave. But don't let me interrupt you farther. I am going back to
      speak to Josephine."
    </p>
    <p>
      I must confess that this strange story made me very impatient to find
      myself alone with Madame Bonaparte, for I wished to hear her account of
      the scene. An opportunity occurred that very evening. I repeated to her
      what I had heard from the General, and all that she told me tended to
      confirm its accuracy. She added that Bernadotte seemed to take the utmost
      pains to exhibit to the General a flattering picture of the prosperity of
      France; and she reported to me, as follows, that part of the conversation
      which was peculiarly calculated to irritate Bonaparte:&mdash;"'I do not
      despair of the safety of the Republic, which I am certain can restrain her
      enemies both abroad and at home.' As Bernadotte uttered these last
      words,'" continued Josephine, "his glance made me shudder. One word more
      and Bonaparte could have commanded himself no longer! It is true," added
      she, "that it was in some degree his own fault, for it was he who turned
      the conversation on politics; and Bernadotte, in describing the
      flourishing condition of France, was only replying to the General, who had
      drawn a very opposite picture of the state of things. You know, my dear
      Bourrienne, that Bonaparte is not always very prudent. I fear he has said
      too much to Bernadotte about the necessity of changes in the Government."
      Josephine had not yet recovered from the agitation into which this violent
      scene had thrown her. After I took leave of her I made notes of what she
      had told me.
    </p>
    <p>
      A few days after, when Bonaparte, Josephine, Hortense, Eugène, and I were
      together in the drawing-room, Bernadotte unexpectedly entered. His
      appearance, after what had passed, was calculated to surprise us. He was
      accompanied by a person whom he requested permission to introduce to
      Bonaparte. I have forgotten his name, but he was, I think,
      secretary-general while Bernadotte was in office. Bonaparte betrayed no
      appearance of astonishment. He received Bernadotte with perfect ease, and
      they soon entered into conversation. Bonaparte, who seemed to acquire
      confidence from the presence of those who were about him, said a great
      deal about the agitation which prevailed among the republicans, and
      expressed himself in very decided terms against the 'Manège Club.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Manège Club, the last resort of the Jacobins, formed in 1799,
   and closed seven or eight months afterwards. Joseph Bonaparte
   (Erreurs, time i. p. 251) denies that he or Lucien&mdash;for whom the
   allusion is meant&mdash;were members of this club, and he disputes this
   conversation ever having taken place. Lucien (tome i. p. 219)
   treats this club as opposed to his party.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I seconded him by observing that M. Moreau de Worms of my department, who
      was a member of that club, had himself complained to me of the violence
      that prevailed in it. "But, General," said Bernadotte, "your brothers were
      its most active originators. Yet," added he in a tone of firmness, "you
      accuse me of having favoured that club, and I repel the charge. It cannot
      be otherwise than false. When I came into office I found everything in the
      greatest disorder. I had no leisure to think about any club to which my
      duties did not call me. You know well that your friend Salicetti, and that
      your brother, who is in your confidence, are both leading men in the
      Manège Club. To the instructions of I know not whom is to be attributed
      the violence of which you complain." At these words, and especially the
      tone in which Bernadotte uttered 'I know not whom,' Bonaparte could no
      longer restrain himself. "Well, General," exclaimed he furiously, "I tell
      you plainly, I would rather live wild in the woods than in a state of
      society which affords no security." Bernadotte then said, with great
      dignity of manner, "Good God! General, what security would you have?" From
      the warmth evinced by Bonaparte I saw plainly that the conversation would
      soon be converted into a dispute, and in a whisper I requested Madame
      Bonaparte to change the conversation, which she immediately did by
      addressing a question to some one present. Bernadotte, observing Madame
      Bonaparte's design, checked his warmth. The subject of conversation was
      changed, and it became general. Bernadotte soon took up his hat and
      departed.
    </p>
    <p>
      One morning, when I entered Bonaparte's chamber&mdash;it was, I believe,
      three or four days after the second visit of Bernadotte&mdash;he said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Well, Bourrienne, I wager you will not guess with whom I am going to
      breakfast this morning?"&mdash;"Really, General, I &mdash;"&mdash;"With
      Bernadotte; and the best of the joke is, that I have invited myself. You
      would have seen how it was all brought about if you had been with us at
      the Théâtre Français, yesterday evening. You know we are going to visit
      Joseph today at Mortfontaine. Well, as we were coming out of the theatre
      last night, finding myself side by side with Bernadotte and not knowing
      what to talk about, I asked him whether he was to be of our party to-day?
      He replied in the affirmative; and as we were passing his house in the Rue
      Cisalpine.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte lays great stress on the fact that Napoleon
   would not have passed this house, which was far from the theatre
   (Erreurs, tome i, p. 251).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "I told him, without any ceremony, that I should be happy to come and take
      a cup of coffee with him in the morning. He seemed pleased. What do you
      think of that, Bourrienne?"&mdash;"Why, General, I hope you may have
      reason on your part to be pleased with him."&mdash;"Never fear, never
      fear. I know what I am about. This will compromise him with Gohier.
      Remember, you must always meet your enemies with a bold face, otherwise
      they think they are feared, and that gives them confidence."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte stepped into the carriage with Josephine, who was always ready
      when she had to go out with him, for he did not like to wait. They
      proceeded first to Bernadotte's to breakfast, and from thence to
      Mortfontaine. On his return Bonaparte told me very little about what had
      passed during the day, and I could see that he was not in the best of
      humours. I afterwards learned that Bonaparte had conversed a good deal
      with Bernadotte, and that he had made every effort to render himself
      agreeable, which he very well knew how to do when he chose! but that, in
      spite of all his conversational talent; and supported as he was by the
      presence of his three brothers, and Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély, he
      could not withstand the republican firmness of Bernadotte. However, the
      number of his partisans daily augmented; for all had not the
      uncompromising spirit of Bernadotte; and it will soon be seen that Moreau
      himself undertook charge of the Directors who were made prisoners on the
      18th Brumaire.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte's shrewd penetration made him one of the first to see clearly
      into Bonaparte's designs. He was well convinced of his determination to
      overthrow the constitution and possess himself of power. He saw the
      Directory divided into two parties; the one duped by the promises and
      assurances of Bonaparte, and the other conniving with him for the
      accomplishment of his plans. In these circumstances Bernadotte offered his
      services to all persons connected with the Government who, like himself,
      were averse to the change which he saw good reason to apprehend. But
      Bonaparte was not the man to be outdone in cunning or activity; and every
      moment swelled the ranks of his adherents.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 16th Brumaire I dined in the Rue de la Victoire. Bernadotte was
      present, and I believe General Jourdan also. While the grand conspiracy
      was hastening to its accomplishment Madame Bonaparte and I had contrived a
      little plot of a more innocent kind. We let no one into our secret, and
      our 16th Brumaire was crowned with complete success. We had agreed to be
      on the alert to prevent any fresh exchange of angry words. All succeeded
      to the utmost of our wishes. The conversation languished during dinner;
      but it was not dulness that we were afraid of. It turned on the subject of
      war, and in that vast field Bonaparte's superiority over his interlocutors
      was undeniable.
    </p>
    <p>
      When we retired to the drawing-rooms a great number of evening visitors
      poured in, and the conversation then became animated, and even gay.
      Bonaparte was in high spirits. He said to some one, smiling, and pointing
      to Bernadotte, "You are not aware that the General yonder is a Chouan."&mdash;"A
      Chouan?" repeated Bernadotte, also in a tone of pleasantry. "Ah! General
      you contradict yourself. Only the other day you taxed me with favouring
      the violence of the friends of the Republic, and now you accuse me of
      protecting the Chouans.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The "Chouans," so called from their use of the cry of the
   screech-owl (chathouan) as a signal, were the revolted peasants of
   Brittany and of Maine.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "You should at least be consistent." A few moments after, availing himself
      of the confusion occasioned by the throng of visitors, Bernadotte slipped
      off.
    </p>
    <p>
      As a mark of respect to Bonaparte the Council of the Five Hundred
      appointed Lucien its president. The event proved how important this
      nomination was to Napoleon. Up to the 19th Brumaire, and especially on
      that day, Lucien evinced a degree of activity, intelligence, courage, and
      presence of mind which are rarely found united in one individual. I have
      no hesitation in stating that to Lucien's nomination and exertions must be
      attributed the success of the 19th Brumaire.
    </p>
    <p>
      The General had laid down a plan of conduct from which he never deviated
      during the twenty-three days which intervened between his arrival in Paris
      and the 18th Brumaire. He refused almost all private invitations, in order
      to avoid indiscreet questions, unacceptable offers, and answers which
      might compromise him.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not without some degree of hesitation that he yielded to a project
      started by Lucien, who, by all sorts of manoeuvring, had succeeded in
      prevailing on a great number of his colleagues to be present at a grand
      subscription dinner to be given to Bonaparte by the Council of the
      Ancients.
    </p>
    <p>
      The disorder which unavoidably prevailed in a party amounting to upwards
      of 250 persons, animated by a diversity of opinions and sentiments; the
      anxiety and distrust arising in the minds of those who were not in the
      grand plot, rendered this meeting one of the most disagreeable I ever
      witnessed. It was all restraint and dulness. Bonaparte's countenance
      sufficiently betrayed his dissatisfaction; besides, the success of his
      schemes demanded his presence elsewhere. Almost as soon as he had finished
      his dinner he rose, saying to Berthier and me, "I am tired: let us be
      gone." He went round to the different tables, addressing to the company
      compliments and trifling remarks, and departed, leaving at table the
      persons by whom he had been invited.
    </p>
    <p>
      This short political crisis was marked by nothing more grand, dignified,
      or noble than the previous revolutionary commotions. All these plots were
      so contemptible, and were accompanied by so much trickery, falsehood, and
      treachery, that, for the honour of human nature, it is desirable to cover
      them with a veil.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Bonaparte's thoughts were first occupied with the idea he had
      conceived even when in Italy, namely, to be chosen a Director. Nobody
      dared yet to accuse him of being a deserter from the army of the East. The
      only difficulty was to obtain a dispensation on the score of age. And was
      this not to be obtained? No sooner was he installed in his humble abode in
      the Rue de la Victoire than he was assured that, on the retirement of
      Rewbell, the majority of suffrages would have devolved on him had he been
      in France, and had not the fundamental law required the age of forty; but
      that not even his warmest partisans were disposed to violate the yet
      infant Constitution of the year III.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte soon perceived that no efforts would succeed in overcoming this
      difficulty, and he easily resolved to possess himself wholly of an office
      of which he would nominally have had only a fifth part had he been a
      member of the Directory.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as his intentions became manifest he found himself surrounded by
      all those who recognised in him the man they had long looked for. These
      persons, who were able and influential in their own circles, endeavoured
      to convert into friendship the animosity which existed between Sieyès and
      Bonaparte. This angry feeling had been increased by a remark made by
      Sieyès, and reported to Bonaparte. He had said, after the dinner at which
      Bonaparte treated him so disrespectfully, "Do you see how that little
      insolent fellow behaves to a member of a Government which would do well to
      order him to be SHOT?"
    </p>
    <p>
      But all was changed when able mediators pointed out to Bonaparte the
      advantage of uniting with Sieyès for the purpose of overthrowing a
      Constitution which he did not like. He was assured how vain it would be to
      think of superseding him, and that it would be better to flatter him with
      the hope of helping to subvert the constitution and raising up a new one.
      One day some one said to Bonaparte in my hearing, "Seek for support among
      the party who call the friends of the Republic Jacobins, and be assured
      that Sieyès is at the head of that party."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th Vendémiaire (17th of October) the Directory summoned General
      Bonaparte to a private sitting. "They offered me the choice of any army I
      would command," said he to me the next morning. "I would not refuse, but I
      asked to be allowed a little time for the recovery of my health; and, to
      avoid any other embarrassing offers, I withdrew. I shall go to no more of
      their sittings." (He attended only one after this.) "I am determined to
      join Sieyès' party. It includes a greater diversity of opinions than that
      of the profligate Barras. He proclaims everywhere that he is the author of
      my fortune. He will never be content to play an inferior part, and I will
      never bend to such a man. He cherishes the mad ambition of being the
      support of the Republic. What would he do with me? Sieyès, on the
      contrary, has no political ambition."
    </p>
    <p>
      No sooner did Sieyès begin to grow friendly with Bonaparte than the latter
      learned from him that Barras had said, "The 'little corporal' has made his
      fortune in Italy and does not want to go back again." Bonaparte repaired
      to the Directory for the sole purpose of contradicting this allegation. He
      complained to the Directors of its falsehood, boldly affirmed that the
      fortune he was supposed to possess had no existence, and that even if he
      had made his fortune it was not, at all events, at the expense of the
      Republic "You know," said he to me, "that the mines of Hydria have
      furnished the greater part of what I possess."&mdash;"Is it possible,"
      said I, "that Barras could have said so, when you know so well of all the
      peculations of which he has been guilty since your return?"
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had confided the secret of his plans to very few persons&mdash;to
      those only whose assistance he wanted. The rest mechanically followed
      their leaders and the impulse which was given to them; they passively
      awaited the realisation of the promises they had received, and on the
      faith of which they had pledged themselves.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0024" id="link2HCH0024">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIV.
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Cambacérès and Lebrun&mdash;Gohier deceived&mdash;My nocturnal visit to Barras
   &mdash;The command of the army given to Bonaparte&mdash;The morning of the
   18th Brumaire&mdash;Meeting of the generals at Bonaparte's house&mdash;
   Bernadotte's firmness&mdash;Josephine's interest, for Madame Gohier&mdash;
   Disappointment of the Directors&mdash;Review in the gardens of the
   Tuileries&mdash;Bonaparte's harangue&mdash;Proclamation of the Ancients&mdash;
   Moreau, jailer of the Luxembourg&mdash;My conversation with La Vallette&mdash;
   Bonaparte at St. Cloud.
</pre>
    <p>
      The parts of the great drama which was shortly to be enacted were well
      distributed. During the three days preceding the 18th Brumaire every one
      was at his post. Lucien, with equal activity and intelligence, forwarded
      the conspiracy in the two Councils; Sieyès had the management of the
      Directory; Réal,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Pierre Francois Réal (1757-1834); public accuser before the
   revolutionary criminal tribunal; became, under Napoleon, Conseiller
   d'Etat and Comte, and was charged with the affairs of the "haute
   police."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      under the instructions of Fouché,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Fouché (1754-1820); Conventionalist; member of extreme
   Jacobin party; Minister of Police under the Directory, August 1799;
   retained by Napoleon in that Ministry till 1802, and again from 1804
   to 1810; became Duc d'Otrante in 1809; disgraced in 1810, and sent in
   1813 as governor of the Illyrian Provinces; Minister of Police
   during the 'Cent Jours'; President of the Provisional Government,
   1815; and for a short time Minister of Police under second
   restoration.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      negotiated with the departments, and dexterously managed, without
      compromising Fouché, to ruin those from whom that Minister had received
      his power. There was no time to lose; and Fouché said to me on the 14th
      Brumaire, "Tell your General to be speedy; if he delays, he is lost."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th, Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély told Bonaparte that the
      overtures made to Cambacérès and Lebrun had not been received in a very
      decided way. "I will have no tergiversation," replied Bonaparte with
      warmth. "Let them not flatter themselves that I stand in need of them.
      They must decide to-day; to-morrow will be too late. I feel myself strong
      enough now to stand alone."
    </p>
    <p>
      Cambacérès
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Cambacérès (J. J. Régis de) (1763-1824) Conventionalist; Minister
   of Justice under Directory, 1799; second Consul, 25th December 1799;
   Arch-Chancellor of the Empire, 1804; Duc de Parma, 1806; Minister of
   Justice during the 'Cent Jours': took great part in all the legal
   and administrative projects of the Consulate and Empire.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and Lebrun
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Charles Francois Lebrun (1757-1824). Deputy to the National
   Assembly, and member of the Council of the Five Hundred; Third
   Consul, 25th December 1799; Arch-Treasurer of the Empire, 1804; Duc
   de Plaisance, 1806; Governor-General of Holland, 1806; Lieutenant-
   Governor of Holland, 1810 to 1813; chiefly engaged in financial
   measures]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      were almost utter strangers to the intrigues which preceded the 18th
      Brumaire. Bonaparte had cast his eyes on the Minister of Justice to be one
      of his colleagues when he should be at liberty to name them, because his
      previous conduct had pledged him as a partisan of the Revolution. To him
      Bonaparte added Lebrun, to counterbalance the first choice. Lebrun was
      distinguished for honourable conduct and moderate principles. By selecting
      these two men Bonaparte hoped to please every one; besides, neither of
      them were able to contend against his fixed determination and ambitious
      views.
    </p>
    <p>
      What petty intrigues marked the 17th Brumaire! On that day I dined with
      Bonaparte; and after dinner he said, "I have promised to dine to-morrow
      with Gohier; but, as you may readily suppose, I do not intend going.
      However, I am very sorry for his obstinacy. By way of restoring his
      confidence Josephine is going to invite him to breakfast with us
      to-morrow. It will be impossible for him to suspect anything. I saw Barras
      this morning, and left him much disturbed. He asked me to return and visit
      him to-night. I promised to do so, but I shall not go. To-morrow all will
      be over. There is but little time; he expects me at eleven o'clock
      to-night. You shall therefore take my carriage, go there, send in my name,
      and then enter yourself. Tell him that a severe headache confines me to my
      bed, but that I will be with him without fail tomorrow. Bid him not be
      alarmed, for all will soon be right again. Elude his questions as much as
      possible; do not stay long, and come to me on your return."
    </p>
    <p>
      At precisely eleven o'clock I reached the residence of Barras, in General
      Bonaparte's carriage. Solitude and silence prevailed in all the apartments
      through which I passed to Barras' cabinet. Bonaparte was announced, and
      when Barras saw me enter instead of him, he manifested the greatest
      astonishment and appeared much cast down. It was easy to perceive that he
      looked on himself as a lost man. I executed my commission, and stayed only
      a short time. I rose to take my leave, and he said, while showing me out,
      "I see that Bonaparte is deceiving me: he will not come again. He has
      settled everything; yet to me he owes all." I repeated that he would
      certainly come tomorrow, but he shook his head in a way which plainly
      denoted that he did not believe me. When I gave Bonaparte an account of my
      visit he appeared much pleased. He told me that Joseph was going to call
      that evening on Bernadotte, and to ask him to come tomorrow. I replied
      that, from all I knew, he would be of no use to him. "I believe so too,"
      said he; "but he can no longer injure me, and that is enough. Well,
      good-night; be here at seven in the morning." It was then one o'clock.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was with him a little before seven o'clock on the morning of the 18th
      Brumaire, and on my arrival I found a great number of generals and
      officers assembled. I entered Bonaparte's chamber, and found him already
      up&mdash;a thing rather unusual with him. At this moment he was as calm as
      on the approach of a battle. In a few moments Joseph and Bernadotte
      arrived. Joseph had not found him at home on the preceding evening, and
      had called for him that morning. I was surprised to see Bernadotte in
      plain clothes, and I stepped up to him and said in a low voice, "General,
      every one here, except you and I, is in uniform."&mdash;"Why should I be
      in uniform?" said he. As he uttered these words Bonaparte, struck with the
      same surprise as myself, stopped short while speaking to several persons
      around him, and turning quickly towards Bernadotte said, "How is this? you
      are not in uniform!"&mdash;"I never am on a morning when I am not on
      duty," replied Bernadotte.&mdash;"You will be on duty presently."&mdash;"I
      have not heard a word of it: I should have received my orders sooner."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte then led Bernadotte into an adjoining room. Their conversation
      was not long, for there was no time to spare.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the other hand, by the influence of the principal conspirators the
      removal of the legislative body to St. Cloud was determined on the morning
      of the 18th Brumaire, and the command of the army was given to Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      All this time Barras was no doubt waiting for Bonaparte, and Madame
      Bonaparte was expecting Gohier to breakfast. At Bonaparte's were assembled
      all the generals who were devoted to him. I never saw so great a number
      before in the Rue de la Victoire. They were all, except Bernadotte, in
      full uniform; and there were, besides, half a dozen persons there
      initiated in the secrets of the day. The little hotel of the conqueror of
      Italy was much too small for such an assemblage, and several persons were
      standing in the court-yard. Bonaparte was acquainted with the decree of
      the Council of the Ancients, and only waited for its being brought to him
      before he should mount his horse. That decree was adopted in the Council
      of the Ancients by what may be called a false majority, for the members of
      the Council were summoned at different hours, and it was so contrived that
      sixty or eighty of them, whom Lucien and his friends had not been able to
      gain over, should not receive their notices in time.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the message from the Council of the Ancients arrived Bonaparte
      requested all the officers at his house to follow him. At that
      announcement a few who were in ignorance of what was going on did not
      follow&mdash;at least I saw two groups separately leave the hotel.
      Bernadotte said to me, "I shall stay with you." I perceived there was a
      good deal of suspicion in his manner. Bonaparte, before going down the
      stairs which led from the small round dining-room into the courtyard,
      returned quickly to bid Bernadotte follow him. He would not, and Bonaparte
      then said to me, while hurrying off, "Gohier is not come&mdash;so much the
      worse for him," and leaped on his horse. Scarcely was he off when
      Bernadotte left me. Josephine and I being now left alone, she acquainted
      me with her anxiety. I assured her that everything had been so well
      prepared that success was certain. She felt much interest about Gohier on
      account of her friendship for his wife. She asked me whether I was well
      acquainted with Gohier. "You know, Madame," replied I, "that we have been
      only twenty days in Paris, and that during that time I have only gone out
      to sleep in the Rue Martel. I have seen M. Gohier several times, when he
      came to visit the General, and have talked to him about the situation of
      our affairs in Switzerland, Holland, France, and other political matters,
      but I never exchanged a word with him as to what is now going on. This is
      the whole extent of my acquaintance with him."
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am sorry for it," resumed Josephine, "because I should have asked you
      to write to him, and beg him to make no stir, but imitate Sieyès and
      Roger, who will voluntarily retire, and not to join Barras, who is
      probably at this very moment forced to do so. Bonaparte has told me that
      if Gohier voluntarily resigns, he will do everything for him." I believe
      Josephine communicated directly with the President of the Directory
      through a friend of Madame Gohier's.
    </p>
    <p>
      Gohier and Moulins, no longer depending on Sieyès and Roger Ducos, waited
      for their colleague, Barras, in the hall of the Directory, to adopt some
      measure on the decree for removing the Councils to St. Cloud. But they
      were disappointed; for Barras, whose eyes had been opened by my visit on
      the preceding night, did not join them. He had been invisible to his
      colleagues from the moment that Bruix and M. de Talleyrand had informed
      him of the reality of what he already suspected, and insisted on his
      retirement.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th Brumaire a great number of military, amounting to about 10,000
      men, were assembled in the gardens of the Tuileries, and were reviewed by
      Bonaparte, accompanied by Generals Beurnonville, Moreau, and Macdonald.
      Bonaparte read to them the decree just issued by the commission of
      inspectors of the Council of the Ancients, by which the legislative body
      was removed to St. Cloud; and by which he himself was entrusted with the
      execution of that decree, and appointed to the command of all the military
      force in Paris, and afterwards delivered an address to the troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst Bonaparte was haranguing the soldiers, the Council of the Ancients
      published an address to the French people, in which it was declared that
      the seat of the legislative body was changed, in order to put down the
      factions, whose object was to control the national representation.
    </p>
    <p>
      While all this was passing abroad I was at the General's house in the Rue
      de la Victoire; which I never left during the whole day. Madame Bonaparte
      and I were not without anxiety in Bonaparte's absence. I learned from
      Josephine that Joseph's wife had received a visit from Adjutant-General
      Rapatel, who had been sent by Bonaparte and Moreau to bring her husband to
      the Tuileries. Joseph was from home at the time, and so the message was
      useless. This circumstance, however, awakened hopes which we had scarcely
      dared to entertain. Moreau was then in accordance with Bonaparte, for
      Rapatel was sent in the name of both Generals. This alliance, so long
      despaired of, appeared to augur favourably. It was one of Bonaparte's
      happy strokes. Moreau, who was a slave to military discipline, regarded
      his successful rival only as a chief nominated by the Council of the
      Ancients. He received his orders and obeyed them. Bonaparte appointed him
      commander of the guard of the Luxembourg, where the Directors were under
      confinement. He accepted the command, and no circumstance could have
      contributed more effectually to the accomplishment of Bonaparte's views
      and to the triumph of his ambition.
    </p>
    <p>
      At length Bonaparte, whom we had impatiently expected, returned. Almost
      everything had gone well with him, for he had had only to do with
      soldiers. In the evening he said to me, "I am sure that the committee of
      inspectors of the hall are at this very moment engaged in settling what is
      to be done at St. Cloud to-morrow. It is better to let them decide the
      matter, for by that means their vanity is flattered. I will obey orders
      which I have myself concerted." What Bonaparte was speaking of had been
      arranged nearly two or three days previously. The committee of inspectors
      was under the influence of the principal conspirators.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the evening of this anxious day, which was destined to be succeeded by
      a stormy morrow, Bonaparte, pleased with having gained over Moreau, spoke
      to me of Bernadotte's visit in the morning.&mdash;"I saw," said he, "that
      you were as much astonished as I at Bernadotte's behaviour. A general out
      of uniform! He might as well have come in slippers. Do you know what
      passed when I took him aside? I told him all; I thought that the best way.
      I assured him that his Directory was hated, and his Constitution worn out;
      that it was necessary to turn them all off, and give another impulse to
      the government. 'Go and put on your uniform said I: I cannot wait for you
      long. You will find me at the Tuileries, with the rest of our comrades. Do
      not depend on Moreau, Beurnonville, or the generals of your party. When
      you know them better you will find that they promise much but perform
      little. Do not trust them.' Bernadotte then said that he would not take
      part in what he called a rebellion. A rebellion! Bourrienne, only think of
      that! A set of imbeciles, who from morning to night do nothing but debate
      in their kennels! But all was in vain. I could not move Bernadotte. He is
      a bar of iron. I asked him to give me his word that he would do nothing
      against me; what do you think was his answer?"&mdash;"Something
      unpleasant, no doubt."&mdash;"Unpleasant! that is too mild a word. He
      said, 'I will remain quiet as a citizen; but if the Directory order me to
      act, I will march against all disturbers.' But I can laugh at all that
      now. My measures are taken, and he will have no command. However, I set
      him at ease as to what would take place. I flattered him with a picture of
      private life, the pleasures of the country, and the charms of Malmaison;
      and I left him with his head full of pastoral dreams. In a word, I am very
      well satisfied with my day's work. Good-night, Bourrienne; we shall see
      what will turn up to-morrow."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 19th I went to St. Cloud with my friend La Vallette. As we passed
      the Place Louis XV., now Louis XVI., he asked me what Napoleon was doing,
      and what my opinion was as to the coming events? Without entering into any
      detail I replied, "My friend, either we shall sleep tomorrow at the
      Luxembourg, or there will be an end of us." Who could tell which of the
      two things would happen! Success legalised a bold enterprise, which the
      slightest accident might have changed into a crime.
    </p>
    <p>
      The sitting of the Ancients, under the presidency of Lemercier, commenced
      at one o'clock. A warm discussion took place upon the situation of
      affairs, the resignation of the members of the Directory, and the
      immediate election of others. Great heat and agitation prevailed during
      the debate. Intelligence was every minute carried to Bonaparte of what was
      going forward, and he determined to enter the hall and take part in the
      discussion. He entered in a hasty and angry way, which did not give me a
      favourable foreboding of what he was about to say. We passed through a
      narrow passage to the centre of the hall; our backs were turned to the
      door. Bonaparte had the President to his right. He could not see him full
      in the face. I was close to the General on his right. Berthier was at his
      left.
    </p>
    <p>
      All the speeches which have been subsequently passed off as having been
      delivered by Bonaparte on this occasion differ from each other; as well
      they may, for he delivered none to the Ancients, unless his confused
      conversation with the President, which was alike devoid of dignity and
      sense, is to be called a speech. He talked of his "brothers in arms" and
      the "frankness of a soldier." The questions of the President followed each
      other rapidly: they were clear; but it is impossible to conceive anything
      more confused or worse delivered than the ambiguous and perplexed replies
      of Bonaparte. He talked without end of "volcanoes; secret agitations,
      victories, a violated constitution!" He blamed the proceedings of the 18th
      Fructidor, of which he was the first promoter and the most powerful
      supporter. He pretended to be ignorant of everything until the Council of
      Ancients had called him to the aid of his country. Then came "Caesar&mdash;Cromwell&mdash;tyrant!"
      and he several times repeated, "I have nothing more to say to you!"
      though, in fact, he had said nothing. He alleged that he had been called
      to assume the supreme authority, on his return from Italy, by the desire
      of the nation, and afterwards by his comrades in arms. Next followed the
      words "liberty&mdash;equality!" though it was evident he had not come to
      St. Cloud for the sake of either. No sooner did he utter these words, than
      a member of the Ancients, named, I think, Linglet, interrupting him,
      exclaimed, "You forget the Constitution!" His countenance immediately
      lighted up; yet nothing could be distinguished but, "The 18th Fructidor&mdash;the
      30th Prairial&mdash;hypocrites&mdash;intriguers&mdash;I will disclose all!&mdash;I
      will resign my power, when the danger which threatens the Republic shall
      have passed away!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, believing all his assertions to be admitted as proved, assumed
      a little confidence, and accused the two directors Barras and Moulins of
      having proposed to put him at the head of a party whose object was to
      oppose all men professing liberal ideas.
    </p>
    <p>
      At these words, the falsehood of which was odious, a great tumult arose in
      the hall. A general committee was loudly called for to hear the
      disclosures. "No, no!" exclaimed others, "no general committee!
      conspirators have been denounced: it is right that France should know
      all!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was then required to enter into the particulars of his
      accusation against Barras and Moulins, and of the proposals which had been
      made to him: "You must no longer conceal anything."
    </p>
    <p>
      Embarrassed by these interruptions and interrogatories Bonaparte believed
      that he was completely lost. Instead of giving an explanation of what he
      had said, he began to make fresh accusations; and against whom? The
      Council of the Five Hundred, who, he said, wished for "scaffolds,
      revolutionary committees, and a complete overthrow of everything."
    </p>
    <p>
      Violent murmurs arose, and his language became more and more incoherent
      and inconsequent. He addressed himself at one moment to the
      representatives of the people, who were quite overcome by astonishment; at
      another to the military in the courtyard, who could not hear him. Then, by
      an unaccountable transition, he spoke of "the thunderbolts of war!" and
      added, that he was "attended by the God of war and the God of fortune."
    </p>
    <p>
      The President, with great calmness, told him that he saw nothing,
      absolutely nothing, upon which the Council could deliberate; that there
      was vagueness in all he had said. "Explain yourself; reveal the plot which
      you say you were urged to join."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte repeated again the same things. But only those who were present
      can form any idea of his manner. There was not the slightest connection in
      what he stammered out. Bonaparte was then no orator. It may well be
      supposed that he was more accustomed to the din of war than to the
      discussions of the tribunes. He was more at home before a battery than
      before a President's chair.
    </p>
    <p>
      Perceiving the bad effect which this unconnected babbling produced on the
      assembly, as well as the embarrassment of Bonaparte, I said, in a low
      voice, pulling him gently by the skirt of his coat, "withdraw, General;
      you know not what you are saying." I made signs to Berthier, who was on
      his left, to second me in persuading him to leave the hall; and all at
      once, after having stammered out a few more words, he turned round
      exclaiming, "Let those who love me follow me!" The sentinels at the door
      offered no opposition to his passing. The person who went before him
      quietly drew aside the tapestry which concealed the door, and General
      Bonaparte leaped upon his horse, which stood in the court-yard. It is hard
      to say what would have happened if, on seeing the General retire, the
      President had said, "Grenadiers, let no one pass!" Instead of sleeping
      next day at the Luxembourg he would, I am convinced, have ended his career
      on the Place de la Revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0025" id="link2HCH0025">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXV.
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The two Councils&mdash;Barras' letter&mdash;Bonaparte at the Council of the
   Five Hundred&mdash;False reports&mdash;Tumultuous sitting&mdash;Lucien's speech&mdash;
   He resigns the Presidency of the Council of the Five Hundred&mdash;He is
   carried out by grenadiers&mdash;He harangues the troops&mdash;A dramatic scene
   &mdash;Murat and his soldiers drive out the Five Hundred&mdash;Council of
   Thirty&mdash;Consular commission&mdash;Decree&mdash;Return to Paris&mdash;Conversation
   with Bonaparte and Josephine respecting Gohier and Bernadotte&mdash;The
   directors Gohier and Moulins imprisoned.
</pre>
    <p>
      The scene which occurred at the sitting of the Council of the Ancients was
      very different from that which passed outside. Bonaparte had scarcely
      reached the courtyard and mounted his horse when cries of "Vive
      Bonaparte!" resounded on all sides. But this was only a sunbeam between
      two storms. He had yet to brave the Council of the Five Hundred, which was
      far more excited than the Council of the Ancients. Everything tended to
      create a dreadful uncertainty; but it was too late to draw back. We had
      already staked too heavily. The game was desperate, and everything was to
      be ventured. In a few hours all would be determined.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our apprehensions were not without foundation. In the Council of the Five
      Hundred agitation was at its height. The most serious alarm marked its
      deliberations. It had been determined to announce to the Directory the
      installation of the Councils, and to inquire of the Council of the
      Ancients their reasons for resolving upon an extraordinary convocation.
      But the Directory no longer existed. Sieyès and Roger Ducos had joined
      Bonaparte's party. Gohier and Moulins were prisoners in the Luxembourg,
      and in the custody of General Moreau; and at the very moment when the
      Council of the Five Hundred had drawn up a message to the Directory, the
      Council of the Ancients transmitted to them the following letter, received
      from Barras. This letter; which was addressed to the Council of the
      Ancients, was immediately read by Lucien Bonaparte, who was President of
      the Council of the Five Hundred.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   CITIZEN PRESIDENT&mdash;Having entered into public affairs solely from my
   love of liberty, I consented to share the first magistracy of the
   State only that I might be able to defend it in danger; to protect
   against their enemies the patriots compromised in its cause; and to
   ensure to the defenders of their country that attention to their
   interests which no one was more calculated to feel than a citizen,
   long the witness of their heroic virtues, and always sensible to
   their wants.

   The glory which accompanies the return of the illustrious warrior to
   whom I had the honour of opening the path of glory, the striking
   marks of confidence given him by the legislative body, and the
   decree of the National Convention, convince me that, to whatever
   post he may henceforth be called, the dangers to liberty will be
   averted, and the interests of the army ensured.

   I cheerfully return to the rank of a private citizen: happy, after
   so many storms, to resign, unimpaired, and even more glorious than
   ever, the destiny of the Republic, which has been, in part,
   committed to my care.
                    (Signed) BARRAS.
</pre>
    <p>
      This letter occasioned a great sensation in the Council of the Five
      Hundred. A second reading was called for, and a question was started,
      whether the retirement was legal, or was the result of collusion, and of
      the influence of Bonaparte's agents; whether to believe Barras, who
      declared the dangers of liberty averted, or the decree for the removal of
      the legislative corps, which was passed and executed under the pretext of
      the existence of imminent peril? At that moment Bonaparte appeared,
      followed by a party of grenadiers, who remained at the entrance of the
      hall.
    </p>
    <p>
      I did not accompany him to the Council of the Five Hundred. He had
      directed me to send off an express to ease the apprehensions of Josephine,
      and to assure her that everything would go well. It was some time before I
      joined him again.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, without speaking as positively as if I had myself been an
      eye-witness of the scene, I do not hesitate to declare that all that has
      been said about assaults and poniards is pure invention. I rely on what
      was told me, on the very night, by persons well worthy of credit, and who
      were witnessess of all that passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      As to what passed at the sitting, the accounts, given both at the time and
      since, have varied according to opinions. Some have alleged that unanimous
      cries of indignation were excited by the appearance of the military. From
      all parts of the hall resounded, "The sanctuary of the laws is violated.
      Down with the tyrant!&mdash;down with Cromwell!&mdash;down with the
      Dictator!" Bonaparte stammered out a few words, as he had done before the
      Council of the Ancients, but his voice was immediately drowned by cries of
      "Vive la Republique!" "Vive la Constitution!" "Outlaw the Dictator!" The
      grenadiers are then said to have rushed forward, exclaiming, "Let us save
      our General!" at which indignation reached its height, and cries, even
      more violent than ever, were raised; that Bonaparte, falling insensible
      into the arms of the grenadiers, said, "They mean to assassinate me!" All
      that regards the exclamations and threats I believe to be correct; but I
      rank with the story of the poniards the assertion of the members of the
      Five Hundred being provided with firearms, and the grenadiers rushing into
      the hall; because Bonaparte never mentioned a word of anything of the sort
      to me, either on the way home, or when I was with him in his chamber.
      Neither did he say anything on the subject to his wife, who had been
      extremely agitated by the different reports which reached her.
    </p>
    <p>
      After Bonaparte left the Council of the Five Hundred the deliberations
      were continued with great violence. The excitement caused by the
      appearance of Bonaparte was nothing like subsided when propositions of the
      most furious nature were made. The President, Lucien, did all in his power
      to restore tranquillity. As soon as he could make himself heard he said,
      "The scene which has just taken place in the Council proves what are the
      sentiments of all; sentiments which I declare are also mine. It was,
      however, natural to believe that the General had no other object than to
      render an account of the situation of affairs, and of something
      interesting to the public. But I think none of you can suppose him capable
      of projects hostile to liberty."
    </p>
    <p>
      Each sentence of Lucien's address was interrupted by cries of "Bonaparte
      has tarnished his glory! He is a disgrace to the Republic!"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Lucien
   &mdash;[The next younger brother of Napoleon, President of the Council of
   the Five Hundred in 1799; Minister of the Interior, 1st December
   1799 to 1841; Ambassador in Spain, 1801 to December 1801; left
   France in disgrace in 1804; retired to Papal States; Prisoner in
   Malta and England, 1810 to 1814; created by Pope in 1814 Prince de
   Canino and Duc de Musignano; married firstly, 1794, Christine Boyer,
   who died 1800; married secondly, 1802 or 1803, a Madame Jonberthon.
   Of his part in the 18th Brumaire Napoleon said to him in 1807,
   "I well know that you were useful to me on the 18th Brumaire, but it
   is not so clear to me that you saved me then" (Iung's Lucien, tome
   iii. p.89).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      made fresh efforts to be heard, and wished to be allowed to address the
      assembly as a member of the Council, and for that purpose resigned the
      Presidentship to Chasal. He begged that the General might be introduced
      again and heard with calmness. But this proposition was furiously opposed.
      Exclamations of "Outlaw Bonaparte! outlaw him!" rang through the assembly,
      and were the only reply given to the President. Lucien, who had reassumed
      the President's chair, left it a second time, that he might not be
      constrained to put the question of outlawry demanded against his brother.
      Braving the displeasure of the assembly, he mounted the tribune, resigned
      the Presidentship, renounced his seat as a deputy, and threw aside his
      robes.
    </p>
    <p>
      Just as Lucien left the Council I entered. Bonaparte, who was well
      informed of all that was passing,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Lucien distinctly states that he himself, acting within his right
   as President, had demanded an escort of the grenadiers of the
   Councils as soon as he saw his withdrawal might be opposed.
   Then the first entry of the soldiers with Napoleon would be illegal.
   The second, to withdraw Lucien, was nominally legal (see Iung's
   Lucien, tome i, pp, 318-322)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      had sent in soldiers to the assistance of his brother; they carried him
      off from the midst of the Council, and Bonaparte thought it a matter of no
      little importance to have with him the President of an assembly which he
      treated as rebellious. Lucien was reinstalled in office; but he was now to
      discharge his duties, not in the President's chair, but on horseback, and
      at the head of a party of troops ready to undertake anything. Roused by
      the danger to which both his brother and himself were exposed he delivered
      on horseback the following words, which can never be too often remembered,
      as showing what a man then dared to say, who never was anything except
      from the reflection of his brother's glory:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   CITIZENS! SOLDIERS!&mdash;The President of the Council of the Five
   Hundred declares to you that the majority of that Council is at this
   moment held in terror by a few representatives of the people, who
   are armed with stilettoes, and who surround the tribune, threatening
   their colleagues with death, and maintaining most atrocious
   discussions.

   I declare to you that these brigands, who are doubtless in the pay
   of England, have risen in rebellion against the Council of the
   Ancients, and have dared to talk of outlawing the General, who is
   charged with the execution of its decree, as if the word "outlaw"
   was still to be regarded as the death-warrant of persons most
   beloved by their country.

   I declare to you that these madmen have outlawed themselves by their
   attempts upon the liberty of the Council. In the name of that
   people, which for so many years have been the sport of terrorism,
   I consign to you the charge of rescuing the majority of their
   representatives; so that, delivered from stilettoes by bayonets,
   they may deliberate on the fate of the Republic.

   General, and you, soldiers, and you, citizens, you will not
   acknowledge, as legislators of France, any but those who rally round
   me. As for those who remain in the orangery, let force expel
   them. They are not the representatives of the people, but the
   representatives of the poniard. Let that be their title, and let it
   follow them everywhere; and whenever they dare show themselves to
   the people, let every finger point at them, and every tongue
   designate them by the well-merited title of representatives of the
   poniard!

   Vive la Republique!
</pre>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the cries of "Vive Bonaparte!" which followed this
      harangue, the troops still hesitated. It was evident that they were not
      fully prepared to turn their swords against the national representatives.
      Lucien then drew his sword, exclaiming, "I swear that I will stab my own
      brother to the heart if he ever attempt anything against the liberty of
      Frenchmen." This dramatic action was perfectly successful; hesitation
      vanished; and at a signal given by Bonaparte, Murat, at the head of his
      grenadiers, rushed into the hall, and drove out the representatives.
      Everyone yielded to the reasoning of bayonets, and thus terminated the
      employment of the armed force on that memorable day.
    </p>
    <p>
      At ten o'clock at night the palace of St. Cloud, where so many tumultuous
      scenes had occurred, was perfectly tranquil. All the deputies were still
      there, pacing the hall, the corridors, and the courts. Most of them had an
      air of consternation; others affected to have foreseen the event, and to
      appear satisfied with it; but all wished to return to Paris, which they
      could not do until a new order revoked the order for the removal of the
      Councils to St. Cloud.
    </p>
    <p>
      At eleven o'clock Bonaparte, who had eaten nothing all day, but who was
      almost insensible to physical wants in moments of great agitation, said to
      me, "We must go and write, Bourrienne; I intend this very night to address
      a proclamation to the inhabitants of Paris. To-morrow morning I shall be
      all the conversation of the capital." He then dictated to me the following
      proclamation, which proves, no less than some of his reports from Egypt,
      how much Bonaparte excelled in the art of twisting the truth to own
      advantage:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
               TO THE PEOPLE.

                    19th Brumaire, 11 o'clock, p.m.

   Frenchmen!&mdash;On my return to France I found division reigning amongst
   all the authorities. They agreed only on this single point, that
   the Constitution was half destroyed, and was unable to protect
   liberty!

   Each party in turn came to me, confided to me their designs,
   imparted their secrets, and requested my support. I refused to be
   the man of a party.

   The Council of the Ancients appealed to me. I answered their
   appeal. A plan of general restoration had been concerted by men
   whom the nation has been accustomed to regard as the defenders of
   liberty, equality, and property. This plan required calm and free
   deliberation, exempt from all influence and all fear. The Ancients,
   therefore, resolved upon the removal of the legislative bodies to
   St. Cloud. They placed at my disposal the force necessary to secure
   their independence. I was bound, in duty to my fellow-citizens, to
   the soldiers perishing in our armies, and to the national glory,
   acquired at the cost of so much blood, to accept the command.

   The Councils assembled at St. Cloud. Republican troops guaranteed
   their safety from without, but assassins created terror within.
   Many members of the Council of the Five Hundred, armed with
   stilettoes and pistols, spread menaces of death around them.

   The plans which ought to have been developed were withheld. The
   majority of the Council was rendered inefficient; the boldest
   orators were disconcerted, and the inutility of submitting any
   salutary proposition was quite evident.

   I proceeded, filled with indignation and grief, to the Council of
   the Ancients. I besought them to carry their noble designs into
   execution. I directed their attention to the evils of the nation,
   which were their motives for conceiving those designs. They
   concurred in giving me new proofs of their uniform goodwill, I
   presented myself before the Council of the Five Hundred, alone,
   unarmed, my head uncovered, just as the Ancients had received and
   applauded me. My object was to restore to the majority the
   expression of its will, and to secure to it its power.

   The stilettoes which had menaced the deputies were instantly raised
   against their deliverer. Twenty assassins rushed upon me and aimed
   at my breast. The grenadiers of the legislative body, whom I had
   left at the door of the hall, ran forward, and placed themselves
   between me and the assassins. One of these brave grenadiers (Thome)
   had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They bore me off.

     &mdash;[Thome merely had a small part of his coat torn by a deputy,
     who took him by the collar. This constituted the whole of the
     attempted assassinations of the 19th Brumaire.&mdash;Bourrienne]&mdash;

   At the same moment cries of "Outlaw him!" were raised against the
   defender of the law. It was the horrid cry of assassins against the
   power destined to repress them.

   They crowded round the President, uttering threats. With arms in
   their hands they commanded him to declare "the outlawry." I was
   informed of this. I ordered him to be rescued from their fury, and
   six grenadiers of the legislative body brought him out. Immediately
   afterwards some grenadiers of the legislative body charged into the
   hall and cleared it.

   The factions, intimidated, dispersed and fled. The majority, freed
   from their assaults, returned freely and peaceably into the hall;
   listened to the propositions made for the public safety,
   deliberated, and drew up the salutary resolution which will become
   the new and provisional law of the Republic.

   Frenchmen, you doubtless recognise in this conduct the zeal of a
   soldier of liberty, of a citizen devoted to the Republic.
   Conservative, tutelary, and liberal ideas resumed their authority
   upon the dispersion of the factions, who domineered in the Councils,
   and who, in rendering themselves the most odious of men, did not
   cease to be the most contemptible.
                  (Signed) BONAPARTE, General, etc.
</pre>
    <p>
      The day had been passed in destroying a Government; it was necessary to
      devote the night to framing a new one. Talleyrand, Raederer, and Sieyès
      were at St. Cloud. The Council of the Ancients assembled, and Lucien set
      himself about finding some members of the Five Hundred on whom he could
      reckon. He succeeded in getting together only thirty, who, with their
      President, represented the numerous assembly of which they formed part.
      This ghost of representation was essential, for Bonaparte, notwithstanding
      his violation of all law on the preceding day, wished to make it appear
      that he was acting legally. The Council of the Ancients had, however,
      already decided that a provisional executive commission should be
      appointed, composed of three members, and was about to name the members of
      the commission&mdash;a measure which should have originated with the Five
      Hundred&mdash;when Lucien came to acquaint Bonaparte that his chamber
      'introuvable' was assembled.
    </p>
    <p>
      This chamber, which called itself the Council of the Five Hundred, though
      that Council was now nothing but a Council of Thirty, hastily passed a
      decree, the first article of which was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Directory exists no longer; and the individuals hereafter named
   are no longer members of the national representation, on account of
   the excesses and illegal acts which they have constantly committed,
   and more particularly the greatest part of them, in the sitting of
   this morning.
</pre>
    <p>
      Then follow the names of sixty-one members expelled.
    </p>
    <p>
      By other articles of the same decree the Council instituted a provisional
      commission, similar to that which the Ancients had proposed to appoint,
      resolved that the said commission should consist of three members, who
      should assume the title of Consuls; and nominated as Consuls Sieyès, Roger
      Ducos, and Bonaparte. The other provisions of the nocturnal decree of St.
      Cloud had for their object merely the carrying into effect those already
      described. This nocturnal sitting was very calm, and indeed it would have
      been strange had it been otherwise, for no opposition could be feared from
      the members of the Five Hundred, who were prepared to concur with Lucien.
      All knew beforehand what they would have to do. Everything was concluded
      by three o'clock in the morning; and the palace of St. Cloud, which had
      been so agitated since the previous evening, resumed in the morning its
      wonted stillness, and presented the appearance of a vast solitude.
    </p>
    <p>
      All the hurrying about, the brief notes which I had to write to many
      friends, and the conversations in which I was compelled to take part,
      prevented me from dining before one o'clock in the morning. It was not
      till then that Bonaparte, having gone to take the oath as Consul before
      the Five Hundred, afforded me an opportunity of taking some refreshment
      with Admiral Bruix and some other officers.
    </p>
    <p>
      At three o'clock in the morning I accompanied Bonaparte, in his carriage
      to Paris. He was extremely fatigued after so many trials and fatigues. A
      new future was opened before him. He was completely absorbed in thought,
      and did not utter a single word during the journey. But when he arrived at
      his house in the Rue de la Victoire, he had no sooner entered his chamber
      and wished good morning to Josephine, who was in bed, and in a state of
      the greatest anxiety on account of his absence, than he said before her,
      "Bourrienne, I said many ridiculous things?"&mdash;"Not so very bad,
      General"&mdash;"I like better to speak to soldiers than to lawyers. Those
      fellows disconcerted me. I have not been used to public assemblies; but
      that will come in time."
    </p>
    <p>
      We then began, all three, to converse. Madame Bonaparte became calm, and
      Bonaparte resumed his wonted confidence. The events of the day naturally
      formed the subject of our conversation. Josephine, who was much attached
      to the Gohier family, mentioned the name of that Director in a tone of
      kindness. "What would you have, my dear?" said Bonaparte to her. "It is
      not my fault. He is a respectable man, but a simpleton. He does not
      understand me!&mdash;I ought, perhaps, to have him transported. He wrote
      against me to the Council of the Ancients; but I have his letter, and they
      know nothing about it. Poor man! he expected me to dinner yesterday. And
      this man thinks himself a statesman!&mdash;Speak no more of him."
    </p>
    <p>
      During our discourse the name of Bernadotte was also mentioned. "Have you
      seen him, Bourrienne?" said Bonaparte to me.&mdash;"No, General"&mdash;"Neither
      have I. I have not heard him spoken of. Would you imagine it? I had
      intelligence to-day of many intrigues in which he is concerned. Would you
      believe it? he wished nothing less than to be appointed my colleague in
      authority. He talked of mounting his horse and marching with the troops
      that might be placed under his command. He wished, he said, to maintain
      the Constitution: nay, more; I am assured that he had the audacity to add
      that, if it were necessary to outlaw me, the Government might come to him
      and he would find soldiers capable of carrying the decree into execution."&mdash;"All
      this, General, should give you an idea how inflexible his principles are."&mdash;"Yes,
      I am well aware of it; there is something in that: he is honest. But for
      his obstinacy, my brothers would have brought him over. They are related
      to him. His wife, who is Joseph's sister-in-law, has ascendency over him.
      As for me, have I not, I ask you, made sufficient advances to him? You
      have witnessed them. Moreau, who has a higher military reputation than he,
      came over to me at once. However, I repent of having cajoled Bernadotte. I
      am thinking of separating him from all his coteries without any one being
      able to find fault with the proceeding. I cannot revenge myself in any
      other manner. Joseph likes him. I should have everybody against me. These
      family considerations are follies! Goodnight, Bourrienne.&mdash;By the
      way, we will sleep in the Luxembourg to-morrow."
    </p>
    <p>
      I then left the General, whom, henceforth, I will call the First Consul,
      after having remained with him constantly during nearly twenty-four hours,
      with the exception of the time when he was at the Council of the Five
      Hundred. I retired to my lodging, in the Rue Martel, at five o'clock in
      the morning.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is certain that if Gohier had come to breakfast on the morning of the
      18th Brumaire, according to Madame Bonaparte's invitation, he would have
      been one of the members of the Government. But Gohier acted the part of
      the stern republican. He placed himself, according to the common phrase of
      the time, astride of the Constitution of the year III.; and as his steed
      made a sad stumble, he fell with it.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was a singular circumstance which prevented the two Directors Gohier
      and Moulins from defending their beloved Constitution. It was from their
      respect for the Constitution that they allowed it to perish, because they
      would have been obliged to violate the article which did not allow less
      than three Directors to deliberate together. Thus a king of Castile was
      burned to death, because there did not happen to be in his apartment men
      of such rank as etiquette would permit to touch the person of the monarch.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0026" id="link2HCH0026">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVI.
    </h2>

      1799.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   General approbation of the 18th Brumaire&mdash;Distress of the treasury&mdash;
   M. Collot's generosity&mdash;Bonaparte's ingratitude&mdash;Gohier set at
   Liberty&mdash;Constitution of the year VIII.&mdash;The Senate, Tribunate, and
   Council of State&mdash;Notes required on the character of candidates&mdash;
   Bonaparte's love of integrity and talent&mdash;Influence of habit over
   him&mdash;His hatred of the Tribunate&mdash;Provisional concessions&mdash;The first
   Consular Ministry&mdash;Mediocrity of La Place&mdash;Proscription lists&mdash;
   Cambacérès report&mdash;M. Moreau de Worms&mdash;Character of Sieyès&mdash;
   Bonaparte at the Luxembourg&mdash;Distribution of the day and visits&mdash;
   Lebrun's opposition&mdash;Bonaparte's singing&mdash;His boyish tricks&mdash;
   Assumption of the titles "Madame" and "Monseigneur"&mdash;The men of the
   Revolution and the partisans of the Bourbons&mdash;Bonaparte's fears&mdash;
   Confidential notes on candidates for office and the assemblies.
</pre>
    <p>
      It cannot be denied that France hailed, almost with unanimous voice,
      Bonaparte's accession to the Consulship as a blessing of Providence. I do
      not speak now of the ulterior consequences of that event; I speak only of
      the fact itself, and its first results, such as the repeal of the law of
      hostages, and the compulsory loan of a hundred millions. Doubtless the
      legality of the acts of the 18th Brumaire may be disputed; but who will
      venture to say that the immediate result of that day ought not to be
      regarded as a great blessing to France? Whoever denies this can have no
      idea of the wretched state of every branch of the administration at that
      deplorable epoch. A few persons blamed the 18th Brumaire; but no one
      regretted the Directory, with the exception, perhaps, of the five
      Directors themselves. But we will say no more of the Directorial
      Government. What an administration! In what a state were the finances of
      France! Would it be believed? on the second day of the Consulate, when
      Bonaparte wished to send a courier to General Championet,
      commander-in-chief of the army of Italy, the treasury had not 1200 francs
      disposable to give to the courier!
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be supposed that in the first moments of a new Government money
      would be wanted. M. Collot, who had served under Bonaparte in Italy, and
      whose conduct and administration deserved nothing but praise, was one of
      the first who came to the Consul's assistance. In this instance M. Collot
      was as zealous as disinterested. He gave the Consul 500,000 francs in
      gold, for which service he was badly rewarded. Bonaparte afterwards
      behaved to M. Collot as though he was anxious to punish him for being
      rich. This sum, which at the time made so fine an appearance in the
      Consular treasury, was not repaid for a long time after, and then without
      interest. This was not, indeed, the only instance in which M. Collot had
      cause to complain of Bonaparte, who was never inclined to acknowledge his
      important services, nor even to render justice to his conduct.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 20th Brumaire Bonaparte sent his brother Louis to
      inform the Director Gohier that he was free. This haste in relieving
      Gohier was not without a reason, for Bonaparte was anxious to install
      himself in the Luxembourg, and we went there that same evening.
    </p>
    <p>
      Everything was to be created. Bonaparte had with him almost the whole of
      the army, and on the soldiers he could rely. But the military force was no
      longer sufficient for him. Wishing to possess a great civil power
      established by legal forms, he immediately set about the composition of a
      Senate and Tribunate; a Council of State and a new legislative body, and,
      finally, a new Constitution.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Constitution of the year VIII. was presented on the 18th of
   December 1799 (22d Frimaire, year VIII.), and accepted by the people
   on the 7th of February 1800 (18th Pluviôse, year VIII.). It
   established a Consular Government, composed of Bonaparte, First
   Consul, appointed for ten years; Cambacérès, Second Consul, also for
   ten years; and Lebrun, Third Consul appointed for five years. It
   established a conservative Senate, a legislative body of 800
   members, and a Tribunate composed of 100 members. The establishment
   of the Council of State took place on the 29th of December 1799.
   The installation of the new legislative body and the Tribunate was
   fixed for the 1st of January 1800.&mdash;Bourrienne. Lanfrey (tome i.
   p. 329) sees this Constitution foreshadowed in that proposed by
   Napoleon in 1797 for the Cisalpine Republic.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      As Bonaparte had not time to make himself acquainted with the persons by
      whom he was about to be surrounded, he requested from the most
      distinguished men of the period, well acquainted with France and the
      Revolution, notes respecting the individuals worthy and capable of
      entering the Senate, the Tribunate, and the Council of State. From the
      manner in which all these notes were drawn up it was evident that the
      writers of them studied to make their recommendation correspond with what
      they conceived to be Bonaparte's views, and that they imagined he
      participated in the opinions which were at that time popular. Accordingly
      they stated, as grounds for preferring particular candidates, their
      patriotism, their republicanism, and their having had seats in preceding
      assemblies.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of all qualities, that which most influenced the choice of the First
      Consul was inflexible integrity; and it is but just to say that in this
      particular he was rarely deceived. He sought earnestly for talent; and
      although he did not like the men of the Revolution, he was convinced that
      he could not do without them. He had conceived an extreme aversion for
      mediocrity, and generally rejected a man of that character when
      recommended to him; but if he had known such a man long, he yielded to the
      influence of habit, dreading nothing so much as change, or, as he was
      accustomed to say himself, new faces.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon loved only men with strong passions and great weakness;
   he judged the most opposite qualities in men by these defects
   (Metternich, tome iii. p.589)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte then proceeded to organise a complaisant Senate, a mute
      legislative body, and a Tribunate which was to have the semblance of being
      independent, by the aid of some fine speeches and high-sounding phrases.
      He easily appointed the Senators, but it was different with the Tribunate.
      He hesitated long before he fixed upon the candidates for that body, which
      inspired him with an anticipatory fear. However, on arriving at power he
      dared not oppose himself to the exigencies of the moment, and he consented
      for a time to delude the ambitious dupes who kept up a buzz of fine
      sentiments of liberty around him. He saw that circumstances were not yet
      favourable for refusing a share in the Constitution to this third portion
      of power, destined apparently to advocate the interests of the people
      before the legislative body. But in yielding to necessity, the mere idea
      of the Tribunate filled him with the utmost uneasiness; and, in a word,
      Bonaparte could not endure the public discussions on his projects.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Tribunate under this Constitution of the year VIII. was the
   only body allowed to debate in public on proposed laws, the
   legislative body simply hearing in silence the orators sent by the
   Council of State and by the Tribunals to state reasons for or
   against propositions, and then voting in silence. Its orators were
   constantly giving umbrage to Napoleon. It was at first purified,
   early in 1802, by the Senate naming the members to go out in
   rotation then reduced to from 100 to 50 members later in 1802, and
   suppressed in 1807; its disappearance being regarded by Napoleon as
   his last break with the Revolution.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte composed the first Consular Ministry as follows: Berthier was
      Minister of War; Gaudin, formerly employed in the administration of the
      Post Office, was appointed Minister of Finance; Cambacérès remained
      Minister of Justice; Forfait was Minister of Marine; La Place of the
      Interior; Fouché of Police; and Reinhard of Foreign Affairs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Reinhard and La Place were soon replaced, the former by the able M.
      Talleyrand, the latter by Lucien Bonaparte.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[When I quitted the service of the First Consul Talleyrand was
   still at the head of the Foreign Department. I have frequently been
   present at this great statesman's conferences with Napoleon, and I
   can declare that I never saw him flatter his dreams of ambition;
   but, on the contrary, he always endeavoured to make him sensible of
   his true interests.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It may be said that Lucien merely passed through the Ministry on his way
      to a lucrative embassy in Spain. As to La Place, Bonaparte always
      entertained a high opinion of his talents. His appointment to the Ministry
      of the Interior was a compliment paid to science; but it was not long
      before the First Consul repented of his choice. La Place, so happily
      calculated for science, displayed the most inconceivable mediocrity in
      administration. He was incompetent to the most trifling matters; as if his
      mind, formed to embrace the system of the world, and to interpret the laws
      of Newton and Kepler, could not descend to the level of subjects of
      detail, or apply itself to the duties of the department with which he was
      entrusted for a short, but yet, with regard to him, too long a time.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26th Brumaire (17th November 1799) the Consuls issued a decree, in
      which they stated that, conformably with Article III. of the law of the
      19th of the same month, which especially charged them with the
      reestablishment of public tranquillity, they decreed that thirty-eight
      individuals, who were named, should quit the continental territory of the
      Republic, and for that purpose should proceed to Rochefort, to be
      afterwards conducted to, and detained in, the department of French Guiana.
      They likewise decreed that twenty-three other individuals, who were named,
      should proceed to the commune of Rochelle, in the department of the lower
      Charente, in order to be afterwards filed and detained in such part of
      that department as should be pointed out by the Minister of General
      Police. I was fortunate enough to keep my friend M. Moreau de Worms,
      deputy from the Youne, out of the fiat of exiles. This produced a
      mischievous effect. It bore a character of wanton severity quite
      inconsistent with the assurances of mildness and moderation given at St.
      Cloud on the 19th Brumaire. Cambacérès afterwards made a report, in which
      he represented that it was unnecessary for the maintenance of tranquillity
      to subject the proscribed to banishment, considering it sufficient to
      place them under the supervision of the superior police. Upon receiving
      the report the Consuls issued a decree, in which they directed all the
      individuals included in the proscription to retire respectively into the
      different communes which should be fixed upon by the Minister of Justice,
      and to remain there until further orders.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the period of the issuing of these decrees Sieyès was still one of the
      Consuls, conjointly with Bonaparte and Roger Ducos; and although Bonaparte
      had, from the first moment, possessed the whole power of the government, a
      sort of apparent equality was, nevertheless, observed amongst them. It was
      not until the 25th of December that Bonaparte assumed the title of First
      Consul, Cambacérès and Lebrun being then joined in the office with him. He
      had fixed his eyes on them previously to the 18th Brumaire, and he had no
      cause to reproach them with giving him much embarrassment in his rapid
      progress towards the imperial throne.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have stated that I was so fortunate as to rescue M. Moreau de Worms from
      the list of proscription. Some days after Sieyès entered Bonaparte's
      cabinet and said to him, "Well, this M. Moreau de Worms, whom M.
      Bourrienne induced you to save from banishment, is acting very finely! I
      told you how it would be! I have received from Sens, his native place, a
      letter which informs me that Moreau is in that town, where he has
      assembled the people in the market-place, and indulged in the most violent
      declamations against the 18th Brumaire,"&mdash;"Can you rely upon your
      agent" asked Bonaparte.&mdash;"Perfectly. I can answer for the truth of
      his communication." Bonaparte showed me the bulletin of Sieyès' agent, and
      reproached me bitterly. "What would you say, General," I observed, "if I
      should present this same M. Moreau de Worms, who is declaiming at Sens
      against the 18th Brumaire, to you within an hour?"&mdash;"I defy you to do
      it."&mdash;"I have made myself responsible for him, and I know what I am
      about. He is violent in his politics; but he is a man of honour, incapable
      of failing in his word."&mdash;"Well, we shall see. Go and find him." I
      was very sure of doing what I had promised, for within an hour before I
      had seen M. Moreau de Worms. He had been concealed since the 19th
      Brumaire, and had not quitted Paris. Nothing was easier than to find him,
      and in three-quarters of an hour he was at the Luxembourg. I presented him
      to Bonaparte, who conversed with him a long time concerning the 18th
      Brumaire. When M. Moreau departed Bonaparte said to me, "You are right.
      That fool Sieyès is as inventive as a Cassandra. This proves that one
      should not be too ready to believe the reports of the wretches whom we are
      obliged to employ in the police." Afterwards he added, "Bourrienne, Moreau
      is a nice fellow: I am satisfied with him; I will do something for him."
      It was not long before M. Moreau experienced the effect of the Consul's
      good opinion. Some days after, whilst framing the council of prizes, he,
      at my mere suggestion, appointed M. Moreau one of the members, with a
      salary of 10,000 francs. On what extraordinary circumstances the fortunes
      of men frequently depend! As to Sieyès, in the intercourse, not very
      frequent certainly, which I had with him, he appeared to be far beneath
      the reputation which he then enjoyed.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[M. de Talleyrand, who is so capable of estimating men, and whose
   admirable sayings well deserve to occupy a place in history, had
   long entertained a similar opinion of Sieyès. One day, when he was
   conversing with the Second Consul concerning Sieyès, Cambacérès said
   to him. "Sieyès, however, is a very profound man."&mdash;"Profound?"
   said Talleyrand. "Yes, he is, a cavity, a perfect cavity, as you
   would say."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He reposed a blind confidence in a multitude of agents, whom he sent into
      all parts of France. When it happened, on other occasions, that I proved
      to him, by evidence as sufficient as that in the case of M. Moreau, the
      falseness of the reports he had received, he replied, with a confidence
      truly ridiculous, "I can rely on my men." Sieyès had written in his
      countenance, "Give me money!" I recollect that I one day alluded to this
      expression in the anxious face of Sieyès to the First Consul. "You are
      right," observed he to me, smiling; "when money is in question, Sieyès is
      quite a matter-of-fact man. He sends his ideology to the right about and
      thus becomes easily manageable. He readily abandons his constitutional
      dreams for a good round sum, and that is very convenient."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Everybody knows, in fact, that Sieyès refused to resign his
   consular dignities unless he received in exchange a beautiful farm
   situated in the park of Versailles, and worth about 15,000 livres a
   year. The good abbé consoled himself for no longer forming a third
   of the republican sovereignty by making himself at home in the
   ancient domain of the kings of France.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte occupied, at the Little Luxembourg, the apartments on the ground
      floor which lie to the right on entering from the Rue de Vaugirard. His
      cabinet was close to a private staircase, which conducted me to the first
      floor, where Josephine dwelt. My apartment was above.
    </p>
    <p>
      After breakfast, which was served at ten o'clock, Bonaparte would converse
      for a few moments with his usual guests, that is to say, his 'aides de
      camp', the persons he invited, and myself, who never left him. He was also
      visited very often by Deferment, Regnault (of the town of St. Jean
      d'Angély), Boulay (de la Meurthe), Monge, and Berber, who were, with his
      brothers, Joseph and Lucien, those whom he most delighted to see; he
      conversed familiarly with them. Cambacérès generally came at mid-day, and
      stayed some time with him, often a whole hour. Lebrun visited but seldom.
      Notwithstanding his elevation, his character remained unaltered; and
      Bonaparte considered him too moderate, because he always opposed his
      ambitious views and his plans to usurp power. When Bonaparte left the
      breakfast-table it was seldom that he did not add, after bidding Josephine
      and her daughter Hortense good-day, "Come, Bourrienne, come, let us to
      work."
    </p>
    <p>
      After the morning audiences I stayed with Bonaparte all the day, either
      reading to him, or writing to his dictation. Three or four times in the
      week he would go to the Council. On his way to the hall of deliberation he
      was obliged to cross the courtyard of the Little Luxembourg and ascend the
      grand staircase. This always vexed him, and the more so as the weather was
      very bad at the time. This annoyance continued until the 25th of December,
      and it was with much satisfaction that he saw himself quit of it. After
      leaving the Council he used to enter his cabinet singing, and God knows
      how wretchedly he sung! He examined whatever work he had ordered to be
      done, signed documents, stretched himself in his arm-chair, and read the
      letters of the preceding day and the publications of the morning. When
      there was no Council he remained in his cabinet, conversed with me, always
      sang, and cut, according to custom, the arm of his chair, giving himself
      sometimes quite the air of a great boy. Then, all at once starting up, he
      would describe a plan for the erection of a monument, or dictate some of
      those extraordinary productions which astonished and dismayed the world.
      He often became again the same man, who, under the walls of St. Jean
      d'Acre, had dreamed of an empire worthy his ambition.
    </p>
    <p>
      At five o'clock dinner was served up. When that was over the First Consul
      went upstairs to Josephine's apartments, where he commonly received the
      visits of the Ministers. He was always pleased to see among the number the
      Minister of Foreign Affairs, especially since the portfolio of that
      department had been entrusted to the hands of M. de Talleyrand. At
      midnight, and often sooner, he gave the signal for retiring by saying in a
      hasty manner, "Allons nous coucher."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was at the Luxembourg, in the salons of which the adorable Josephine so
      well performed the honours, that the word 'Madame' came again into use.
      This first return towards the old French politeness was startling to some
      susceptible Republicans; but things were soon carried farther at the
      Tuileries by the introduction of 'Votre Altesse' on occasions of state
      ceremony, and Monseigneur in the family circle.
    </p>
    <p>
      If, on the one hand, Bonaparte did not like the men of the Revolution, on
      the other he dreaded still more the partisans of the Bourbons. On the mere
      mention of the name of those princes he experienced a kind of inward
      alarm; and he often spoke of the necessity of raising a wall of brass
      between France and them. To this feeling, no doubt, must be attributed
      certain nominations, and the spirit of some recommendations contained in
      the notes with which he was supplied on the characters of candidates, and
      which for ready reference were arranged alphabetically. Some of the notes
      just mentioned were in the handwriting of Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély,
      and some in Lucien Bonaparte's.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Among them was the following, under the title of "General
   Observations": "In choosing among the men who were members of the
   Constituent Assembly it is necessary to be on guard against the
   Orleans' party, which is not altogether a chimera, and may one day
   or other prove dangerous.

   "There is no doubt that the partisans of that family are intriguing
   secretly; and among many other proofs of this fact the following is
   a striking one: the journal called the 'Aristargue', which
   undisguisedly supports royalism, is conducted by a man of the name
   of Voidel, one of the hottest patriots of the Revolution. He was
   for several months president of the committee of inquiry which
   caused the Marquis de Favras to be arrested and hanged, and gave so
   much uneasiness to the Court. There was no one in the Constituent
   Assembly more hateful to the Court than Voidel, so much on account
   of his violence as for his connection with the Duke of Orleans,
   whose advocate and counsel he was. When the Duke of Orleans was
   arrested, Voidel, braving the fury of the revolutionary tribunals,
   had the courage to defend him, and placarded all the walls of Paris
   with an apology for the Duke and his two sons. This man, writing
   now in favour of royalism, can have no other object than to advance
   a member of the Orleans family to the throne."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At the commencement of the First Consul's administration, though he always
      consulted the notes he had collected, he yet received with attention the
      recommendations of persons with whom he was well acquainted; but it was
      not safe for them to recommend a rogue or a fool. The men whom he most
      disliked were those whom he called babblers, who are continually prating
      of everything and on everything. He often said,&mdash;"I want more head
      and less tongue." What he thought of the regicides will be seen farther
      on, but at first the more a man had given a gage to the Revolution, the
      more he considered him as offering a guarantee against the return of the
      former order of things. Besides, Bonaparte was not the man to attend to
      any consideration when once his policy was concerned.
    </p>
    <p>
      As I have said a few pages back, on taking the government into his own
      hands Bonaparte knew so little of the Revolution and of the men engaged in
      civil employments that it was indispensably necessary for him to collect
      information from every quarter respecting men and things. But when the
      conflicting passions of the moment became more calm and the spirit of
      party more prudent, and when order had been, by his severe investigations,
      introduced where hitherto unbridled confusion had reigned, he became
      gradually more scrupulous in granting places, whether arising from
      newly-created offices, or from those changes which the different
      departments often experienced. He then said to me, "Bourrienne, I give up
      your department to you. Name whom you please for the appointments; but
      remember you must be responsible to me."
    </p>
    <p>
      What a list would have been which should contain the names of all the
      prefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil officers to
      whom I gave places! I have kept no memoranda of their names; and indeed,
      what advantage would there have been in doing so? It was impossible for me
      to have a personal knowledge of all the fortunate candidates; but I relied
      on recommendations in which I had confidence.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have little to complain of in those I obliged; though it is true that,
      since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many of them take the
      opposite side of the street in which I was walking, and by that delicate
      attention save me the trouble of raising my hat.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0027" id="link2HCH0027">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVII.
    </h2>

      1799-1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Difficulties of a new Government&mdash;State of Europe&mdash;Bonaparte's wish
   for peace&mdash;M. de Talleyrand Minister for Foreign Affairs&mdash;
   Negotiations with England and Austria&mdash;Their failure&mdash;Bonaparte's
   views on the East&mdash;His sacrifices to policy&mdash;General Bonaparte
   denounced to the First Consul&mdash;Kléber's letter to the Directory&mdash;
   Accounts of the Egyptian expedition published in the Moniteur&mdash;
   Proclamation to the army of the East&mdash;Favour and disgrace of certain
   individuals accounted for.
</pre>
    <p>
      When a new Government rises on the ruins of one that has been overthrown,
      its best chance of conciliating the favour of the nation, if that nation
      be at war, is to hold out the prospect of peace; for peace is always dear
      to a people. Bonaparte was well aware of this; and if in his heart he
      wished otherwise, he knew how important it was to seem to desire peace.
      Accordingly, immediately after his installation at the Luxembourg he
      notified to all the foreign powers his accession to the Consulate, and,
      for the same purpose, addressed letters to all the diplomatic agents of
      the French Government abroad.
    </p>
    <p>
      The day after he got rid of his first two colleagues, Sieyès and Roger
      Ducos, he prepared to open negotiations with the Cabinet of London. At
      that time we were at war with almost the whole of Europe. We had also lost
      Italy. The Emperor of Germany was ruled by his Ministers, who in their
      turn were governed by England. It was no easy matter to manage equally the
      organization of the Consular Government and the no less important affairs
      abroad; and it was very important to the interests of the First Consul to
      intimate to foreign powers, while at the same time he assured himself
      against the return of the Bourbons, that the system which he proposed to
      adopt was a system of order and regeneration, unlike either the demagogic
      violence of the Convention or the imbecile artifice of the Directory. In
      fulfilment of this object Bonaparte directed M. de Talleyrand, the new
      Minister for Foreign Affairs, to make the first friendly overtures to the
      English Cabinet: A correspondence ensued, which was published at the time,
      and which showed at once the conciliatory policy of Bonaparte and the
      arrogant policy of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      The exchange of notes which took place was attended by no immediate
      result. However, the First Consul had partly attained his object: if the
      British Government would not enter into negotiations for peace, there was
      at least reason to presume that subsequent overtures of the Consular
      Government might be listened to. The correspondence had at all events
      afforded Bonaparte the opportunity of declaring his principles, and above
      all, it had enabled him to ascertain that the return of the Bourbons to
      France (mentioned in the official reply of Lord Grenville) would not be a
      sine qua non condition for the restoration of peace between the two
      powers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Since M. de Talleyrand had been Minister for Foreign Affairs the business
      of that department had proceeded with great activity. It was an important
      advantage to Bonaparte to find a nobleman of the old regime among the
      republicans. The choice of M. de Talleyrand was in some sort an act of
      courtesy to the foreign Courts. It was a delicate attention to the
      diplomacy of Europe to introduce to its members, for the purpose of
      treating with them, a man whose rank was at least equal to their own, and
      who was universally distinguished for a polished elegance of manner
      combined with solid good qualities and real talents.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not only with England that Bonaparte and his Minister endeavoured
      to open negotiations; the Consular Cabinet also offered peace to the House
      of Austria; but not at the same time. The object of this offer was to sow
      discord between the two powers. Speaking to me one day of his earnest wish
      to obtain peace Bonaparte said, "You see, Bourrienne, I have two great
      enemies to cope with. I will conclude peace with the one I find most easy
      to deal with. That will enable me immediately to assail the other. I
      frankly confess that I should like best to be at peace with England.
      Nothing would then be more easy than to crush Austria. She has no money
      except what she gets through England."
    </p>
    <p>
      For a long time all negotiations proved abortive. None of the European
      powers would acknowledge the new Government, of which Bonaparte was the
      head; and the battle of Marengo was required before the peace of Amiens
      could be obtained.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though the affairs of the new Government afforded abundant occupation to
      Bonaparte, he yet found leisure to direct attention to the East&mdash;to
      that land of despotism whence, judging from his subsequent conduct, it
      might be presumed he derived his first principles of government. On
      becoming the head of the State he wished to turn Egypt, which he had
      conquered as a general, to the advantage of his policy as Consul. If
      Bonaparte triumphed over a feeling of dislike in consigning the command of
      the army to Kléber, it was because he knew Kléber to be more capable than
      any other of executing the plans he had formed; and Bonaparte was not the
      man to sacrifice the interests of policy to personal resentment. It is
      certainly true that he then put into practice that charming phrase of
      Molière's&mdash;"I pardon you, but you shall pay me for this!"
    </p>
    <p>
      With respect to all whom he had left in Egypt Bonaparte stood in a very
      singular situation. On becoming Chief of the Government he was not only
      the depositary of all communications made to the Directory; but letters
      sent to one address were delivered to another, and the First Consul
      received the complaints made against the General who had so abruptly
      quitted Egypt. In almost all the letters that were delivered to us he was
      the object of serious accusation. According to some he had not avowed his
      departure until the very day of his embarkation; and he had deceived
      everybody by means of false and dissembling proclamations. Others
      canvassed his conduct while in Egypt: the army which had triumphed under
      his command he had abandoned when reduced to two-thirds of its original
      force and a prey to all the horrors of sickness and want. It must be
      confessed that these complaints and accusations were but too well founded,
      and one can never cease wondering at the chain of fortunate circumstances
      which so rapidly raised Bonaparte to the Consular seat. In the natural
      order of things, and in fulfilment of the design which he himself had
      formed, he should have disembarked at Toulon, where the quarantine laws
      would no doubt have been observed; instead of which, the fear of the
      English and the uncertainty of the pilots caused him to go to Fréjus,
      where the quarantine laws were violated by the very persons most
      interested in respecting them. Let us suppose that Bonaparte had been
      forced to perform quarantine at Toulon. What would have ensued? The
      charges against him would have fallen into the hands of the Directory, and
      he would probably have been suspended, and put upon his trial.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the letters which fell into Bonaparte's hands, by reason of the
      abrupt change of government, was an official despatch (of the 4th
      Vendemiaire, year VIII.) from General Kléber at Cairo to the Executive
      Directory, in which that general spoke in very stringent terms of the
      sudden departure of Bonaparte and of the state in which the army in Egypt
      had been left. General Kléber further accused him of having evaded, by his
      flight, the difficulties which he thus transferred to his successor's
      shoulders, and also of leaving the army "without a sou in the chest," with
      pay in arrear, and very little supply of munitions or clothing.
    </p>
    <p>
      The other letters from Egypt were not less accusatory than Kléber's; and
      it cannot be doubted that charges of so precise a nature, brought by the
      general who had now become commander-in-chief against his predecessor,
      would have had great weight, especially backed as they were by similar
      complaints from other quarters. A trial would have been inevitable; and
      then, no 18th Brumaire, no Consulate, no Empire, no conquest of Europe&mdash;but
      also, it may be added, no St. Helena. None of these events would have
      ensued had not the English squadron, when it appeared off Corsica, obliged
      the Muiron to scud about at hazard, and to touch at the first land she
      could reach.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Egyptian expedition filled too important a place in the life of
      Bonaparte for him to neglect frequently reviving in the public mind the
      recollection of his conquests in the East. It was not to be forgotten that
      the head of the Republic was the first of her generals. While Moreau
      received the command of the armies of the Rhine, while Massena, as a
      reward for the victory of Zurich, was made Commander-in-Chief in Italy,
      and while Brune was at the head of the army of Batavia, Bonaparte, whose
      soul was in the camps, consoled himself for his temporary inactivity by a
      retrospective glance on his past triumphs. He was unwilling that Fame
      should for a moment cease to blazon his name. Accordingly, as soon as he
      was established at the head of the Government, he caused accounts of his
      Egyptian expedition to be from time to time published in the Moniteur. He
      frequently expressed his satisfaction that the accusatory correspondence,
      and, above all, Kléber's letter, had fallen into his own hands. Such was
      Bonaparte's perfect self-command that immediately after perusing that
      letter he dictated to me the following proclamation, addressed to the army
      of the East:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SOLDIERS!&mdash;The Consuls of the French Republic frequently direct
   their attention to the army of the East.

   France acknowledges all the influence of your conquests on the
   restoration of her trade and the civilisation of the world.

   The eyes of all Europe are upon you, and in thought I am often with
   you.

   In whatever situation the chances of war may place you, prove
   yourselves still the soldiers of Rivoli and Aboukir&mdash;you will be
   invincible.

   Place in Kléber the boundless confidence which you reposed in me.
   He deserves it.

   Soldiers, think of the day when you will return victorious to the
   sacred territory of France. That will be a glorious day for the
   whole nation.
</pre>
    <p>
      Nothing can more forcibly show the character of Bonaparte than the above
      allusion to Kléber, after he had seen the way in which Kléber spoke of him
      to the Directory. Could it ever have been imagined that the correspondence
      of the army, to whom he addressed this proclamation, teemed with
      accusations against him? Though the majority of these accusations were
      strictly just, yet it is but fair to state that the letters from Egypt
      contained some calumnies. In answer to the well-founded portion of the
      charges Bonaparte said little; but he seemed to feel deeply the falsehoods
      that were stated against him, one of which was, that he had carried away
      millions from Egypt. I cannot conceive what could have given rise to this
      false and impudent assertion. So far from having touched the army chest,
      Bonaparte had not even received all his own pay. Before he constituted
      himself the Government the Government was his debtor.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though he knew well all that was to be expected from the Egyptian
      expedition, yet those who lauded that affair were regarded with a
      favourable eye by Bonaparte. The correspondence which had fallen into his
      hands was to him of the highest importance in enabling him to ascertain
      the opinions which particular individuals entertained of him.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was the source of favours and disgraces which those who were not in the
      secret could not account for. It serves to explain why many men of
      mediocrity were elevated to the highest dignities and honours, while other
      men of real merit fell into disgrace or were utterly neglected.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0028" id="link2HCH0028">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVIII.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Great and common men&mdash;Portrait of Bonaparte&mdash;The varied expression
   of his countenance&mdash;His convulsive shrug&mdash;Presentiment of his
   corpulency&mdash;Partiality for bathing&mdash;His temperance&mdash;His alleged
   capability of dispensing with sleep&mdash;Good and bad news&mdash;Shaving, and
   reading the journals&mdash;Morning business&mdash;Breakfast&mdash;Coffee and snuff
   &mdash;Bonaparte's idea of his own situation&mdash;His ill opinion of mankind
   &mdash;His dislike of a 'tête-à-tête'&mdash;His hatred of the Revolutionists
   &mdash;Ladies in white&mdash;Anecdotes&mdash;Bonaparte's tokens of kindness, and
   his droll compliments&mdash;His fits of ill humour&mdash;Sound of bells&mdash;
   Gardens of Malmaison&mdash;His opinion of medicine&mdash;His memory&mdash;
   His poetic insensibility&mdash;His want of gallantry&mdash;Cards and
   conversation&mdash;The dress-coat and black cravat&mdash;Bonaparte's payments
   &mdash;His religious ideas&mdash;His obstinacy.
</pre>
    <p>
      In perusing the history of the distinguished characters of past ages, how
      often do we regret that the historian should have portrayed the hero
      rather than the man! We wish to know even the most trivial habits of those
      whom great talents and vast reputation have elevated above their
      fellow-creatures. Is this the effect of mere curiosity, or rather is it
      not an involuntary feeling of vanity which prompts us to console ourselves
      for the superiority of great men by reflecting on their faults, their
      weaknesses, their absurdities; in short, all the points of resemblance
      between them and common men? For the satisfaction of those who are curious
      in details of this sort, I will here endeavour to paint Bonaparte, as I
      saw him, in person and in mind, to describe what were his tastes and
      habits, and even his whims and caprices.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was now in the prime of life, and about thirty. The person of
      Bonaparte has served as a model for the most skilful painters and
      sculptors; many able French artists have successfully delineated his
      features, and yet it may be said that no perfectly faithful portrait of
      him exists. His finely-shaped head, his superb forehead, his pale
      countenance, and his usual meditative look, have been transferred to the
      canvas; but the versatility of his expression was beyond the reach of
      imitation. All the various workings of his mind were instantaneously
      depicted in his countenance; and his glance changed from mild to severe,
      and from angry to good-humoured, almost with the rapidity of lightning. It
      may truly be said that he had a particular look for every thought that
      arose in his mind.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had beautiful hands, and he was very proud of them; while
      conversing he would often look at them with an air of self-complacency. He
      also fancied he had fine teeth, but his pretension to that advantage was
      not so well founded as his vanity on the score of his hands.
    </p>
    <p>
      When walking, either alone or in company with any one, in his apartments
      or in his gardens, he had the habit of stooping a little, and crossing his
      hands behind his back. He frequently gave an involuntary shrug of his
      right shoulder, which was accompanied by a movement of his mouth from left
      to right. This habit was always most remarkable when his mind was absorbed
      in the consideration of any profound subject. It was often while walking
      that he dictated to me his most important notes. He could endure great
      fatigue, not only on horseback but on foot; he would sometimes walk for
      five or six hours in succession without being aware of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      When walking with any person whom he treated with familiarity he would
      link his arm into that of his companion, and lean on it.
    </p>
    <p>
      He used often to say to me, "You see, Bourrienne, how temperate, and how
      thin I am; but, in spite of that, I cannot help thinking that at forty I
      shall become a great eater, and get very fat. I foresee that my
      constitution will undergo a change. I take a great deal of exercise; but
      yet I feel assured that my presentiment will be fulfilled." This idea gave
      him great uneasiness, and as I observed nothing which seemed to warrant
      his apprehensions, I omitted no opportunity of assuring him that they were
      groundless. But he would not listen to me, and all the time I was about
      him, he was haunted by this presentiment, which, in the end, was but too
      well verified.
    </p>
    <p>
      His partiality for the bath he mistook for a necessity. He would usually
      remain in the bath two hours, during which time I used to read to him
      extracts from the journals and pamphlets of the day, for he was anxious to
      hear and know all that was going on. While in the bath he was continually
      turning on the warm water to raise the temperature, so that I was
      sometimes enveloped in such a dense vapour that I could not see to read,
      and was obliged to open the door.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was exceedingly temperate, and averse to all excess. He knew the
      absurd stories that were circulated about him, and he was sometimes vexed
      at them. It has been repeated, over and over again, that he was subject to
      attacks of epilepsy; but during the eleven years that I was almost
      constantly with him I never observed any symptom which in the least degree
      denoted that malady. His health was good and his constitution sound. If
      his enemies, by way of reproach, have attributed to him a serious
      periodical disease, his flatterers, probably under the idea that sleep is
      incompatible with greatness, have evinced an equal disregard of truth in
      speaking of his night-watching. Bonaparte made others watch, but he
      himself slept, and slept well. His orders were that I should call him
      every morning at seven. I was therefore the first to enter his chamber;
      but very frequently when I awoke him he would turn himself, and say, "Ah,
      Bourrienne! let me lie a little longer." When there was no very pressing
      business I did not disturb him again till eight o'clock. He in general
      slept seven hours out of the twenty-four, besides taking a short nap in
      the afternoon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the private instructions which Bonaparte gave me, one was very
      curious. "During the night," said he, "enter my chamber as seldom as
      possible. Do not awake me when you have any good news to communicate: with
      that there is no hurry. But when you bring bad news, rouse me instantly;
      for then there is not a moment to be lost."
    </p>
    <p>
      This was a wise regulation, and Bonaparte found his advantage in it.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as he rose his 'valet de chambre' shaved him and dressed his hair.
      While he was being shaved I read to him the newspapers, beginning always
      with the 'Moniteur.' He paid little attention to any but the German and
      English papers. "Pass over all that," he would say, while I was perusing
      the French papers; "I know it already. They say only what they think will
      please me." I was often surprised that his valet did not cut him while I
      was reading; for whenever he heard anything interesting he turned quickly
      round towards me.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Bonaparte had finished his toilet, which he did with great attention,
      for he was scrupulously neat in his person, we went down to his cabinet.
      There he signed the orders on important petitions which had been analysed
      by me on the preceding evening. On reception and parade days he was
      particularly exact in signing these orders, because I used to remind him
      that he would be likely to see most of the petitioners, and that they
      would ask him for answers. To spare him this annoyance I used often to
      acquaint them beforehand of what had been granted or refused, and what had
      been the decision of the First Consul. He next perused the letters which I
      had opened and laid on his table, ranging them according to their
      importance. He directed me to answer them in his name; he occasionally
      wrote the answers himself, but not often.
    </p>
    <p>
      At ten o'clock the 'maître d'hôtel' entered, and announced breakfast,
      saying, "The General is served." We went to breakfast, and the repast was
      exceedingly simple. He ate almost every morning some chicken, dressed with
      oil and onions. This dish was then, I believe, called 'poulet à la
      Provençale'; but our restaurateurs have since conferred upon it the more
      ambitious name of 'poulet à la Marengo.'
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte drank little wine, always either claret or Burgundy, and the
      latter by preference. After breakfast, as well as after dinner, he took a
      cup of strong coffee.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[M. Brillat de Savarin, whose memory is dear to all gourmands, had
   established, as a gastronomic principle, that "he who does not take
   coffee after each meal is assuredly not a man of taste."&mdash;
   Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I never saw him take any between his meals, and I cannot imagine what
      could have given rise to the assertion of his being particularly fond of
      coffee. When he worked late at night he never ordered coffee, but
      chocolate, of which he made me take a cup with him. But this only happened
      when our business was prolonged till two or three in the morning.
    </p>
    <p>
      All that has been said about Bonaparte's immoderate use of snuff has no
      more foundation in truth than his pretended partiality for coffee. It is
      true that at an early period of his life he began to take snuff, but it
      was very sparingly, and always out of a box; and if he bore any
      resemblance to Frederick the Great, it was not by filling his
      waistcoat-pockets with snuff, for I must again observe he carried his
      notions of personal neatness to a fastidious degree.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had two ruling passions, glory and war. He was never more gay
      than in the camp, and never more morose than in the inactivity of peace.
      Plans for the construction of public monuments also pleased his
      imagination, and filled up the void caused by the want of active
      occupation. He was aware that monuments form part of the history of
      nations, of whose civilisation they bear evidence for ages after those who
      created them have disappeared from the earth, and that they likewise often
      bear false-witness to remote posterity of the reality of merely fabulous
      conquests. Bonaparte was, however, mistaken as to the mode of
      accomplishing the object he had in view. His ciphers, his trophies, and
      subsequently his eagles, splendidly adorned the monuments of his reign.
      But why did he wish to stamp false initials on things with which neither
      he nor his reign had any connection; as, for example the old Louvre? Did
      he imagine that the letter, "N" which everywhere obtruded itself on the
      eye, had in it a charm to controvert the records of history, or alter the
      course of time?
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[When Louis XVIII. returned to the Tuileries in 1814 he found that
   Bonaparte had been an excellent tenant, and that he had left
   everything in very good condition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Be this as it may, Bonaparte well knew that the fine arts entail lasting
      glory on great actions, and consecrate the memory of princes who protect
      and encourage them. He oftener than once said to me, "A great reputation
      is a great noise; the more there is made, the farther off it is heard.
      Laws, institutions, monuments, nations, all fall; but the noise continues
      and resounds in after ages." This was one of his favourite ideas. "My
      power," he would say at other times, "depends on my glory, and my glory on
      my victories. My power would fall were I not to support it by new glory
      and new victories. Conquest has made me what I am, and conquest alone can
      maintain me." This was then, and probably always continued to be, his
      predominant idea, and that which prompted him continually to scatter the
      seeds of war through Europe. He thought that if he remained stationary he
      would fall, and he was tormented with the desire of continually advancing.
      Not to do something great and decided was, in his opinion, to do nothing.
      "A newly-born Government," said he to me, "must dazzle and astonish. When
      it ceases to do that it falls." It was vain to look for rest from a man
      who was restlessness itself.
    </p>
    <p>
      His sentiments towards France now differed widely from what I had known
      them to be in his youth. He long indignantly cherished the recollection of
      the conquest of Corsica, which he was once content to regard as his
      country. But that recollection was effaced, and it might be said that he
      now ardently loved France. His imagination was fired by the very thought
      of seeing her great, happy, and powerful, and, as the first nation in the
      world, dictating laws to the rest. He fancied his name inseparably
      connected with France, and resounding in the ears of posterity. In all his
      actions he lost sight of the present moment, and thought only of futurity;
      so, in all places where he led the way to glory, the opinion of France was
      ever present in his thoughts. As Alexander at Arbela pleased himself less
      in having conquered Darius than in having gained the suffrage of the
      Athenians, so Bonaparte at Marengo was haunted by the idea of what would
      be said in France. Before he fought a battle Bonaparte thought little
      about what he should do in case of success, but a great deal about what he
      should do in case of a reverse of fortune. I mention this as a fact of
      which I have often been a witness, and leave to his brothers in arms to
      decide whether his calculations were always correct. He had it in his
      power to do much, for he risked everything and spared nothing. His
      inordinate ambition goaded him on to the attainment of power; and power
      when possessed served only to augment his ambition. Bonaparte was
      thoroughly convinced of the truth that trifles often decide the greatest
      events; therefore he watched rather than provoked opportunity, and when
      the right moment approached, he suddenly took advantage of it. It is
      curious that, amidst all the anxieties of war and government, the fear of
      the Bourbons incessantly pursued him, and the Faubourg St. Germain was to
      him always a threatening phantom.
    </p>
    <p>
      He did not esteem mankind, whom, indeed, he despised more and more in
      proportion as he became acquainted with them. In him this unfavourable
      opinion of human nature was justified by many glaring examples of
      baseness, and he used frequently to repeat, "There are two levers for
      moving men,&mdash;interest and fear." What respect, indeed, could
      Bonaparte entertain for the applicants to the treasury of the opera? Into
      this treasury the gaming-houses paid a considerable sum, part of which
      went to cover the expenses of that magnificent theatre. The rest was
      distributed in secret gratuities, which were paid on orders signed by
      Duroc. Individuals of very different characters were often seen catching
      the little door in the Rue Rameau. The lady who was for a while the
      favourite of the General-in-Chief in Egypt, and whose husband was
      maliciously sent back by the English, was a frequent visitor to the
      treasury. On an occasion would be seen assembled there a distinguished
      scholar and an actor, a celebrated orator and a musician; on another, the
      treasurer would have payments to make to a priest, a courtesan, and a
      cardinal.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of Bonaparte's greatest misfortunes was, that he neither believed in
      friendship not felt the necessity of loving. How often have I heard him
      say, "Friendship is but a name; I love nobody. I do not even love my
      brothers. Perhaps Joseph, a little, from habit and because he is my elder;
      and Duroc, I love him too. But why? Because his character pleases me. He
      is stern and resolute; and I really believe the fellow never shed a tear.
      For my part, I know very well that I have no true friends. As long as I
      continue what I am, I may have as many pretended friends as I please.
      Leave sensibility to women; it is their business. But men should be firm
      in heart and in purpose, or they should have nothing to do with war or
      government."
    </p>
    <p>
      In his social relations Bonaparte's temper was bad; but his fits of
      ill-humour passed away like a cloud, and spent themselves in words. His
      violent language and bitter imprecations were frequently premeditated.
      When he was going to reprimand any one he liked to have a witness present.
      He would then say the harshest things, and level blows against which few
      could bear up. But he never gave way to those violent ebullitions of rage
      until he acquired undoubted proofs of the misconduct of those against whom
      they were directed. In scenes of this sort I have frequently observed that
      the presence of a third person seemed to give him confidence.
      Consequently, in a 'tête-à-tête' interview, any one who knew his
      character, and who could maintain sufficient coolness and firmness, was
      sure to get the better of him. He told his friends at St. Helena that he
      admitted a third person on such occasions only that the blow might resound
      the farther. That was not his real motive, or the better way would have
      been to perform the scene in public. He had other reasons. I observed that
      he did not like a 'tête-à-tête'; and when he expected any one, he would
      say to me beforehand, "Bourrienne, you may remain;" and when any one was
      announced whom he did not expect, as a minister or a general, if I rose to
      retire he would say in a half-whisper, "Stay where you are." Certainly
      this was not done with the design of getting what he said reported abroad;
      for it belonged neither to my character nor my duty to gossip about what I
      had heard. Besides, it may be presumed, that the few who were admitted as
      witnesses to the conferences of Napoleon were aware of the consequences
      attending indiscreet disclosures under a Government which was made
      acquainted with all that was said and done.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte entertained a profound dislike of the sanguinary men of the
      Revolution, and especially of the regicides. He felt, as a painful burden,
      the obligation of dissembling towards them. He spoke to me in terms of
      horror of those whole he called the assassins of Louis XVI, and he was
      annoyed at the necessity of employing them and treating them with apparent
      respect. How many times has he not said to Cambacérès, pinching him by the
      ear, to soften, by that habitual familiarity, the bitterness of the
      remark, "My dear fellow, your case is clear; if ever the Bourbons come
      back you will be hanged!" A forced smile would then relax the livid
      countenance of Cambacérès, and was usually the only reply of the Second
      Consul, who, however, on one occasion said in my hearing, "Come, come,
      have done with this joking."
    </p>
    <p>
      One thing which gave Bonaparte great pleasure when in the country was to
      see a tall, slender woman, dressed in white, walking beneath an alley of
      shaded trees. He detested coloured dresses, and especially dark ones. To
      fat women he had an invincible antipathy, and he could not endure the
      sight of a pregnant woman; it therefore rarely happened that a female in
      that situation was invited to his parties. He possessed every requisite
      for being what is called in society an agreeable man, except the will to
      be so. His manner was imposing rather than pleasing, and those who did not
      know him well experienced in his presence an involuntary feeling of awe.
      In the drawing-room, where Josephine did the honours with so much grace
      and affability, all was gaiety and ease, and no one felt the presence of a
      superior; but on Bonaparte's entrance all was changed, and every eye was
      directed towards him, to read his humour in his countenance, whether he
      intended to be silent or talkative, dull or cheerful.
    </p>
    <p>
      He often talked a great deal, and sometimes a little too much; but no one
      could tell a story in a more agreeable and interesting way. His
      conversation rarely turned on gay or humorous subjects, and never on
      trivial matters. He was so fond of argument that in the warmth of
      discussion it was easy to draw from him secrets which he was most anxious
      to conceal. Sometimes, in a small circle, he would amuse himself by
      relating stories of presentiments and apparitions. For this he always
      chose the twilight of evening, and he would prepare his hearers for what
      was coming by some solemn remark. On one occasion of this kind he said, in
      a very grave tone of voice, "When death strikes a person whom we love, and
      who is distant from us, a foreboding almost always denotes the event, and
      the dying person appears to us at the moment of his dissolution." He then
      immediately related the following anecdote: "A gentleman of the Court of
      Louis XIV. was in the gallery of Versailles at the time that the King was
      reading to his courtiers the bulletin of the battle of Friedlingen gained
      by Villars. Suddenly the gentleman saw, at the farther end of the gallery,
      the ghost of his son, who served under Villars. He exclaimed, 'My son is
      no more!' and next moment the King named him among the dead."
    </p>
    <p>
      When travelling Bonaparte was particularly talkative. In the warmth of his
      conversation, which was always characterised by original and interesting
      ideas, he sometimes dropped hints of his future views, or, at least, he
      said things which were calculated to disclose what he wished to conceal. I
      took the liberty of mentioning to him this indiscretion, and far from
      being offended, he acknowledged his mistake, adding that he was not aware
      he had gone so far. He frankly avowed this want of caution when at St.
      Helena.
    </p>
    <p>
      When in good humour his usual tokens of kindness consisted in a little rap
      on the head or a slight pinch of the ear. In his most friendly
      conversations with those whom he admitted into his intimacy he would say,
      "You are a fool"&mdash;"a simpleton"&mdash;"a ninny"&mdash;"a blockhead."
      These, and a few other words of like import, enabled him to vary his
      catalogue of compliments; but he never employed them angrily, and the tone
      in which they were uttered sufficiently indicated that they were meant in
      kindness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had many singular habits and tastes. Whenever he experienced any
      vexation, or when any unpleasant thought occupied his mind, he would hum
      something which was far from resembling a tune, for his voice was very
      unmusical. He would, at the same time, seat himself before the
      writing-table, and swing back in his chair so far that I have often been
      fearful of his falling.
    </p>
    <p>
      He would then vent his ill-humour on the right arm of his chair,
      mutilating it with his penknife, which he seemed to keep for no other
      purpose. I always took care to keep good pens ready for him; for, as it
      was my business to decipher his writing, I had a strong interest in doing
      what I could to make it legible.
    </p>
    <p>
      The sound of bells always produced in Bonaparte pleasurable sensations,
      which I could never account for. When we were at Malmaison, and walking in
      the alley leading to the plain of Ruel, how many times has the bell of the
      village church interrupted our most serious conversations!
    </p>
    <p>
      He would stop, lest the noise of our footsteps should drown any portion of
      the delightful sound. He was almost angry with me because I did not
      experience the impressions he did. So powerful was the effect produced
      upon him by the sound of these bells that his voice would falter as he
      said, "Ah! that reminds me of the first years I spent at Brienne! I was
      then happy!" When the bells ceased he would resume the course of his
      speculations, carry himself into futurity, place a crown on his head, and
      dethrone kings.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nowhere, except on the field of battle, did I ever see Bonaparte more
      happy than in the gardens of Malmaison. At the commencement of the
      Consulate we used to go there every Saturday evening, and stay the whole
      of Sunday, and sometimes Monday. Bonaparte used to spend a considerable
      part of his time in walking and superintending the improvements which he
      had ordered. At first he used to make excursions about the neighbourhood,
      but the reports of the police disturbed his natural confidence, and gave
      him reason to fear the attempts of concealed royalist partisans.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the first four or five days that Bonaparte spent at Malmaison he
      amused himself after breakfast with calculating the revenue of that
      domain. According to his estimates it amounted to 8000 francs. "That is
      not bad!" said he; "but to live here would require an income of 30,000
      livres!" I could not help smiling to see him seriously engaged in such a
      calculation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had no faith in medicine. He spoke of it as an art entirely
      conjectural, and his opinion on this subject was fired and
      incontrovertible. His vigorous mind rejected all but demonstrative proofs.
    </p>
    <p>
      He had little memory for proper names, words, or dates, but he had a
      wonderful recollection of facts and places. I recollect that, on going
      from Paris to Toulon, he pointed out to me ten places calculated for great
      battles, and he never forgot them. They were memoranda of his first
      youthful journeys.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was insensible to the charms of poetic harmony. He had not even
      sufficient ear to feel the rhythm of poetry, and he never could recite a
      verse without violating the metre; yet the grand ideas of poetry charmed
      him. He absolutely worshipped Corneille; and, one day, after having
      witnessed a performance of 'Cinna', he said to me, "If a man like
      Corneille were living in my time I would make him my Prime Minister. It is
      not his poetry that I most admire; it is his powerful understanding, his
      vast knowledge of the human heart, and his profound policy!" At St. Helena
      he said that he would have made Corneille a prince; but at the time he
      spoke to me of Corneille he had no thought of making either princes or
      kings.
    </p>
    <p>
      Gallantry to women was by no means a trait in Bonaparte's character. He
      seldom said anything agreeable to females, and he frequently addressed to
      them the rudest and most extraordinary remarks. To one he would say,
      "Heavens, how red your elbows are!" To another, "What an ugly headdress
      you have got!" At another time he would say, "Your dress is none of the
      cleanest..... Do you ever change your gown? I have seen you in that twenty
      times!" He showed no mercy to any who displeased him on these points. He
      often gave Josephine directions about her toilet, and the exquisite taste
      for which she was distinguished might have helped to make him fastidious
      about the costume of other ladies. At first he looked to elegance above
      all things: at a later period he admired luxury and splendour, but he
      always required modesty. He frequently expressed his disapproval of the
      low-necked dresses which were so much in fashion at the beginning of the
      Consulate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte did not love cards, and this was very fortunate for those who
      were invited to his parties; for when he was seated at a card-table, as he
      sometimes thought himself obliged to be, nothing could exceed the dulness
      of the drawing-room either at the Luxembourg or the Tuileries. When, on
      the contrary, he walked about among the company, all were pleased, for he
      usually spoke to everybody, though he preferred the conversation of men of
      science, especially those who had been with him in in Egypt; as for
      example, Monge and Berthollet. He also liked to talk with Chaptal and
      Lacépède, and with Lemercier, the author of 'Agamemnon'.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was seen to less advantage in a drawing-room than at the head of
      his troops. His military uniform became him much better than the
      handsomest dress of any other kind. His first trials of dress-coats were
      unfortunate. I have been informed that the first time he wore one he kept
      on his black cravat. This incongruity was remarked to him, and he replied,
      "So much the better; it leaves me something of a military air, and there
      is no harm in that." For my own part, I neither saw the black cravat nor
      heard this reply.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul paid his own private bills very punctually; but he was
      always tardy in settling the accounts of the contractors who bargained
      with Ministers for supplies for the public service. He put off these
      payments by all sorts of excuses and shufflings. Hence arose immense
      arrears in the expenditure, and the necessity of appointing a committee of
      liquidation. In his opinion the terms contractor and rogue were
      synonymous. All that he avoided paying them he regarded as a just
      restitution to himself; and all the sums which were struck off from their
      accounts he regarded as so much deducted from a theft. The less a Minister
      paid out of his budget the more Bonaparte was pleased with him; and this
      ruinous system of economy can alone explain the credit which Decrès so
      long enjoyed at the expense of the French navy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the subject of religion Bonaparte's ideas were very vague. "My reason,"
      said he, "makes me incredulous respecting many things; but the impressions
      of my childhood and early youth throw me into uncertainty." He was very
      fond of talking of religion. In Italy, in Egypt, and on board the 'Orient'
      and the 'Muiron', I have known him to take part in very animated
      conversations on this subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      He readily yielded up all that was proved against religion as the work of
      men and time: but he would not hear of materialism. I recollect that one
      fine night, when he was on deck with some persons who were arguing in
      favour of materialism, Bonaparte raised his hand to heaven and, pointing
      to the stars, said, "You may talk as long as you please, gentlemen, but
      who made all that?" The perpetuity of a name in the memory of man was to
      him the immortality of the soul. He was perfectly tolerant towards every
      variety of religious faith.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among Bonaparte's singular habits was that of seating himself on any table
      which happened to be of a suitable height for him. He would often sit on
      mine, resting his left arm on my right shoulder, and swinging his left
      leg, which did not reach the ground; and while he dictated to me he would
      jolt the table so that I could scarcely write.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had a great dislike to reconsider any decision, even when it was
      acknowledged to be unjust. In little as well as in great things he evinced
      his repugnance to retrograde. An instance of this occurred in the affair
      of General Latour-Foissac. The First Consul felt how much he had wronged
      that general; but he wished some time to elapse before he repaired his
      error. His heart and his conduct were at variance; but his feelings were
      overcome by what he conceived to be political necessity. Bonaparte was
      never known to say, "I have done wrong:" his usual observation was, "I
      begin to think there is something wrong."
    </p>
    <p>
      In spite of this sort of feeling, which was more worthy of an ill-humoured
      philosopher than the head of a government, Bonaparte was neither malignant
      nor vindictive. I cannot certainly defend him against all the reproaches
      which he incurred through the imperious law of war and cruel necessity;
      but I may say that he has often been unjustly accused. None but those who
      are blinded by fury will call him a Nero or a Caligula. I think I have
      avowed his faults with sufficient candour to entitle me to credit when I
      speak in his commendation; and I declare that, out of the field of battle,
      Bonaparte had a kind and feeling heart. He was very fond of children, a
      trait which seldom distinguishes a bad man. In the relations of private
      life to call him amiable would not be using too strong a word, and he was
      very indulgent to the weakness of human nature. The contrary opinion is
      too firmly fixed in some minds for me to hope to root it out. I shall, I
      fear, have contradictors, but I address myself to those who look for
      truth. To judge impartially we must take into account the influence which
      time and circumstances exercise on men; and distinguish between the
      different characters of the Collegian, the General, the Consul, and the
      Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0029" id="link2HCH0029">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIX.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's laws&mdash;Suppression of the festival of the 21st of
   January&mdash;Officials visits&mdash;The Temple&mdash;Louis XVI. and Sir Sidney
   Smith&mdash;Peculation during the Directory&mdash;Loan raised&mdash;Modest budget
   &mdash;The Consul and the Member of the Institute&mdash;The figure of the
   Republic&mdash;Duroc's missions&mdash;The King of Prussia&mdash;The Emperor
   Alexander&mdash;General Latour-Foissac&mdash;Arbitrary decree&mdash;Company of
   players for Egypt&mdash;Singular ideas respecting literary property&mdash;
   The preparatory Consulate&mdash;The journals&mdash;Sabres and muskets of
   honour&mdash;The First Consul and his Comrade&mdash;The bust of Brutus&mdash;
   Statues in the gallery of the Tuileries&mdash;Sections of the Council
   of State&mdash;Costumes of public functionaries&mdash;Masquerades&mdash;The
   opera-balls&mdash;Recall of the exiles.
</pre>
    <p>
      It is not my purpose to say much about the laws, decrees, and
      'Senatus-Consultes', which the First Consul either passed, or caused to be
      passed, after his accession to power, what were they all, with the
      exception of the Civil Code? The legislative reveries of the different men
      who have from time to time ruled France form an immense labyrinth, in
      which chicanery bewilders reason and common sense; and they would long
      since have been buried in oblivion had they not occasionally served to
      authorise injustice. I cannot, however, pass over unnoticed the happy
      effect produced in Paris, and throughout the whole of France, by some of
      the first decisions of the Consuls. Perhaps none but those who witnessed
      the state of society during the reign of Terror can fully appreciate the
      satisfaction which the first steps towards the restoration of social order
      produced in the breasts of all honest men. The Directory, more base and
      not less perverse than the Convention, had retained the horrible 21st of
      January among the festivals of the Republic. One of Bonaparte's first
      ideas on attaining the possession of power was to abolish this; but such
      was the ascendency of the abettors of the fearful event that he could not
      venture on a straightforward course. He and his two colleagues, who were
      Sieyès and Roger Ducos, signed, on the 5th Nivôse, a decree, setting forth
      that in future the only festivals to be celebrated by the Republic were
      the 1st Vendemiaire and the 14th of July, intending by this means to
      consecrate provisionally the recollection of the foundation of the
      Republic and of liberty.
    </p>
    <p>
      All was calculation with Bonaparte. To produce effect was his highest
      gratification. Thus he let slip no opportunity of saying or doing things
      which were calculated to dazzle the multitude. While at the Luxembourg, he
      went sometimes accompanied by his 'aides de camp' and sometimes by a
      Minister, to pay certain official visits. I did not accompany him on these
      occasions; but almost always either on his return, after dinner, or in the
      evening, he related to me what he had done and said. He congratulated
      himself on having paid a visit to Daubenton, at the Jardin des Plantes,
      and talked with great self-complacency of the distinguished way in which
      he had treated the contemporary of Buffon.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 24th Brumaire he visited the prisons. He liked to make these visits
      unexpectedly, and to take the governors of the different public
      establishments by surprise; so that, having no time to make their
      preparations, he might see things as they really were. I was in his
      cabinet when he returned, for I had a great deal of business to go through
      in his absence. As he entered he exclaimed, "What brutes these Directors
      are! To what a state they have brought our public establishments! But,
      stay a little! I will put all in order. The prisons are in a shockingly
      unwholesome state, and the prisoners miserably fed. I questioned them, and
      I questioned the jailers, for nothing is to be learned from the superiors.
      They, of course, always speak well of their own work! When I was in the
      Temple I could not help thinking of the unfortunate Louis XVI. He was an
      excellent man, but too amiable, too gentle for the times. He knew not how
      to deal with mankind! And Sir Sidney Smith! I made them show me his
      apartment. If the fools had not let him escape I should have taken St.
      Jean d'Acre! There are too many painful recollections connected with that
      prison! I will certainly have it pulled down some day or other! What do
      you think I did at the Temple? I ordered the jailers' books to be brought
      to me, and finding that some hostages were still in confinement I
      liberated them. 'An unjust law,' said I, 'has deprived you of liberty; my
      first duty is to restore it to you.' 'Was not this well done, Bourrienne?'
      As I was, no less than Bonaparte himself, an enemy to the revolutionary
      laws, I congratulated him sincerely; and he was very sensible to my
      approbation, for I was not accustomed to greet him with 'Good; very good,'
      on all occasions. It is true, knowing his character as I did, I avoided
      saying anything that was calculated to offend him; but when I said
      nothing, he knew very well how to construe my silence. Had I flattered him
      I should have continued longer in favour."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte always spoke angrily of the Directors he had turned off. Their
      incapacity disgusted and astonished him. "What simpletons! what a
      government!" he would frequently exclaim when he looked into the measures
      of the Directory. "Bourrienne," said he, "can you imagine anything more
      pitiable than their system of finance? Can it for a moment be doubted that
      the principal agents of authority daily committed the most fraudulent
      peculations? What venality! what disorder! what wastefulness! everything
      put up for sale: places, provisions, clothing, and military, all were
      disposed of. Have they not actually consumed 75,000,000 in advance? And
      then, think of all the scandalous fortunes accumulated, all the
      malversations! But are there no means of making them refund? We shall
      see."
    </p>
    <p>
      In these first moments of poverty it was found necessary to raise a loan,
      for the funds of M. Collot did not last long, and 12,000,000 were advanced
      by the different bankers of Paris, who, I believe, were paid by bills of
      the receivers-general, the discount of which then amounted to about 33 per
      cent. The salaries of the first offices were not very considerable, and
      did not amount to anything like the exorbitant stipends of the Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's salary was fixed at 500,000 francs. What a contrast to the
      300,000,000 in gold which were reported to have been concealed in 1811 in
      the cellars of the Tuileries!
    </p>
    <p>
      In mentioning Bonaparte's nomination to the Institute, and his affectation
      in putting at the head of his proclamation his title of member of that
      learned body before that of General-in-Chief, I omitted to state what
      value he really attached to that title. The truth is that, when young and
      ambitious, he was pleased with the proffered title, which he thought would
      raise him in public estimation. How often have we laughed together when he
      weighed the value of his scientific titles! Bonaparte, to be sure, knew
      something of mathematics, a good deal of history, and, I need not add,
      possessed extraordinary military talent; but he was nevertheless a useless
      member of the Institute.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return from Egypt he began to grow weary of a title which gave him
      so many colleagues. "Do you not think," said he one day to me, "that there
      is something mean and humiliating in the words, 'I have the honour to be,
      my dear Colleague'! I am tired of it!" Generally speaking, all phrases
      which indicated equality displeased him. It will be recollected how
      gratified he was that I did not address him in the second person singular
      on our meeting at Leoben, and also what befell M. de Cominges at Bâle
      because he did not observe the same precaution.
    </p>
    <p>
      The figure of the Republic seated and holding a spear in her hand, which
      at the commencement of the Consulate was stamped on official letters, was
      speedily abolished. Happy would it have been if Liberty herself had not
      suffered the same treatment as her emblem! The title of First Consul made
      him despise that of Member of the Institute. He no longer entertained the
      least predilection for that learned body, and subsequently he regarded it
      with much suspicion. It was a body, an authorised assembly; these were
      reasons sufficient for him to take umbrage at it, and he never concealed
      his dislike of all bodies possessing the privilege of meeting and
      deliberating.
    </p>
    <p>
      While we were at the Luxembourg Bonaparte despatched Duroc on a special
      mission to the King of Prussia. This happened, I think, at the very
      beginning of the year 1800. He selected Duroc because he was a man of good
      education and agreeable manners, and one who could express himself with
      elegance and reserve, qualities not often met with at that period. Duroc
      had been with us in Italy, in Egypt, and on board the 'Muiron', and the
      Consul easily guessed that the King of Prussia would be delighted to hear
      from an eye-witness the events of Bonaparte's campaigns, especially the
      siege of St. Jean d'Acre, and the scenes which took place during the
      months of March and May at Jaffa. Besides, the First Consul considered it
      indispensable that such circumstantial details should be given in a way to
      leave no doubt of their correctness. His intentions were fully realised;
      for Duroc told me, on his return, that nearly the whole of the
      conversation he had with the King turned upon St. Jean d'Acre and Jaffa.
      He stayed nearly two whole hours with his Majesty, who, the day after,
      gave him an invitation to dinner. When this intelligence arrived at the
      Luxembourg I could perceive that the Chief of the Republic was flattered
      that one of his aides de camp should have sat at table with a King, who
      some years after was doomed to wait for him in his antechamber at Tilsit.
    </p>
    <p>
      Duroc never spoke on politics to the King of Prussia, which was very
      fortunate, for, considering his age and the exclusively military life he
      had led, he could scarcely have been expected to avoid blunders. Some time
      later, after the death of Paul I., he was sent to congratulate Alexander
      on his accession to the throne. Bonaparte's design in thus making choice
      of Duroc was to introduce to the Courts of Europe, by confidential
      missions, a young man to whom he was much attached, and also to bring him
      forward in France. Duroc went on his third mission to Berlin after the war
      broke out with Austria. He often wrote to me, and his letters convinced me
      how much he had improved himself within a short time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another circumstance which happened at the commencement of the Consulate
      affords an example of Bonaparte's inflexibility when he had once formed a
      determination. In the spring of 1799, when we were in Egypt, the Directory
      gave to General Latour-Foissac, a highly distinguished officer, the
      command of Mantua, the taking of which had so powerfully contributed to
      the glory of the conqueror of Italy. Shortly after Latour's appointment to
      this important post the Austrians besieged Mantua. It was well known that
      the garrison was supplied with provisions and ammunition for a long
      resistance; yet, in the month of July it surrendered to the Austrians. The
      act of capitulation contained a curious article, viz. "General
      Latour-Foissac and his staff shall be conducted as prisoners to Austria;
      the garrison shall be allowed to return to France." This distinction
      between the general and the troops entrusted to his command, and at the
      same time the prompt surrender of Mantua, were circumstances which, it
      must be confessed, were calculated to excite suspicions of Latour-Foissac.
      The consequence was, when Bernadotte was made War Minister he ordered an
      inquiry into the general's conduct by a court-martial. Latour-Foissac had
      no sooner returned to France than he published a justificatory memorial,
      in which he showed the impossibility of his having made a longer defence
      when he was in want of many objects of the first necessity.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the state of the affair on Bonaparte's elevation to the Consular
      power. The loss of Mantua, the possession of which had cost him so many
      sacrifices, roused his indignation to so high a pitch that whenever the
      subject was mentioned he could find no words to express his rage. He
      stopped the investigation of the court-martial, and issued a violent
      decree against Latour-Foissac even before his culpability had been proved.
      This proceeding occasioned much discussion, and was very dissatisfactory
      to many general officers, who, by this arbitrary decision, found
      themselves in danger of forfeiting the privilege of being tried by their
      natural judges whenever they happened to displease the First Consul. For
      my own part, I must say that this decree against Latour-Foissac was one
      which I saw issued with considerable regret. I was alarmed for the
      consequences. After the lapse of a few days I ventured to point out to him
      the undue severity of the step he had taken; I reminded him of all that
      had been said in Latour-Foissac's favour, and tried to convince him how
      much more just it would be to allow the trial to come to a conclusion. "In
      a country," said I, "like France, where the point of honour stands above
      every thing, it is impossible Foissac can escape condemnation if he be
      culpable."&mdash;"Perhaps you are right, Bourrienne," rejoined he; "but
      the blow is struck; the decree is issued. I have given the same
      explanation to every one; but I cannot so suddenly retrace my steps. To
      retro-grade is to be lost. I cannot acknowledge myself in the wrong. By
      and by we shall see what can be done. Time will bring lenity and pardon.
      At present it would be premature." Such, word for word, was Bonaparte's
      reply. If with this be compared what he said on the subject at St. Helena
      it will be found that his ideas continued nearly unchanged; the only
      difference is that, instead of the impetuosity of 1800, he expressed
      himself with the calmness which time and adversity naturally produce.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["It was," says the 'Memorial of St. Helena', "an illegal and
   tyrannical act, but still it was a necessary evil. It was the fault
   of the law. He was a hundred, nay, a thousand fold guilty, and yet
   it was doubtful whether he would be condemned. We therefore
   assailed him with the shafts of honour and public opinion. Yet I
   repeat it was a tyrannical act, and one of those violent measures
   which are at times necessary in great nations and in extraordinary
   circumstances."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, as I have before observed, loved contrasts; and I remember at
      the very time he was acting so violently against Latour-Foissac he
      condescended to busy himself about a company of players which he wished to
      send to Egypt, or rather that he pretended to wish to send there, because
      the announcement of such a project conveyed an impression of the
      prosperous condition of our Oriental colony. The Consuls gravely appointed
      the Minister of the Interior to execute this business, and the Minister in
      his turn delegated his powers to Florence, the actor. In their
      instructions to the Minister the Consuls observed that it would be
      advisable to include some female dancers in the company; a suggestion
      which corresponds with Bonaparte's note, in which were specified all that
      he considered necessary for the Egyptian expedition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul entertained singular notions respecting literary
      property. On his hearing that a piece, entitled 'Misanthropie et
      Repentir', had been brought out at the Odeon, he said to me, "Bourrienne,
      you have been robbed."&mdash;"I, General? how?"&mdash;"You have been
      robbed, I tell you, and they are now acting your piece." I have already
      mentioned that during my stay at Warsaw I amused myself with translating a
      celebrated play of Kotzebue. While we were in Italy I lent Bonaparte my
      translation to read, and he expressed himself much pleased with it. He
      greatly admired the piece, and often went to see it acted at the Odeon. On
      his return he invariably gave me fresh reasons for my claiming what he was
      pleased to call my property. I represented to him that the translation of
      a foreign work belonged to any one who chose to execute it. He would not,
      however, give up his point, and I was obliged to assure him that my
      occupations in his service left me no time to engage in a literary
      lawsuit. He then exacted a promise from me to translate Goethe's
      'Werther'. I told him it was already done, though indifferently, and that
      I could not possibly devote to the subject the time it merited. I read
      over to him one of the letters I had translated into French, and which he
      seemed to approve.
    </p>
    <p>
      That interval of the Consular Government during which Bonaparte remained
      at the Luxembourg may be called the preparatory Consulate. Then were sown
      the seeds of the great events which he meditated, and of those
      institutions with which he wished to mark his possession of power. He was
      then, if I may use the expression, two individuals in one: the Republican
      general, who was obliged to appear the advocate of liberty and the
      principles of the Revolution; and the votary of ambition, secretly
      plotting the downfall of that liberty and those principles.
    </p>
    <p>
      I often wondered at the consummate address with which he contrived to
      deceive those who were likely to see through his designs. This hypocrisy,
      which some, perhaps, may call profound policy, was indispensable to the
      accomplishment of his projects; and sometimes, as if to keep himself in
      practice, he would do it in matters of secondary importance. For example,
      his opinion of the insatiable avarice of Sieyès is well known; yet when he
      proposed, in his message to the Council of Ancients, to give his
      colleague, under the title of national recompense, the price of his
      obedient secession, it was, in the words of the message, a recompense
      worthily bestowed on his disinterested virtues.
    </p>
    <p>
      While at the Luxembourg Bonaparte showed, by a Consular act, his hatred of
      the liberty of the press above all liberties, for he loved none. On the
      27th Nivôse the Consuls, or rather the First Consul, published a decree,
      the real object of which was evidently contrary to its implied object.
    </p>
    <p>
      This decree stated that:
    </p>
    <p>
      The Consuls of the Republic, considering that some of the journals printed
      at Paris are instruments in the hands of the enemies of the Republic, over
      the safety of which the Government is specially entrusted by the people of
      France to watch, decree&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      That the Minister of Police shall, during the continuation of the war,
      allow only the following journals to be printed and published, viz. (list
      of 20 publications)
    </p>
    <p>
      .....and those papers which are exclusively devoted to science, art,
      literature, commerce, and advertisements.
    </p>
    <p>
      Surely this decree may well be considered as preparatory; and the fragment
      I have quoted may serve as a standard for measuring the greater part of
      those acts by which Bonaparte sought to gain, for the consolidation of his
      power, what he seemed to be seeking solely for the interest of the friends
      of the Republic. The limitation to the period of the continuance of the
      war had also a certain provisional air which afforded hope for the future.
      But everything provisional is, in its nature, very elastic; and Bonaparte
      knew how to draw it out ad infinitum. The decree, moreover, enacted that
      if any of the uncondemned journals should insert articles against the
      sovereignty of the people they would be immediately suppressed. In truth,
      great indulgence was shown on this point, even after the Emperor's
      coronation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The presentation of swords and muskets of honour also originated at the
      Luxembourg; and this practice was, without doubt, a preparatory step to
      the foundation of the Legion of Honour.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["Armes d'honneur," decreed 25th December 1799. Muskets for
   infantry, carbines for cavalry, grenades for artillery, swords for
   the officers. Gouvion St. Cyr received the first sword (Thiers,
   tome i. p. 126).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      A grenadier sergeant, named Léon Aune, who had been included in the first
      distribution, easily obtained permission to write to the First Consul to
      thank him. Bonaparte, wishing to answer him in his own name, dictated to
      me the following letter for Aune:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I have received your letter, my brave comrade. You needed not to
   have told me of your exploits, for you are the bravest grenadier in
   the whole army since the death of Benezete. You received one of the
   hundred sabres I distributed to the army, and all agreed you most
   deserved it.

   I wish very much again to see you. The War Minister sends you an
   order to come to Paris.
</pre>
    <p>
      This wheedling wonderfully favoured Bonaparte's designs. His letter to
      Aune could not fail to be circulated through the army. A sergeant called
      my brave comrade by the First Consul&mdash;the First General of France!
      Who but a thorough Republican, the stanch friend of equality, would have
      done this? This was enough to wind up the enthusiasm of the army. At the
      same time it must be confessed that Bonaparte began to find the Luxembourg
      too little for him, and preparations were set on foot at the Tuileries.
    </p>
    <p>
      Still this great step towards the re-establishment of the monarchy was to
      be cautiously prepared. It was important to do away with the idea that
      none but a king could occupy the palace of our ancient kings. What was to
      be done? A very fine bust of Brutus had been brought from Italy. Brutus
      was the destroyer of tyrants! This was the very thing; and David was
      commissioned to place it in a gallery of the Tuileries. Could there be a
      greater proof of the Consul's horror of tyranny?
    </p>
    <p>
      To sleep at the Tuileries, in the bedchamber of the kings of France, was
      all that Bonaparte wanted; the rest would follow in due course. He was
      willing to be satisfied with establishing a principle the consequences of
      which were to be afterwards deduced. Hence the affectation of never
      inserting in official acts the name of the Tuileries, but designating that
      place as the Palace of the Government. The first preparations were modest,
      for it did not become a good Republican to be fond of pomp. Accordingly
      Lecomte, who was at that time architect of the Tuileries, merely received
      orders to clean the Palace, an expression which might bear more than one
      meaning, after the meetings which had been there. For this purpose the sum
      of 500,000 francs was sufficient. Bonaparte's drift was to conceal, as far
      as possible, the importance he attached to the change of his Consular
      domicile. But little expense was requisite for fitting up apartments for
      the First Consul. Simple ornaments, such as marbles and statues, were to
      decorate the Palace of the Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nothing escaped Bonaparte's consideration. Thus it was not merely at
      hazard that he selected the statues of great men to adorn the gallery of
      the Tuileries. Among the Greeks he made choice of Demosthenes and
      Alexander, thus rendering homage at once to the genius of eloquence and
      the genius of victory. The statue of Hannibal was intended to recall the
      memory of Rome's most formidable enemy; and Rome herself was represented
      in the Consular Palace by the statues of Scipio, Cicero, Cato, Brutus and
      Caesar&mdash;the victor and the immolator being placed side by side. Among
      the great men of modern times he gave the first place to Gustavus
      Adolphus, and the next to Turenne and the great Condé, to Turenne in
      honour of his military talent, and to Condé to prove that there was
      nothing fearful in the recollection of a Bourbon. The remembrance of the
      glorious days of the French navy was revived by the statue of Duguai
      Trouin. Marlborough and Prince Eugène had also their places in the
      gallery, as if to attest the disasters which marked the close of the great
      reign; and Marshal Sage, to show that Louis XV.'s reign was not without
      its glory. The statues of Frederick and Washington were emblematic of
      false philosophy on a throne and true wisdom founding a free state.
      Finally, the names of Dugommier, Dampierre, and Joubert were intended to
      bear evidence of the high esteem which Bonaparte cherished for his old
      comrades,&mdash;those illustrious victims to a cause which had now ceased
      to be his.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reader has already been informed of the attempts made by Bonaparte to
      induce England and Austria to negotiate with the Consular Government,
      which the King of Prussia was the first of the sovereigns of Europe to
      recognise. These attempts having proved unavailing, it became necessary to
      carry on the war with renewed vigour, and also to explain why the peace,
      which had been promised at the beginning of the Consulate, was still
      nothing but a promise. In fulfilment of these two objects Bonaparte
      addressed an energetic proclamation to the armies, which was remarkable
      for not being followed by the usual sacred words, "Vive la République!"
    </p>
    <p>
      At the same time Bonaparte completed the formation of the Council of
      State, and divided it into five sections:&mdash;(1) The Interior; (2)
      Finance; (3) Marine; (4) The War Department; (5) Legislation. He fixed the
      salaries of the Councillors of the State at 25,000 francs, and that of the
      Precedents of Sections at 30,000. He settled the costume of the Consuls,
      the Ministers, and the different bodies of the State. This led to the
      re-introduction of velvet, which had been banished with the old regime,
      and the encouragement of the manufactures of Lyons was the reason alleged
      for employing this un-republican article in the different dresses, such as
      those of the Consuls and Ministers. It was Bonaparte's constant aim to
      efface the Republic, even in the utmost trifles, and to prepare matters so
      well that the customs and habits of monarchy being restored, there should
      only then remain a word to be changed.
    </p>
    <p>
      I never remember to have seen Bonaparte in the Consular dress, which he
      detested, and which he wore only because duty required him to do so at
      public ceremonies. The only dress he was fond of, and in which he felt at
      ease, was that in which he subjugated the ancient Eridanus and the Nile,
      namely, the uniform of the Guides, to which corps Bonaparte was always
      sincerely attached.
    </p>
    <p>
      The masquerade of official dresses was not the only one which Bonaparte
      summoned to the aid of his policy. At that period of the year VIII. which
      corresponded with the carnival of 1800, masques began to be resumed at
      Paris. Disguises were all the fashion, and Bonaparte favoured the revival
      of old amusements; first, because they were old, and next, because they
      were the means of diverting the attention of the people: for, as he had
      established the principle that on the field of battle it is necessary to
      divide the enemy in order to beat him, he conceived it no less advisable
      to divert the people in order to enslave them. Bonaparte did not say
      'panem et circenses', for I believe his knowledge of Latin did not extend
      even to that well-known phrase of Juvenal, but he put the maxim in
      practice. He accordingly authorised the revival of balls at the opera,
      which they who lived during that period of the Consulate know was an
      important event in Paris. Some gladly viewed it as a little conquest in
      favour of the old regime; and others, who for that very reason disapproved
      it, were too shallow to understand the influence of little over great
      things. The women and the young men did not bestow a thought on the
      subject, but yielded willingly to the attractions of pleasure. Bonaparte,
      who was delighted at having provided a diversion for the gossiping of the
      Parisian salons, said to me one day, "While they are chatting about all
      this, they do not babble upon politics, and that is what I want. Let them
      dance and amuse themselves as long as they do not thrust their noses into
      the Councils of the Government; besides, Bourrienne," added he, "I have
      other reasons for encouraging this, I see other advantages in it. Trade is
      languishing; Fouché tells me that there are great complaints. This will
      set a little money in circulation; besides, I am on my guard about the
      Jacobins. Everything is not bad, because it is not new. I prefer the
      opera-balls to the saturnalia of the Goddess of Reason. I was never so
      enthusiastically applauded as at the last parade."
    </p>
    <p>
      A Consular decision of a different and more important nature had, shortly
      before, namely, at the commencement of Nivôse, brought happiness to many
      families. Bonaparte, as every one knows, had prepared the events of the
      18th Fructidor that he might have some plausible reasons for overthrowing
      the Directors. The Directory being overthrown, he was now anxious, at
      least in part, to undo what he had done on the 18th Fructidor. He
      therefore ordered a report on the persons exiled to be presented to him by
      the Minister of Police. In consequence of this report he authorised forty
      of them to return to France, placing them under the observation of the
      Police Minister, and assigning them their place of residence. However,
      they did not long remain under these restrictions, and many of them were
      soon called to fill high places in the Government. It was indeed natural
      that Bonaparte, still wishing, at least in appearance, to found his
      government on those principles of moderate republicanism which had caused
      their exile, should invite them to second his views.
    </p>
    <p>
      Barrère wrote a justificatory letter to the First Consul, who, however,
      took no notice of it, for he could not get so far as to favour Barrère.
      Thus did Bonaparte receive into the Councils of the Consulate the men who
      had been exiled by the Directory, just as he afterwards appointed the
      emigrants and those exiles of the Revolution to high offices under the
      Empire. The time and the men alone differed; the intention in both cases
      was the same.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0030" id="link2HCH0030">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXX
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte and Paul I.&mdash;Lord Whitworth&mdash;Baron Sprengporten's arrival
   at Paris&mdash;Paul's admiration of Bonaparte&mdash;Their close connection and
   correspondence&mdash;The royal challenge&mdash;General Mack&mdash;The road to
   Malmaison&mdash;Attempts at assassination&mdash;Death of Washington&mdash;National
   mourning&mdash;Ambitious calculation&mdash;M. de Fontanel, the skilful orator
   &mdash;Fete at the Temple of Mars&mdash;Murat's marriage with Caroline
   Bonaparte&mdash;Madame Bonaparte's pearls.
</pre>
    <p>
      The first communications between Bonaparte and Paul I. commenced a short
      time after his accession to the Consulate. Affairs then began to look a
      little less unfavourable for France; already vague reports from
      Switzerland and the banks of the Rhine indicated a coldness existing
      between the Russians and the Austrians; and at the same time, symptoms of
      a misunderstanding between the Courts of London and St. Petersburg began
      to be perceptible. The First Consul, having in the meantime discovered the
      chivalrous and somewhat eccentric character of Paul I., thought the moment
      a propitious one to attempt breaking the bonds which united Russia and
      England. He was not the man to allow so fine an opportunity to pass, and
      he took advantage of it with his usual sagacity. The English had some time
      before refused to include in a cartel for the exchange of prisoners 7000
      Russians taken in Holland. Bonaparte ordered them all to be armed, and
      clothed in new uniforms appropriate to the corps to which they had
      belonged, and sent them back to Russia, without ransom, without exchange,
      or any condition whatever. This judicious munificence was not thrown away.
      Paul I. showed himself deeply sensible of it, and closely allied as he had
      lately been with England, he now, all at once, declared himself her enemy.
      This triumph of policy delighted the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thenceforth the Consul and the Czar became the best friends possible. They
      strove to outdo each other in professions of friendship; and it may be
      believed that Bonaparte did not fail to turn this contest of politeness to
      his own advantage. He so well worked upon the mind of Paul that he
      succeeded in obtaining a direct influence over the Cabinet of St.
      Petersburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Whitworth, at that time the English ambassador in Russia, was ordered
      to quit the capital without delay, and to retire to Riga, which then
      became the focus of the intrigues of the north which ended in the death of
      Paul. The English ships were seized in all the ports, and, at the pressing
      instance of the Czar, a Prussian army menaced Hanover. Bonaparte lost no
      time, and, profiting by the friendship manifested towards him by the
      inheritor of Catherine's power, determined to make that friendship
      subservient to the execution of the vast plan which he had long conceived:
      he meant to undertake an expedition by land against the English colonies
      in the East Indies.
    </p>
    <p>
      The arrival of Baron Sprengporten at Paris caused great satisfaction among
      the partisans of the Consular Government, that is to say, almost every one
      in Paris. M. Sprengporten was a native of Swedish Finland. He had been
      appointed by Catherine chamberlain and lieutenant-general of her forces,
      and he was not less in favour with Paul, who treated him in the most
      distinguished manner. He came on an extraordinary mission, being
      ostensibly clothed with the title of plenipotentiary, and at the same time
      appointed confidential Minister to the Consul. Bonaparte was extremely
      satisfied with the ambassador whom Paul had selected, and with the manner
      in which he described the Emperor's gratitude for the generous conduct of
      the First Consul. M. Sprengporten did not conceal the extent of Paul's
      dissatisfaction with his allies. The bad issue, he said, of the war with
      France had already disposed the Czar to connect himself with that power,
      when the return of his troops at once determined him.
    </p>
    <p>
      We could easily perceive that Paul placed great confidence in M.
      Sprengporten. As he had satisfactorily discharged the mission with which
      he had been entrusted, Paul expressed pleasure at his conduct in several
      friendly and flattering letters, which Sprengporten always allowed us to
      read. No one could be fonder of France than he was, and he ardently
      desired that his first negotiations might lead to a long alliance between
      the Russian and French Governments. The autograph and very frequent
      correspondence between Bonaparte and Paul passed through his hands. I read
      all Paul's letters, which were remarkable for the frankness with which his
      affection for Bonaparte was expressed. His admiration of the First Consul
      was so great that no courtier could have written in a more flattering
      manner.
    </p>
    <p>
      This admiration was not feigned on the part of the Emperor of Russia: it
      was no less sincere than ardent, and of this he soon gave proofs. The
      violent hatred he had conceived towards the English Government induced him
      to defy to single combat every monarch who would not declare war against
      England and shut his ports against English ships. He inserted a challenge
      to the King of Denmark in the St. Petersburg Court Gazette; but not
      choosing to apply officially to the Senate of Hamburg to order its
      insertion in the 'Correspondant', conducted by M. Stoves, he sent the
      article, through Count Pahlen, to M. Schramm, a Hamburg merchant. The
      Count told M. Schramm that the Emperor would be much pleased to see the
      article of the St. Petersburg Court Gazette copied into the Correspondant;
      and that if it should be inserted, he wished to have a dozen copies of the
      paper printed on vellum, and sent to him by an extraordinary courier. It
      was Paul's intention to send a copy to every sovereign in Europe; but this
      piece of folly, after the manner of Charles XII., led to no further
      results.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte never felt greater satisfaction in the whole course of his life
      than he experienced from Paul's enthusiasm for him. The friendship of a
      sovereign seemed to him a step by which he was to become a sovereign
      himself. At the same time the affairs of La Vendée began to assume a
      better aspect, and he hoped soon to effect that pacification in the
      interior which he so ardently desired.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was during the First Consul's residence at the Luxembourg that the
      first report on the civil code was made to the legislative body. It was
      then, also, that the regulations for the management of the Bank of France
      were adopted, and that establishment so necessary to France was founded.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was at this time in Paris a man who has acquired an unfortunate
      celebrity, the most unlucky of modern generals&mdash;in a word, General
      Mack. I should not notice that person here were it not for the prophetic
      judgment which Bonaparte then pronounced on him. Mack had been obliged to
      surrender himself at Championnet some time before our landing at Fréjus.
      He was received as a prisoner of war, and the town of Dijon had been
      appointed his place of residence, and there he remained until after the
      18th Brumaire. Bonaparte, now Consul, permitted him to come to Paris, and
      to reside there on his parole. He applied for leave to go to Vienna,
      pledging himself to return again a prisoner to France if the Emperor
      Francis would not consent to exchange him for Generals Pérignon and
      Grouchy, then prisoners in Austria. His request was not granted, but his
      proposition was forwarded to Vienna. The Court of Vienna refused to accede
      to it, not placing perhaps so much importance on the deliverance of Mack
      as he had flattered himself it would.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte speaking to me of him one day said, "Mack is a man of the lowest
      mediocrity I ever saw in my life; he is full of self-sufficiency and
      conceit, and believes himself equal to anything. He has no talent. I
      should like to see him opposed some day to one of our good generals; we
      should then see fine work. He is a boaster, and that is all. He is really
      one of the most silly men existing; and, besides all that, he is unlucky."
      Was not this opinion of Bonaparte, formed on the past, fully verified by
      the future?
    </p>
    <p>
      It was at Malmaison that Bonaparte thus spoke of General Mack. That place
      was then far from resembling what it afterwards became, and the road to it
      was neither pleasant nor sure. There was not a house on the road; and in
      the evening, during the season when we were there, it was not frequented
      all the way from St. Germain. Those numerous vehicles, which the demands
      of luxury and an increasing population have created, did not then, as now,
      pass along the roads in the environs of Paris. Everywhere the road was
      solitary and dangerous; and I learned with certainty that many schemes
      were laid for carrying off the First Consul during one of his evening
      journeys. They were unsuccessful, and orders were given to enclose the
      quarries, which were too near to the road. On Saturday evening Bonaparte
      left the Luxembourg, and afterwards the Tuileries, to go to Malmaison, and
      I cannot better express the joy he then appeared to experience than by
      comparing it to the delight of a school-boy on getting a holiday.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before removing from the Luxembourg to the Tuileries Bonaparte determined
      to dazzle the eyes of the Parisians by a splendid ceremony. He had
      appointed it to take place on the 'decadi', Pluviôse 20 (9th February
      1800), that is to say, ten days before his final departure from the old
      Directorial palace. These kinds of fetes did not resemble what they
      afterwards became; their attraction consisted in the splendour of military
      dress: and Bonaparte was always sure that whenever he mounted his horse,
      surrounded by a brilliant staff from which he was to be distinguished by
      the simplicity of his costume, his path would be crowded and himself
      greeted with acclamations by the people of Paris. The object of this fete
      was at first only to present to the 'Hôtel des Invalides', then called the
      Temple of Mars, seventy-two flags taken from the Turks in the battle of
      Aboukir and brought from Egypt to Paris; but intelligence of Washington's
      death, who expired on the 14th of December 1799, having reached Bonaparte,
      he eagerly took advantage of that event to produce more effect, and mixed
      the mourning cypress with the laurels he had collected in Egypt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte did not feel much concerned at the death of Washington, that
      noble founder of rational freedom in the new world; but it afforded him an
      opportunity to mask his ambitious projects under the appearance of a love
      of liberty. In thus rendering honour to the memory of Washington everybody
      would suppose that Bonaparte intended to imitate his example, and that
      their two names would pass in conjunction from mouth to mouth. A clever
      orator might be employed, who, while pronouncing a eulogium on the dead,
      would contrive to bestow some praise on the living; and when the people
      were applauding his love of liberty he would find himself one step nearer
      the throne, on which his eyes were constantly fixed. When the proper time
      arrived, he would not fail to seize the crown; and would still cry, if
      necessary, "Vive la Liberté!" while placing it on his imperial head.
    </p>
    <p>
      The skilful orator was found. M. de Fontanes
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[L. de Fontanes (1767-1821) became president of the Corps
   Legislatif, Senator, and Grand Master of the University. He was the
   centre of the literary group of the Empire,]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      was commissioned to pronounce the funeral eulogium on Washington, and the
      flowers of eloquence which he scattered about did not all fall on the hero
      of America.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lannes was entrusted by Bonaparte with the presentation of the flags; and
      on the 20th Pluviôse he proceeded, accompanied by strong detachments of
      the cavalry then in Paris, to the council-hall of the Invalides, where he
      was met by the Minister of War, who received the colours. All the
      Ministers, the councillors of State, and generals were summoned to the
      presentation. Lannes pronounced a discourse, to which Berthier replied,
      and M. de Fontanes added his well-managed eloquence to the plain military
      oratory of the two generals. In the interior of this military temple a
      statue of Mars sleeping had been placed, and from the pillars and roof
      were suspended the trophies of Denain, Fontenoy, and the campaign of
      Italy, which would still have decorated that edifice had not the demon of
      conquest possessed Bonaparte. Two Invalides, each said to be a hundred
      years old, stood beside the Minister of War; and the bust of the
      emancipator of America was placed under the trophy composed of the flags
      of Aboukir. In a word, recourse was had to every sort of charlatanism
      usual on such occasions. In the evening there was a numerous assembly at
      the Luxembourg, and Bonaparte took much credit to himself for the effect
      produced on this remarkable day. He had only to wait ten days for his
      removal to the Tuileries, and precisely on that day the national mourning
      for Washington was to cease, for which a general mourning for freedom
      might well have been substituted.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have said very little about Murat in the course of these Memoirs except
      mentioning the brilliant part he performed in several battles. Having now
      arrived at the period of his marriage with one of Napoleon's sisters I
      take the opportunity of returning to the interesting events which preceded
      that alliance.
    </p>
    <p>
      His fine and well-proportioned form, his great physical strength and
      somewhat refined elegance of manner,&mdash;the fire of his eye, and his
      fierce courage in battle, gave to Murat rather the character of one of
      those 'preux chevaliers' so well described by Ariosto and Taro, than that
      a Republican soldier. The nobleness of his look soon made the lowness of
      his birth be forgotten. He was affable, polished, gallant; and in the
      field of battle twenty men headed by Murat were worth a whole regiment.
      Once only he showed himself under the influence of fear, and the reader
      shall see in what circumstance it was that he ceased to be himself.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Marshal Lannes, so brave and brilliant in war and so well able to
   appreciate courage, one day sharply rebuked a colonel for having
   punished a young officer just arrived from school at Fontainebleau
   because he gave evidence of fear in his first engagement. "Know,
   colonel," said he, "none but a poltroon (the term was even more
   strong) will boast that he never was afraid."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      When Bonaparte in his first Italian campaign had forced Wurmser to retreat
      into Mantua with 28,000 men, he directed Miollis, with only 4000 men, to
      oppose any sortie that might be attempted by the Austrian general. In one
      of these sorties Murat, who was at the head of a very weak detachment, was
      ordered to charge Wurmser. He was afraid, neglected to execute the order,
      and in a moment of confusion said that he was wounded. Murat immediately
      fell into disgrace with the General-in-Chief, whose 'aide de camp' he was.
    </p>
    <p>
      Murat had been previously sent to Paris to present to the Directory the
      first colours taken by the French army of Italy in the actions of Dego and
      Mondovi, and it was on this occasion that he got acquainted with Madame
      Tallien and the wife of his General. But he already knew the beautiful
      Caroline Bonaparte, whom he had seen at Rome in the residence of her
      brother Joseph, who was then discharging the functions of ambassador of
      the Republic. It appears that Caroline was not even indifferent to him,
      and that he was the successful rival of the Princess Santa Croce's son,
      who eagerly sought the honour of her hand. Madame Tallien and Madame
      Bonaparte received with great kindness the first 'aide de camp', and as
      they possessed much influence with the Directory, they solicited, and
      easily obtained for him, the rank of brigadier-general. It was somewhat
      remarkable at that time Murat, notwithstanding his newly-acquired rank, to
      remain Bonaparte's 'aide de camp', the regulations not allowing a
      general-in-chief an 'aide de camp' of higher rank than chief of brigade,
      which was equal to that of colonel. This insignificant act was, therefore,
      rather a hasty anticipation of the prerogatives everywhere reserved to
      princes and kings.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was after having discharged this commission that Murat, on his return
      to Italy, fell into disfavour with the General-in Chief. He indeed looked
      upon him with a sort of hostile feeling, and placed him in Reille's
      division, and afterwards Baraguey d'Hilliers'; consequently, when we went
      to Paris, after the treaty of Campo-Formio, Murat was not of the party.
      But as the ladies, with whom he was a great favourite, were not devoid of
      influence with the Minister of War, Murat was, by their interest, attached
      to the engineer corps in the expedition to Egypt. On board the Orient he
      remained in the most complete disgrace. Bonaparte did not address a word
      to him during the passage; and in Egypt the General-in-Chief always
      treated him with coldness, and often sent him from the headquarters on
      disagreeable services. However, the General-in-Chief having opposed him to
      Mourad Bey, Murat performed such prodigies of valour in every perilous
      encounter that he effaced the transitory stain which a momentary
      hesitation under the walls of Mantua had left on his character. Finally,
      Murat so powerfully contributed to the success of the day at Aboukir that
      Bonaparte, glad to be able to carry another laurel plucked in Egypt to
      France, forgot the fault which had made so unfavourable an impression, and
      was inclined to efface from his memory other things that he had heard to
      the disadvantage of Murat; for I have good reasons for believing, though
      Bonaparte never told me so, that Murat's name, as well as that of Charles,
      escaped from the lips of Junot when he made his indiscreet communication
      to Bonaparte at the walls of Messoudiah. The charge of grenadiers,
      commanded by Murat on the 19th Brumaire in the hall of the Five Hundred,
      dissipated all the remaining traces of dislike; and in those moments when
      Bonaparte's political views subdued every other sentiment of his mind, the
      rival of the Prince Santa Croce received the command of the Consular
      Guard.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joachim Murat (1771-1616), the son of an innkeeper, aide de camp
   to Napoleon in Italy, etc.; Marshal, 1804; Prince in 1806; Grand
   Admiral; Grand Duc de Berg et de Clesves, 1808; King of Naples,
   1808. Shot by Bourbons 13th October 1815. Married Caroline
   Bonaparte (third sister of Napoleon) 20th January 1800.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It may reasonably be supposed that Madame Bonaparte, in endeavouring to
      win the friendship of Murat by aiding his promotion, had in view to gain
      one partisan more to oppose to the family and brothers of Bonaparte; and
      of this kind of support she had much need. Their jealous hatred was
      displayed on every occasion; and the amiable Josephine, whose only fault
      was being too much of the woman, was continually tormented by sad
      presentiments. Carried away by the easiness of her character, she did not
      perceive that the coquetry which enlisted for her so many defenders also
      supplied her implacable enemies with weapons to use against her.
    </p>
    <p>
      In this state of things Josephine, who was well convinced that she had
      attached Murat to herself by the bonds of friendship and gratitude, and
      ardently desired to see him united to Bonaparte by a family connection,
      favoured with all her influence his marriage with Caroline. She was not
      ignorant that a close intimacy had already sprung up at Milan between
      Caroline and Murat, and she was the first to propose a marriage. Murat
      hesitated, and went to consult M. Collot, who was a good adviser in all
      things, and whose intimacy with Bonaparte had initiated him into all the
      secrets of the family. M. Collot advised Murat to lose no time, but to go
      to the First Consul and formally demand the hand of his sister. Murat
      followed his advice. Did he do well? It was to this step that he owed the
      throne of Naples. If he had abstained he would not have been shot at
      Pizzo. 'Sed ipsi Dei fata rumpere non possunt!'
    </p>
    <p>
      However that might be, Bonaparte received, more in the manner of a
      sovereign than of a brother in arms, the proposal of Murat. He heard him
      with unmoved gravity, said that he would consider the matter, but gave no
      positive answer.
    </p>
    <p>
      This affair was, as may be supposed, the subject of conversation in the
      evening in the salon of the Luxembourg. Madame Bonaparte employed all her
      powers of persuasion to obtain the First Consul's consent, and her efforts
      were seconded by Hortense, Eugène, and myself, "Murat," said he, among
      other things, "Murat is an innkeeper's son. In the elevated rank where
      glory and fortune have placed me, I never can mix his blood with mine!
      Besides, there is no hurry: I shall see by and by." We forcibly described
      to him the reciprocal affection of the two young people, and did not fail
      to bring to his observation Murat's devoted attachment to his person, his
      splendid courage and noble conduct in Egypt. "Yes," said he, with warmth,
      "I agree with you; Murat was superb at Aboukir." We did not allow so
      favourable a moment to pass by. We redoubled our entreaties, and at last
      he consented. When we were together in his cabinet in the evening, "Well,
      Bourrienne," said he to me, "you ought to be satisfied, and so am I, too,
      everything considered. Murat is suited to my sister, and then no one can
      say that I am proud, or seek grand alliances. If I had given my sister to
      a noble, all your Jacobins would have raised a cry of counter-revolution.
      Besides, I am very glad that my wife is interested in this marriage, and
      you may easily suppose the cause. Since it is determined on, I will hasten
      it forward; we have no time to lose. If I go to Italy I will take Murat
      with me. I must strike a decisive blow there. Adieu."
    </p>
    <p>
      When I entered the First Consul's chamber at seven o'clock the next day he
      appeared even more satisfied than on the preceding evening with the
      resolution he had taken. I easily perceived that in spite of all his
      cunning, he had failed to discover the real motive which had induced
      Josephine to take so lively an interest respecting Murat's marriage with
      Caroline. Still Bonaparte's satisfaction plainly showed that his wife's
      eagerness for the marriage had removed all doubt in his mind of the
      falsity of the calumnious reports which had prevailed respecting her
      intimacy with Murat.
    </p>
    <p>
      The marriage of Murat and Caroline was celebrated at the Luxembourg, but
      with great modesty. The First Consul did not yet think that his family
      affairs were affairs of state. But previously to the celebration a little
      comedy was enacted in which I was obliged to take a part, and I will
      relate how.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the time of the marriage of Murat Bonaparte had not much money, and
      therefore only gave his sister a dowry of 30,000 francs. Still, thinking
      it necessary to make her a marriage present, and not possessing the means
      to purchase a suitable one, he took a diamond necklace which belonged to
      his wife and gave it to the bride. Josephine was not at all pleased with
      this robbery, and taxed her wits to discover some means of replacing her
      necklace.
    </p>
    <p>
      Josephine was aware that the celebrated jeweler Foncier possessed a
      magnificent collection of fine pearls which had belonged, as he said, to
      the late Queen, Marie Antoinette. Having ordered them to be brought to her
      to examine them, she thought there were sufficient to make a very fine
      necklace. But to make the purchase 250,000 francs were required, and how
      to get them was the difficulty. Madame Bonaparte had recourse to Berthier,
      who was then Minister of War. Berthier, after biting his nails according
      to his usual habit, set about the liquidation of the debts due for the
      hospital service in Italy with as much speed as possible; and as in those
      days the contractors whose claims were admitted overflowed with gratitude
      towards their patrons, through whom they obtained payment, the pearls soon
      passed from Foncier's shop to the casket of Madame Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pearls being thus obtained, there was still another difficulty, which
      Madame Bonaparte did not at first think of. How was she to wear a necklace
      purchased without her husband's knowledge? Indeed it was the more
      difficult for her to do so as the First Consul knew very well that his
      wife had no money, and being, if I may be allowed the expression,
      something of the busybody, he knew, or believed he knew, all Josephine's
      jewels. The pearls were therefore condemned to remain more than a
      fortnight in Madame Bonaparte's casket without her daring to use them.
      What a punishment for a woman! At length her vanity overcame her prudence,
      and being unable to conceal the jewels any longer, she one day said to me,
      "Bourrienne, there is to be a large party here to-morrow, and I absolutely
      must wear my pearls. But you know he will grumble if he notices them. I
      beg, Bourrienne, that you will keep near me. If he asks me where I got my
      pearls I must tell him, without hesitation, that I have had them a long
      time."
    </p>
    <p>
      Everything happened as Josephine feared and hoped.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, on seeing the pearls, did not fail to say to Madame, "What is
      it you have got there? How fine you are to-day! Where did you get these
      pearls? I think I never saw them before."&mdash;"Oh! 'mon Dieu'! you have
      seen them a dozen times! It is the necklace which the Cisalpine Republic
      gave me, and which I now wear in my hair."&mdash;"But I think&mdash;"&mdash;"Stay:
      ask Bourrienne, he will tell you."&mdash;"Well, Bourrienne, what do you
      say to it? Do you recollect the necklace?"&mdash;"Yes, General, I
      recollect very well seeing it before." This was not untrue, for Madame
      Bonaparte had previously shown me the pearls. Besides, she had received a
      pearl necklace from the Cisalpine Republic, but of incomparably less value
      than that purchased from Foncier. Josephine performed her part with
      charming dexterity, and I did not act amiss the character of accomplice
      assigned me in this little comedy. Bonaparte had no suspicions. When I saw
      the easy confidence with which Madame Bonaparte got through this scene, I
      could not help recollecting Suzanne's reflection on the readiness with
      which well-bred ladies can tell falsehoods without seeming to do so.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXI.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Police on police&mdash;False information&mdash;Dexterity of Fouché&mdash;Police
   agents deceived&mdash;Money ill applied&mdash;Inutility of political police&mdash;
   Bonaparte's opinion&mdash;General considerations&mdash;My appointment to the
   Prefecture of police.
</pre>
    <p>
      Before taking up his quarters in the Tuileries the First Consul organised
      his secret police, which was intended, at the same time, to be the rival
      or check upon Fouché's police. Duroc and Moncey were at first the Director
      of this police; afterwards Davoust and Junot. Madame Bonaparte called this
      business a vile system of espionage. My remarks on the inutility of the
      measure were made in vain. Bonaparte had the weakness at once to fear
      Fouché and to think him necessary. Fouché, whose talents at this trade are
      too well known to need my approbation, soon discovered this secret
      institution, and the names of all the subaltern agents employed by the
      chief agents. It is difficult to form an idea of the nonsense, absurdity,
      and falsehood contained in the bulletins drawn up by the noble and ignoble
      agents of the police. I do not mean to enter into details on this
      nauseating subject; and I shall only trespass on the reader's patience by
      relating, though it be in anticipation, one fact which concerns myself,
      and which will prove that spies and their wretched reports cannot be too
      much distrusted.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the second year of the Consulate we were established at Malmaison.
      Junot had a very large sum at his disposal for the secret police of the
      capital. He gave 3000 francs of it to a wretched manufacturer of
      bulletins; the remainder was expended on the police of his stable and his
      table. In reading one of these daily bulletins I saw the following lines:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "M. de Bourrienne went last night to Paris. He entered an hotel of
   the Faubourg St. Germain, Rue de Varenne, and there, in the course
   of a very animated discussion, he gave it to be understood that the
   First Consul wished to make himself King."
</pre>
    <p>
      As it happens, I never had opened my mouth, either respecting what
      Bonaparte had said to me before we went to Egypt or respecting his other
      frequent conversations with me of the same nature, during this period of
      his Consulship. I may here observe, too, that I never quitted, nor ever
      could quit Malmaison for a moment. At any time, by night or day, I was
      subject to be called for by the First Consul, and, as very often was the
      case, it so happened that on the night in question he had dictated to me
      notes and instructions until three o'clock in the morning.
    </p>
    <p>
      Junot came every day to Malmaison at eleven o'clock in the morning. I
      called him that day into my cabinet, when I happened to be alone. "Have
      you not read your bulletin?" said I, "Yes, I have."&mdash;"Nay, that is
      impossible."&mdash;"Why?"&mdash;"Because, if you had, you would have
      suppressed an absurd story which relates to me."&mdash;"Ah!" he replied,
      "I am sorry on your account, but I can depend on my agent, and I will not
      alter a word of his report." I then told him all that had taken place on
      that night; but he was obstinate, and went away unconvinced.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every morning I placed all the papers which the First Consul had to read
      on his table, and among the first was Junot's report. The First Consul
      entered and read it; on coming to the passage concerning me he began to
      smile.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Have you read this bulletin?"&mdash;"Yes, General."&mdash;"What an ass
      that Junot is! It is a long time since I have known that."&mdash;"How he
      allows himself to be entrapped! Is he still here?"&mdash;"I believe so. I
      have just seen him, and made observations to him, all in good part, but he
      would hear nothing."&mdash;"Tell him to come here." When Junot appeared
      Bonaparte began&mdash;"Imbecile that you are! how could you send me such
      reports as these? Do you not read them? How shall I be sure that you will
      not compromise other persons equally unjustly? I want positive facts, not
      inventions. It is some time since your agent displeased me; dismiss him
      directly." Junot wanted to justify himself, but Bonaparte cut him short&mdash;"Enough!&mdash;It
      is settled!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I related what had passed to Fouché, who told me that, wishing to amuse
      himself at Junot's expense, whose police agents only picked up what they
      heard related in coffeehouses, gaming-houses, and the Bourse, he had given
      currency to this absurd story, which Junot had credited and reported, as
      he did many other foolish tales. Fouché often caught the police of the
      Palace in the snares he laid for them, and thus increased his own credit.
    </p>
    <p>
      This circumstance, and others of the same nature, induced the First Consul
      to attach less importance than at first he had to his secret police, which
      seldom reported anything but false and silly stories. That wretched
      police! During the time I was with him it embittered his life, and often
      exasperated him against his wife, his relations, and friends.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bourrienne, it must be remembered, was a sufferer from the
   vigilance of this police.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Rapp, who was as frank as he was brave, tells us in his Memoirs (p. 233)
      that when Napoleon, during his retreat from Moscow, while before
      Smolenski, heard of the attempt of Mallet, he could not get over the
      adventure of the Police Minister, Savary, and the Prefect of Police,
      Pasquier. "Napoleon," says Rapp, "was not surprised that these wretches
      (he means the agents of the police) who crowd the salons and the taverns,
      who insinuate themselves everywhere and obstruct everything, should not
      have found out the plot, but he could not understand the weakness of the
      Duc de Rovigo. The very police which professed to divine everything had
      let themselves be taken by surprise." The police possessed no foresight or
      faculty of prevention. Every silly thing that transpired was reported
      either from malice or stupidity. What was heard was misunderstood or
      distorted in the recital, so that the only result of the plan was mischief
      and confusion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The police as a political engine is a dangerous thing. It foments and
      encourages more false conspiracies than it discovers or defeats real ones.
      Napoleon has related "that M. de la Rochefoucauld formed at Paris a
      conspiracy in favour of the King, then at Mittau, the first act of which
      was to be the death of the Chief of the Government. The plot being
      discovered, a trusty person belonging to the police was ordered to join it
      and become one of the most active agents. He brought letters of
      recommendation from an old gentleman in Lorraine who had held a
      distinguished rank in the army of Condé." After this, what more can be
      wanted? A hundred examples could not better show the vileness of such a
      system. Napoleon, when fallen, himself thus disclosed the scandalous means
      employed by his Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon on one occasion, in the Isle of Elba, said to an officer who was
      conversing with him about France, "You believe, then, that the police
      agents foresee everything and know everything? They invent more than they
      discover. Mine, I believe, was better than that they have got now, and yet
      it was often only by mere chance, the imprudence of the parties
      implicated, or the treachery of some of them, that something was
      discovered after a week or fortnight's exertion." Napoleon, in directing
      this officer to transmit letters to him under the cover of a commercial
      correspondence, to quiet his apprehensions that the correspondence might
      be discovered, said, "Do you think, then, that all letters are opened at
      the post office? They would never be able to do so. I have often
      endeavoured to discover what the correspondence was that passed under
      mercantile forms, but I never succeeded. The post office, like the police,
      catches only fools."
    </p>
    <p>
      Since I am on the subject of political police, that leprosy of modern
      society, perhaps I may be allowed to overstep the order of time, and
      advert to its state even in the present day.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Minister of Police, to give his prince a favourable idea of his
      activity, contrives great conspiracies, which he is pretty sure to
      discover in time, because he is their originator. The inferior agents, to
      find favour in the eyes of the Minister, contrive small plots. It would be
      difficult to mention a conspiracy which has been discovered, except when
      the police agents took part in it, or were its promoters. It is difficult
      to conceive how those agents can feed a little intrigue, the result at
      first, perhaps, of some petty ill-humour and discontent which, thanks to
      their skill, soon becomes a great affair. How many conspiracies have
      escaped the boasted activity and vigilance of the police when none of its
      agents were parties. I may instance Babeuf's conspiracy, the attempt at
      the camp at Grenelle, the 18th Brumaire, the infernal machine, Mallet, the
      20th of March, the affair of Grenoble, and many others.
    </p>
    <p>
      The political police, the result of the troubles of the Revolution, has
      survived them. The civil police for the security of property, health, and
      order, is only made a secondary object, and has been, therefore,
      neglected. There are times in which it is thought of more consequence to
      discover whether a citizen goes to mass or confession than to defeat the
      designs of a band of robbers. Such a state of things is unfortunate for a
      country; and the money expended on a system of superintendence over
      persons alleged to be suspected, in domestic inquisitions, in the
      corruption of the friends, relations, and servants of the man marked out
      for destruction might be much better employed. The espionage of opinion,
      created, as I have said, by the revolutionary troubles, is suspicious,
      restless, officious, inquisitorial, vexatious, and tyrannical. Indifferent
      to crimes and real offences, it is totally absorbed in the inquisition of
      thoughts. Who has not heard it said in company, to some one speaking
      warmly, "Be moderate, M&mdash;&mdash;&mdash; is supposed to belong to the
      police." This police enthralled Bonaparte himself in its snares, and held
      him a long time under the influence of its power.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have taken the liberty thus to speak of a scourge of society of which I
      have been a victim. What I here state may be relied on. I shall not speak
      of the week during which I had to discharge the functions of Prefect of
      Police, namely, from the 13th to the 20th of March, 1815. It may well be
      supposed that though I had not held in abhorrence the infamous system
      which I have described, the important nature of the circumstances and the
      short period of my administration must have prevented me from making
      complete use of the means placed at my disposal. The dictates of
      discretion, which I consider myself bound to obey, forbid me giving proofs
      of what I advance. What it was necessary to do I accomplished without
      employing violent or vexatious means; and I can take on myself to assert
      that no one has cause to complain of me. Were I to publish the list of the
      persons I had orders to arrest, those of them who are yet living would be
      astonished that the only knowledge they had of my being the Prefect of
      Police was from the Moniteur. I obtained by mild measures, by persuasion,
      and reasoning what I could never have got by violence. I am not divulging
      any secrets of office, but I believe I am rendering a service to the
      public in pointing out what I have often observed while an unwilling
      confidant in the shameful manoeuvres of that political institution.
    </p>
    <p>
      The word ideologue was often in Bonaparte's mouth; and in using it he
      endeavoured to throw ridicule on those men whom he fancied to have a
      tendency towards the doctrine of indefinite perfectibility. He esteemed
      them for their morality, yet he looked on them as dreamers seeking for the
      type of a universal constitution, and considering the character of man in
      the abstract only. The ideologues, according to him, looked for power in
      institutions; and that he called metaphysics. He had no idea of power
      except in direct force. All benevolent men who speculate on the
      amelioration of human society were regarded by Bonaparte as dangerous,
      because their maxims and principles were diametrically opposed to the
      harsh and arbitrary system he had adopted. He said that their hearts were
      better than their heads, and, far from wandering with them in
      abstractions, he always said that men were only to be governed by fear and
      interest. The free expression of opinion through the press has been always
      regarded by those who are not led away by interest or power as useful to
      society. But Bonaparte held the liberty of the press in the greatest
      horror; and so violent was his passion when anything was urged in its
      favour that he seemed to labour under a nervous attack. Great man as he
      was, he was sorely afraid of little paragraphs.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte fairly enough remarks on this that such writings
   had done great harm in those extraordinary times (Erreurs, tome i,
   p. 259). Metternich, writing in 1827 with distrust of the
   proceedings of Louis XVIII., quotes, with approval, Napoleon's
   sentiments on this point. "Napoleon, who could not have been
   wanting in the feeling of power, said to me, 'You see me master of
   France; well, I would not undertake to govern her for three months
   with liberty of the press. Louis XVIII., apparently thinking
   himself stronger than Napoleon, is not content with allowing the
   press its freedom, but has embodied its liberty in the charter"
   (Metternich, tome iv, p. 391.)]&mdash;
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXII.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Successful management of parties&mdash;Precautions&mdash;Removal from the
   Luxembourg to the Tuileries&mdash;Hackney-coaches and the Consul's white
   horses&mdash;Royal custom and an inscription&mdash;The review&mdash;Bonaparte's
   homage to the standards&mdash;Talleyrand in Bonaparte's cabinet&mdash;
   Bonaparte's aversion to the cap of liberty even in painting&mdash;The
   state bed&mdash;Our cabinet.
</pre>
    <p>
      Of the three brothers to whom the 18th Brumaire gave birth Bonaparte
      speedily declared himself the eldest, and hastened to assume all the
      rights of primogeniture. He soon arrogated to himself the whole power. The
      project he had formed, when he favoured the revolution of the 18th
      Fructidor, was now about to be realized. It was then an indispensable part
      of his plan that the Directory should violate the constitution in order to
      justify a subsequent subversion of the Directory. The expressions which
      escaped him from time to time plainly showed that his ambition was not yet
      satisfied, and that the Consulship was only a state of probation
      preliminary to the complete establishment of monarchy. The Luxembourg was
      then discovered to be too small for the Chief of the Government, and it
      was resolved that Bonaparte should inhabit the Tuileries. Still great
      prudence was necessary to avoid the quicksands which surrounded him! He
      therefore employed great precaution in dealing with the susceptibilities
      of the Republicans, taking care to inure them gradually to the temperature
      of absolute power. But this mode of treatment was not sufficient; for such
      was Bonaparte's situation between the Jacobins and the Royalists that he
      could not strike a blow at one party without strengthening the other. He,
      however, contrived to solve this difficult problem, and weakened both
      parties by alternately frightening each. "You see, Royalists," he seemed
      to say, "if you do not attach yourselves to my government the Jacobins
      will again rise and bring back the reign of terror and its scaffold." To
      the men of the Revolution he, on the other hand, said, "See, the
      counter-Revolution appears, threatening reprisals and vengeance. It is
      ready to overwhelm you; my buckler can alone protect you from its
      attacks." Thus both parties were induced, from their mutual fear of each
      other, to attach themselves to Bonaparte; and while they fancied they were
      only placing themselves under the protection of the Chief of the
      Government, they were making themselves dependent on an ambitious man,
      who, gradually bending them to his will, guided them as he chose in his
      political career. He advanced with a firm step; but he never neglected any
      artifice to conceal, as long as possible, his designs.
    </p>
    <p>
      I saw Bonaparte put in motion all his concealed springs; and I could not
      help admiring his wonderful address.
    </p>
    <p>
      But what most astonished me was the control he possessed over himself, in
      repressing any premature manifestation of his intentions which might
      prejudice his projects. Thus, for instance, he never spoke of the
      Tuileries but under the name of "the Palace of the Government," and he
      determined not to inhabit, at first, the ancient palace of the kings of
      France alone. He contented himself with selecting the royal apartments,
      and proposed that the Third Consul should also reside in the Tuileries,
      and in consequence he occupied the Pavilion of Flora. This skilful
      arrangement was perfectly in accordance with the designation of "Palace of
      the Government" given to the Tuileries, and was calculated to deceive, for
      a time, the most clear-sighted.
    </p>
    <p>
      The moment for leaving the Luxembourg having arrived, Bonaparte still used
      many deceptive precautions. The day filed for the translation of the seat
      of government was the 30th Pluviôse, the previous day having been selected
      for publishing the account of the votes taken for the acceptance of the
      new Constitution. He had, besides, caused the insertion in the 'Moniteur'
      of the eulogy on Washington, pronounced, by M. de Fontanes, the decadi
      preceding, to be delayed for ten days. He thought that the day when he was
      about to take so large a step towards monarchy would be well chosen for
      entertaining the people of Paris with grand ideas of liberty, and for
      coupling his own name with that of the founder of the free government of
      the United States.
    </p>
    <p>
      At seven o'clock on the morning of the 30th Pluviôse I entered, as usual,
      the chamber of the First Consul. He was in a profound sleep, and this was
      one of the days on which I had been desired to allow him to sleep a little
      longer than usual. I have often observed that General Bonaparte appeared
      much less moved when on the point of executing any great design than
      during the time of projecting it, so accustomed was he to think that what
      he had resolved on in his mind, was already done.
    </p>
    <p>
      When I returned to Bonaparte he said to me, with a marked air of
      satisfaction, "Well, Bourrienne, to-night, at last, we shall sleep in the
      Tuileries. You are better off than I: you are not obliged to make a
      spectacle of yourself, but may go your own road there. I must, however, go
      in procession: that disgusts me; but it is necessary to speak to the eyes.
      That has a good effect on the people. The Directory was too simple, and
      therefore never enjoyed any consideration. In the army simplicity is in
      its proper place; but in a great city, in a palace, the Chief of the
      Government must attract attention in every possible way, yet still with
      prudence. Josephine is going to look out from Lebrun's apartments; go with
      her, if you like; but go to the cabinet as soon as you see me alight from
      my horse."
    </p>
    <p>
      I did not go to the review, but proceeded to the Tuileries, to arrange in
      our new cabinet the papers which it was my duty to take care of, and to
      prepare everything for the First Consul's arrival. It was not until the
      evening that I learned, from the conversation in the salon, where there
      was a numerous party, what had taken place in the course of the day.
    </p>
    <p>
      At one o'clock precisely Bonaparte left the Luxembourg. The procession
      was, doubtless, far from approaching the magnificent parade of the Empire:
      but as much pomp was introduced as the state of things in France
      permitted. The only real splendour of that period consisted in fine
      troops. Three thousand picked men, among whom was the superb regiment of
      the Guides, had been ordered out for the occasion: all marched in the
      greatest order; with music at the head of each corps. The generals and
      their staffs were on horseback, the Ministers in carriages, which were
      somewhat remarkable, as they were almost the only private carriages then
      in Paris, for hackney-coaches had been hired to convey the Council of
      State, and no trouble had been taken to alter them, except by pasting over
      the number a piece of paper of the same colour as the body of the vehicle.
      The Consul's carriage was drawn by six white horses. With the sight of
      those horses was associated the recollection of days of glory and of
      peace, for they had been presented to the General-in-Chief of the army of
      Italy by the Emperor of Germany after the treaty of Campo-Formio.
      Bonaparte also wore the magnificent sabre given him by the Emperor
      Francis. With Cambacérès on his left, and Lebrun in the front of the
      carriage, the First Consul traversed a part of Paris, taking the Rue de
      Thionville, and the Quai Voltaire to the Pont Royal. Everywhere he was
      greeted by acclamations of joy, which at that time were voluntary, and
      needed not to be commanded by the police.
    </p>
    <p>
      From the wicket of the Carrousel to the gate of the Tuileries the troops
      of the Consular Guard were formed in two lines, through which the
      procession passed&mdash;a royal custom, which made a singular contrast
      with an inscription in front of which Bonaparte passed on entering the
      courtyard. Two guard-houses had been built, one on the right and another
      on the left of the centre gate. On the one to the right were written these
      words:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "THE TENTH of AUGUST 1792.&mdash;ROYALTY IN FRANCE
     IS ABOLISHED; AND SHALL NEVER BE RE-ESTABLISHED!"
</pre>
    <p>
      It was already re-established!
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the troops had been drawn up in line in the courtyard. As
      soon as the Consul's carriage stopped Bonaparte immediately alighted, and
      mounted, or, to speak more properly, leaped on his horse, and reviewed his
      troops, while the other two Consuls proceeded to the state apartments of
      the Tuileries, where the Council of State and the Ministers awaited them.
      A great many ladies, elegantly dressed in Greek costume, which was then
      the fashion, were seated with Madame Bonaparte at the windows of the Third
      Consul's apartments in the Pavilion of Flora. It is impossible to give an
      idea of the immense crowds which flowed in from all quarters. The windows
      looking to the Carrousel were let for very large sums; and everywhere
      arose, as if from one voice, shouts of "Long live the First Consul!" Who
      could help being intoxicated by so much enthusiasm?
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte prolonged the review for some time, passed down all the ranks,
      and addressed the commanders of corps in terms of approbation and praise.
      He then took his station at the gate of the Tuileries, with Murat on his
      right, and Lannes on his left, and behind him a numerous staff of young
      warriors, whose complexions had been browned by the sun of Egypt and
      Italy, and who had been engaged in more battles than they numbered years.
      When the colours of the 96th, 43d, and 34th demi-brigades, or rather their
      flagstaffs surmounted by some shreds, riddled by balls and blackened by
      powder, passed before him, he raised his hat and inclined his head in
      token of respect. Every homage thus paid by a great captain to standards
      which had been mutilated on the field of battle was saluted by a thousand
      acclamations. When the troops had finished defiling before him, the First
      Consul, with a firm step, ascended the stairs of the Tuileries.
    </p>
    <p>
      The General's part being finished for the day, that of the Chief of the
      State began; and indeed it might already be said that the First Consul was
      the whole Consulate. At the risk of interrupting my narrative of what
      occurred on our arrival at the Tuileries, by a digression, which may be
      thought out of place, I will relate a fact which had no little weight in
      hastening Bonaparte's determination to assume a superiority over his
      colleagues. It may be remembered that when Roger Ducos and Sieyès bore the
      title of Consuls the three members of the Consular commission were equal,
      if not in fact at least in right. But when Cambacérès and Lebrun took
      their places, Talleyrand, who had at the same time been appointed to
      succeed M. Reinhart as Minister of Foreign Affairs, obtained a private
      audience of the First Consul in his cabinet, to which I was admitted. The
      observations of Talleyrand on this occasion were highly agreeable to
      Bonaparte, and they made too deep an impression on my mind to allow me to
      forget them.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Citizen Consul," said he to him, "you have confided to me the office of
      Minister for Foreign Affairs, and I will justify your confidence; but I
      must declare to you that from this moment, I will not transact business
      with any but yourself. This determination does not proceed from any vain
      pride on my part, but is induced by a desire to serve France. In order
      that France may be well governed, in order that there may be a unity of
      action in the government, you must be First Consul, and the First Consul
      must have the control over all that relates directly to politics; that is
      to say, over the Ministry of the Interior, and the Ministry of Police, for
      Internal Affairs, and over my department, for Foreign Affairs; and,
      lastly, over the two great means of execution, the military and naval
      forces. It will therefore be most convenient that the Ministers of those
      five departments should transact business with you. The Administration of
      Justice and the ordering of the Finances are objects certainly connected
      with State politics by numerous links, which, however, are not of so
      intimate a nature as those of the other departments. If you will allow me,
      General, I should advise that the control over the Administration of
      Justice be given to the Second Consul, who is well versed in
      jurisprudence; and to the Third Consul, who is equally well acquainted
      with Finance, the control over that department. That will occupy and amuse
      them, and you, General, having at your disposal all the vital parts of the
      government, will be able to reach the end you aim at, the regeneration of
      France."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte did not hear these remarkable words with indifference. They were
      too much in accordance with his own secret wishes to be listened to
      without pleasure; and he said to me as soon as Talleyrand had taken leave,
      "Do you know, Bourrienne, I think Talleyrand gives good advice. He is a
      man of great understanding."&mdash;"Such is the opinion," I replied, "of
      all who know him."&mdash;"He is perfectly right." Afterwards he added,
      smiling, "Tallyrand is evidently a shrewd man. He has penetrated my
      designs. What he advises you know I am anxious to do. But again I say, he
      is right; one gets on quicker by oneself. Lebrun is a worthy man, but he
      has no policy in his head; he is a book-maker. Cambacérès carries with him
      too many traditions of the Revolution. My government must be an entirely
      new one."
    </p>
    <p>
      Talleyrand's advice had been so punctually followed that even on the
      occasion of the installation of the Consular Government, while Bonaparte
      was receiving all the great civil and military officers of the State in
      the hall of presentation, Cambacérès and Lebrun stood by more like
      spectators of the scene than two colleagues of the First Consul. The
      Minister of the Interior presented the civil authorities of Paris; the
      Minister of War, the staff of the 17th military division; the Minister of
      Marine, several naval officers; and the staff of the Consular Guard was
      presented by Murat. As our Consular republicans were not exactly Spartans,
      the ceremony of the presentations was followed by grand dinner-parties.
      The First Consul entertained at his table, the two other Consuls, the
      Ministers, and the Presidents of the great bodies of the State. Murat
      treated the heads of the army; and the members of the Council of State,
      being again seated in their hackney-coaches with covered numbers, drove
      off to dine with Lucien.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before taking possession of the Tuileries we had frequently gone there to
      see that the repairs, or rather the whitewashing, which Bonaparte had
      directed to be done, was executed. On our first visit, seeing a number of
      red caps of liberty painted on the walls, he said to M. Lecomte, at that
      time the architect in charge, "Get rid of all these things; I do not like
      to see such rubbish."
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul gave directions himself for what little alterations he
      wanted in his own apartments. A state bed&mdash;not that of Louis XVI.&mdash;was
      placed in the chamber next his cabinet, on the south side, towards the
      grand staircase of the Pavilion of Flora. I may as well mention here that
      he very seldom occupied that bed, for Bonaparte was very simple in his
      manner of living in private, and was not fond of state, except as a means
      of imposing on mankind. At the Luxembourg, at Malmaison, and during the
      first period that he occupied the Tuileries, Bonaparte, if I may speak in
      the language of common life, always slept with his wife. He went every
      evening down to Josephine by a small staircase leading from a wardrobe
      attached to his cabinet, and which had formerly been the chapel of Maria
      de Medici. I never went to Bonaparte's bedchamber but by this staircase;
      and when he came to our cabinet it was always by the wardrobe which I have
      mentioned. The door opened opposite the only window of our room, and it
      commanded a view of the garden.
    </p>
    <p>
      As for our cabinet, where so many great, and also small events were
      prepared, and where I passed so many hours of my life, I can, even now,
      give the most minute description of it to those who like such details.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were two tables. The best, which was the First Consul's, stood in
      the middle of the room, and his armchair was turned with its back to the
      fireplace, having the window on the right. To the right of this again was
      a little closet where Duroc sat, through which we could communicate with
      the clerk of the office and the grand apartments of the Court. When the
      First Consul was seated at his table in his chair (the arms of which he so
      frequently mutilated with his penknife) he had a large bookcase opposite
      to him. A little to the right, on one side of the bookcase, was another
      door, opening into the cabinet which led directly to the state bedchamber
      which I have mentioned. Thence we passed into the grand Presentation
      Saloon, on the ceiling of which Lebrun had painted a likeness of Louis
      XIV. A tri-coloured cockade placed on the forehead of the great King still
      bore witness of the imbecile turpitude of the Convention. Lastly came the
      hall of the Guards, in front of the grand staircase of the Pavilion of
      Flora.
    </p>
    <p>
      My writing-table, which was extremely plain, stood near the window, and in
      summer I had a view of the thick foliage of the chestnut-trees; but in
      order to see the promenaders in the garden I was obliged to raise myself
      from my seat. My back was turned to the General's side, so that it
      required only a slight movement of the head to speak to each other. Duroc
      was seldom in his little cabinet, and that was the place where I gave some
      audiences. The Consular cabinet, which afterwards became the Imperial, has
      left many impressions on my mind; and I hope the reader, in going through
      these volumes, will not think that they have been of too slight a
      description.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0033" id="link2HCH0033">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIII.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Tuileries&mdash;Royalty in perspective&mdash;Remarkable observation&mdash;
   Presentations&mdash;Assumption of the prerogative of mercy&mdash;M. Defeu&mdash;
   M. de Frotte&mdash;Georges Cadoudal's audience of Bonaparte&mdash;Rapp's
   precaution and Bonaparte's confidence&mdash;The dignity of France&mdash;
   Napper Tandy and Blackwell delivered up by the Senate of Hamburg&mdash;
   Contribution in the Egyptian style&mdash;Valueless bill&mdash;Fifteen thousand
   francs in the drawer of a secretaire&mdash;Josephine's debts&mdash;Evening
   walks with Bonaparte.
</pre>
    <p>
      The morning after that ardently wished-for day on which we took possession
      of the Palace of the Kings of France I observed to Bonaparte on entering
      his chamber, "Well, General, you have got here without much difficulty,
      and with the applause of the people! Do you remember what you said to me
      in the Rue St. Anne nearly two years ago?"&mdash;"Ay, true enough, I
      recollect. You see what it is to have the mind set on a thing. Only two
      years have gone by! Don't you think we have not worked badly since that
      time? Upon the whole I am very well content. Yesterday passed off well. Do
      you imagine that all those who came to flatter me were sincere? No,
      certainly not: but the joy of the people was real. They know what is
      right. Besides, consult the grand thermometer of opinion, the price of the
      funds: on the 17th Brumaire at 11 francs, on the 20th at 16 and to-day at
      21. In such a state of things I may let the Jacobins prate as they like.
      But let them not talk too loudly either!"
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as he was dressed we went to look through the Gallery of Diana and
      examine the statues which had been placed there by his orders. We ended
      our morning's work by taking complete possession of our new residence. I
      recollect Bonaparte saying to me, among other things, "To be at the
      Tuileries, Bourrienne, is not all. We must stay here. Who, in Heaven's
      name, has not already inhabited this palace? Ruffians, conventionalists!
      But hold! there is your brother's house! Was it not from those windows I
      saw the Tuileries besieged, and the good Louis XVI. carried off? But be
      assured they will not come here again!"
    </p>
    <p>
      The Ambassadors and other foreign Ministers then in Paris were presented
      to the First Consul at a solemn audience. On this occasion all the ancient
      ceremonials belonging to the French Court were raked up, and in place of
      chamberlains and a grand master of ceremonies a Counsellor of State, M.
      Benezech, who was once Minister for Foreign Affairs, officiated.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Ambassadors had all arrived M. Benezech conducted them into the
      cabinet, in which were the three Consuls, the Ministers, and the Council
      of State. The Ambassadors presented their credentials to the First Consul,
      who handed them to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. These presentations
      were followed by others; for example, the Tribunal of Cassation, over
      which the old advocate, Target, who refused to defend Louis XVI., then
      presided. All this passed in view of the three Consuls; but the
      circumstance which distinguished the First Consul from his colleagues was,
      that the official personages, on leaving the audience-chamber, were
      conducted to Madame Bonaparte's apartments, in imitation of the old
      practice of waiting on the Queen after presentation to the King.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus old customs of royalty crept by degrees into the former abodes of
      royalty. Amongst the rights attached to the Crown, and which the
      Constitution of the year VIII. did not give to the First Consul, was one
      which he much desired to possess, and which, by the most happy of all
      usurpations, he arrogated to himself. This was the right of granting
      pardon. Bonaparte felt a real pleasure in saving men under the sentence of
      the law; and whenever the imperious necessity of his policy, to which, in
      truth, he sacrificed everything, permitted it, he rejoiced in the exercise
      of mercy. It would seem as if he were thankful to the persons to whom he
      rendered such service merely because he had given them occasion to be
      thankful to him. Such was the First Consul: I do not speak of the Emperor.
      Bonaparte, the First Consul, was accessible to the solicitations of
      friendship in favour of persons placed under proscription. The following
      circumstance, which interested me much, affords an incontestable proof of
      what I state:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst we were still at the Luxembourg, M. Defeu, a French emigrant, was
      taken in the Tyrol with arms in his hand by the troops of the Republic. He
      was carried to Grenoble, and thrown into the military prison of that town.
      In the course of January General Ferino, then commanding at Grenoble,
      received orders to put the young emigrant on his trial. The laws against
      emigrants taken in arms were terrible, and the judges dared not be
      indulgent. To be tried in the morning, condemned in the course of the day,
      and shot in the evening, was the usual course of those implacable
      proceedings. One of my cousins, the daughter of M. Poitrincourt, came from
      Sens to Paris to inform me of the dreadful situation of M. Defeu. She told
      me that he was related to the most respectable families of the town of
      Sens, and that everybody felt the greatest interest in his fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had escaped for a few moments to keep the appointment I made with
      Mademoiselle Poitrincourt. On my return I perceived the First Consul
      surprised at finding himself alone in the cabinet, which I was not in the
      habit of quitting without his knowledge. "Where have you been?" said he.
      "I have been to see one of my relations, who solicits a favour of you."&mdash;"What
      is it?" I then informed him of the unfortunate situation of M. Defeu. His
      first answer was dreadful. "No pity! no pity for emigrants! Whoever fights
      against his country is a child who tries to kill his mother!" This first
      burst of anger being over, I returned to the charge. I urged the youth of
      M. Defeu, and the good effect which clemency would produce. "Well," said
      he, "write&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "The First Consul orders the judgment on M. Defeu to be suspended."
</pre>
    <p>
      He signed this laconic order, which I instantly despatched to General
      Ferino. I acquainted my cousin with what had passed, and remained at ease
      as to the result of the affair.
    </p>
    <p>
      Scarcely had I entered the chamber of the First Consul the next morning
      when he said to me, "Well, Bourrienne, you say nothing about your M.
      Defeu. Are you satisfied?"&mdash;"General, I cannot find terms to express
      my gratitude."&mdash;"Ah, bah! But I do not like to do things by halves.
      Write to Ferino that I wish M. Defeu to be instantly set at liberty.
      Perhaps I am serving one who will prove ungrateful. Well, so much the
      worse for him. As to these matters, Bourrienne, always ask them from me.
      When I refuse, it is because I cannot help it."
    </p>
    <p>
      I despatched at my own expense an extraordinary courier, who arrived in
      time to save M. Defeu's life. His mother, whose only son he was, and M.
      Blanchet, his uncle, came purposely from Sens to Paris to express their
      gratitude to me. I saw tears of joy fall from the eyes of a mother who had
      appeared to be destined to shed bitter drops, and I said to her as I felt,
      "that I was amply recompensed by the success which had attended my
      efforts."
    </p>
    <p>
      Emboldened by this success, and by the benevolent language of the First
      Consul, I ventured to request the pardon of M. de Frotte, who was strongly
      recommended to me by most honourable persons. Comte Louis de Frotte had at
      first opposed all negotiation for the pacification of La Vendée. At
      length, by a series of unfortunate combats, he was, towards the end of
      January, reduced to the necessity of making himself the advances which he
      had rejected when made by others. At this period he addressed a letter to
      General Guidal, in which he offered pacificatory proposals. A protection
      to enable him to repair to Alençon was transmitted to him. Unfortunately
      for M. de Frotte, he did not confine himself to writing to General Guidal,
      for whilst the safe-conduct which he had asked was on the way to him, he
      wrote to his lieutenants, advising them not to submit or consent to be
      disarmed. This letter was intercepted. It gave all the appearance of a
      fraudulent stratagem to his proposal to treat for peace. Besides, this
      opinion appeared to be confirmed by a manifesto of M. de Frotte, anterior,
      it is true, to the offers of pacification, but in which he announced to
      all his partisans the approaching end of Bonaparte's "criminal
      enterprise."
    </p>
    <p>
      I had more trouble than in M. Defeu's case to induce the First Consul to
      exercise his clemency. However, I pressed him so much, I laboured so hard
      to convince him of the happy effect of such indulgence, that at length I
      obtained an order to suspend the judgment. What a lesson I then
      experienced of the evil which may result from the loss of time! Not
      supposing that matters were so far advanced as they were, I did not
      immediately send off the courier with the order for the suspension of the
      judgment. Besides, the Minister-of-Police had marked his victim, and he
      never lost time when evil was to be done. Having, therefore, I know not
      for what motive, resolved on the destruction of M. de Frotte, he sent an
      order to hasten his trial.
    </p>
    <p>
      Comte Louis de Frotte was brought to trial on the 28th Pluviôse, condemned
      the same day, and executed the next morning, the day before we entered the
      Tuileries. The cruel precipitation of the Minister rendered the result of
      my solicitations abortive. I had reason to think that after the day on
      which the First Consul granted me the order for delay he had received some
      new accusation against M. de Frotte, for when he heard of his death he
      appeared to me very indifferent about the tardy arrival of the order for
      suspending judgment. He merely said to me, with unusual insensibility,
      "You should take your measures better. You see it is not my fault."
    </p>
    <p>
      Though Bonaparte put no faith in the virtue of men, he had confidence in
      their honour. I had proof of this in a matter which deserves to be
      recorded in history. When, during the first period of our abode at the
      Tuileries, he had summoned the principal chiefs of La Vendée to endeavour
      to bring about the pacification of that unhappy country, he received
      Georges Cadoudal in a private audience. The disposition in which I beheld
      him the evening before the day appointed for this audience inspired me
      with the most flattering hopes. Rapp introduced Georges into the grand
      salon looking into the garden. Rapp left him alone with the First Consul,
      but on returning to the cabinet where I was he did not close either of the
      two doors of the state bedchamber which separated the cabinet from the
      salon. We saw the First Consul and Georges walk from the window to the
      bottom of the salon&mdash;then return&mdash;then go back again. This
      lasted for a long time. The conversation appeared very animated, and we
      heard several things, but without any connection. There was occasionally a
      good deal of ill-humour displayed in their tone and gestures. The
      interview ended in nothing. The First Consul, perceiving that Georges
      entertained some apprehensions for his personal safety, gave him
      assurances of security in the most noble manner, saying, "You take a wrong
      view of things, and are wrong in not coming to some understanding; but if
      you persist in wishing to return to your country you shall depart as
      freely as you came to Paris." When Bonaparte returned to his cabinet he
      said to Rapp, "Tell me, Rapp, why you left these doors open, and stopped
      with Bourrienne?" Rapp replied, "If you had closed the doors I would have
      opened them again. Do you think I would have left you alone with a man
      like that? There would have been danger in it."&mdash;"No, Rapp," said
      Bonaparte, "you cannot think so." When we were alone the First Consul
      appeared pleased with Rapp's attachment, but very vexed at Georges'
      refusal. He said, "He does not take a correct view of things; but the
      extravagance of his principles has its source in noble sentiments, which
      must give him great influence over his countrymen. It is necessary,
      however, to bring this business soon to an end."
    </p>
    <p>
      Of all the actions of Louis XIV. that which Bonaparte most admired was his
      having made the Doge of Genoa send ambassadors to Paris to apologise to
      him. The slightest insult offered in a foreign country to the rights and
      dignity of France put Napoleon beside himself. This anxiety to have the
      French Government respected exhibited itself in an affair which made much
      noise at the period, but which was amicably arranged by the soothing
      influence of gold.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two Irishmen, Napper Tandy and Blackwell, who had been educated in France,
      and whose names and rank as officers appeared in the French army list, had
      retired to Hamburg. The British Government claimed them as traitors to
      their country, and they were given up; but, as the French Government held
      them to be subjects of France, the transaction gave rise to bitter
      complaints against the Senate of Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      Blackwell had been one of the leaders of the united Irishmen. He had
      procured his naturalisation in France, and had attained the rank of chef
      d'escadron. Being sent on a secret mission to Norway, the ship in which he
      was embarked was wrecked on the coast of that kingdom. He then repaired to
      Hamburg, where the Senate placed him under arrest on the demand of Mr.
      Crawford, the English Minister. After being detained in prison a whole
      year he was conveyed to England to be tried. The French Government
      interfered, and preserved, if not his liberty, at least his life.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napper Tandy was also an Irishman. To escape the search made after him, on
      account of the sentiments of independence which had induced him to engage
      in the contest for the liberty of his country, he got on board a French
      brig, intending to land at Hamburg and pass into Sweden. Being exempted
      from the amnesty by the Irish Parliament, he was claimed by the British
      Government, and the Senators of Hamburg forgot honour and humanity in
      their alarm at the danger which at that moment menaced their little
      republic both from England and France. The Senate delivered up Napper
      Tandy; he was carried to Ireland, and condemned to death, but owed the
      suspension of his execution to the interference of France. He remained two
      years in prison, when M. Otto, who negotiated with Lord Hawkesbury the
      preliminaries of peace, obtained the release of Napper Tandy, who was sent
      back to France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul spoke at first of signal vengeance; but the Senate of
      Hamburg sent him a memorial, justificatory of its conduct, and backed the
      apology with a sum of four millions and a half, which mollified him
      considerably. This was in some sort a recollection of Egypt&mdash;one of
      those little contributions with which the General had familiarised the
      pashas; with this difference, that on the present occasion not a single
      sous went into the national treasury. The sum was paid to the First Consul
      through the hands of M. Chapeau Rouge.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[A solemn deputation from the Senate arrived at the Tuileries to
   make public apologies to Napoleon. He again testified his
   indignation: and when the envoys urged their weakness he said to
   them. "Well and had you not the resource of weak states? was it not
   in your power to let them escape?" (Napoleon's Memoirs).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I kept the four millions and a half in Dutch bonds in a secretaire for a
      week. Bonaparte then determined to distribute them; after paying
      Josephine's debts, and the whole of the great expenses incurred at
      Malmaison, he dictated to me a list of persons to whom he wished to make
      presents. My name did not escape his lips, and consequently I had not the
      trouble to transcribe it; but some time after he said to me, with the most
      engaging kindness, "Bourrienne, I have given you none of the money which
      came from Hamburg, but I will make you amends for it." He took from his
      drawer a large and broad sheet of printed paper, with blanks filled up in
      his own handwriting, and said to me, "Here is a bill for 300,000 Italian
      livres on the Cisalpine Republic, for the price of cannon furnished. It is
      endorsed Halter and Collot&mdash;I give it you." To make this understood,
      I ought to state that cannon had been sold to the Cisalpine Republic, for
      the value of which the Administrator-general of the Italian finances drew
      on the Republic, and the bills were paid over to M. Collot, a provision
      contractor, and other persons. M. Collot had given one of these bills for
      300,000 livres to Bonaparte in quittance of a debt, but the latter had
      allowed the bill to run out without troubling himself about it. The
      Cisalpine Republic kept the cannons and the money, and the First Consul
      kept his bill. When I had examined it I said, "General, it has been due
      for a long time; why have you not got it paid? The endorsers are no longer
      liable."&mdash;"France is bound to discharge debts of this kind;" said he;
      "send the paper to de Fermont: he will discount it for three per cent. You
      will not have in ready money more than about 9000 francs of rentes,
      because the Italian livre is not equal to the franc." I thanked him, and
      sent the bill to M. de Fermont. He replied that the claim was bad, and
      that the bill would not be liquidated because it did not come within the
      classifications made by the laws passed in the months the names of which
      terminated in 'aire, ose, al, and or'.
    </p>
    <p>
      I showed M. de Fermont's answer to the First Consul, who said, "Ah, bah!
      He understands nothing about it&mdash;he is wrong: write." He then
      dictated a letter, which promised very favourably for the discounting of
      the bill; but the answer was a fresh refusal. I said, "General, M. de
      Fermont does not attend to you any more than to myself." Bonaparte took
      the letter, read it, and said, in the tone of a man who knew beforehand
      what he was about to be informed of, "Well, what the devil would you have
      me do, since the laws are opposed to it? Persevere; follow the usual modes
      of liquidation, and something will come of it!" What finally happened was,
      that by a regular decree this bill was cancelled, torn, and deposited in
      the archives. These 300,000 livres formed part of the money which
      Bonaparte brought from Italy. If the bill was useless to me it was also
      useless to him. This scrap of paper merely proves that he brought more
      than 25,000 francs from Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      I never had, from the General-in-Chief of the army of Italy, nor from the
      General in-Chief of the army of Egypt, nor from the First Consul, for ten
      years, nor from the Consul for life, any fixed salary: I took from his
      drawer what was necessary for my expenses as well as his own. He never
      asked me for any account. After the transaction of the bill on the
      insolvent Cisalpine Republic he said to me, at the beginning of the winter
      of 1800, "Bourrienne, the weather is becoming very bad; I will go but
      seldom to Malmaison. Whilst I am at council get my papers and little
      articles from Malmaison; here is the key of my secretaire, take out
      everything that is there." I got into the carriage at two o'clock and
      returned at six. When he had dined I placed upon the table of his cabinet
      the various articles which I had found in his secretaire including 15,000
      francs (somewhere about L 600 of English money) in banknotes which were in
      the corner of a little drawer. When he looked at them he said, "Here is
      money&mdash;what is the meaning of this?" I replied, "I know nothing about
      it, except that it was in your secretaire."&mdash; "Oh yes; I had
      forgotten it. It was for my trifling expenses. Here, take it." I
      remembered well that one summer morning he had given me his key to bring
      him two notes of 1000 francs for some incidental expense, but I had no
      idea that he had not drawn further on his little treasure.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have stated the appropriation of the four millions and a half, the
      result of the extortion inflicted on the Senate of Hamburg, in the affair
      of Napper Tandy and Blackwell.
    </p>
    <p>
      The whole, however, was not disposed of in presents. A considerable
      portion was reserved for paying Josephine's debts, and this business
      appears to me to deserve some remarks.
    </p>
    <p>
      The estate of Malmaison had cost 160,000 francs. Josephine had purchased
      it of M. Lecouteulx while we were in Egypt. Many embellishments, and some
      new buildings, had been made there; and a park had been added, which had
      now become beautiful. All this could not be done for nothing, and besides,
      it was very necessary that what was due for the original purchase should
      be entirely discharged; and this considerable item was not the only debt
      of Josephine. The creditors murmured, which had a bad effect in Paris; and
      I confess I was so well convinced that the First Consul would be extremely
      displeased that I constantly delayed the moment of speaking to him on the
      subject. It was therefore with extreme satisfaction I learned that M. de
      Talleyrand had anticipated me. No person was more capable than himself of
      gilding the pill, as one may say, to Bonaparte. Endowed with as much
      independence of character as of mind, he did him the service, at the risk
      of offending him, to tell him that a great number of creditors expressed
      their discontent in bitter complaints respecting the debts contracted by
      Madame Bonaparte during his expedition to the East. Bonaparte felt that
      his situation required him promptly to remove the cause of such
      complaints. It was one night about half-past eleven o'clock that M.
      Talleyrand introduced this delicate subject. As soon he was gone I entered
      the little cabinet; Bonaparte said to me, "Bourrienne, Talleyrand has been
      speaking to me about the debts of my wife. I have the money from Hamburg&mdash;ask
      her the exact amount of her debts: let her confess all. I wish to finish,
      and not begin again. But do not pay without showing me the bills of those
      rascals: they are a gang of robbers."
    </p>
    <p>
      Hitherto the apprehension of an unpleasant scene, the very idea of which
      made Josephine tremble, had always prevented me from broaching this
      subject to the First Consul; but, well pleased that Talleyrand had first
      touched upon it, I resolved to do all in my power to put an end to the
      disagreeable affair.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next morning I saw Josephine. She was at first delighted with her
      husband's intentions; but this feeling did not last long. When I asked her
      for an exact account of what she owed she entreated me not to press it,
      but content myself with what she should confess. I said to her, "Madame, I
      cannot deceive you respecting the disposition of the First Consul. He
      believes that you owe a considerable sum, and is willing to discharge it.
      You will, I doubt not, have to endure some bitter reproaches, and a
      violent scene; but the scene will be just the same for the whole as for a
      part. If you conceal a large proportion of your debts at the end of some
      time murmurs will recommence, they will reach the ears of the First
      Consul, and his anger will display itself still more strikingly. Trust to
      me&mdash;state all; the result will be the same; you will hear but once
      the disagreeable things he will say to you; by reservations you will renew
      them incessantly." Josephine said, "I can never tell all; it is
      impossible. Do me the service to keep secret what I say to you. I owe, I
      believe, about 1,200,000 francs, but I wish to confess only 600,000; I
      will contract no more debts, and will pay the rest little by little out of
      my savings."&mdash;"Here, Madame, my first observations recur. As I do not
      believe he estimates your debts at so high a sum as 600,000 francs, I can
      warrant that you will not experience more displeasure for acknowledging to
      1,200,000 than to 600,000; and by going so far you will get rid of them
      for ever."&mdash;"I can never do it, Bourrienne; I know him; I can never
      support his violence." After a quarter of an hour's further discussion on
      the subject I was obliged to yield to her earnest solicitation, and
      promise to mention only the 600,000 francs to the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      The anger and ill-humour of Bonaparte may be imagined. He strongly
      suspected that his wife was dissembling in some respect; but he said,
      "Well, take 600,000 francs, but liquidate the debts for that sum, and let
      me hear nothing more on the subject. I authorise you to threaten these
      tradesmen with paying nothing if they do not reduce their enormous
      charges. They ought to be taught not to be so ready in giving credit."
      Madame Bonaparte gave me all her bills. The extent to which the articles
      had been overcharged, owing to the fear of not being paid for a long
      period, and of deductions being made from the amount, was inconceivable.
      It appeared to me, also, that there must be some exaggeration in the
      number of articles supplied. I observed in the milliner's bill
      thirty-eight new hats, of great price, in one month. There was likewise a
      charge of 1800 francs for heron plumes, and 800 francs for perfumes. I
      asked Josephine whether she wore out two hats in one day? She objected to
      this charge for the hats, which she merely called a mistake. The
      impositions which the saddler attempted, both in the extravagance of his
      prices and in charging for articles which he had not furnished, were
      astonishing. I need say nothing of the other tradesmen, it was the same
      system of plunder throughout.
    </p>
    <p>
      I availed myself fully of the First Consul's permission, and spared
      neither reproaches nor menaces. I am ashamed to say that the greater part
      of the tradesmen were contented with the half of what they demanded. One
      of them received 35,000 francs for a bill of 80,000; and he had the
      impudence to tell me that he made a good profit nevertheless. Finally, I
      was fortunate enough, after the most vehement disputes, to settle
      everything for 600,000 francs. Madame Bonaparte, however, soon fell again
      into the same excesses, but fortunately money became more plentiful. This
      inconceivable mania of spending money was almost the sole cause of her
      unhappiness. Her thoughtless profusion occasioned permanent disorder in
      her household until the period of Bonaparte's second marriage, when, I am
      informed, she became regular in her expenditure. I could not say so of her
      when she was Empress in 1804.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Notwithstanding her husband's wish, she could never bring her
   establishment into any order or rule. He wished that no tradesmen
   should ever reach her, but he was forced to yield on this point.
   The small inner rooms were filled with them, as with artists of all
   sorts. She had a mania for having herself painted, and gave her
   portraits to whoever wished for one, relations, 'femmes de chambre',
   even to tradesmen. They never ceased bringing her diamonds, jewels,
   shawls, materials for dresses, and trinkets of all kinds; she bought
   everything without ever asking the price; and generally forgot what
   she had purchased. . . All the morning she had on a shawl which
   she draped on her shoulders with a grace I have seen in no one else.
   Bonaparte, who thought her shawls covered her too much, tore them
   off, and sometimes threw them into the fire; then she sent for
   another (Rémusat, tome ii. pp. 343-345). After the divorce her
   income, large as it was, was insufficient, but the Emperor was more
   compassionate then, and when sending the Comte Mollien to settle her
   affairs gave him strict orders "not to make her weep" (Meneval,
   tome iii. p.237)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The amiable Josephine had not less ambition in little things than her
      husband had in great. She felt pleasure in acquiring and not in
      possessing. Who would suppose it? She grew tired of the beauty of the park
      of Malmaison, and was always asking me to take her out on the high road,
      either in the direction of Nanterre, or on that of Marly, in the midst of
      the dust occasioned by the passing of carriages. The noise of the high
      road appeared to her preferable to the calm silence of the beautiful
      avenues of the park, and in this respect Hortense had the same taste as
      her mother. This whimsical fancy astonished Bonaparte, and he was
      sometimes vexed at it. My intercourse with Josephine was delightful; for I
      never saw a woman who so constantly entered society with such an equable
      disposition, or with so much of the spirit of kindness, which is the first
      principle of amiability. She was so obligingly attentive as to cause a
      pretty suite of apartments to be prepared at Malmaison for me and my
      family.
    </p>
    <p>
      She pressed me earnestly, and with all her known grace, to accept it; but
      almost as much a captive at Paris as a prisoner of state, I wished to have
      to myself in the country the moments of liberty I was permitted to enjoy.
      Yet what was this liberty? I had bought a little house at Ruel, which I
      kept during two years and a half. When I saw my friends there, it had to
      be at midnight, or at five o'clock in the morning; and the First Consul
      would often send for me in the night when couriers arrived. It was for
      this sort of liberty I refused Josephine's kind offer. Bonaparte came once
      to see me in my retreat at Ruel, but Josephine and Hortense came often. It
      was a favourite walk with these ladies.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Paris I was less frequently absent from Bonaparte than at Malmaison. We
      sometimes in the evening walked together in the garden of the Tuileries
      after the gates were closed. In these evening walks he always wore a gray
      greatcoat, and a round hat. I was directed to answer, "The First Consul,"
      to the sentinel's challenge of, "Who goes there?" These promenades, which
      were of much benefit to Bonaparte, and me also, as a relaxation from our
      labours, resembled those which we had at Malmaison. As to our promenades
      in the city, they were often very amusing.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the period of our first inhabiting the Tuileries, when I saw Bonaparte
      enter the cabinet at eight o'clock in the evening in his gray coat, I knew
      he would say, "Bourrienne, come and take a turn." Sometimes, then, instead
      of going out by the garden arcade, we would take the little gate which
      leads from the court to the apartments of the Duc d'Angoulême. He would
      take my arm, and we would go to buy articles of trifling value in the
      shops of the Rue St. Honoré; but we did not extend our excursions farther
      than Rue de l'Arbre Sec. Whilst I made the shopkeeper exhibit before us
      the articles which I appeared anxious to buy he played his part in asking
      questions.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nothing was more amusing than to see him endeavouring to imitate the
      careless and jocular tone of the young men of fashion. How awkward was he
      in the attempt to put on dandy airs when pulling up the corners of his
      cravat he would say, "Well, Madame, is there anything new to-day? Citizen,
      what say they of Bonaparte? Your shop appears to be well supplied. You
      surely have a great deal of custom. What do people say of that buffoon,
      Bonaparte?" He was made quite happy one day when we were obliged to retire
      hastily from a shop to avoid the attacks drawn upon us by the irreverent
      tone in which Bonaparte spoke of the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0034" id="link2HCH0034">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIV.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   War and monuments&mdash;Influence of the recollections of Egypt&mdash;
   First improvements in Paris&mdash;Malmaison too little&mdash;St. Cloud taken
   &mdash;The Pont des Arts&mdash;Business prescribed for me by Bonaparte&mdash;
   Pecuniary remuneration&mdash;The First Consul's visit to the Pritanée&mdash;
   His examination of the pupils&mdash;Consular pensions&mdash;Tragical death of
   Miackzinski&mdash;Introduction of vaccination&mdash;Recall of the members of
   the Constituent Assembly&mdash;The "canary" volunteers&mdash;Tronchet and
   Target&mdash;Liberation of the Austrian prisoners&mdash;Longchamps and sacred
   music.
</pre>
    <p>
      The destruction of men and the construction of monuments were two things
      perfectly in unison in the mind of Bonaparte. It may be said that his
      passion for monuments almost equalled his passion for war;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Take pleasure, if you can, in reading your returns. The good
   condition of my armies is owing to my devoting to them one or two
   hours in every day. When the monthly returns of my armies and of my
   fleets, which form twenty thick volumes, are sent to me, I give up
   every other occupation in order to read them in detail and to
   observe the difference between one monthly return and another.
   No young girl enjoys her novel so much as I do these returns!
   (Napoleon to Joseph, 20th August 1806&mdash;Du Casse, tome iii.
   p. 145).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      but as in all things he disliked what was little and mean, so he liked
      vast constructions and great battles. The sight of the colossal ruins of
      the monuments of Egypt had not a little contributed to augment his natural
      taste for great structures. It was not so much the monuments themselves
      that he admired, but the historical recollections they perpetuate, the
      great names they consecrate, the important events they attest. What should
      he have cared for the column which we beheld on our arrival in Alexandria
      had it not been Pompey's pillar? It is for artists to admire or censure
      its proportions and ornaments, for men of learning to explain its
      inscriptions; but the name of Pompey renders it an object of interest to
      all.
    </p>
    <p>
      When endeavouring to sketch the character of Bonaparte, I ought to have
      noticed his taste for monuments, for without this characteristic trait
      something essential is wanting to the completion of the portrait. This
      taste, or, as it may more properly be called, this passion for monuments,
      exercised no small influence on his thoughts and projects of glory; yet it
      did not deter him from directing attention to public improvements of a
      less ostentatious kind. He wished for great monuments to perpetuate the
      recollection of his glory; but at the same time he knew how to appreciate
      all that was truly useful. He could very rarely be reproached for
      rejecting any plan without examination; and this examination was a speedy
      affair, for his natural tact enabled him immediately to see things in
      their proper light.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though most of the monuments and embellishments of Paris are executed from
      the plans of men of talent, yet some owe their origin to circumstances
      merely accidental. Of this I can mention an example.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was standing at the window of Bonaparte's' cabinet, which looked into
      the garden of the Tuileries. He had gone out, and I took advantage of his
      absence to arise from my chair, for I was tired of sitting. He had
      scarcely been gone a minute when he unexpectedly returned to ask me for a
      paper. "What are you doing there, Bourrienne? I'll wager anything you are
      admiring the ladies walking on the terrace."&mdash;"Why, I must confess I
      do sometimes amuse myself in that way," replied I; "but I assure you,
      General, I was now thinking of something else. I was looking at that
      villainous left bank of the Seine, which always annoys me with the gaps in
      its dirty quay, and the floodings which almost every winter prevent
      communication with the Faubourg St. Germain; and I was thinking I would
      speak to you on the subject." He approached the window, and, looking out,
      said, "You are right, it is very ugly; and very offensive to see dirty
      linen washed before our windows. Here, write immediately: 'The quay of the
      École de Natation is to be finished during next campaign.' Send that order
      to the Minister of the Interior." The quay was finished the year
      following.
    </p>
    <p>
      An instance of the enormous difference which frequently appears between
      the original estimates of architects and their subsequent accounts I may
      mention what occurred in relation to the Palace of St. Cloud. But I must
      first say a word about the manner in which Bonaparte originally refused
      and afterwards took possession of the Queen's pleasure-house. Malmaison
      was a suitable country residence for Bonaparte as long as he remained
      content with his town apartments in the little Luxembourg; but that
      Consular 'bagatelle' was too confined in comparison with the spacious
      apartments in the Tuileries. The inhabitants of St. Cloud, well-advised,
      addressed a petition to the Legislative Body, praying that their deserted
      chateau might be made the summer residence of the First Consul. The
      petition was referred to the Government; but Bonaparte, who was not yet
      Consul for life, proudly declared that so long as he was at the head of
      affairs, and, indeed, for a year afterwards, he would accept no national
      recompense. Sometime after we went to visit the palace of the 18th
      Brumaire. Bonaparte liked it exceedingly, but all was in a state of
      complete dilapidation. It bore evident marks of the Revolution. The First
      Consul did not wish, as yet, to burden the budget of the State with his
      personal expenses, and he was alarmed at the enormous sum required to
      render St. Cloud habitable. Flattery had not yet arrived at the degree of
      proficiency which it subsequently attained; but even then his flatterers
      boldly assured him he might take possession of St. Cloud for 25,000
      francs. I told the First Consul that considering the ruinous state of the
      place, I could to say that the expense would amount to more than 1,200,000
      francs. Bonaparte determined to have a regular estimate of the expense,
      and it amounted to nearly 3,000,000. He thought it a great sum; but as he
      had resolved to make St. Cloud his residence he gave orders for commencing
      the repairs, the expense of which, independently of the furniture,
      amounted to 6,000,000. So much for the 3,000,000 of the architect and the
      25,000 francs of the flatterers.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the First Consul contemplated the building of the Pont des Arts we
      had a long conversation on the subject. I observed that it would be much
      better to build the bridge of stone. "The first object of monuments of
      this kind," said I, "is public utility. They require solidity of
      appearance, and their principal merit is duration. I cannot conceive,
      General, why, in a country where there is abundance of fine stone of every
      quality, the use of iron should be preferred."&mdash;"Write," said
      Bonaparte, "to Fontaine and Percier, the architects, and ask what they
      think of it." I wrote and they stated in their answer that "bridges were
      intended for public utility and the embellishment of cities. The projected
      bridge between the Louvre and the Quatre-Nations would unquestionably
      fulfil the first of these objects, as was proved by the great number of
      persons who daily crossed the Seine at that point in boats; that the site
      fixed upon between the Pont Neuf and the Tuileries appeared to be the best
      that could be chosen for the purpose; and that on the score of ornament
      Paris would gain little by the construction of an iron bridge, which would
      be very narrow, and which, from its light form, would not correspond with
      the grandeur of the two bridges between which it would be placed."
    </p>
    <p>
      When we had received the answer of MM. Percier and Fontaine, we again had
      a conversation on the subject of the bridge. I told the First Consul that
      I perfectly concurred in the opinion of MM. Fontaine and Percier; however,
      he would have his own way, and thus was authorised the construction of the
      toy which formed a communication between the Louvre and the Institute. But
      no sooner was the Pont des Arts finished than Bonaparte pronounced it to
      be mean and out of keeping with the other bridges above and below it. One
      day when visiting the Louvre he stopped at one of the windows looking
      towards the Pont des Arts and said, "There is no solidity, no grandeur
      about that bridge. In England, where stone is scarce, it is very natural
      that iron should be used for arches of large dimensions. But the case is
      different in France, where the requisite material is abundant."
    </p>
    <p>
      The infernal machine of the 3d Nivôse, of which I shall presently speak
      more at length, was the signal for vast changes in the quarter of the
      Tuileries. That horrible attempt was at least so far attended by happy
      results that it contributed to the embellishment of Paris. It was thought
      more advisable for the Government to buy and pull down the houses which
      had been injured by the machine than to let them be put under repair. As
      an example of Bonaparte's grand schemes in building I may mention that,
      being one day at the Louvre, he pointed towards St. Germain l'Auxerrois
      and said to me, "That is where I will build an imperial street. It shall
      run from here to the Barrière du Trône. It shall be a hundred feet broad,
      and have arcades and plantations. This street shall be the finest in the
      world."
    </p>
    <p>
      The palace of the King of Rome, which was to face the Pont de Jena and the
      Champ de Mars, would have been in some measure isolated from Paris, with
      which, however, it was to be connected by a line of palaces. These were to
      extend along the quay, and were destined as splendid residences for the
      Ambassadors of foreign sovereigns, at least as long as there should be any
      sovereigns in Europe except Napoleon. The Temple of Glory, too, which was
      to occupy the site of the Church of la Madeleine, was never finished. If
      the plan of this monument proved the necessity, which Bonaparte felt of
      constantly holding out stimulants to his soldiers, its relinquishment was
      at least a proof of his wisdom. He who had reestablished religious worship
      in France, and had restored to its destination the church of the
      Invalides, which was for a time metamorphosed into the Temple of Mars,
      foresaw that a Temple of Glory would give birth to a sort of paganism
      incompatible with the ideas of the age.
    </p>
    <p>
      The recollection of the magnificent Necropolis of Cairo frequently
      recurred to Bonaparte's mind. He had admired that city of the dead, which
      he had partly contributed to people; and his design was to make, at the
      four cardinal points of Paris, four vast cemeteries on the plan of that at
      Cairo.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte determined that all the new streets of Paris should be 40 feet
      wide, and be provided with foot-pavements; in short, he thought nothing
      too grand for the embellishment of the capital of a country which he
      wished to make the first in the world. Next to war, he regarded the
      embellishment of Paris as the source of his glory; and he never considered
      a victory fully achieved until he had raised a monument to transmit its
      memory to posterity. He, wanted glory, uninterrupted glory, for France as
      well as for himself. How often, when talking over his schemes, has he not
      said, "Bourrienne, it is for France I am doing all this! All I wish, all I
      desire, the end of all my labours is, that my name should be indissolubly
      connected with that of France!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Paris is not the only city, nor is France the only kingdom, which bears
      traces of Napoleon's passion for great and useful monuments. In Belgium,
      in Holland, in Piedmont, in all Italy, he executed great improvements. At
      Turin a splendid bridge was built over the Po, in lieu of an old bridge
      which was falling in ruins.
    </p>
    <p>
      How many things were undertaken and executed in Napoleon's short and
      eventful reign! To obviate the difficulty of communication between Metz
      and Mayence a magnificent road was made, as if by magic, across
      impracticable marshes and vast forests. Mountains were cut through and
      ravines filled up. He would not allow nature more than man to resist him.
      One day when he was proceeding to Belgium by the way of Givet, he was
      detained for a short time at Little Givet, on the right bank of the Meuse,
      in consequence of an accident which happened to the ferry-boat. He was
      within a gunshot of the fortress of Charlemont, on the left bank, and in
      the vexation which the delay occasioned he dictated the following decree:
      "A bridge shall be built over the Meuse to join Little Givet to Great
      Givet. It shall be terminated during the ensuing campaign." It was
      completed within the prescribed time. In the great work of bridges and
      highways Bonaparte's chief object was to remove the obstacles and barriers
      which nature had raised up as the limits of old France so as to form a
      junction with the provinces which he successively annexed to the Empire.
      Thus in Savoy a road, smooth as a garden-walk, superseded the dangerous
      ascents and descents of the wood of Bramant; thus was the passage of Mont
      Cenis a pleasant promenade at almost every season of the year; thus did
      the Simplon bow his head, and Bonaparte might have said, "There are now my
      Alps," with more reason than Louis XIV. said, "There are now no Pyrenees."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Metternich (tome iv. p. 187) says on this subject, 'If you look
   closely at the course of human affairs you will make strange
   discoveries. For instance, that the Simplon Pass has contributed as
   surely to Napoleon's immortality as the numerous works done in the
   reign of the Emperor Francis will fail to add to his.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Such was the implicit confidence which Bonaparte reposed in me that I was
      often alarmed at the responsibility it obliged me to incur.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Of this confidence the following instructions for me, which he
   dictated to Duroc, afford sufficient proof:&mdash;

   "1st. Citizen Bourrienne shall open all the letters addressed to
   the First Consul, Vol, and present them to him three times a day, or
   oftener in case of urgent business. The letters shall be deposited
   in the cabinet when they are opened. Bourrienne is to analyse all
   those which are of secondary interest, and write the First Consul's
   decision on each letter. The hours for presenting the letters shall
   be, first, when the Consul rises; second, a quarter of an hour
   before dinner; and third, at eleven at night.

   "2d. He is to have the superintendence of the Topographical office,
   and of an office of Translation, in which there shall be a German
   and an English clerk. Every day he shall present to the First
   Consul, at the hours above mentioned the German and English
   journals, together with a translation. With respect to the Italian
   journals, it will only be necessary to mark what the First Consul is
   to read.

   "3d. He shall keep a register of appointments to offices under
   Government; a second, for appointments to judicial posts; a third
   for appointments to places abroad; and a fourth, for the situations
   of receivers and great financial posts, where he is to inscribe the
   names of all the individuals whom the First Consul may refer to him.
   These registers must be written by his own hand, and must be kept
   entirely private.

   "4th. Secret correspondence, and the different reports of
   surveillance, are to be addressed directly to Bourrienne, and
   transmitted by him to the hand of the First Consul, by whom they
   will be returned without the intervention of any third party.

   "6th. There shall be a register for all that relates to secret
   extraordinary expenditure. Bourrienne shall write the whole with
   his own hand, in order that the business may be kept from the
   knowledge of any one.

   "7th. He shall despatch all the business which may be referred to
   him, either from Citizen Duroc, or from the cabinet of the First
   Consul, taking care to arrange everything so as to secure secrecy.

                  "(Signed) "BONAPARTE, First Consul.

   "Paris, 13th Germinal, year VIII.
   "(3d. April 1800.)"]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Official business was not the only labour that devolved upon me. I had to
      write to the dictation of the First Consul during a great part of the day,
      or to decipher his writing, which was always the most laborious part of my
      duty. I was so closely employed that I scarcely ever went out; and when by
      chance I dined in town, I could not arrive until the very moment of
      dinner, and I was obliged to run away immediately after it. Once a month,
      at most, I went without Bonaparte to the Comédie Française, but I was
      obliged to return at nine o'clock, that being the hour at which we resumed
      business. Corvisart, with whom I was intimately acquainted, constantly
      expressed his apprehensions about my health; but my zeal carried me
      through every difficulty, and during our stay at the Tuileries I cannot
      express how happy I was in enjoying the unreserved confidence of the man
      on whom the eyes of all Europe were filed. So perfect was this confidence
      that Bonaparte, neither as General, Consul, nor Emperor, ever gave me any
      fixed salary. In money matters we were still comrades: I took from his
      funds what was necessary to defray my expenses, and of this Bonaparte
      never once asked me for any account.
    </p>
    <p>
      He often mentioned his wish to regenerate public education, which he
      thought was ill managed. The central schools did not please him; but he
      could not withhold his admiration from the Polytechnic School, the finest
      establishment of education that was ever founded, but which he afterwards
      spoiled by giving it a military organisation. In only one college of Paris
      the old system of study was preserved: this was the Louis-le-Grand, which
      had received the name of Pritanée. The First Consul directed the Minister
      of the Interior to draw up a report on that establishment; and he himself
      went to pay an unexpected visit to the Pritanée, accompanied by M. Lebrun
      and Duroc. He remained there upwards of an hour, and in the evening he
      spoke to me with much interest on the subject of his visit. "Do you know,
      Bourrienne," said he, "that I have been performing the duties of
      professor?"&mdash;"You, General!"&mdash;"Yes! and I did not acquit myself
      badly. I examined the pupils in the mathematical class; and I recollected
      enough of my Bezout to make some demonstrations before them. I went
      everywhere, into the bedrooms and the dining-room. I tasted the soup,
      which is better than we used to have at Brienne. I must devote serious
      attention to public education and the management of the colleges. The
      pupils must have a uniform. I observed some well and others ill dressed.
      That will not do. At college, above all places, there should be equality.
      But I was much pleased with the pupils of the Pritanée. I wish to know the
      names of those I examined, and I have desired Duroc to report them to me.
      I will give them rewards; that stimulates young people. I will provide for
      some of them."
    </p>
    <p>
      On this subject Bonaparte did not confine himself to an empty scheme.
      After consulting with the headmaster of the Pritanée, he granted pensions
      of 200 francs to seven or eight of the most distinguished pupils of the
      establishment, and he placed three of them in the department of Foreign
      Affairs, under the title of diplomatic pupils.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This institution of diplomatic pupils was originally suggested by
   M. de Talleyrand.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      What I have just said respecting the First Consul's visit to the Pritanée
      reminds me of a very extraordinary circumstance which arose out of it.
      Among the pupils at the Pritanée there was a son of General Miackzinski,
      who died fighting under the banners of the Republic. Young Miackzinski was
      then sixteen or seventeen years of age. He soon quitted the college,
      entered the army as a volunteer, and was one of a corps reviewed by
      Bonaparte, in the plain of Sablons. He was pointed out to the First
      Consul, who said to him, "I knew your father. Follow his example, and in
      six months you shall be an officer." Six months elapsed, and Miackzinski
      wrote to the First Consul, reminding him of his promise. No answer was
      returned, and the young man then wrote a second letter as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   You desired me to prove myself worthy of my father; I have done so.
   You promised that I should be an officer in six months; seven have
   elapsed since that promise was made. When you receive this letter I
   shall be no more. I cannot live under a Government the head of
   which breaks his word.
</pre>
    <p>
      Poor Miackzinski kept his word but too faithfully. After writing the above
      letter to the First Consul he retired to his chamber and blew out his
      brains with a pistol. A few days after this tragical event Miackzinski's
      commission was transmitted to his corps, for Bonaparte had not forgotten
      him. A delay in the War Office had caused the death of this promising
      young man. Bonaparte was much affected at the circumstance, and he said to
      me, "These Poles have such refined notions of honour.... Poor Sulkowski, I
      am sure, would have done the same."
    </p>
    <p>
      At the commencement of the Consulate it was gratifying to see how actively
      Bonaparte was seconded in the execution of plans for the social
      regeneration of France; all seemed animated with new life, and every one
      strove to do good as if it were a matter of competition.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every circumstance concurred to favour the good intentions of the First
      Consul. Vaccination, which, perhaps, has saved as many lives as war has
      sacrificed, was introduced into France by M. d'Liancourt; and Bonaparte,
      immediately appreciating the value of such a discovery, gave it his
      decided approbation. At the same time a council of Prizes was established,
      and the old members of the Constituent Assembly were invited to return to
      France. It was for their sake and that of the Royalists that the First
      Consul recalled them, but it was to please the Jacobins, whom he was
      endeavouring to conciliate, that their return was subject to restrictions.
      At first the invitation to return to France extended only to those who
      could prove that they had voted in favour of the abolition of nobility.
      The lists of emigrants were closed, and committees were appointed to
      investigate their claims to the privilege of returning.
    </p>
    <p>
      From the commencement of the month of Germinal the reorganisation of the
      army of Italy had proceeded with renewed activity. The presence in Paris
      of the fine corps of the Consular Guard, added to the desire of showing
      themselves off in gay uniforms, had stimulated the military ardour of many
      respectable young men of the capital. Taking advantage of this
      circumstance the First Consul created a corps of volunteers destined for
      the army of reserve, which was to remain at Dijon. He saw the advantage of
      connecting a great number of families with his cause, and imbuing them
      with the spirit of the army. This volunteer corps wore a yellow uniform
      which, in some of the salons of Paris where it was still the custom to
      ridicule everything, obtained for them the nickname of "canaries."
      Bonaparte, who did not always relish a joke, took this in very ill part,
      and often expressed to me his vexation at it. However, he was gratified to
      observe in the composition of this corps a first specimen of privileged
      soldiers; an idea which he acted upon when he created the orderly
      gendarmes in the campaign of Jena, and when he organised the guards of
      honour after the disasters of Moscow.
    </p>
    <p>
      In every action of his life Bonaparte had some particular object in view.
      I recollect his saying to me one day, "Bourrienne, I cannot yet venture to
      do anything against the regicides; but I will let them see what I think of
      them. To-morrow I shall have some business with Abrial respecting the
      organisation of the court of Cassation. Target, who is the president of
      that court, would not defend Louis XVI. Well, whom do you think I mean to
      appoint in his place? . . . Tronchet, who did defend the king. They may
      say what they please; I care not."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[On this, as on many other occasions, the cynicism of Bonaparte's
   language does not admit of a literal translation.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Tronchet was appointed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nearly about the same time the First Consul, being informed of the escape
      of General Mack, said to me, "Mack may go where he pleases; I am not
      afraid of him. But I will tell you what I have been thinking. There are
      some other Austrian officers who were prisoners with Mack; among the
      number is a Count Dietrichstein, who belongs to a great family in Vienna.
      I will liberate them all. At the moment of opening a campaign this will
      have a good effect. They will see that I fear nothing; and who knows but
      this may procure me some admirers in Austria." The order for liberating
      the Austrian prisoners was immediately despatched. Thus Bonaparte's acts
      of generosity, as well as his acts of severity and his choice of
      individuals, were all the result of deep calculation.
    </p>
    <p>
      This unvarying attention to the affairs of the Government was manifest in
      all he did. I have already mentioned the almost simultaneous suppression
      of the horrible commemoration of the month of January, and the permission
      for the revival of the opera balls. A measure something similar to this
      was the authorisation of the festivals of Longchamps, which had been
      forgotten since the Revolution. He at the same time gave permission for
      sacred music to be performed at the opera. Thus, while in public acts he
      maintained the observance of the Republican calendar, he was gradually
      reviving the old calendar by seasons of festivity. Shrove-Tuesday was
      marked by a ball, and Passion-week by promenades and concerts.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0035" id="link2HCH0035">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXV
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Memorial of St. Helena&mdash;Louis XVIII.'s first letter to Bonaparte
   &mdash;Josephine, Hortense, and the Faubourg St. Germain&mdash;
   Madame Bonaparte and the fortune-teller&mdash;Louis XVIII's second letter
   &mdash;Bonaparte's answer&mdash;Conversation respecting the recall of Louis
   XVIII.&mdash;Peace and war&mdash;A battle fought with pins&mdash;Genoa and Melas&mdash;
   Realisation of Bonaparte's military plans&mdash;Ironical letter to
   Berthier&mdash;Departure from Paris&mdash;Instructions to Lucien and
   Cambacérès&mdash;Joseph Bonaparte appointed Councillor of State&mdash;
   Travelling conversation&mdash;Alexander and Caesar judged by Bonaparte.
</pre>
    <p>
      It sometimes happens that an event which passes away unnoticed at the time
      of its occurrence acquires importance from events which subsequently
      ensue. This reflection naturally occurs to my mind now that I am about to
      notice the correspondence which passed between Louis XVIII. and the First
      Consul. This is certainly not one of the least interesting passages in the
      life of Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      But I must first beg leave to make an observation on the 'Memorial of St.
      Helena.' That publication relates what Bonaparte said respecting the
      negotiations between Louis XVIII. and himself; and I find it necessary to
      quote a few lines on the subject, in order to show how far the statements
      contained in the Memorial differ from the autograph letters in my
      possession.
    </p>
    <p>
      At St. Helena Napoleon said that he never thought of the princes of the
      House of Bourbon. This is true to a certain point. He did not think of the
      princes of the House of Bourbon with the view of restoring them to their
      throne; but it has been shown, in several parts of these Memoirs, that he
      thought of them very often, and on more than one occasion their very names
      alarmed him.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Memorial states that "A letter was delivered to the First
   Consul by Lebrun who received it from the Abbé de Montesquieu, the
   secret agent of the Bourbons in Paris." This letter which was very
   cautiously written, said:&mdash;

   "You are long delaying the restoration of my throne. It is to be
   feared you are suffering favourable moments to escape. You cannot
   secure the happiness of France without me, and I can do nothing for
   France without you. Hasten, then, to name the offices which you
   would choose for your friends."

   The answer, Napoleon said, was as follows:&mdash;

   "I have received your royal highness' letter. I have always taken a
   lively interest in your misfortunes, and those of your family. You
   must not think of appearing in France; you could only return here by
   trampling over a hundred thousand dead bodies. I shall always be
   happy to do anything that can alleviate your fate and help to banish
   the recollection of your misfortunes."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The substance of the two letters given in the 'Memorial of St. Helena' is
      correct. The ideas are nearly the same as those of the original letters.
      But it is not surprising that, after the lapse of so long an interval,
      Napoleon's memory should somewhat have failed him. However, it will not, I
      presume, be deemed unimportant if I present to the reader literal copies
      of this correspondence; together with the explanation of some curious
      circumstances connected with it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is Louis XVIII's letter:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                       February 20,1800.

   SIR&mdash;Whatever may be their apparent conduct, men like you never
   inspire alarm. You have accepted an eminent station, and I thank
   you for having done so. You know better than any one how much
   strength and power are requisite to secure the happiness of a great
   nation. Save France from her own violence, and you will fulfil the
   first wish of my heart. Restore her King to her, and future
   generations will bless your memory. You will always be too
   necessary to the State for me ever to be able to discharge, by
   important appointments, the debt of my family and myself.

                       (Signed) Louis.
</pre>
    <p>
      The First Consul was much agitated on the reception of this letter. Though
      he every day declared his determination to have nothing to do with the
      Princes, yet he hesitated whether or no he should reply to this overture.
      The numerous affairs which then occupied his mind favoured this
      hesitation. Josephine and Hortense conjured him to hold out hope to the
      King, as by so doing he would in no way pledge himself, and would gain
      time to ascertain whether he could not ultimately play a far greater part
      than that of Monk. Their entreaties became so urgent that he said to me,
      "These devils of women are mad! The Faubourg St. Germain has turned their
      heads! They make the Faubourg the guardian angel of the royalists; but I
      care not; I will have nothing to do with them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Bonaparte said she was anxious he should adopt the step she
      proposed in order to banish from his mind all thought of making himself
      King. This idea always gave rise to a painful foreboding which she could
      never overcome.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the First Consul's numerous conversations with me he discussed with
      admirable sagacity Louis XVIII.'s proposition and its consequences. "The
      partisans of the Bourbons," said he, "are deceived if they suppose I am
      the man to play Monk's part." Here the matter rested, and the King's
      letter remained on the table. In the interim Louis XVIII. wrote a second
      letter, without any date. It was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   You must have long since been convinced, General, that you possess
   my esteem. If you doubt my gratitude, fix your reward and mark out
   the fortune of your friends. As to my principles, I am a Frenchman,
   merciful by character, and also by the dictates of reason.

   No, the victor of Lodi, Castiglione, and Arcola, the conqueror of
   Italy and Egypt, cannot prefer vain celebrity to real glory. But
   you are losing precious time. We may ensure the glory of France.

   I say we, because I require the aid of Bonaparte, and he can do
   nothing without me.

   General, Europe observes you. Glory awaits you, and I am impatient
   to restore peace to my people.
                    (Signed) LOUIS.
</pre>
    <p>
      This dignified letter the First Consul suffered to remain unanswered for
      several weeks; at length he proposed to dictate an answer to me. I
      observed, that as the King's letters were autographs, it would be more
      proper that he should write himself. He then wrote with his own hand the
      following:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Sir&mdash;I have received your letter, and I thank you for the
   compliments you address to me.

   You must not seek to return to France. To do so you must trample
   over a hundred thousand dead bodies.

   Sacrifice your interest to the repose and happiness of France, and
   history will render you justice.

   I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family. I shall
   learn with pleasure, and shall willingly contribute to ensure, the
   tranquillity of your retirement.
                    (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      He showed me this letter, saying, "What do you think of it? is it not
      good?" He was never offended when I pointed out to him an error of grammar
      or style, and I therefore replied, "As to the substance, if such be your
      resolution, I have nothing to say against it; but," added I, "I must make
      one observation on the style. You cannot say that you shall learn with
      pleasure to ensure, etc." On reading the passage over again he thought he
      had pledged himself too far in saying that he would willingly contribute,
      etc. He therefore scored out the last sentence, and interlined, "I shall
      contribute with pleasure to the happiness and tranquillity of your
      retirement."
    </p>
    <p>
      The answer thus scored and interlined could not be sent off, and it lay on
      the table with Bonaparte's signature affixed to it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after he wrote another answer, the three first paragraphs of
      which were exactly alike that first quoted; but for the last paragraph he
      substituted the following:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family; and I shall
   learn with pleasure that you are surrounded with all that can
   contribute to the tranquillity of your retirement."
</pre>
    <p>
      By this means he did not pledge himself in any way, not even in words, for
      he himself made no offer of contributing to the tranquillity of the
      retirement. Every day which augmented his power and consolidated his
      position diminished, he thought, the chances of the Bourbons; and seven
      months were suffered to intervene between the date of the King's first
      letter and the answer of the First Consul, which was written on the 2d
      Vendemiaire, year IX. (24th September 1800) just when the Congress of
      Luneville was on the point of opening.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some days after the receipt of Louis XVIII.'s letter we were walking in
      the gardens of Malmaison; he was in good humour, for everything was going
      on to his mind. "Has my wife been saying anything more to you about the
      Bourbons?" said he.&mdash;"No, General."&mdash;"But when you converse with
      her you concur a little in her opinions. Tell me why you wish the Bourbons
      back? You have no interest in their return, nothing to expect from them.
      Your family rank is not high enough to enable you to obtain any great
      post. You would be nothing under them. Through the patronage of M. de
      Chambonas you got the appointment of Secretary of Legation at Stuttgart;
      but had it not been for the change you would have remained all your life
      in that or some inferior post. Did you ever know men rise by their own
      merit under kings? Everything depends on birth, connection, fortune, and
      intrigue. Judge things more accurately; reflect more maturely on the
      future."&mdash;"General," replied I, "I am quite of your opinion on one
      point. I never received gift, place, or favour from the Bourbons; and I
      have not the vanity to believe that I should ever have attained any
      important Appointment. But you must not forget that my nomination as
      Secretary of Legation at Stuttgart preceded the overthrow of the throne
      only by a few days; and I cannot infer, from what took place under
      circumstances unfortunately too certain, what might have happened in the
      reverse case. Besides, I am not actuated by personal feelings; I consider
      not my own interests, but those of France. I wish you to hold the reins of
      government as long as you live; but you have no children, and it is
      tolerably certain that you will have none by Josephine. What will become
      of us when you are gone? You talk of the future; but what will be the
      future fate of France? I have often heard you say that your brothers are
      not&mdash;"&mdash;"You are right," said he, abruptly interrupting me. "If
      I do not live thirty years to complete my work you will have a long series
      of civil wars after my death. My brothers will not suit France; you know
      what they are. A violent conflict will therefore arise among the most
      distinguished generals, each of whom will think himself entitled to
      succeed me."&mdash;"Well, General, why not take means to obviate the
      mischief you foresee?"&mdash;"Do you imagine I do not think of it? But
      look at the difficulties that stand in my way. How are so many acquired
      rights and material results to be secured against the efforts of a family
      restored to power, and returning with 80,000 emigrants and the influence
      of fanaticism? What would become of those who voted for the death of the
      King&mdash;the men who acted a conspicuous part in the Revolution&mdash;the
      national domains, and a multitude of things that have been done during
      twelve years? Can you see how far reaction would extend?"&mdash;"General,
      need I remind you that Louis, in his letter, guarantees the contrary of
      all you apprehend? I know what will be your answer; but are you not able
      to impose whatever conditions you may think fit? Grant what is asked of
      you only at that price. Take three or four years; in that time you may
      ensure the happiness of France by institutions conformable to her wants.
      Custom and habit would give them a power which it would not be easy to
      destroy; and even supposing such a design were entertained, it could not
      be accomplished. I have heard you say it is wished you should act the part
      of Monk; but you well know the difference between a general opposing the
      usurper of a crown, and one whom victory and peace have raised above the
      ruins of a subverted throne, and who restores it voluntarily to those who
      have long occupied it. You are well aware what you call ideology will not
      again be revived; and&mdash;"&mdash;"I know what you are going to say; but
      it all amounts to nothing. Depend upon it, the Bourbons will think they
      have reconquered their inheritance, and will dispose of it as they please.
      The most sacred pledges, the most positive promises, will be violated.
      None but fools will trust them. My resolution is formed; therefore let us
      say no more on the subject. But I know how these women torment you. Let
      them mind their knitting, and leave me to do what I think right."
    </p>
    <p>
      Every one knows the adage, 'Si vis pacem para bellum'. Had Bonaparte been
      a Latin scholar he would probably have reversed it and said, 'Si vis
      bellum para pacem'. While seeking to establish pacific relations with the
      powers of Europe the First Consul was preparing to strike a great blow in
      Italy. As long as Genoa held out, and Massena continued there, Bonaparte
      did not despair of meeting the Austrians in those fields which not four
      years before had been the scenes of his success. He resolved to assemble
      an army of reserve at Dijon. Where there was previously nothing he created
      everything. At that period of his life the fertility of his imagination
      and the vigour of his genius must have commanded the admiration of even
      his bitterest enemies. I was astonished at the details into which he
      entered. While every moment was engrossed by the most important
      occupations he sent 24,000 francs to the hospital of Mont St. Bernard.
      When he saw that his army of reserve was forming, and everything was going
      on to his liking, he said to me, "I hope to fall on the rear of Melas
      before he is aware I am in Italy . . . that is to say, provided Genoa
      holds out. But MASSENA is defending it."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th of March, in a moment of gaiety and good humour, he desired me
      to unroll Chauchard's great map of Italy. He lay down upon it, and desired
      me to do likewise. He then stuck into it pins, the heads of which were
      tipped with wax, some red and some black. I silently observed him; and
      awaited with no little curiosity the result of this plan of campaign. When
      he had stationed the enemy's corps, and drawn up the pins with red heads
      on the points where he hoped to bring his own troops, he said to me,
      "Where do you think I shall beat Melas?"&mdash;"How the devil should I
      know?"&mdash;"Why, look here, you fool! Melas is at Alessandria with his
      headquarters. There he will remain until Genoa surrenders. He has in
      Alessandria his magazines, his hospitals, his artillery, and his reserves.
      Crossing the Alps here (pointing to the Great Mont St. Bernard) I shall
      fall upon Melas, cut off his communications with Austria, and meet him
      here in the plains of Scrivia" (placing a red pin at San Giuliano).
      Finding that I looked on this manoeuvre of pins as mere pastime, he
      addressed to me some of his usual compliments, such as fool, ninny, etc.,
      and then proceeded to demonstrate his plans more clearly on the map. At
      the expiration of a quarter of an hour we rose; I folded up the map, and
      thought no more of the matter.
    </p>
    <p>
      Four months after this, when I was at San Giuliano with Bonaparte's
      portfolio and despatches, which I had saved from the rout which had taken
      place during the day, and when that very evening I was writing at Torre di
      Galifolo the bulletin of the battle to Napoleon's dictation, I frankly
      avowed my admiration of his military plans. He himself smiled at the
      accuracy of his own foresight.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul was not satisfied with General Berthier as War Minister,
      and he superseded him by Carnot,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[There were special reasons for the appointment of Carnot,
   Berthier was required with his master in Italy, while Carnot, who
   had so long ruled the armies of the Republic, was better fitted to
   influence Moreau, at this time advancing into Germany. Carnot
   probably fulfilled the main object of his appointment when he was
   sent to Moreau, and succeeded in getting that general, with natural
   reluctance, to damage his own campaign by detaching a large body of
   troops into Italy. Berthier was reappointed to the Ministry on the
   8th of October 1800,&mdash;a very speedy return if he had really been
   disgraced.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      who had given great proofs of firmness and integrity, but who,
      nevertheless, was no favourite of Bonaparte, on account of his decided
      republican principles. Berthier was too slow in carrying out the measures
      ordered, [duplicated line removed here D.W.] and too lenient in the
      payment of past charges and in new contracts. Carnot's appointment took
      place on the 2d of April 1800; and to console Berthier, who, he knew, was
      more at home in the camp than in the office, he dictated to me the
      following letter for him:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
                  PARIS, 2d April 1800.

   CITIZEN-GENERAL,&mdash;The military talents of which you have given so
   many proofs, and the confidence of the Government, call you to the
   command of an army. During the winter you have REORGANISED the War
   Department, and you have provided, as far as circumstances would
   permit, for the wants of our armies. During the spring and summer
   it must be your task to lead our troops to victory, which is the
   effectual means of obtaining peace and consolidating the Republic.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte laughed heartily while he dictated this epistle, especially when
      he uttered the word which I have marked in italics [CAPS]. Berthier set
      out for Dijon, where he commenced the formation of the army of reserve.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Consular Constitution did not empower the First Consul to command an
      army out of the territory of France. Bonaparte therefore wished to keep
      secret his long-projected plan of placing himself at the head of the army
      of Italy, which he then for the first time called the grand army. I
      observed that by his choice of Berthier nobody could be deceived, because
      it must be evident that he would have made another selection had he not
      intended to command in person. He laughed at my observation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our departure from Paris was fixed for the 6th of May, or, according to
      the republican calendar, the 16th Floréal. Bonaparte had made all his
      arrangements and issued all his orders; but still he did not wish it to be
      known that he was going to take the command of the army. On the eve of our
      departure, being in conference with the two other Consuls and the
      Ministers, he said to Lucien, "Prepare, to-morrow morning, a circular to
      the prefects, and you, Fouché, will publish it in the journals. Say I am
      gone to Dijon to inspect the army of reserve. You may add that I shall
      perhaps go as far as Geneva; but you must affirm positively that I shall
      not be absent longer than a fortnight. You, Cambacérès, will preside
      to-morrow at the Council of State. In my absence you are the Head of the
      Government. State that my absence will be but of short duration, but
      specify nothing. Express my approbation of the Council of State; it has
      already rendered great services, and I shall be happy to see it continue
      in the course it has hitherto pursued. Oh! I had nearly forgotten&mdash;you
      will at the same time announce that I have appointed Joseph a Councillor
      of State. Should anything happen I shall be back again like a thunderbolt.
      I recommend to you all the great interests of France, and I trust that I
      shall shortly be talked of in Vienna and in London."
    </p>
    <p>
      We set out at two in the morning, taking the Burgundy road, which we had
      already so often travelled under very different circumstances.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the journey Bonaparte conversed about the warriors of antiquity,
      especially Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal. I asked him which he
      preferred, Alexander or Caesar. "I place Alexander in the first rank,"
      said he, "yet I admire Caesar's fine campaign in Africa. But the ground of
      my preference for the King of Macedonia is the plan, and above all the
      execution, of his campaign in Asia. Only those who are utterly ignorant of
      war can blame Alexander for having spent seven months at the siege of
      Tyre. For my part, I would have stayed there seven years had it been
      necessary. This is a great subject of dispute; but I look upon the siege
      of Tyre, the conquest of Egypt, and the journey to the Oasis of Ammon as a
      decided proof of the genius of that great captain. His object was to give
      the King of Persia (of whose force he had only beaten a feeble
      advance-guard at the Granicus and Issus) time to reassemble his troops, so
      that he might overthrow at a blow the colossus which he had as yet only
      shaken. By pursuing Darius into his states Alexander would have separated
      himself from his reinforcements, and would have met only scattered parties
      of troops who would have drawn him into deserts where his army would have
      been sacrificed. By persevering in the taking of Tyre he secured his
      communications with Greece, the country he loved as dearly as I love
      France, and in whose glory he placed his own. By taking possession of the
      rich province of Egypt he forced Darius to come to defend or deliver it,
      and in so doing to march half-way to meet him. By representing himself as
      the son of Jupiter he worked upon the ardent feelings of the Orientals in
      a way that powerfully seconded his designs. Though he died at thirty-three
      what a name he has left behind him!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Though an utter stranger to the noble profession of arms, yet I could
      admire Bonaparte's clever military plans and his shrewd remarks on the
      great captains of ancient and modern times. I could not refrain from
      saying, "General, you often reproach me for being no flatterer, but now I
      tell you plainly I admire you." And certainly, I really spoke the true
      sentiments of my mind.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      VOLUME II. &mdash; 1800-1803
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br /><br />
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER I.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's confidence in the army&mdash;'Ma belle' France&mdash;The convent
   of Bernadins&mdash;Passage of Mont St. Bernard&mdash;Arrival at the convent&mdash;
   Refreshments distributed to the soldiers&mdash;Mont Albaredo&mdash;Artillery
   dismounted&mdash;The fort of Bard&mdash;Fortunate temerity&mdash;Bonaparte and
   Melas&mdash;The spy&mdash;Bonaparte's opinion of M. Necker&mdash;Capitulation of
   Genoa&mdash;Intercepted despatch&mdash;Lannes at Montebello&mdash;Boudet succeeded
   by Desaix&mdash;Coolness of the First Consul to M. Collot&mdash;Conversation
   and recollections&mdash;The battle of Marengo&mdash;General Kellerman&mdash;Supper
   sent from the Convent del Bosco&mdash;Particulars respecting the death of
   Desaix&mdash;The Prince of Lichtenstein&mdash;Return to Milan&mdash;Savary and
   Rapp.
</pre>
    <p>
      It cannot be denied that if, from the 18th Brumaire to the epoch when
      Bonaparte began the campaign, innumerable improvements had been made in
      the internal affairs of France, foreign affairs could not be seen with the
      same satisfaction. Italy had been lost, and from the frontiers of Provence
      the Austrian camp fires were seen. Bonaparte was not ignorant of the
      difficulties of his position, and it was even on account of these very
      difficulties that, whatever might be the result of his hardy enterprise,
      he wished to escape from it as quickly as possible. He cherished no
      illusions, and often said all must be staked to gain all.
    </p>
    <p>
      The army which the First Consul was preparing to attack was numerous, well
      disciplined, and victorious.
    </p>
    <p>
      His, with the exception of a very small number of troops, was composed of
      conscripts; but these conscripts were commanded by officers whose ardour
      was unparalleled. Bonaparte's fortune was now to depend on the winning or
      losing of a battle. A battle lost would have dispelled all the dreams of
      his imagination, and with them would have vanished all his immense schemes
      for the future of France. He saw the danger, but was not intimidated by
      it; and trusting to his accustomed good fortune, and to the courage and
      fidelity of his troops, he said, "I have, it is true, many conscripts in
      my army, but they are Frenchmen. Four years ago did I not with a feeble
      army drive before me hordes of Sardinians and Austrians, and scour the
      face of Italy? We shall do so again. The sun which now shines on us is the
      same that shone at Arcola and Lodi. I rely on Massena. I hope he will hold
      out in Genoa. But should famine oblige him to surrender, I will retake
      Genoa in the plains of the Scrivia. With what pleasure shall I then return
      to my dear France! Ma belle France."
    </p>
    <p>
      At this moment, when a possible, nay, a probable chance, might for ever
      have blasted his ambitious hopes, he for the first time spoke of France as
      his. Considering the circumstances in which we then stood, this use of the
      possessive pronoun "my" describes more forcibly than anything that can be
      said the flashes of divination which crossed Bonaparte's brain when he was
      wrapped up in his chimerical ideas of glory and fortune.
    </p>
    <p>
      In this favourable disposition of mind the First Consul arrived at
      Martigny on the 20th of May. Martigny is a convent of Bernardins, situated
      in a valley where the rays of the sun scarcely ever penetrate. The army
      was in full march to the Great St. Bernard. In this gloomy solitude did
      Bonaparte wait three days, expecting the fort of Bard, situated beyond the
      mountain and covering the road to Yvree, to surrender. The town was
      carried on the 21st of May, and on the third day he learned that the fort
      still held out, and that there were no indications of its surrender. He
      launched into complaints against the commander of the siege, and said, "I
      am weary of staying in this convent; those fools will never take Bard; I
      must go myself and see what can be done. They cannot even settle so
      contemptible an affair without me!" He immediately gave orders for our
      departure.
    </p>
    <p>
      The grand idea of the invasion of Italy by crossing Mont St. Bernard
      emanated exclusively from the First Consul. This miraculous achievement
      justly excited the admiration of the world. The incredible difficulties it
      presented did not daunt the courage of Bonaparte's troops. His generals,
      accustomed as they had been to brave fatigue and danger, regarded without
      concern the gigantic enterprise of the modern Hannibal.
    </p>
    <p>
      A convent or hospice, which had been established on the mountain for the
      purpose of affording assistance to solitary travellers, sufficiently
      bespeaks the dangers of these stormy regions. But the St. Bernard was now
      to be crossed, not by solitary travellers, but by an army. Cavalry,
      baggage, limbers, and artillery were now to wend their way along those
      narrow paths where the goat-herd cautiously picks his footsteps. On the
      one hand masses of snow, suspended above our heads, every moment
      threatened to break in avalanches, and sweep us away in their descent. On
      the other, a false step was death. We all passed, men and horse, one by
      one, along the goat paths. The artillery was dismounted, and the guns, put
      into excavated trunks of trees, were drawn by ropes.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have already mentioned that the First Consul had transmitted funds to
      the hospice of the Great St. Bernard. The good fathers had procured from
      the two valleys a considerable supply of cheese, bread, and wine. Tables
      were laid out in front of the hospice, and each soldier as he defiled past
      took a glass of wine and a piece of bread and cheese, and then resigned
      his place to the next. The fathers served, and renewed the portions with
      admirable order and activity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul ascended the St. Bernard with that calm self-possession
      and that air of indifference for which he was always remarkable when he
      felt the necessity of setting an example and exposing himself to danger.
      He asked his guide many questions about the two valleys, inquired what
      were the resources of the inhabitants, and whether accidents were as
      frequent as they were said to be. The guide informed him that the
      experience of ages enabled the inhabitants to foresee good or bad weather,
      and that they were seldom deceived.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, who wore his gray greatcoat, and had his whip in his hand,
      appeared somewhat disappointed at not seeing any one come from the valley
      of Aorta to inform him of the taking of the fort of Bard. I never left him
      for a moment during the ascent. We encountered no personal danger, and
      escaped with no other inconvenience than excessive fatigue.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his arrival at the convent the First Consul visited the chapel and the
      three little libraries. He had time to read a few pages of an old book, of
      which I have forgotten the title.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our breakfast-dinner was very frugal. The little garden was still covered
      with snow, and I said to one of the fathers, "You can have but few
      vegetables here."&mdash;"We get our vegetables from the valleys," he
      replied; "but in the month of August, in warm seasons, we have a few
      lettuces of our own growing."
    </p>
    <p>
      When we reached the summit of the mountain we seated ourselves on the snow
      and slid down. Those who went first smoothed the way for those who came
      behind them. This rapid descent greatly amused us, and we were only
      stopped by the mud which succeeded the snow at the distance of five or six
      hundred toises down the declivity.
    </p>
    <p>
      We crossed, or rather climbed up, Mont Albaredo to avoid passing under the
      fort of Bard, which closes the valley of Aorta. As it was impossible to
      get the artillery up this mountain it was resolved to convey it through
      the town of Bard, which was not fortified. For this operation we made
      choice of night, and the wheels of the cannon and caissons, and even the
      horses' feet, being wrapped in straw, the whole passed quietly through the
      little town. They were, indeed, under the fire of the fort; however, it
      did not so completely command the street but that the houses would have
      protected them against any very fatal consequences. A great part of the
      army had passed before the surrender of the fort, which so completely
      commands the narrow valley leading to Aorta that it is difficult to
      comprehend the negligence of the Austrians in not throwing up more
      efficient works; by very simple precautions they might have rendered the
      passage of St. Bernard unavailing.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23d we came within sight of the fort of Bard, which commands the
      road bounded by the Doria Baltea on the right and Mont Albaredo on the
      left. The Doria Baltea is a small torrent which separates the town of Bard
      from the fort. Bonaparte, whose retinue was not very numerous, crossed the
      torrent. On arriving within gunshot of the fort he ordered us to quicken
      our pace to gain a little bridle-path on the left, leading to the summit
      of Mont Albaredo, and turning the town and fort of Bard.
    </p>
    <p>
      We ascended this path on foot with some difficulty. On reaching the summit
      of the mountain, which commands the fort, Bonaparte levelled his telescope
      on the grass, and stationing himself behind some bushes, which served at
      once to shelter and conceal him, he attentively reconnoitered the fort.
      After addressing several questions to the persons who had come to give him
      information, he mentioned, in a tone of dissatisfaction, the faults that
      had been committed, and ordered the erection of a new battery to attack a
      point which he marked out, and from whence, he guaranteed, the firing of a
      few shots would oblige the fort to surrender. Having given these orders he
      descended the mountain and went to sleep that night at Yvree. On the 3d of
      June he learned that the fort had surrendered the day before.
    </p>
    <p>
      The passage of Mont St. Bernard must occupy a great place in the annals of
      successful temerity. The boldness of the First Consul seemed, as it were,
      to have fascinated the enemy, and his enterprise was so unexpected that
      not a single Austrian corps defended the approaches of the fort of Bard.
      The country was entirely exposed, and we only encountered here and there a
      few feeble parties, who were incapable of checking our march upon Milan.
      Bonaparte's advance astonished and confounded the enemy, who thought of
      nothing but marching back the way he came, and renouncing the invasion of
      France. The bold genius which actuated Bonaparte did not inspire General
      Melas, the commander-in-chief of the Austrian forces. If Melas had had the
      firmness which ought to belong to the leader of an army&mdash;if he had
      compared the respective positions of the two parties&mdash;if he had
      considered that there was no longer time to regain his line of operations
      and recover his communication with the Hereditary States, that he was
      master of all the strong places in Italy, that he had nothing to fear from
      Massena, that Suchet could not resist him:&mdash;if, then, following
      Bonaparte's example, he had marched upon Lyons, what would have become of
      the First Consul? Melas would have found few obstacles, and almost
      everywhere open towns, while the French army would have been exhausted
      without having an enemy to fight. This is, doubtless, what Bonaparte would
      have done had he been Melas; but, fortunately for us, Melas was not
      Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      We arrived at Milan on the 2d of June, the day on which the First Consul
      heard that the fort of Bard was taken. But little resistance was opposed
      to our entrance to the capital of Lombardy, and the term "engagements" can
      scarcely be applied to a few affairs of advance posts, in which success
      could not be for a moment doubtful; the fort of Milan was immediately
      blockaded. Murat was sent to Piacenza, of which he took possession without
      difficulty, and Lannes beat General Ott at Montebello. He was far from
      imagining that by that exploit he conquered for himself a future duchy!
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul passed six days at Milan. On the day after our arrival
      there a spy who had served us very well in the first campaign in Italy was
      announced. The First Consul recollected him, and ordered him to be shown
      into his cabinet.&mdash;"What, are you here?" he exclaimed; "so you are
      not shot yet!"&mdash;"General," replied the spy, "when the war recommenced
      I determined to serve the Austrians because you were far from Europe. I
      always follow the fortunate; but the truth is, I am tired of the trade. I
      wish to have done with it, and to get enough to enable me to retire. I
      have been sent to your lines by General Melas, and I can render you an
      important service. I will give an exact account of the force and the
      position of all the enemy's corps, and the names of their commanders. I
      can tell you the situation in which Alessandria now is. You know me, I
      will not deceive you; but, I must carry back some report to my general.
      You need not care for giving me some true particulars which I can
      communicate to him."&mdash;"Oh! as to that," resumed the First Consul,
      "the enemy is welcome to know my forces and my positions, provided I know
      his, and he be ignorant of my plans. You shall be satisfied; but do not
      deceive me: you ask for 1000 Louis, you shall have them if you serve me
      well." I then wrote down from the dictation of the spy, the names of the
      corps, their amount, their positions, names of the generals commanding
      them. The Consul stuck pins in the map to mark his plans on places
      respecting which he received information from the spy. We also learned
      that Alexandria was without provisions, that Melas was far from expecting
      a siege, that many of his troops were sick, and that he wanted medicines.
      Berthier was ordered to draw up for the spy a nearly accurate statement of
      our positions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The information given by this man proved so accurate and useful that on
      his return from Marengo Bonaparte ordered me to pay him the 1000 Louis.
      The spy afterwards informed him that Melas was delighted with the way in
      which he had served him in this affair, and had rewarded him handsomely.
      He assured us that he had bidden farewell to his odious profession. The
      First Consul regarded this little event as one of the favours of fortune.
    </p>
    <p>
      In passing through Geneva the First Consul had an interview with M.
      Necker.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Madame de Stael briefly mention this interview in her
   'Considerations sur la Revolution Francaise' "M. Necker," she says,
   "had an interview with Bonaparte, when he was on his way to Italy by
   the passage of Mont. St. Bernard, a few days before the battle of
   Marengo. During this conversation, which lasted two hours, the First
   Consul made a very favourable impression on my father by the
   confident way he spoke of his future projects."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I know not how it happened, but at the time he did not speak to me of this
      interview. However, I was curious to know what he thought of a man who had
      acquired much celebrity in France. One evening, when we were talking of
      one thing and another, I managed to turn the conversation on that subject.
      "M. Necker," said he, "appears to me very far below his reputation. He did
      not equal the idea I had formed of him. I tried all I could to get him to
      talk; but he said nothing remarkable. He is an ideologist&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This was a constant term of reproach with Bonaparte. He set all
   the metaphysicians of the Continent against him by exclaiming, "Je
   ne veux point d'ideologues."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      a banker. It is impossible that such a man can have any but narrow views;
      and, besides, most celebrated people lose on a close view."&mdash; "Not
      always, General," observed I&mdash;"Ah!" said he, smiling, "that is not
      bad, Bourrienne. You are improving. I see I shall make something of you in
      time!"
    </p>
    <p>
      The day was approaching when all was to be lost or won. The First Consul
      made all his arrangements, and sent off the different corps to occupy the
      points he had marked out. I have already mentioned that Murat's task was
      the occupation of Piacenza. As soon as he was in possession of that town
      he intercepted a courier of General Melas. The despatch, which was
      addressed to the Aulic Council of Vienna, was delivered to us on the night
      of the 8th of June. It announced the capitulation of Genoa, which took
      place on the 4th, after the long and memorable defence which reflected so
      much honour on Massena. Melas in his despatch spoke of what he called our
      pretended army of reserve with inconceivable contempt, and alluded to the
      presence of Bonaparte in Italy as a mere fabrication. He declared he was
      still in Paris. It was past three in the morning when Murat's courier
      arrived. I immediately translated the despatch, which was in German. About
      four o'clock I entered the chamber of the First Consul, whom I was obliged
      to shake by the arm in order to wake him. He had desired me; as I have
      already mentioned, never to respect his repose an the arrival of bad news;
      but on the receipt of good news to let him sleep. I read to him the
      despatch, and so much was he confounded by this unexpected event that his
      first exclamation was, "Bah! you do not understand German." But hardly had
      he uttered these words when he arose, and by eight o'clock in the morning
      orders were despatched for repairing the possible consequences of this
      disaster, and countermanding the march of the troops on the Scrivia. He
      himself proceeded the same day to Stradella.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have seen it mentioned in some accounts that the First Consul in person
      gained the battle of Montebello. This is a mistake. He did not leave Milan
      until the 9th of June, and that very day Lannes was engaged with the
      enemy. The conflict was so terrible that Lannes, a few days after,
      describing it in my presence to M. Collot, used these remarkable words,
      which I well remember: "Bones were cracking in my division like a shower
      of hail falling on a skylight."
    </p>
    <p>
      By a singular chance Desaix, who was to contribute to the victory and stop
      the rout of Marengo, arrived from Egypt at Toulon, on the very day on
      which we departed from Paris. He was enabled to leave Egypt in consequence
      of the capitulation of El-Arish, which happened on the 4th of January
      1800. He wrote me a letter, dated 16th Floréal, year VIII. (6th of May
      1800), announcing his arrival. This letter I did not receive until we
      reached Martigny. I showed it to the First Consul. "Ah!" exclaimed he,
      "Desaix in Paris!" and he immediately despatched an order for him to
      repair to the headquarters of the army of Italy wherever they might be.
      Desaix arrived at Stradella on the morning of the 11th of June. The First
      Consul received him with the warmest cordiality, as a man for whom he had
      a high esteem, and whose talents and character afforded the fairest
      promise of what might one day be expected of him. Bonaparte was jealous of
      some generals, the rivalry of whose ambition he feared; but on this
      subject Desaix gave him no uneasiness; equally remarkable for his
      unassuming disposition, his talent, and information, he proved by his
      conduct that he loved glory for her own sake, and that every wish for the
      possession of political power was foreign to his mind. Bonaparte's
      friendship for him was enthusiastic. At this interview at Stradella,
      Desaix was closeted with the First Consul for upwards of three hours. On
      the day after his arrival an order of the day communicated to the army
      that Desaix was appointed to the command of Boudet's division.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Boudet was on terms of great intimacy with Bonaparte, who, no
   doubt, was much affected at his death. However, the only remark he
   made on receiving the intelligence, was "Who the devil shall I get
   to supply Boudet's place?"&mdash;Bourrienne.

   The command given to Desaix was a corps especially formed of the two
   divisions of Boudet and Monnier (Savary, tome i. p. 262). Boudet
   was not killed at Marengo, still less before (see Erreurs, tome i.
   p. 14).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I expressed to Bonaparte my surprise at his long interview with Desaix.
      "Yes," replied he, "he has been a long time with me; but you know what a
      favourite he is. As soon as I return to Paris I will make him War
      Minister. I would make him a prince if I could. He is quite an antique
      character." Desaix died two days after he had completed his thirty-third
      year, and in less than a week after the above observations.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this time M. Collot came to Italy and saw Bonaparte at Milan. The
      latter received him coldly, though he had not yet gained the battle of
      Marengo. M. Collot had been on the most intimate footing with Bonaparte,
      and had rendered him many valuable services. These circumstances
      sufficiently accounted for Bonaparte's coolness, for he would never
      acknowledge himself under obligations to any one, and he did not like
      those who were initiated into certain family secrets which he had resolved
      to conceal.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The day after the interview I had a long conversation with M.
   Collot while Bonaparte was gone to review some corps stationed at
   Milan. M. Collot perfectly understood the cause of the unkind
   treatment he had experienced, and of which he gave me the following
   explanation:

   Some days before the Consulate&mdash;that is to say, two or three days
   after our return from Egypt,&mdash;Bonaparte, during his jealous fit,
   spoke to M. Collot about his wife, her levities, and their
   publicity. "Henceforth," said Bonaparte, "I will have nothing to do
   with her."&mdash;"What, would you part from her?"&mdash;"Does not her conduct
   justify me in so doing?"&mdash;"I do not know; but is this the time to
   think of such a thing, when the eyes of all France are fixed upon
   you? These domestic squabbles will degrade you in the eyes of the
   people, who expect you to be wholly devoted to their interests; and
   you will be laughed at, like one of Molière's husbands, if you are
   displeased with your wife's conduct you can call her to account when
   you have nothing better to do. Begin by raising up the state.
   After that you may find a thousand reasons for your resentment when
   now you would not find one. You know the French people well enough
   to see how important it is that you should not commence with this
   absurdity."

   By these and other similar remarks M. Collot thought he had produced
   some impression, when Bonaparte suddenly exclaimed: "No, my
   determination is fixed; she shall never again enter my house. I
   care not what people say. They will gossip about the affair for two
   days, and on the third it will be forgotten. She shall go to
   Malmaison, and I will live here. The public know enough, not to be
   mistaken as to the reasons of her removal."

   M. Collot vainly endeavoured to calm his irritation. Bonaparte
   vented a torrent of reproaches upon Josephine. "All this violence,"
   observed M. Collot, "proves that you still love her. Do but see
   her, she will explain the business to your satisfaction and you will
   forgive her."&mdash;"I forgive her! Never! Collot, you know me. If I
   were not sure of my own resolution, I would tear out this heart, and
   cast it into the fire." Here anger almost choked his utterance, and
   he made a motion with his hand as if tearing his breast.

   When this violent paroxysm had somewhat subsided M. Collot withdrew;
   but before he went away Bonaparte invited him to breakfast on the
   following morning.

   At ten o'clock M. Collot was there, and as he was passing through
   the courtyard he was informed that Madame Bonaparte, who, as I have
   already mentioned, had gone to Lyons without meeting the General,
   had returned during the night. On M. Collot's entrance Bonaparte
   appeared considerably embarrassed. He led him into a side room, not
   wishing to bring him into the room where I was writing. "Well,"
   said Bonaparte to M. Collot, "she is here."&mdash;"I rejoice to hear it.
   You have done well for yourself as well as for us."&mdash;"But do not
   imagine I have forgiven her. As long as I live I shall suspect.
   The fact is, that on her arrival I desired her to be gone; but that
   fool Joseph was there. What could I do, Collot? I saw her descend
   the staircase followed by Eugine and Hortense. They were all
   weeping; and I have not a heart to resist tears. Eugène was with me
   in Egypt. I have been accustomed to look upon him as my adopted
   son. He is a fine brave lad. Hortense is just about to be
   introduced into society, and she is admired by all who know her.
   I confess, Collot, I was deeply moved; I could not endure the
   distress of the two poor children. 'Should they,' thought I,
   'suffer for their mother's faults?' I called back Eugène and
   Hortense, and their mother followed them. What could I say, what
   could I do? I should not be a man without some weakness."&mdash;
   "Be assured they will reward you for this."&mdash;"They ought, Collot
   they ought; for it has cost me a hard struggle." After this
   dialogue Bonaparte and M. Collot entered the breakfast-parlour,
   where I was then sitting. Eugène breakfasted with us, but neither
   Josephine nor Hortense. I have already related how I acted the part
   of mediator in this affair. Next day nothing was wanting to
   complete the reconciliation between the Conqueror of Egypt and the
   charming woman who conquered Bonaparte.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 13th the First Consul slept at Torre di Galifolo. During the
      evening he ordered a staff-officer to ascertain whether the Austrians had
      a bridge across the Bormida. A report arrived very late that there was
      none. This information set Bonaparte's mind at rest, and he went to bed
      very well satisfied; but early next morning, when a firing was heard, and
      he learned that the Austrians had debouched on the plain, where the troops
      were engaged, he flew into a furious passion, called the staff-officer a
      coward, and said he had not advanced far enough. He even spoke of bringing
      the matter to an investigation.
    </p>
    <p>
      From motives of delicacy I refrain from mentioning the name of the officer
      here alluded to.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte mounted his horse and proceeded immediately to the scene of
      action. I did not see him again until six in the evening. In obedience to
      his instructions; I repaired to San Giuliano, which is not above two
      leagues from the place where the engagement commenced. In the course of
      the afternoon I saw a great many wounded passing through the village, and
      shortly afterwards a multitude of fugitives. At San Giuliano nothing was
      talked of but a retreat, which, it was said, Bonaparte alone firmly
      opposed. I was then advised to leave San Giuliano, where I had just
      received a courier for the General-in-Chief. On the morning of the 14th
      General Desaix was sent towards Novi to observe the road to Genoa, which
      city had fallen several days before, in spite of the efforts of its
      illustrious defender, Massena. I returned with this division to San
      Giuliano. I was struck with the numerical weakness of the corps which was
      marching to aid an army already much reduced and dispersed. The battle was
      looked upon as lost, and so indeed it was. The First Consul having asked
      Desaix what he thought of it, that brave General bluntly replied, "The
      battle is completely lost; but it is only two o'clock, we have time to
      gain another to-day." I heard this from Bonaparte himself the same
      evening. Who could have imagined that Desaix's little corps, together with
      the few heavy cavalry commanded by General Kellerman, would, about five
      o'clock, have changed the fortune of the day? It cannot be denied that it
      was the instantaneous inspiration of Kellerman that converted a defeat
      into a victory, and decided the battle of Marengo.
    </p>
    <p>
      That memorable battle, of which the results were incalculable, has been
      described in various ways. Bonaparte had an account of it commenced no
      less than three times; and I must confess that none of the narratives are
      more correct than that contained in the 'Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo'.
      The Emperor Napoleon became dissatisfied with what had been said by the
      First Consul Bonaparte. For my part, not having had the honour to bear a
      sword, I cannot say that I saw any particular movement executed this or
      that way; but I may mention here what I heard on the evening of the battle
      of Marengo respecting the probable chances of that event. As to the part
      which the First Consul took in it, the reader, perhaps, is sufficiently
      acquainted with his character to account for it. He did not choose that a
      result so decisive should be attributed to any other cause than the
      combinations of his genius, and if I had not known his insatiable thirst
      for glory I should have been surprised at the sort of half satisfaction
      evinced at the cause of the success amidst the joy manifested for the
      success itself. It must be confessed that in this he was very unlike
      Jourdan, Hoche, Kléber, and Moreau, who were ever ready to acknowledge the
      services of those who had fought under their orders.
    </p>
    <p>
      Within two hours of the time when the divisions commanded by Desaix left
      San Giuliano I was joyfully surprised by the triumphant return of the
      army, whose fate, since the morning, had caused me so much anxiety. Never
      did fortune within so short a time show herself under two such various
      faces. At two o'clock all denoted the desolation of a defeat, with all its
      fatal consequences; at five victory was again faithful to the flag of
      Arcola. Italy was reconquered by a single blow, and the crown of France
      appeared in the perspective.
    </p>
    <p>
      At seven in the evening, when I returned with the First Consul to
      headquarters, he expressed to me his sincere regret for the loss of
      Desaix, and then he added, "Little Kellerman made a lucky charge. He did
      it at just the right moment. We are much indebted to him. You see what
      trifling circumstances decide these affairs."
    </p>
    <p>
      These few words show that Bonaparte sufficiently appreciated the services
      of Kellerman. However, when that officer approached the table at which
      were seated the First Consul and a number of his generals, Bonaparte
      merely said, "You made a pretty good charge." By way of counter-balancing
      this cool compliment he turned towards Bessières, who commanded the horse
      grenadiers of the Guard, and said, "Bessières, the Guard has covered
      itself with glory." Yet the fact is, that the Guard took no part in the
      charge of Kellerman, who could assemble only 500 heavy cavalry; and with
      this handful of brave men he cut in two the Austrian column, which had
      overwhelmed Desaix's division, and had made 6000 prisoners. The Guard did
      not charge at Marengo until nightfall.
    </p>
    <p>
      Next day it was reported that Kellerman, in his first feeling of
      dissatisfaction at the dry congratulation he had received, said to the
      First Consul, "I have just placed the crown on your head!" I did not hear
      this, and I cannot vouch for the truth of its having been said. I could
      only have ascertained that fact through Bonaparte, and of course I could
      not, with propriety, remind him of a thing which must have been very
      offensive to him. However, whether true or not, the observation was
      circulated about, verbally and in writing, and Bonaparte knew it. Hence
      the small degree of favour shown to Kellerman, who was not made a general
      of division on the field of battle as a reward for his charge at Marengo.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[If Savary's story be correct, and he was then aide de camp to
   Desaix, and Bourrienne acknowledges his account to be the best, the
   inspiration of the charge did not come from the young Kellerman.
   Savary says that Desaix sent him to tell Napoleon that he could not
   delay his attack, and that he must be supported by some cavalry.

   Savary was then sent by Napoleon to a spot where he was told he
   would find Kellerman, to order him to charge in support of Desaix.
   Desaix and Kellerman were so placed as to be out of sight of each
   other (Savary, tome i. pp. 279-279). Thiers (tome i, p. 445)
   follows Savary.

   It may here be mentioned that Savary, in his account of the battle,
   expressly states that he carried the order from Bonaparte to
   Kellerman to make this charge. He also makes the following
   observations on the subject:&mdash;

   After the fall of the Imperial Government some pretended friends of
   General Kellerman have presumed to claim for him the merit of
   originating the charge of cavalry. That general, whose share of
   glory is sufficiently brilliant to gratify his most sanguine wishes,
   can have no knowledge of so presumptuous a pretension. I the more
   readily acquit him from the circumstance that, as we were conversing
   one day respecting that battle, I called to his mind my having
   brought, to him the First Consul's orders, and he appeared not to
   have forgotten that fact. I am far from suspecting his friends of
   the design of lessening the glory of either General Bonaparte or
   General Desaix; they know as well as myself that theirs are names so
   respected that they can never be affected by such detractions, and
   that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the Chief who
   planned the battle was to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share
   which General Kellerman had in its successful result. I will add to
   the above a few observations.

   "From the position which he occupied General Desaix could not see
   General Kellerman; he had even desired me to request the First
   Consul to afford him the support of some cavalry. Neither could
   General Kellerman, from the point where he was stationed, perceive
   General Desaix's division; it is even probable that he was not aware
   of the arrival of that General, who had only joined the army two
   days before. Both were ignorant of each other's position, which the
   First Consul was alone acquainted with; he alone could introduce
   harmony into their movements; he alone could make their efforts
   respectively conduce to the same object.

   "The fate of the battle was decided by Kellerman's bold charge; had
   it, however, been made previously to General Desaix's attack, in all
   probability it would have had a quite different result. Kellerman
   appears to have been convinced of it, since he allowed the Austrian
   column to cross our field of battle and extend its front beyond that
   of the troops we had still in line without making the least attempt
   to impede its progress. The reason of Kellerman's not charging it
   sooner was that it was too serious a movement, and the consequences
   of failure would have been irretrievable: that charge, therefore,
   could only enter into a general combination of plans, to which he
   was necessarily a stranger" (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, tome i.
   pp. 218-280).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      M. Delaforet, the Postmaster-general, sometimes transacted business with
      the First Consul. The nature of this secret business may easily be guessed
      at.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[When M. Delaforet was replaced soon after this by Lavalette,
   Napoleon ordered the discontinuance of the practice followed until
   then of allowing letters to be opened by subordinate officials.
   This right was restricted, as in England, to the Minister. However
   bad this practice, it was limited, not extended, in his reign. See
   Mineval, tome iii. pp. 60-62, and Lavalette, tome ii. p. 10.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the occasion of one of their interviews the First Consul saw a letter
      from Kellerman to Lasalle, which contained the following passage: "Would
      you believe, my friend, that Bonaparte has not made me a general of
      division though I have just placed the crown on his head?" The letter was
      sealed again and sent to its address; but Bonaparte never forgot its
      contents.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whether Kellerman did or did not give the crown of France to the First
      Consul, it is very certain that on the evening of the battle of Marengo he
      gave him a supper, of which his famishing staff and the rest of us
      partook. This was no inconsiderable service in the destitute condition in
      which we were. We thought ourselves exceeding fortunate in profiting by
      the precaution of Kellerman, who had procured provisions from one of those
      pious retreats which are always well supplied, and which soldiers are very
      glad to fall in with when campaigning. It was the convent del Bosco which
      on this occasion was laid under contribution; and in return for the
      abundance of good provisions and wine with which they supplied the
      commander of the heavy cavalry the holy fathers were allowed a guard to
      protect them against pillage and the other disastrous concomitants of war.
    </p>
    <p>
      After supper was over the First Consul dictated to me the bulletin of the
      battle. When we were alone I said to him, "General, here is a fine
      victory! You recollect what you said the other day about the pleasure with
      which you would return to France after striking a grand blow in Italy;
      surely you must be satisfied now?"&mdash;"Yes, Bourrienne, I am satisfied.&mdash;But
      Desaix! . . . Ah, what a triumph would this have been if I could have
      embraced him to-night on the field of battle!" As he uttered these words I
      saw that Bonaparte was on the point of shedding tears, so sincere and
      profound was his grief for the death of Desaix. He certainly never loved,
      esteemed, or regretted any man so much.
    </p>
    <p>
      The death of Desaix has been variously related, and I need not now state
      that the words attributed to him in the bulletin were imaginary. Neither
      did he die in the arms of his aide de camp, Lebrun, as I wrote from the
      dictation of the First Consul. The following facts are more correct, or at
      all events more probable:&mdash;the death of Desaix was not perceived at
      the moment it took place. He fell without saying a word, at a little
      distance from Lefebre-Desnouettes. A sergeant of battalion of the 9th
      brigade light infantry, commanded by Barrois, seeing him extended on the
      ground, asked permission to pick up his cloak. It was found to be
      perforated behind; and this circumstance leaves it doubtful whether Desaix
      was killed by some unlucky inadvertency, while advancing at the head of
      his troops, or by the enemy when turning towards his men to encourage
      them. However, the event was so instantaneous, the disorder so complete,
      and the change of fortune so sudden, that it is not surprising there
      should be no positive account of the circumstances which attended his
      death.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early next morning the Prince of Liechtenstein came from General Melas
      with negotiations to the First Consul. The propositions of the General did
      not suit Bonaparte, and he declared to the Prince that the army shut up in
      Alessandria should evacuate freely, and with the honours of war; but on
      those conditions, which are well known, and by which Italy was to be fully
      restored to the French domination. That day were repaired the faults of
      Scherer, whose inertness and imbecility had paralysed everything, and who
      had fled, and been constantly beaten, from the Adriatic to Mont Cenis. The
      Prince of Liechtenstein begged to return to render an account of his
      mission to General Melas. He came back in the evening, and made many
      observations on the hard nature of the conditions. "Sir," replied the
      First Consul, in a tone of marked impatience, "carry my final
      determination to your General, and return quickly. It is irrevocable! Know
      that I am as well acquainted with your position as you are yourselves. I
      did not begin to learn the art of war yesterday. You are blocked up in
      Alessandria; you have many sick and wounded; you are in want of provisions
      and medicines. I occupy the whole of your rear. Your finest troops are
      among the killed and wounded. I might insist on harder conditions; my
      position would warrant me in so doing; but I moderate my demands in
      consideration of the gray hairs of your General, whom I respect."
    </p>
    <p>
      This reply was delivered with considerable dignity and energy. I showed
      the Prince out, and he said to me, "These conditions are very hard,
      especially that of giving up Genoa, which surrendered to us only a
      fortnight ago, after so long a siege." It is a curious fact that the
      Emperor of Austria received intelligence of the capitulation and
      restitution of Genoa at the same time.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the First Consul returned to Milan he made Savary and Rapp his aides
      de camp. They had previously served in the same rank under Desaix. The
      First Consul was at first not much disposed to take them, alleging that he
      had aides de camp enough. But his respect for the choice of Desaix, added
      to a little solicitation on my part, soon removed every obstacle. These
      two officers served him to the last hour of his political career with
      unfailing zeal and fidelity.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have seen nothing in the Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo (Savary) about my
      having had anything to do with his admission to the honour. I can probably
      tell the reason why one of the two aides de camp has risen higher than the
      other. Rapp had an Alsatian frankness which always injured him.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0037" id="link2HCH0037">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II.
    </h2>

      1800.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Suspension of hostilities&mdash;Letter to the Consuls&mdash;Second Occupation
   of Milan&mdash;Bonaparte and Massena&mdash;Public acclamations and the voice
   of Josephine&mdash;Stray recollections&mdash;Organization of Piedmont&mdash;Sabres
   of honour&mdash;Rewards to the army of the Rhine&mdash;Pretended army of
   reserve&mdash;General Zach&mdash;Anniversary of the 14th of July&mdash;Monument to
   Desaix&mdash;Desaix and Foy&mdash;Bonaparte's speech in the Temple of Mars&mdash;
   Arrival of the Consular Guard&mdash;The bones of marshal Turenne&mdash;
   Lucien's successful speech&mdash;Letter from Lucien to Joseph Bonaparte&mdash;
   The First Consul's return to Paris&mdash;Accidents on the road&mdash;
   Difficulty of gaining lasting fame&mdash;Assassination of Kléber&mdash;
   Situation of the terrace on which Kléber was stabbed&mdash;Odious rumours
   &mdash;Arrival of a courier&mdash;A night scene&mdash;Bonaparte's distress on
   perusing the despatches from Egypt.
</pre>
    <p>
      What little time, and how few events sometimes suffice to change the
      destiny of nations! We left Milan on the 13th of June, Marengo on the
      14th, and on the 15th Italy was ours! A suspension of hostilities between
      the French and Austrian armies was the immediate result of a single
      battle; and by virtue of a convention, concluded between Berthier and
      Melas, we resumed possession of all the fortified places of any
      importance, with the exception of Mantua. As soon as this convention was
      signed Bonaparte dictated to me at Torre di Galifolo the following letter
      to his colleagues:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The day after the battle of Marengo, CITIZENS CONSULS, General Melas
   transmitted a message to our advance posts requesting permission to
   send General Skal to me. During the day the convention, of which I
   send you a copy, was drawn up, and at night it was signed by
   Generals Berthier and Melas. I hope the French people will be
   satisfied with the conduct, of their army.
                       (Signed) Bonaparte
</pre>
    <p>
      The only thing worthy of remark in this letter would be the concluding
      sentence, in which the First Consul still affected to acknowledge the
      sovereignty of the people, were it not that the words "Citizens Consuls"
      were evidently foisted in with a particular design. The battle was gained;
      and even in a trifling matter like this it was necessary that the two,
      other Consuls should feel that they were not so much the colleagues as the
      subordinates of the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      We returned to Milan, and our second occupation of that city was marked by
      continued acclamations wherever the First Consul showed himself. At Milan
      the First Consul now saw Massena for the first time since our departure
      for Egypt. Bonaparte lavished upon him the highest praises, but not higher
      than he deserved, for his admirable defence of Genoa. He named him his
      successor in the command of the army of Italy. Moreau was on the Rhine,
      and therefore none but the conqueror of Zurich could properly have
      succeeded the First Consul in that command. The great blow was struck; but
      there might still occur an emergency requiring the presence of a skillful
      experienced general, well acquainted with the country. And besides, we
      could not be perfectly at ease, until it was ascertained what conditions
      would be adhered to by the Cabinet of Vienna, which was then entirely
      under the influence of the Cabinet of London. After our return from the
      battle the popular joy was general and heartfelt not only among the higher
      and middle ranks of society, but in all classes; and the affection evinced
      from all quarters to the First Consul was unfeigned. In what a tone of
      sincerity did he say to me one day, when returning from the parade,
      "Bourrienne, do you hear the acclamations still resounding? That noise is
      as sweet to me as the sound of Josephine's voice. How happy and proud I am
      to be loved by such a people!"
    </p>
    <p>
      During our stay at Milan Bonaparte had arranged a new government for
      Piedmont; he had ever since cherished the wish to unite that rich and
      fertile country to the French territory because some Piedmontese provinces
      had been possessed by Louis XIV. That monarch was the only king whom the
      First Consul really admired. "If," said he one day, "Louis XIV. had not
      been born a king, he would have been a great man. But he did not know
      mankind; he could not know them, for he never knew misfortune." He admired
      the resolution of the old King, who would rather bury himself under the
      ruins of the monarchy than submit to degrading conditions, after having
      commanded the sovereigns of Europe. I recollect that Bonaparte was
      extremely pleased to see in the reports which he ordered to be made that
      in Casal, and in the valleys of Pignerol, Latour, and Luzerne, there still
      existed many traces of the period when those countries belonged to France;
      and that the French language was yet preserved there. He already began to
      identify himself with the past; and abusing the old kings of France was
      not the way to conciliate his favour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul appointed for the government of Piedmont a Council which,
      as may naturally be imagined; he composed of those Piedmontese who were
      the declared partisans of France. He stated as the grounds of this
      arrangement that it was to give to Piedmont a new proof of the affection
      and attachment of the French people. He afterwards appointed General
      Dupont President of the Council, with the title of Minister-Extraordinary
      of the French government. I will here mention a secret step taken by
      Bonaparte towards the overthrowing of the Republic. In making the first
      draught of General Dupont's appointment I had mechanically written,
      "Minister-Extraordinary of the French Republic."&mdash;"No! no!" said
      Bonaparte, "not of the Republic; say of the Government."
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return to Paris the First Consul gave almost incredible proofs of
      his activity. The day after his arrival he promulgated a great number of
      decrees, and afterwards allotted the rewards to his soldiers. He appointed
      Kellerman General of division which, on every principle of justice, he
      ought to have done on the field of battle. He distributed sabres of
      honour, with the following inscription, highly complimentary to himself:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "Battle of Maringo,&mdash;[spelt for some time, I do not know why, as,
   Maringo&mdash;Bourrienne]&mdash;commanded in person by the First Consul.
   &mdash;Given by the Government of the Republic to General Lannes."
</pre>
    <p>
      Similar sabres where presented to Generals Victor, Watrin, Gardanne, and
      Murat; and sabres of less value to other officers: and also muskets and
      drumsticks of honour to the soldiers and drummers who had distinguished
      themselves at Marengo, or in the army of the Rhine; for Bonaparte took
      care that the officers and men who had fought under Moreau should be
      included among those to whom the national rewards were presented. He even
      had a medal struck to perpetuate the memory of the entry of the French
      army into Munich. It is worthy of remark that while official fabrications
      and exaggerated details of facts were published respecting Marengo and the
      short campaign of Italy, by a feigned modesty the victorious army of
      Marengo received the unambitious title of 'Army of Reserve'. By this
      artifice the honour of the Constitution was saved. The First Consul had
      not violated it. If he had marched to the field, and staked everything on
      a chance it was merely accidentally, for he commanded only an "Army of
      Reserve," which nevertheless he had greeted with the title of Grand Army
      before he entered upon the campaign. It is scarcely conceivable that
      Bonaparte, possessing as he did an extraordinary mind, should have
      descended to such pitiful artifices.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[ Thiers (tome. vi., p. 70) says the title Grande Armee was first
   given by Napoleon to the force prepared in 1805 for the campaign
   against Austria. The Constitution forbad the First Consul to
   command the armies in person. Hence the title, "Army of Reserve,"
   gives to the force which fought Marengo.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Even foreigners and prisoners were objects of Bonaparte's designing
      intentions. I recollect one evening his saying to me; "Bourrienne, write
      to the Minister of War, and tell him to select a fine brace of pistols, of
      the Versailles manufacture, and send them, in my name, to General Zach. He
      dined with me to-day, and highly praised our manufacture of arms. I should
      like to give him a token of remembrance; besides&mdash;the matter will be
      talked of at Vienna, and may perhaps do good!"
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the news of the battle of Marengo reached Paris Lucien
      Bonaparte, Minister of the Interior, ordered preparations for the
      festival, fixed for the 14th of July, in commemoration of the first
      Federation. This festival and that of the 1st Vendemiaire were the only
      ones preserved by the Consular Government. Indeed, in those memorable
      days, when the Revolution appeared in its fairest point of view, France
      had never known such joy as that to which the battle of Marengo gave rise.
      Still, amidst all this popular transport there was a feeling of regret.
      The fame of Desaix, his heroic character, his death, the words attributed
      to him and believed to be true, caused mourning to be mingled with joy. It
      was agreed to open a subscription for erecting a national monument to his
      memory. A reflection naturally arises here upon the difference between the
      period referred to and the present time. France has endowed with nearly a
      million the children of one of her greatest orators and most eloquent
      defenders of public liberty, yet, for the monument to the memory of Desaix
      scarcely 20,000 francs were subscribed. Does not this form a singular
      contrast with the patriotic munificence displayed at the death of General
      Foy? The pitiful monument to Desaix, on the Place Dauphins, sufficiently
      attests the want of spirit on the part of the subscribers. Bonaparte, who
      was much dissatisfied with it, gave the name of Desaix to a new quay, the
      first stone of which was laid with great solemnity on the 14th of July.
    </p>
    <p>
      On that day the crowd was immense in the Champ-de-Mars and in the Temple
      of Mars, the name which at that the Church of the Invalides still
      preserved. Lucien delivered a speech on the encouraging prospects of
      France, and Lannes made an appropriate address on presenting to the
      Government the flags taken at Marengo. Two more followed; one from an aide
      de camp of Massena, and the other from an aide de camp of Lecourbe; and
      after the distribution of some medals the First Consul then delivered the
      following address:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   CITIZENS! SOLDIERS!&mdash;The flags presented to the Government, in the
   presence of the people of this immense capital, attest at once the
   genius of the Commanders-in-Chief Moreau, Massena, and Berthier; the
   military talents of the generals, their lieutenants; and bravery of
   the French soldiers.

   On your return to the camp tell your comrades that for the 1st
   Vendemiaire, when we shall celebrate the anniversary of the
   Republic, the French people expect either peace or, if the enemy
   obstinately refuse it, other flags, the fruit of fresh victories.
</pre>
    <p>
      After this harangue of the First Consul, in which he addressed to the
      military in the name of the people, and ascribed to Berthier the glory of
      Marengo, a hymn was chanted, the words of which were written by M. de
      Fontanes and the music composed by Mehul. But what was most remarkable in
      this fete was neither the poetry, music, nor even the panegyrical
      eloquence of Lucien,&mdash;it was the arrival at the Champ-de-Mars, after
      the ceremony at the Invalides, of the Consular Guard returning from
      Marengo. I was at a window of the Ecole-Militaire, and I can never forget
      the commotion, almost electrical, which made the air resound with cries of
      enthusiasm at their appearance. These soldiers did not defile before the
      First Consul in fine uniforms as at a review. Leaving the field of battle
      when the firing ceased, they had crossed Lombardy, Piedmont, Mont Cenis,
      Savoy, and France in the space of twenty-nine days. They appeared worn by
      the fatigue of a long journey, with faces browned by the summer sun of
      Italy, and with their arms and clothing showing the effects of desperate
      struggles. Do you wish to have an idea of their appearance? You will find
      a perfect type in the first grenadier put by Gerard at one side of his
      picture of the battle of Austerlitz.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the time of this fete, that is to say, in the middle of the month of
      July, the First Consul could not have imagined that the moderate
      conditions he had proposed after the victory would not be accepted by
      Austria. In the hope, therefore, of a peace which could not but be
      considered probable, he, for the first time since the establishment of the
      Consular Government, convoked the deputies of the departments, and
      appointed their time of assembling in Paris for the 1st Vendemiaire, a day
      which formed the close of one remarkable century and marked the
      commencement of another.
    </p>
    <p>
      The remains of Marshal Turenne; to which Louis XIV. had awarded the
      honours of annihilation by giving them a place among the royal tombs in
      the vaults of St. Denis, had been torn from their grave at the time of the
      sacrilegious violation of the tombs. His bones, mingled indiscriminately
      with others, had long lain in obscurity in a garret of the College of
      Medicine when M. Lenoir collected and restored them to the ancient tomb of
      Turenne in the Mussee des Petits Augustins. Bonaparte resolved to enshrine
      these relics in that sculptured marble with which the glory of Turenne
      could so well dispense. This was however, intended as a connecting link
      between the past days of France and the future to which he looked forward.
      He thought that the sentiments inspired by the solemn honours rendered to
      the memory of Turenne would dispose the deputies of the departments to
      receive with greater enthusiasm the pacific communications he hoped to be
      able to make.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, the negotiations did not take the favourable turn which the First
      Consul had expected; and, notwithstanding all the address of Lucien, the
      communication was not heard without much uneasiness. But Lucien had
      prepared a speech quite to the taste of the First Consul. After dilating
      for some time on the efforts of the Government to obtain peace he deplored
      the tergiversations of Austria, accused the fatal influence of England,
      and added in a more elevated and solemn tone, "At the very moment when,
      the Consuls were leaving the Palace of the Government a courier arrived
      bearing despatches which the First Consul has directed me to communicate
      to you." He then read a note declaring that the Austrian Government
      consented to surrender to France the three fortresses of Ulm, Philipsburg,
      and Ingolstadt. This was considered as a security for the preliminaries of
      peace being speedily signed. The news was received with enthusiasm, and
      that anxious day closed in a way highly gratifying to the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst victory confirmed in Italy the destinies of the First Consul, his
      brothers were more concerned about their own interests than the affairs of
      France. They loved money as much as Bonaparte loved glory. A letter from
      Lucien to his brother Joseph, which I shall subjoin, shows how ready they
      always were to turn to their own advantage the glory and fortune of him to
      whom they were indebted for all their importance. I found this letter
      among my papers, but I cannot tell why and how I preserved it. It is
      interesting, inasmuch as it shows, the opinion that family of future kings
      entertained of their own situation, and of what their fate would have been
      had Bonaparte, like Desaix, fallen on the field of Marengo. It is,
      besides, curious to observe the philosopher Lucien causing Te Deum, to be
      chanted with the view of influencing the public funds. At all events I
      copy Lucien's letter as he wrote it, giving the words marked in italics
      [CAPS] and the numerous notes of exclamation which distinguish the
      original.
    </p>
    <p>
      MY BROTHER&mdash;I send you a courier; I particularly wish that the First
      Consul would give me notice of his arrival twenty-four hours beforehand,
      and that he would inform ME ALONE of the barrier by which he will enter.
      The city wishes to prepare triumphal arches for him, and it deserves not
      to be disappointed.
    </p>
    <p>
      AT MY REQUEST a Te Deum was chanted yesterday. There were 60,000 persons
      present.
    </p>
    <p>
      The intrigues of Auteuil continue.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This intrigue, so called from Talleyrand one of its heads, living
   in the suburb of Auteuil, arose from the wish of many of the most
   influential men to be prepared in case of the death of Napoleon in
   any action in Italy: It was simply a continuation of the same
   combinations which had been attempted or planned in 1799, till the
   arrival of Bonaparte from Egypt made the party choose him as the
   instrument for the overthrow of the Directors. There was little
   secrecy about their plans; see Miot de Melito (tome i p. 276),
   where Joseph Bonaparte tells his friends all that was being proposed
   in case his brother fell. Carnot seems to have been the most
   probable choice as leader and replacer of Bonaparte. In the above
   letter "C&mdash;&mdash;," stands for Carrot, "La F&mdash;&mdash;" for La Fayette, the
   "High Priest" is Sieyès, and the "friend of Auteuil" is Talleyrand;
   see Iung's Lucien, tome i. p. 411. The postscript seems to refer to
   a wretched scandal about Caroline, and Lucien; see Iung's Lucien,
   tome i. pp. 411, 432-433. The reader should remark the retention
   of this and other documents by Bourrienne, which forms one of the
   charges brought against him farther on.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      &mdash;It has been found difficult to decide between C&mdash;&mdash; and
      La F&mdash;&mdash;. The latter has proposed his daughter in marriage to
      me. Intrigue has been carried to the last extreme. I do not know yet
      whether the High Priest has decided for one party or the other. I believe
      that he would cheat them both for an Orleans, and your friend of Auteuil
      was at the bottom of all. The news of the battle of Marengo petrified
      them, and yet next day the High Priest certainly spent three hours with
      your friend of Auteuil. As to us, had the victory of Marengo closed the
      First Consul's career we should now have been Proscribed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Your letters say nothing of what I expected to hear. I hope at least to be
      informed of the answer from Vienna before any one. I am sorry you have not
      paid me back for the battle of Marengo.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
The festival of the 14th of July will be very gratifying. We expect
peace as a certainty, and the triumphant return of the First Consul.
The family is all well. Your wife and all her family are at
Mortfontaine. Ney is at Paris. Why do you return with the First Consul?
Peace! and Italy! Think of our last interview. I embrace you.
                       (Signed) LUCIEN.
On the margin is written&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      P.S.&mdash;Read the letter addressed to the Consul, and give it to him
      AFTER YOU HAVE CAREFULLY CLOSED IT.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Forward the enclosed. Madame Murat never lodged in my house. Her
husband is a fool, whom his wife ought to punish by not writing to him
for a month.
             (Signed) LUCIEN BONAPARTE
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, confirmed in his power by the victory of Marengo, remained some
      days longer at Milan to settle the affairs of Italy. He directed one to
      furnish Madame Grassini with money to pay her expenses to Paris. We
      departed amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants, and took the road to
      Turin. The First Consul stopped at Turin for some hours, and inspected the
      citadel, which had been surrendered to us in pursuance of the capitulation
      of Alessandria. In passing over Mont Cenis we observed the carriage of
      Madame Kellerman, who was going to meet her husband. Bonaparte on
      recognizing the lady stopped his carriage and congratulated her on the
      gallant conduct of her husband at the battle of Marengo.
    </p>
    <p>
      On our arrival at Lyons we alighted at the Hotel des Celestins, and the
      loud acclamations of a numerous multitude assembled round the hotel
      obliged Bonaparte to show himself on the balcony. Next day he proceeded to
      the Square of Bellecour, where, amidst the plaudits of the people, he laid
      the first stone of some new buildings destined to efface one of the
      disasters of the Revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      We left Lyons that evening and continued our journey by way of Dijon. On
      our arrival in that town the joy of the inhabitants was very great. I
      never saw a more graceful and captivating sight than that which was
      presented by a group of beautiful young females, crowned with flowers, who
      accompanied Bonaparte's carriage, and which at that period, when the
      Revolution had renewed all the republican recollections of Greece and
      Rome, looked like the chorus of females dancing around the victor at the
      Olympic games.
    </p>
    <p>
      But all our journey was not so agreeable. Some accidents awaited us. The
      First Consul's carriage broke down between Villeneuve-le-Roi and Sens. He
      sent a courier to inform my mother that he would stop at her house till
      his carriage was repaired. He dined there, and we started again at seven
      in the evening.
    </p>
    <p>
      But we had other disasters to encounter. One of our off-wheels came off,
      and as we were driving at a very rapid pace the carriage was overturned on
      the bridge at a short distance from Montreau-Faut-Yonne. The First Consul,
      who sat on my left, fell upon me, and sustained no injury. My head was
      slightly hurt by striking against some things which were in the pocket of
      the carriage; but this accident was not worth stopping for, and we arrived
      at Paris on the same night, the 2d of July. Duroc, who was the third in
      the carriage, was not hurt.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have already mentioned that Bonaparte was rather talkative when
      travelling; and as we were passing through Burgundy, on our return to
      Paris from Marengo, he said exultingly, "Well, a few more events like this
      campaign, and I may go down to posterity."&mdash;"I think," replied I,
      "that you have already done enough to secure great and lasting fame."&mdash;"Yes,"
      resumed he, "I have done enough, it is true. In less than two years I have
      won Cairo, Paris, and Milan; but for all that, my dear fellow, were I to
      die to-morrow I should not at the end of ten centuries occupy half a page
      of general history!"
    </p>
    <p>
      On the very day when Desaix fell on the field of Marengo Kléber was
      assassinated by a fanatical Mussulman, named Soleiman Haleby, who stabbed
      him with a dagger, and by that blow decided the fate of Egypt.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["This fellah was, at most, eighteen or twenty years of age: he
   was a native of Damascus, and declared that he had quitted his
   native city by command of the grand vizier, who had entrusted him
   with the commission of repairing to Egypt and killing the grand
   sultan of the French [Bonaparte being probably intended]. That for
   this purpose alone he had left his family, and performed the whole
   journey on foot and had received from the grand vizier no other
   money than what was absolutely requisite for the exigencies of the
   journey. On arriving at Cairo he had gone forthwith to perform his
   devotions in the great mosque, and it was only on the eve of
   executing his project that he confided it to one of the scherifs of
   the mosque" (Duc de Rovigo's Memoirs, tome 1. p. 367)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus was France, on the same day, and almost at the same hour, deprived of
      two of her most distinguished generals. Menou, as senior in command,
      succeeded Kléber, and the First Consul confirmed the appointment. From
      that moment the loss of Egypt was inevitable.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have a few details to give respecting the tragical death of Kléber. The
      house of Elfy Bey, which Bonaparte occupied at Cairo, and in which Kléber
      lived after his departure; had a terrace leading from a salon to an old
      ruined cistern, from which, down a few steps, there was an entrance into
      the garden. The terrace commanded a view of the grand square of El
      Beguyeh, which was to the right on coming out of the salon, while the
      garden was on the left. This terrace was Bonaparte's favourite promenade,
      especially in the evenings, when he used to walk up and down and converse
      with the persons about him, I often advised him to fill up the reservoir,
      and to make it level with the terrace. I even showed him, by concealing
      myself in it, and coming suddenly behind him, how easy it would be for any
      person to attempt his life and then escape, either by jumping into the
      square, or passing through the garden. He told me I was a coward, and was
      always in fear of death; and he determined not to make the alteration I
      suggested, which, however, he acknowledged to be advisable. Kléber's
      assassin availed himself of the facility which I so often apprehended
      might be fatal to Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall not atop to refute all the infamous rumours which were circulated
      respecting Kléber's death. When the First Consul received the unexpected
      intelligence he could scarcely believe it. He was deeply affected; and on
      reading the particulars of the assassination he instantly called to mind
      how often he had been in the same situation as that in which Kléber was
      killed, and all I had said respecting the danger of the reservoir&mdash;a
      danger from which it is inconceivable he should have escaped, especially
      after his Syrian expedition had excited the fury of the natives.
      Bonaparte's knowledge of Kléber's talents&mdash;the fact of his having
      confided to him the command of the army, and the aid which he constantly
      endeavoured to transmit to him, repelled at once the horrible suspicion of
      his having had the least participation in the crime, and the thought that
      he was gratified to hear of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is very certain that Bonaparte's dislike of Kléber was as decided as
      the friendship he cherished for Desaix. Kléber's fame annoyed him, for he
      was weak enough to be annoyed at it. He knew the manner in which Kléber
      spoke of him, which was certainly not the most respectful. During the long
      and sanguinary siege of St. Jean d'Acre Kléber said to me, "That little
      scoundrel Bonaparte, who is no higher than my boot, will enslave France.
      See what a villainous expedition he has succeeded in involving us in."
      Kléber often made the same remark to others as well as to me. I am not
      certain that it was ever reported to Bonaparte; but there is reason to
      believe that those who found it their interest to accuse others did not
      spare Kléber.
    </p>
    <p>
      Kléber, who was a sincere republican, saw and dreaded for his country's
      sake the secret views and inordinate ambition of Bonaparte. He was a
      grumbler by nature; yet he never evinced discontent in the discharge of
      his duties as a soldier. He swore and stormed, but marched bravely to the
      cannon's mouth: he was indeed courage personified. One day when he was in
      the trench at St. Jean d'Acre, standing up, and by his tall stature
      exposed to every shot, Bonaparte called to him, "Stoop down, Kléber, stoop
      down!"&mdash;"Why;" replied he, "your confounded trench does not reach to
      my knees." He never regarded the Egyptian expedition with a favourable
      eye. He thought it too expensive, and utterly useless to France. He was
      convinced that in the situation in which we stood, without a navy or a
      powerful Government, it would have been better to have confined our
      attention to Europe than to have wasted French blood and money on the
      banks of the Nile, and among the ruined cities of Syria. Kléber, who was a
      cool, reflecting man, judged Bonaparte without enthusiasm, a thing
      somewhat rare at that time, and he was not blind to any of his faults.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte alleged that Kléber said to him, "General, you are as great as
      the world!" Such a remark is in direct opposition to Kléber's character.
      He was too sincere to say anything against his conviction. Bonaparte,
      always anxious to keep Egypt, of which the preservation alone could
      justify the conquest, allowed Kléber to speak because he acted at the same
      time. He knew that Kléber's sense of military duty would always triumph
      over any opposition he might cherish to his views and plans. Thus the
      death of his lieutenant, far from causing Bonaparte any feeling of
      satisfaction, afflicted him the more, because it almost totally deprived
      him if the hope of preserving a conquest which had cost France so dear,
      and which was his work.
    </p>
    <p>
      The news of the death of Kléber arrived shortly after our return to Paris.
      Bonaparte was anxiously expecting accounts from Egypt, none having been
      received for a considerable time. The arrival of the courier who brought
      the fatal intelligence gave rise to a scene which I may relate here. It
      was two o'clock in the morning when the courier arrived at the Tuileries.
      In his hurry the First Consul could not wait to rouse any one to call me
      up. I had informed him some days before that if he should want me during
      the night he should send for me to the corridor, as I had changed my
      bedchamber on account of my wife's accouchement. He came up himself and
      instead of knocking at my door knocked at that of my secretary. The latter
      immediately rose, and opening the door to his surprise saw the First
      Consul with a candle in his hand, a Madras handkerchief on his head, and
      having on his gray greatcoat. Bonaparte, not knowing of the little step
      down into the room, slipped and nearly fell, "Where is Bourrienne?" asked
      he. The surprise of my secretary at the apparition of the First Consul can
      be imagined. "What; General, is it you?"&mdash;"Where is Bourrienne?" Then
      my secretary, in his shirt, showed the First Consul my door. After having
      told him that he was sorry at having called him up, Napoleon came to me. I
      dressed in a hurry, and we went downstairs to my usual room. We rang
      several times before they opened the door for us. The guards were not
      asleep, but having heard so much running to and fro feared we were
      thieves. At last they opened the door, and the First Consul threw on the
      table the immense packet of despatches which he had just received. They
      had been fumigated and steeped in vinegar. When he read the announcement
      of the death of Kléber the expression of his countenance sufficiently
      denoted the painful feelings which arose in his mind. I read in his face;
      EGYPT IS LOST!
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0038" id="link2HCH0038">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER III.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's wish to negotiate with England and Austria&mdash;
   An emigrant's letter&mdash;Domestic details&mdash;The bell&mdash;Conspiracy of
   Ceracchi, Arena, Harrel, and others&mdash;Bonaparte's visit to the opera
   &mdash;Arrests&mdash;Rariel appointed commandant of Vincennes&mdash;The Duc
   d'Enghien's foster-sister&mdash;The 3d Nivoise&mdash;First performance of
   Haydn's "Creation"&mdash;The infernal machine&mdash;Congratulatory addresses&mdash;
   Arbitrary condemnations&mdash;M. Tissot erased from the list of the
   banished&mdash;M. Truguet&mdash;Bonapartes' hatred of the Jacobins explained&mdash;
   The real criminals discovered&mdash;Justification of Fouché&mdash;Execution of
   St. Regent and Carbon&mdash;Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte&mdash;Conversation
   between Bonaparte and Fouché&mdash;Pretended anger&mdash;Fouché's
   dissimulation&mdash;Lucien's resignation&mdash;His embassy to Spain&mdash;War
   between Spain and Portugal&mdash;Dinner at Fouché's&mdash;Treachery of Joseph
   Bonaparte&mdash;A trick upon the First Consul&mdash;A three days' coolness&mdash;
   Reconciliation.
</pre>
    <p>
      The happy events of the campaign of Italy had been crowned by the
      armistice, concluded on the 6th of July. This armistice was broken on the
      1st of September, and renewed after the battle of Hohenlinden. On his
      return from Marengo Bonaparte was received with more enthusiasm than ever.
      The rapidity with which, in a campaign of less than two months, he had
      restored the triumph of the French standard, excited universal
      astonishment. He then actively endeavoured to open negotiations with
      England and Austria; but difficulties opposed him in every direction. He
      frequently visited the theatre, where his presence attracted prodigious
      throngs of persons, all eager to see and applaud him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The immense number of letters which were at this time addressed to the
      First Consul is scarcely conceivable. They contained requests for places,
      protestations of fidelity, and, in short, they were those petitionary
      circulars that are addressed to all persons in power. These letters were
      often exceedingly curious, and I have preserved many of them; among the
      rest was one from Durosel Beaumanoir, an emigrant who had fled to Jersey.
      This letter contains some interesting particulars relative to Bonaparte's
      family. It is dated Jersey, 12th July 1800, and the following are the most
      remarkable passages it contains:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I trust; General, that I may, without indiscretion, intrude upon
   your notice, to remind you of what, I flatter myself, you have not
   totally forgotten, after having lived eighteen or nineteen years at
   Ajaccio. But you will, perhaps, be surprised that so trifling an
   item should be the subject of the letter which I have the honour to
   address to you. You cannot have forgotten, General, that when your
   late father was obliged to take your brothers from the college of
   Autun, from whence he went to see you at Brienne, he was unprovided
   with money, and he asked me for twenty-five louis, which I lent him
   with pleasure. After his return he had no opportunity of paying me,
   and when I left Ajaccio your mother offered to dispose of some plate
   in order to pay the debt. To this I objected, and told her that I
   would wait until she could pay me at her convenience, and previous
   to the breaking out of the revolution I believe it was not in her
   power to fulfil her wish of discharging the debt.

   I am sorry, General, to be obliged to trouble you about such a
   trifle. But such is my unfortunate situation that even this trifle
   is of some importance to me. Driven from my country, and obliged to
   take refuge in this island, where everything is exceedingly
   expensive, the little sum I have mentioned, which was formerly a
   matter of indifference, would now be of great service to me.

   You will understand, General, that at the age of eighty-six, after
   serving served my country well for sixty years, without the least
   interruption, not counting the time of emigration, chased from every
   place, I have been obliged to take refuge here, to subsist on the
   scanty succour given by the English Government to the French
   emigrant. I say emigrant because I have been forced to be one.
   I had no intention of being one, but a horde of brigands, who came
   from Caen to my house to assassinate me, considered I had committed
   the great crime in being the senior general of the canton and in
   having the Grand Cross of St. Louis: this was too much for them; if
   it had not been for the cries of my neighbours, my door would have
   been broken open, and I should have been assassinated; and I had but
   time to fly by a door at the back, only carrying away what I had on
   me. At first I retired to Paris, but there they told me that I
   could do nothing but go into a foreign country, so great was the
   hate entertained for me by my fellow-citizens, although I lived in
   retirement, never having any discussion with any one. Thus,
   General; I have abandoned all I possessed, money and goods, leaving
   them at the mercy of what they call the nation, which has profited a
   good deal by this, as I have nothing left in the world, not even a
   spot to put my foot on. If even a horse had been reserved for me,
   General, I could ask for what depends on you, for I have heard it
   said that some emigrants have been allowed to return home. I do not
   even ask this favour, not having a place to rest my foot. And,
   besides, I have with me here an exiled brother, older than I am,
   very ill and in perfect second childhood, whom I could not abandon.
   I am resigned to my own unhappy fate, but my sole and great grief is
   that not only I myself have been ill-treated, but that my fate has,
   contrary to the law, injured relations whom I love and respect. I
   have a mother-in-law, eighty years old, who has been refused the
   dower I had given her from my property, and this will make me die a
   bankrupt if nothing is changed, which makes me miserable.

   I acknowledge, General, that I know little of the new style, but,
   according to the old form, I am your humble servant,

                       DUROSEL BEAUMANOIR.
</pre>
    <p>
      I read this letter to the First Consul, who immediately said, "Bourrienne,
      this is sacred! Do not lose a minute. Send the old man ten times the sum.
      Write to General Durosel that he shall be immediately erased from the list
      of emigrants. What mischief those brigands of the Convention have done! I
      can never repair it all." Bonaparte uttered these words with a degree of
      emotion which I rarely saw him evince. In the evening he asked me whether
      I had executed his orders, which I had done without losing a moment. The
      death of M. Froth had given me a lesson as to the value of time!
    </p>
    <p>
      Availing myself of the privilege I have already frequently taken of making
      abrupt transitions from one subject to another, according as the
      recollection of past circumstances occurs to my mind, I shall here note
      down a few details, which may not improperly be called domestic, and
      afterwards describe a conspiracy which was protected by the very man
      against whom it was hatched.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the Tuileries, where the First Consul always resided during the winter
      and sometimes a part of the summer, the grand salon was situated between
      his cabinet and the Room in which he received the persons with whom he had
      appointed audiences. When in this audience-chamber, if he wanted anything
      or had occasion to speak to anybody, he pulled a bell which was answered
      by a confidential servant named Landoire, who was the messenger of the
      First Consul's cabinet. When Bonaparte's bell rung it was usually for the
      purpose of making some inquiry of me respecting a paper, a name, a date,
      or some matter of that sort; and then Landoire had to pass through the
      cabinet and salon to answer the bell and afterwards to return and to tell
      me I was wanted. Impatient at the delay occasioned by this running about,
      Bonaparte, without saying anything to me, ordered the bell to be altered
      so that it should ring within the cabinet; and exactly above my table.
      Next morning when I entered the cabinet I saw a man mounted-upon a ladder.
      "What are you doing here?" said I. "I am hanging a bell, sir." I called
      Landoire and asked him who had given the order. "The First Consul," he
      replied. I immediately ordered the man to come down and remove the ladder,
      which he accordingly did. When I went, according to custom, to awaken the
      First Consul and read the newspapers to him I said, "General, I found a
      man this morning hanging a bell in your cabinet. I was told it was by your
      orders; but being convinced there must be some mistake I sent him away.
      Surely the bell was not intended for you, and I cannot imagine it was
      intended for me: who then could it be for?&mdash;" "What a stupid fellow
      that Landoire is!" said Bonaparte. "Yesterday, when Cambacérès was with
      me, I wanted you. Landoire did not come when I touched the bell. I thought
      it was broken, and ordered him to get it repaired. I suppose the
      bell-hanger was doing it when you saw him, for you know the wire passes
      through the cabinet." I was satisfied with this explanation, though I was
      not deceived, by it. For the sake of appearance he reproved Landoire, who,
      however, had done nothing more than execute the order he had received. How
      could he imagine I would submit to such treatment, considering that we had
      been friends since our boyhood, and that I was now living on full terms of
      confidence and familiarity with him?
    </p>
    <p>
      Before I speak of the conspiracy of Ceracchi, Arena, Topino-Lebrun, and
      others, I must notice a remark made by Napoleon at St. Helena. He said, or
      is alleged to have said, "The two attempts which placed me in the greatest
      danger were those of the sculptor Ceracchi and of the fanatic of
      Schoenbrun." I was not at Schoenbrun at the time; but I am convinced that
      Bonaparte was in the most imminent danger. I have been informed on
      unquestionable authority that Staps set out from Erfurth with the
      intention of assassinating the Emperor; but he wanted the necessary
      courage for executing the design. He was armed with a large dagger, and
      was twice sufficiently near Napoleon to have struck him. I heard this from
      Rapp, who seized Stags, and felt the hilt of the dagger under his coat. On
      that occasion Bonaparte owed his life only to the irresolution of the
      young 'illuminato' who wished to sacrifice him to his fanatical fury. It
      is equally certain that on another occasion, respecting which the author
      of the St. Helena narrative observes complete silence, another fanatic&mdash;more
      dangerous than Steps attempted the life of Napoleon.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[At the time of this attempt I was not with Napoleon; but he
   directed me to see the madmen who had formed the design of
   assassinating him. It will be seen in the course of these Memoirs
   what were his plans, and what was the result of them&mdash;Bourrienne]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The following is a correct statement of the facts relative to Ceracchi's
      conspiracy. The plot itself was a mere shadow; but it was deemed advisable
      to give it substance, to exaggerate, at least in appearance, the danger to
      which the First Consul had been exposed:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      There was at that time in Paris an idle fellow called Harrel; he had been
      a 'chef de battalion', but he had been dismissed the service, and was
      consequently dissatisfied. He became connected with Cerracchi, Arena,
      Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. From different motives all these
      individuals were violently hostile to the First Consul, who on his part,
      was no friend to Cerracchi and Arena, but scarcely knew the two others.
      These four individuals formed, in conjunction with Harrel, the design of
      assassinating the First Consul, and the time fixed for the perpetration of
      the deed was one evening when Bonaparte intended to visit the opera.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 20th of September 1804 Harrel came to me at the Tuileries. He
      revealed to me the plot in which he was engaged, and promised that his
      accomplices should be apprehended in the very act if I would supply him
      with money to bring the plot to maturity. I knew not how to act upon this
      disclosure, which I, however, could not reject without incurring too great
      a responsibility. I immediately communicated the business to the First
      Consul, who ordered me to supply Harrel with money; but not to mention the
      affair to Fouché, to whom he wished to prove that he knew better how to
      manage the police than he did.
    </p>
    <p>
      Harrel came nearly every evening at eleven o'clock to inform me of the
      progress of the conspiracy, which I immediately communicated to the First
      Consul, who was not sorry to find Arena and Ceracchi deeply committed. But
      the time passed on, and nothing was done. The First Consul began to grow
      impatient. At length Harrel came to say that they had no money to purchase
      arms. Money was given him. He, however, returned next day to say that the
      gunsmith refused to sell them arms without authority. It was now found
      necessary to communicate the business to Fouché in order that he might
      grant the necessary permission to the gunsmith, which I was not empowered
      to do.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of October the Consuls, after the breaking up of the Council,
      assembled in the cabinet of their colleague. Bonaparte asked them in my
      presence whether they thought he ought to go to the opera. They observed
      that as every precaution was taken no danger could be apprehended, and
      that it was desirable to show the futility of attempts against the First
      Consul's life. After dinner Bonaparte put on a greatcoat over his green
      uniform and got into his carriage accompanied by me and Duroc. He seated
      himself in front of his box, which at that time was on the left of the
      theatre between the two columns which separated the front and side boxes.
      When we had been in the theatre about half an hour the First Consul
      directed me to go and see what was doing in the corridor. Scarcely had I
      left the box than I heard a great uproar, and soon discovered that a
      number of persons, whose names I could not learn, had been arrested. I
      informed the First Consul of what I had heard, and we immediately returned
      to the Tuileries.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is certain that the object of the conspiracy was to take the First
      Consul's life, and that the conspirators neglected nothing which could
      further the accomplishment of their atrocious design. The plot, however,
      was known through the disclosures of Harrel; and it would have been easy
      to avert instead of conjuring up the storm. Such was, and such still is,
      my opinion. Harrel's name was again restored to the army list, and he was
      appointed commandant of Vincennes. This post he held at the time of the
      Duc d'Enghien's assassination. I was afterwards told that his wife was
      foster-sister to the unfortunate prince, and that she recognised him when
      he entered the prison which in a few short hours was to prove his grave.
    </p>
    <p>
      Carbonneau, one of the individuals condemned, candidly confessed the part
      he had taken in the plot, which he said was brought to maturity solely by
      the agents of the police, who were always eager to prove their zeal to
      their employers by some new discovery.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although three months intervened between the machinations of Ceracchi and
      Arena and the horrible attempt of the 3d Nivôse, I shall relate these two
      events in immediate succession; for if they had no other points of
      resemblance they were at least alike in their object. The conspirators in
      the first affair were of the revolutionary faction. They sought
      Bonaparte's life as if with the view of rendering his resemblance to
      Caesar so complete that not even a Brutus should be wanting. The latter,
      it must with regret be confessed, were of the Royalist party, and in their
      wish to destroy the First Consul they were not deterred by the fear of
      sacrificing a great number of citizens.
    </p>
    <p>
      The police knew nothing of the plot of the 3d Nivôse for two reasons;
      first, because they were no parties to it, and secondly, because two
      conspirators do not betray and sell each other when they are resolute in
      their purpose. In such cases the giving of information can arise only from
      two causes, the one excusable, the other infamous, viz. the dread of
      punishment, and the hope of reward. But neither of these causes influenced
      the conspirators of the 3d Nivôse, the inventors and constructors of that
      machine which has so justly been denominated infernal!
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3d Nivôse (24th December 1800) the first performance of Haydn's
      magnificent oratorio of the "Creation" took place at the opera, and the
      First Consul had expressed his intention of being present. I did not dine
      with him that day, but as he left me he said, "Bourrienne, you know I am
      going to the opera to-night, and you may go too; but I cannot take you in
      the carriage, as Lannes, Berthier, and Lauriston are going with me." I was
      very glad of this, for I much wished to hear one of the masterpieces of
      the German school of composition. I got to the opera before Bonaparte, who
      on his entrance seated himself, according to custom, in front of the box.
      The eyes of all present were fixed upon him, and he appeared to be
      perfectly calm and self-possessed. Lauriston, as soon as he saw me, came
      to my box, and told me that the First Consul, on his way to the opera, had
      narrowly escaped being assassinated in the Rue St. Nicaise by the
      explosion of a barrel of gunpowder, the concussion of which had shattered
      the windows of his carriage. "Within ten seconds after our escape," added
      Lauriston, "the coachman having turned the corner of the Rue St Honore,
      stopped to take the First Consul's orders; and he coolly said, 'To the
      opera.'"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The following particulars respecting the affair of the infernal
   machine are related by Rapp, who attended Madame Bonaparte to the
   opera. He differs from Bourrienne as to the total ignorance of the
   police:

   "The affair of the infernal machine has never been properly
   understood by the public. The police had intimated to Napoleon that
   an attempt would be made against his life and cautioned him not to
   go out. Madame Bonaparte, Mademoiselle Beauharnais, Madame Murat,
   Lannes, Bessières, the aide de camp on duty, Lieutenant Lebrun, now
   duke of Placenza were all assembled in the salon, while the First
   Consul was writing in his cabinet. Haydn's oratorio was to be
   performed that evening; the ladies were anxious to hear the music,
   and we also expressed a wish to that effect. The escort piquet was
   ordered out; and Lannes requested that Napoleon would join the
   party. He consented; his carriage was ready, and he took along with
   him Bessières and the aide de camp on duty. I was directed to
   attend the ladies. Josephine had received a magnificent shawl from
   Constantinople and she that evening wore it for the first time.
   'Permit me to observe,' said I, 'that your shawl is not thrown on
   with your usual elegance.' She good-humouredly begged that I would
   fold it after the fashion of the Egyptian ladies. While I was
   engaged in this operation we heard Napoleon depart. 'Come sister,'
   said Madame Murat, who was impatient to get to the theatre:
   'Bonaparte is going:' We stopped into the carriage: the First
   Consul's equipage had already reached the middle of the Place du
   Carrousel. We drove after it, but we had scarcely entered the place
   when the machine exploded. Napoleon escaped by a singular chance,
   St. Regent, or his servant Francois, had stationed himself in the
   middle of the Rue Nicaise. A grenadier of the escort, supposing he
   was really what he appeared to be, a water-carrier, gave him a few
   blows with the flat of his sabre and drove him off. The cart was
   turned round, and the machine exploded between the carriages of
   Napoleon and Josephine. The ladies shrieked on hearing the report;
   the carriage windows were broken, and Mademoiselle Beauharnais
   received a slight hurt on her hand. I alighted and crossed the Rue
   Nicaise which was strewed with the bodies of those who had been
   thrown down, and the fragments of the walls that had been shattered
   with the explosion. Neither the consul nor any individual of his
   suite sustained any serious injury. When I entered the theatre
   Napoleon was seated in his box; calm and composed, and looking at
   the audience through his opera-glass. Fouché was beside him.
   'Josephine' said he as soon as he observed me. She entered at that
   instant and he did not finish his question 'The rascals' said he
   very cooly, 'wanted to blow me up: Bring me a book of the oratorio'"
   (Memoirs of General Count Rape. P. 19)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On hearing this I left the theatre and returned to the Palace, under the
      expectation that I should speedily be wanted. Bonaparte soon returned
      home; and as intelligence of the affair had spread through Paris the grand
      salon on the ground-floor was filled with a crowd of functionaries, eager
      to read in the eye of their master what they were to think and say on the
      occasion. He did not keep them long in suspense. "This," exclaimed he
      vehemently, "is the work of the Jacobins: they have attempted my life....
      There are neither nobles, priests, nor Chouans in this affair!... I know
      what I am about, and they need not think to impose on me. These are the
      Septembrizers who have been in open revolt and conspiracy, and arrayed
      against every succeeding Government. It is scarce three months since my
      life was attempted by Uracchi, Arena; Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. They
      all belong to one gang! The cutthroats of September, the assassins of
      Versailles, the brigands of the 81st of May, the conspirators of Prairial
      are the authors of all the crimes committed against established
      Governments! If they cannot be checked they must be crashed! France must
      be purged of these ruffians!" It is impossible to form any idea of the
      bitterness with which Bonaparte, pronounced these words. In vain did some
      of the Councillors of State, and Fouché in particular, endeavour to point
      out to him that there was no evidence against any one, and that before he
      pronounced people to be guilty it would be right to ascertain the fact.
      Bonaparte repeated with increased violence what he had before said of the
      Jacobins; thus adding; not without some ground of suspicion, one crime
      more to, the long catalogue for which they had already to answer.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché had many enemies, and I was not, therefore, surprised to find some
      of the Ministers endeavouring to take advantage of the difference between
      his opinion and that of the First Consul; and it must be owned that the
      utter ignorance of the police respecting this event was a circumstance not
      very favourable to Fouché. He, however, was like the reed in the fable&mdash;he
      bent with the wind, but was soon erect again. The most skilful actor could
      scarcely imitate the inflexible calmness he maintained during Bonaparte's
      paroxysm of rage, and the patience with which he allowed himself to be
      accused.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché, when afterwards conversing with me, gave me clearly to understand
      that he did not think the Jacobins guilty. I mentioned this to the First
      Consul, but nothing could make him retract his opinion. "Fouché," said he,
      "has good reason for his silence. He is serving his own party. It is very
      natural that he should seek to screen a set of men who are polluted with
      blood and crimes! He was one of their leaders. Do not I know what he did
      at Lyons and the Loire? That explains Fouché's conduct now!"
    </p>
    <p>
      This is the exact truth; and now let me contradict one of the thousand
      fictions about this event. It has been said and printed that "the
      dignitaries and the Ministers were assembled at the Tuileries. 'Well,'
      said the First Consul, advancing angrily towards Fouché, 'will you still
      say that this is the Royalist party?' Fouché, better informed than was
      believed, answered coolly, 'Yes, certainly, I shall say so; and, what is
      more, I shall prove it.' This speech caused general astonishment, but was
      afterwards fully borne out." This is pure invention. The First Consul only
      said to Fouché; "I do not trust to your police; I guard myself, and I
      watch till two in the morning." This however, was very rarely the case.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day after the explosion of the infernal machine a considerable
      concourse assembled at the Tuileries. There was absolutely a torrent of
      congratulations. The prefect of the Seine convoked the twelve mayors of
      Paris and came at their head to wait on the First Consul. In his reply to
      their address Bonaparte said, "As long as this gang of assassins confined
      their attacks to me personally I left the law to take its course; but
      since, by an unparalleled crime, they have endangered the lives of a
      portion of the population of Paris, their punishment must be as prompt as
      exemplary. A hundred of these wretches who have libeled liberty by
      perpetrating crimes in her name must be effectually prevented from
      renewing their atrocities." He then conversed with the Ministers, the
      Councillors of State, etc., on the event of the preceding day; and as all
      knew the First Consul's opinion of the authors of the crime each was eager
      to confirm it. The Council was several times assembled when the Senate was
      consulted, and the adroit Fouché, whose conscience yielded to the delicacy
      of his situation, addressed to the First Consul a report worthy of a
      Mazarin. At the same time the journals were filled with recollections of
      the Revolution, raked up for the purpose of connecting with past crimes
      the individuals on whom it was now wished to cast odium. It was decreed
      that a hundred persons should be banished; and the senate established its
      character for complaisance by passing a 'Senatus-consulte' conformable to
      the wishes of the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      A list was drawn up of the persons styled Jacobins, who were condemned to
      transportation. I was fortunate enough to obtain the erasure of the names
      of several whose opinions had perhaps been violent, but whose education
      and private character presented claims to recommendation. Some of my
      readers may probably recollect them without my naming them, and I shall
      only mention M. Tissot, for the purpose of recording, not the service I
      rendered him, but an instance of grateful acknowledgment.
    </p>
    <p>
      When in 1815 Napoleon was on the point of entering Paris M. Tissot came to
      the prefecture of police, where I then was, and offered me his house as a
      safe asylum; assuring me I should there run no risk of being discovered.
      Though I did not accept the offer yet I gladly seize on this opportunity
      of making it known. It is gratifying to find that difference of political
      opinion does not always exclude sentiments of generosity and honour! I
      shall never forget the way in which the author of the essays on Virgil
      uttered the words 'Domus mea'.
    </p>
    <p>
      But to return to the fatal list. Even while I write this I shudder to
      think of the way in which men utterly innocent were accused of a revolting
      crime without even the shadow of a proof. The name of an individual, his
      opinions, perhaps only assumed, were sufficient grounds for his
      banishment. A decree of the Consuls, dated 4th of January 1801, confirmed
      by a 'Senates-consulte' on the next day, banished from the territory of
      the Republic, and placed under special inspectors, 130 individuals, nine
      of whom were merely designated in the report as Septembrizers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The exiles, who in the reports and in the public acts were so unjustly
      accused of being the authors of the infernal machine, were received at
      Nantes, with so much indignation that the military were compelled to
      interfere to save them from being massacred.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the discussions which preceded the decree of the Consuls few persons
      had the courage to express a doubt respecting the guilt of the accused.
      Truguet was the first to mount the breach. He observed that without
      denying the Government the extraordinary means for getting rid of its
      enemies he could not but acknowledge that the emigrants threatened the
      purchasers of national domains, that the public mind was corrupted by
      pamphlets, and that&mdash;Here the First Consul, interrupting him,
      exclaimed, "To what pamphlets do you allude?"&mdash;"To pamphlets which
      are publicly circulated."&mdash;"Name them!"&mdash;"You know them as well
      as I do."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, of which I
   shall speak a little farther on, is here alluded to.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      After a long and angry ebullition the First Consul abruptly dismissed the
      Council. He observed that he would not be duped; that the villains were
      known; that they were Septembrizers, the hatchers of every mischief. He
      had said at a sitting three days before, "If proof should fail, we must
      take advantage of the public excitement. The event is to me merely the
      opportunity. They shall be banished for the 2d September, for the 31st
      May, for Baboeuf's conspiracy&mdash;or anything else."
    </p>
    <p>
      On leaving one of the sittings of the Council, at which the question of a
      special tribunal had been discussed, he told me that he had been a little
      ruffled; that he had said a violent blow must be struck; that blood must
      be spilt; and that as many of the guilty should be shot as there had been
      victims of the explosion (from fifteen to twenty); that 200 should be
      banished, and the Republic purged of these scoundrels.
    </p>
    <p>
      The arbitrariness and illegality of the proceeding were so evident that
      the 'Senatus-consulte' contained no mention of the transactions of the 3d
      Nivôse, which was very remarkable. It was, however, declared that the
      measure of the previous day had been adopted with a view to the
      preservation of the Constitution. This was promising.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul manifested the most violent hatred of the Jacobins; for
      this he could not have been blamed if under the title of Jacobins he had
      not comprised every devoted advocate of public liberty. Their opposition
      annoyed him and he could never pardon them for having presumed to condemn
      his tyrannical acts, and to resist the destruction of the freedom which he
      had himself sworn to defend, but which he was incessantly labouring to
      overturn. These were the true motives of his conduct; and, conscious of
      his own faults, he regarded with dislike those who saw and disapproved of
      them. For this reason he was more afraid of those whom he called Jacobins
      than of the Royalists.
    </p>
    <p>
      I am here recording the faults of Bonaparte, but I excuse him; situated as
      he was, any other person would have acted in the same way. Truth now
      reached him with difficulty, and when it was not agreeable he had no
      disposition to hear it. He was surrounded by flatterers; and, the greater
      number of those who approached him, far from telling him what they really
      thought; only repeated what he had himself been thinking. Hence he admired
      the wisdom of his Counsellors. Thus Fouché, to maintain himself in favour,
      was obliged to deliver up to his master 130 names chosen from among his
      own most intimate friends as objects of proscription.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile Fouché, still believing that he was not deceived as to the real
      authors of the attempt of the 3d Nivôse, set in motion with his usual
      dexterity all the springs of the police. His efforts, however, were for
      sometime unsuccessful; but at length on Saturday, the 31st January 1801,
      about two hours after our arrival at Malmaison, Fouché presented himself
      and produced authentic proofs of the accuracy of his conjectures. There
      was no longer any doubt on the subject; and Bonaparte saw clearly that the
      attempt of the 3d Nivôse was the result of a plot hatched by the partisans
      of royalty. But as the act of proscription against those who were jumbled
      together under the title of the Jacobins had been executed, it was not to
      be revoked.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus the consequence of the 3d Nivôse was that both the innocent and
      guilty were punished; with this difference, however, that the guilty at
      least had the benefit of a trial.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Jacobins, as they were called, were accused with such
      precipitation, Fouché had no positive proofs of their innocence; and
      therefore their illegal condemnation ought not to be attributed to him.
      Sufficient odium is attached to his memory without his being charged with
      a crime he never committed. Still, I must say that had he boldly opposed
      the opinion of Bonaparte in the first burst of his fury he might have
      averted the blow. Every time he came to the Tuileries, even before he had
      acquired any traces of the truth, Fouché always declared to me his
      conviction of the innocence of the persons first accused. But he was
      afraid to make the same observation to Bonaparte. I often mentioned to him
      the opinion of the Minister of Police; but as proof was wanting he replied
      to me with a triumphant air, "Bah! bah! This is always the way with
      Fouché. Besides, it is of little consequence. At any rate we shall get rid
      of them. Should the guilty be discovered among the Royalists they also
      shall be punished."
    </p>
    <p>
      The real criminals being at length discovered through the researches of
      Fouché, St. Regent and Carbon expiated their crimes by the forfeit of
      their heads. Thus the First Consul gained his point, and justice gained
      hers.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It was St. Regent, or St. Rejeant, who fired the infernal
   machine. The violence of the shock flung him against a post and
   part of his breast bone was driven in. He was obliged to resort to
   a surgeon, and it would seem that this man denounced him. (Memoirs
   of Miot de Melito, tome i. p. 264).

   The discussions which took place in the Council of State on this
   affair are remarkable, both for the violence of Napoleon and for the
   resistance made in the Council, to a great extent successfully, to
   his views as to the plot being one of the Jacobin party.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I have often had occasion to notice the multifarious means employed by
      Bonaparte to arrive at the possession of supreme power, and to prepare
      men's minds for so great change. Those who have observed his life must
      have so remarked how entirely he was convinced of the truth that public
      opinion wastes itself on the rumour of a project and possesses no energy
      at the moment of its execution. In order, therefore, to direct public
      attention to the question of hereditary power a pamphlet was circulated
      about Paris, and the following is the history of it:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of December 1800, while Fouché was searching after the real
      authors of the attempt of the 3d Nivôse, a small pamphlet, entitled
      "Parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte," was sent to the First
      Consul. He was absent when it came. I read it, and perceived that it
      openly advocated hereditary monarchy. I then knew nothing about the origin
      of this pamphlet, but I soon learned that it issued from the office of the
      Minister of the Interior [Lucien Bonaparte], and that it had been largely
      circulated. After reading it I laid it on the table. In a few minutes
      Bonaparte entered, and taking up the pamphlet pretended to look through
      it: "Have you read this?" said he.&mdash;"Yes, General."&mdash; "Well!
      what is your opinion of it?"&mdash;"I think it is calculated to produce an
      unfavourable effect on the public mind: it is ill-timed, for it
      prematurely reveals your views." The First Consul took the pamphlet and
      threw it on the ground, as he did all the stupid publications of the day
      after having slightly glanced over them. I was not singular in my opinion
      of the pamphlet, for next day the prefects in the immediate neighbourhood
      of Paris sent a copy of it to the First Consul, complaining of its
      mischievous effect; and I recollect that in one of their letters it was
      stated that such a work was calculated to direct against him the poniards
      of new assassins. After reading this correspondence he said to me,
      "Bourrienne, send for Fouché; he must come directly, and give an account
      of this matter." In half an hour Fouché was in the First Consul's cabinet.
      No sooner had he entered than the following dialogue took place, in which
      the impetuous warmth of the one party was strangely contrasted with the
      phlegmatic and rather sardonic composure of the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      "What pamphlet is this? What is said about it in Paris?"&mdash;"General,
      there is but one opinion of its dangerous tendency."&mdash;"Well, then,
      why did you allow it to appear?"&mdash;"General, I was obliged to show
      some consideration for the author!"&mdash;"Consideration for the author!
      What do you mean? You should have sent him to the temple."&mdash;"But,
      General, your brother Lucien patronises this pamphlet. It has been printed
      and published by his order. In short, it comes from the office of the
      Minister of the Interior."&mdash;"No matter for that! Your duty as
      Minister of Police was to have arrested Lucien, and sent him to the
      Temple. The fool does nothing but contrive how he can commit me!"
    </p>
    <p>
      With these words the First Consul left the cabinet, shutting the door
      violently behind him. Being now alone with Fouché, I was eager to get an
      explanation of the suppressed smile which had more than once curled his
      lips during Bonaparte's angry expostulation. I easily perceived that there
      was something in reserve. "Send the author to the Temple!" said Fouché;
      "that would be no easy matter! Alarmed at the effect which this parallel
      between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte was likely to produce, I went to
      Lucien to point out to him his imprudence. He made me no answer, but went
      and got a manuscript, which he showed me, and which contained corrections
      and annotations in the First Consul's handwriting."
    </p>
    <p>
      When Lucien heard how Bonaparte had expressed his displeasure at the
      pamphlet, he also came to the Tuileries to reproach his brother with
      having thrust him forward and then abandoned him. "'Tis your own fault,"
      said the First Consul. "You have allowed yourself to be caught! So much
      the worse for you! Fouché is too cunning for you! You are a mere fool
      compared with him!" Lucien tendered his resignation, which was accepted,
      and he departed for Spain. This diplomatic mission turned to his
      advantage. It was necessary that one should veil the Machiavellian
      invention of the 'Parallel.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The 'Parallel' has been attributed to different writers; some
   phrases seemed the work of Lucien, but, says Thiers (tome ii p.
   210), its rare elegance of language and its classical knowledge of
   history should attribute it to its real anchor, Fontanel, Joseph
   Bonaparte (Erreurs tome i. p. 270) says that Fontanel wrote it, and
   Lucien Bonaparte corrected it. See Meneval, tome iii. p. 105.
   Whoever wrote it Napoleon certainly planned its issue. "It was,"
   said he to Roederer, "a work of which he himself had given the idea,
   but the last pages were by a fool" (Miot, tome i, p. 318). See also
   Lanfrey, tome ii. p. 208; and compare the story in Iung's Lucien,
   tome ii. p. 490. Miot, then in the confidence of Joseph, says,
   that Lucien's removal from, office was the result of an angry
   quarrel between him and Fouché in the presence of Napoleon, when
   Fouché attacked Lucien, not only for the pamphlet, but also for the
   disorder of his public and his private life; but Miot (tome i, p,
   319) places the date of this as the 3d November, while Bourrienne
   dates the disapproval of the pamphlet in December.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Lucien, among other instructions, was directed to use all his endeavours
      to induce Spain to declare against Portugal in order to compel that power
      to separate herself from England.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul had always regarded Portugal as an English colony, and he
      conceived that to attack it was to assail England. He wished that Portugal
      should no longer favour England in her commercial relations, but that,
      like Spain, she should become dependent on him. Lucien was therefore sent
      as ambassador to Madrid, to second the Ministers of Charles IV. in
      prevailing on the King to invade Portugal. The King declared war, but it
      was not of long duration, and terminated almost without a blow being
      struck, by the taking of Olivenza. On the 6th of June 1801 Portugal signed
      the treaty of Badajoz, by which she promised to cede Olivenza, Almeida,
      and some other fortresses to Spain, and to close her ports against
      England. The First Consul, who was dissatisfied with the treaty, at first
      refused to ratify it. He still kept his army in Spain, and this proceeding
      determined Portugal to accede to some slight alterations in the first
      treaty. This business proved very advantageous to Lucien and Godoy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The cabinet of the Tuileries was not the only place in which the question
      of hereditary succession was discussed. It was the constant subject of
      conversation in the salons of Paris, where a new dynasty was already
      spoken of. This was by no means displeasing to the First Consul; but he
      saw clearly that he had committed a mistake in agitating the question
      prematurely; for this reason he waged war against the Parallel, as he
      would not be suspected of having had any share in a design that had
      failed. One day he said to me, "I believe I have been a little too
      precipitate. The pear is not quite ripe!" The Consulate for life was
      accordingly postponed till 1802, and the hereditary empire till 1804.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the failure of the artful publication of the pamphlet Fouché invited
      me to dine with him. As the First Consul wished me to dine out as seldom
      as possible, I informed him of the invitation I had received. He was,
      however, aware of it before, and he very readily gave me leave to go. At
      dinner Joseph was placed on the right of Fouché, and I next to Joseph, who
      talked of nothing but his brother, his designs, the pamphlet, and the bad
      effect produced by it. In all that fell from him there was a tone of blame
      and disapproval. I told him my opinion, but with greater reserve than I
      had used towards his brother. He seemed to approve of what I said; his
      confidence encouraged me, and I saw with pleasure that he entertained
      sentiments entirely similar to my own. His unreserved manner so imposed
      upon me that, notwithstanding the experience I had acquired, I was far
      from suspecting myself to be in the company of a spy. Next day the First
      Consul said to me very coldly, "Leave my letters in the basket, I will
      open them myself." This unexpected direction surprised me exceedingly, and
      I determined to play him a trick in revenge for his unfounded distrust.
      For three mornings I laid at the bottom of the basket all the letters
      which I knew came from the Ministers, and all the reports which were
      addressed to me for the First Consul. I then covered them over with those
      which; judging from their envelopes and seals, appeared to be of that
      trifling kind with which the First Consul was daily overwhelmed: these
      usually consisted of requests that he would name the number of a lottery
      ticket, so, that the writer might have the benefit of his good luck&mdash;solicitations
      that he would stand godfather to a child&mdash;petitions for places&mdash;announcements
      of marriages and births&mdash;absurd eulogies, etc. Unaccustomed to open
      the letters, he became impatient at their number, and he opened very few.
      Often on the same day, but always on the morrow, came a fresh letter from
      a Minister, who asked for an answer to his former one, and who complained
      of not having received one. The First Consul unsealed some twenty letters
      and left the rest.
    </p>
    <p>
      The opening of all these letters, which he was not at other times in the
      habit of looking at, annoyed him extremely; but as I neither wished to
      carry the joke too far, nor to remain in the disagreeable position in
      which Joseph's treachery had placed me, I determined to bring the matter
      to a conclusion. After the third day, when the business of the night,
      which had been interrupted by little fits of ill-humour, was concluded,
      Bonaparte retired to bed. Half an hour after I went to his chamber, to
      which I was admitted at all hours. I had a candle in my hand, and, taking
      a chair, I sat down on the right side of the bed, and placed the candle on
      the table. Both he and Josephine awoke. "What is the matter?" he asked
      with surprise. "General, I have come to tell you that I can no longer
      remain here, since I have lost your confidence. You know how sincerely I
      am devoted to you; if you have, then, anything to reproach me with, let me
      at least know it, for my situation during the last three days has been
      very painful."&mdash;"What has Bourrienne done?" inquired Josephine
      earnestly.&mdash;"That does not concern you," he replied. Then turning to
      me he said, "'Tis true, I have cause to complain of you. I have been
      informed that you have spoken of important affairs in a very indiscreet
      manner."&mdash;"I can assure you that I spoke to none but your brother. It
      was he who led me into the conversation, and he was too well versed in the
      business for me to tell him any secret. He may have reported to you what
      he pleased, but could not I do the same by him? I could accuse and betray
      him as he has accused and betrayed me. When I spoke in confidence to your
      brother, could I regard him as an inquisitor?"&mdash;"I must confess,"
      replied Bonaparte, "that after what I heard from Joseph I thought it right
      to put my confidence in quarantine."&mdash;"The quarantine has lasted
      three days, General; surely that is long enough."&mdash;"Well, Bourrienne,
      let us say no more about it. Open my letters as usual; you will find the
      answers a good deal in arrear, which has much vexed me; and besides, I was
      always stumbling on some stupid nonsense or other!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I fancy I still see and hear the amiable Josephine sitting up in bed and
      saying, in her gentle way, "What! Bonaparte, is it possible you could
      suspect Bourrienne, who is so attached to you, and who is your only
      friend? How could you suffer such a snare to be laid for him? What! a
      dinner got up on purpose! How I hate these odious police manoeuvres!"&mdash;"Go
      to sleep," said Bonaparte; "let women mind their gewgaws, and not
      interfere with politics." It was near two in the morning before I retired.
    </p>
    <p>
      When, after a few hours' sleep, I again saw the First Consul, he was more
      kind to me than ever, and I perceived that for the present every cloud had
      dispersed.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Joseph Bonaparte (Erreurs, tome i. p. 273) says what he
   reported to his brother was Bourrienne's conversation to him in the
   First Consul's cabinet during Napoleon's absence. It is curious
   that at the only time when Napoleon became dissatisfied with Meneval
   (Bourrienne's successor), and ordered him not to open the letters,
   he used the same expression when returning to the usual order of
   business, which in this case was to a few hours. "My dear Meneval,"
   said he, "there are circumstances in which I am forced to put my
   confidence in quarantine." (Meneval, tome i. p. 123). For any one
   who has had to manage an office it is pleasant to find that even
   Napoleon was much dependent on a good secretary. In an illness of
   his secretary he said, showing the encumbrance of his desk, "with
   Meneval I should soon clear off all that." (Meneval, tome i. p. 151.)]
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0039" id="link2HCH0039">
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV.
    </h2>

      1800-1801

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Austria bribed by England&mdash;M. de St. Julien in Paris&mdash;Duroc's
   mission&mdash;Rupture of the armistice&mdash;Surrender of three garrisons&mdash;
   M. Otto in London&mdash;Battle of Hohenlinden&mdash;Madame Moreau and Madame
   Hulot&mdash;Bonaparte's ill-treatment of the latter&mdash;Congress of
   Luneville&mdash;General Clarke&mdash;M. Maret&mdash;Peace between France and
   Austria&mdash;Joseph Bonaparte's speculations in the funds&mdash;
   M. de Talleyrand's advice&mdash;Post-office regulation&mdash;Cambacérès&mdash;
   Importance of good dinners in the affairs of Government&mdash;Steamboats
   and intriguers&mdash;Death of Paul I.&mdash;New thoughts of the
   reestablishment of Poland&mdash;Duroc at St. Petersburg&mdash;Bribe rejected&mdash;
   Death of Abercromby.
</pre>
    <p>
      The armistice concluded after the battle of Marengo, which had been first
      broken and then resumed, continued to be observed for some time between
      the armies of the Rhine and Italy and the Imperial armies. But Austria,
      bribed by a subsidy of 2,000,000 sterling, would not treat for peace
      without the participation of England. She did not despair of recommencing
      the war successfully.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de St. Julien had signed preliminaries at Paris; but the Court of
      Vienna disavowed them, and Duroc, whom Bonaparte sent to convey the
      preliminaries to Vienna for the Imperial ratification, was not permitted
      to pass the Austrian advance posts. This unexpected proceeding, the result
      of the all-powerful influence of England, justly incensed the First
      Consul, who had given decided proofs of moderation and a wish for peace.
      "I want peace," said he to me, "to enable me to organise the interior; the
      people also want it. You see the conditions I offer. Austria, though
      beaten, obtains all she got at Campo-Formio. What can she want more? I
      could make further exactions; but, without fearing the reverses of 1799, I
      must think of the future. Besides, I want tranquillity, to enable me to
      settle the affairs of the interior, and to send aid to Malta and Egypt.
      But I will not be trifled with. I will force an immediate decision!"
    </p>
    <p>
      In his irritation the First Consul despatched orders to Moreau, directing
      him to break the armistice and resume hostilities unless he regained
      possession of the bridges of the Rhine and the Danube by the surrender of
      Philipsburg, Ulm, and Ingolstadt. The Austrians then offered to treat with
      France on new bases. England wished to take part in the Congress, but to
      this the First Consul would not consent until she should sign a separate
      armistice and cease to make common cause with Austria.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul received intelligence of the occupation of the three
      garrisons on the 23d of September, the day he had fixed in his ultimatum
      to England for the renewal of hostilities. But for the meanwhile he was
      satisfied with the concessions of Austria: that power, in the expectation
      of being supported by England, asked her on what terms she was to treat.
    </p>
    <p>
      During these communications with Austria M. Otto was in London negotiating
      for the exchange of prisoners. England would not hear of an armistice by
      sea like that which France had concluded with Austria by land. She alleged
      that, in case of a rupture, France would derive from that armistice
      greater advantage than Austria would gain by that already concluded. The
      difficulty and delay attending the necessary communications rendered these
      reasons plausible. The First Consul consented to accept other propositions
      from England, and to allow her to take part in the discussions of
      Luneville, but on condition that she should sign a treaty with him without
      the intervention of Austria. This England refused to do. Weary of this
      uncertainty, and the tergiversation of Austria, which was still under the
      influence of England, and feeling that the prolongation of such a state of
      things could only turn to his disadvantage, Bonaparte broke the armistice.
      He had already consented to sacrifices which his successes in Italy did
      not justify. The hope of an immediate peace had alone made him lose sight
      of the immense advantages which victory had given him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Far from appearing sensible to the many proofs of moderation which the
      First Consul evinced, the combined insolence of England and Austria seemed
      only to increase. Orders were immediately given for resuming the offensive
      in Germany and Italy, and hostilities then recommenced.
    </p>
    <p>
      The chances of fortune were long doubtful. After a reverse Austria made
      promises, and after an advantage she evaded them; but finally, fortune
      proved favourable to France. The French armies in Italy and Germany
      crossed the Mincio and the Danube, and the celebrated battle of
      Hohenlinden brought the French advanced posts within ten leagues of
      Vienna. This victory secured peace; for, profiting by past experience, the
      First Consul would not hear of any suspension of arms until Austria should
      consent to a separate treaty. Driven into her last intrenchments, Austria
      was obliged to yield. She abandoned England; and the English Cabinet, in
      spite of the subsidy of 2,000,000 sterling, consented to the separation.
      Great Britain was forced to come to this arrangement in consequence of the
      situation to which the successes of the army of Moreau had reduced
      Austria, which it was certain would be ruined by longer resistance.
    </p>
    <p>
      England wished to enter into negotiations at Luneville. To this the First
      Consul acceded; but, as he saw that England was seeking to deceive him, he
      required that she should suspend hostilities with France, as Austria had
      done. Bonaparte very reasonably alleged that an indefinite armistice on
      the Continent would be more to the disadvantage of France than a long
      armistice by sea would be unfavourable to England. All this adjourned the
      preliminaries to 1801 and the peace to 1802.
    </p>
    <p>
      The impatience and indignation of the First Consul had been highly excited
      by the evasions of Austria and the plots of England, for he knew all the
      intrigues that were carrying on for the restoration of the Bourbons. His
      joy may be therefore conceived when the battle of Hohenlinden balanced the
      scale of fortune in his favour. On the 3d of December 1800 Moreau gained
      that memorable victory which at length put an end to the hesitations of
      the Cabinet of Vienna.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[On the eve of the battle of Hohenlinden Moreau was at supper with
   his aides de camp and several general officers, when a despatch was
   delivered to him. After he had read it be said to his guests,
   though he was far from being in the habit of boasting, "I am here
   made acquainted with Baron Kray's movements. They are all I could
   wish. To-morrow we will take from him 10,000 prisoners." Moreau
   took 40,000, besides a great many flags.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 6th of December the First Consul received intelligence of the
      battle of Hohenlinden. It was on a Saturday, and he had just returned from
      the theatre when I delivered the despatches to him. He literally danced
      for joy. I must say that he did not expect so important a result from the
      movements of the army of the Rhine. This victory gave a new face to his
      negotiations for peace, and determined the opening of the Congress of
      Luneville, which took place on the 1st of January following.
    </p>
    <p>
      On receiving information of the battle of Hohenlinden, Madame Moreau came
      to the Tuileries to call on the First Consul and Madame Bonaparte. She did
      not see them, and repeated her calls several times with no better success.
      The last time she came she was accompanied by her mother, Madame Hulot.
      She waited for a considerable time in vain, and when she was going away
      her mother, who could no longer restrain her feelings, said aloud, before
      me and several persons of the household, that "it ill became the wife of
      the conqueror of Hohenlinden to dance attendance in this way." This remark
      reached the ears of those to whom it was directed. Madame Moreau shortly
      after rejoined her husband in Germany; and some time after her departure
      Madame Hulot came to Malmaison to solicit promotion for her eldest son,
      who was in the navy. Josephine received Madame Hulot very kindly, and
      requested her to stay to dinner. She accepted the invitation. The First
      Consul, who did not see her until the hour of dinner, treated her very
      coolly: he said little to her, and retired as soon as dinner was over. His
      rudeness was so marked and offensive that Josephine, who was always kind
      and amiable, thought it necessary to apologise, by observing that his mind
      was disturbed by the non-arrival of a courier whom he expected.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte entertained no dislike of Moreau, because he did not fear him;
      and after the battle of Hohenlinden he spoke of him in the highest terms,
      and frankly acknowledged the services he had rendered on that important
      occasion; but he could not endure his wife's family, who, he said, were a
      set of intriguers.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon had good reason for his opinion. "Moreau had a mother-
   in-law and a wife lively and given to intrigue. Bonaparte could not
   bear intriguing women. Besides, on one occasion Madame Moreau's
   mother, when at Malmaison, had indulged in sharp remarks on a
   suspected scandalous intimacy between Bonaparte and his young sister
   Caroline, then just married. The Consul had not forgiven such
   conversation" (Rémusat tome i. P. 192). see also Meneval, tome
   iii. p. 57, as to the mischief done by Madame Hulot.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Luneville having been fixed upon for the Congress, the First Consul sent
      his brother Joseph to treat with Count Louis de Cobentzel. On his way
      Joseph met M. de Cobentzel, who had passed Luneville, and was coming to
      Paris to sound the sentiments of the French Government. Joseph returned to
      Paris with him. After some conversation with the First Consul they set out
      next day for Luneville, of which place Bonaparte appointed General Clarke
      governor. This appeared to satisfy Clarke, who was very anxious to be
      something, and had long been importuning Bonaparte for an appointment.
    </p>
    <p>
      A day or two after the news of the battle of Hohenlinden M. Maret came to
      present for Bonaparte's signature some, decrees made in Council. While
      affixing the signatures, and without looking up, the First Consul said to
      M. Maret, who was a favourite with him, and who was standing at his right
      hand, "Are you rich, Maret?"&mdash;"No, General."&mdash;"So much the
      worse: a man should be independent."&mdash;"General, I will never be
      dependent on any one but you." The First Consul then raised his eyes to
      Maret and said, "Hem! that is not bad!" and when the secretary-general was
      gone he said to me, "Maret is not deficient in cleverness: he made me a
      very good answer."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 9th of February 1801, six weeks after the opening of the Congress
      of Luneville, peace was signed between Austria and France. This peace&mdash;the
      fruit of Marengo and Hohenlinden&mdash;restored France to that honourable
      position which had been put in jeopardy by the feeble and incapable
      government of the pentarchy and the reverses of 1799. This peace, which in
      the treaty, according to custom, was called perpetual, lasted four years.
    </p>
    <p>
      Joseph Bonaparte, while treating for France at Luneville, was speculating
      on the rise of the funds which he thought the peace would produce. Persons
      more wise, who were like him in the secret, sold out their stock at the
      moment when the certainty of the peace became known. But Joseph purchased
      to a great extent, in the hope of selling to advantage on the signature of
      peace. However, the news had been discounted, and a fall took place.
      Joseph's loss was considerable, and he could not satisfy the engagements
      in which his greedy and silly speculations had involved him. He applied to
      his brother, who neither wished nor was able to advance him the necessary
      sum. Bonaparte was, however, exceedingly sorry to see his elder brother in
      this embarrassment. He asked me what was to be done. I told him I did not
      know; but I advised him to consult M. de Talleyrand, from whom he had
      often received good advice. He did so, and M. de Talleyrand replied, with
      that air of coolness which is so peculiar to him, "What! is that all? Oh!
      that is nothing. It is easily settled. You have only to raise the price of
      the funds."&mdash;"But the money?"&mdash; "Oh, the money may be easily
      obtained. Make some deposits in the Mont-de-Piste, or the sinking fund.
      That will give you the necessary money to raise the funds; and then Joseph
      may sell out, and recover his losses." M. de Talleyrand's advice was
      adopted, and all succeeded as he had foretold. None but those who have
      heard M. de Talleyrand converse can form an accurate idea of his easy
      manner of expressing himself, his imperturbable coolness, the fixed
      unvarying expression of his countenance, and his vast fund of wit.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Talleyrand had a large experience in all sorts of speculation.
   When old he gave this counsel to one of his proteges: "Do not
   speculate. I have always speculated on assured information, and
   that has cost me so many millions;" and he named his losses. We may
   believe that in this reckoning he rather forgot the amount of his
   gains (Sainte-Beuve, Talleyrand, 93).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      During the sitting of the Congress the First Consul learnt that the
      Government couriers conveyed to favoured individuals in Paris various
      things, but especially the delicacies of the table, and he ordered that
      this practice should be discontinued. On the very evening on which this
      order was issued Cambacérès entered the salon, where I was alone with the
      First Consul, who had already been laughing at the mortification which he
      knew this regulation would occasion to his colleague: "Well, Cambacérès,
      what brings you here at this time of night?"&mdash;"I come to solicit an
      exception to the order which you have just given to the Director of the
      Posts. How do you think a man can make friends unless he keeps a good
      table? You know very well how much good dinners assist the business of
      Government." The First Consul laughed, called him a gourmand, and, patting
      him on the shoulder, said, "Do not distress yourself, my dear Cambacérès;
      the couriers shall continue to bring you your 'dindes aux truffes', your
      Strasburg 'pates', your Mayence hams, and your other titbits."
    </p>
    <p>
      Those who recollect the magnificent dinners given by Cambacérès and
      others, which were a general topic of conversation at the time, and who
      knew the ingenious calculation which was observed in the invitation of the
      guests, must be convinced of the vast influence of a good dinner in
      political affairs. As to Cambacérès, he did not believe that a good
      government could exist without good dinners; and his glory (for every man
      has his own particular glory) was to know that the luxuries of his table
      were the subject of eulogy throughout Paris, and even Europe. A banquet
      which commanded general suffrage was to him a Marengo or a Friedland.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bourrienne does not exaggerate this excellent quality of the
   worthy Cambacérès. When Beugnot was sent to administer the Grand
   Duchy of Berg, Cambacérès said to him, "My dear Beugnot, the Emperor
   arranges crowns as he chooses; here is the Grand Duke of Berg
   (Murat) going to Naples; he is welcome, I have no objection, but
   every year the Grand Duke sent me a couple of dozen hams from his
   Grand Duchy, and I warn you I do not intend to lose them, so you
   must make your preparations.". . . . I never once omitted to
   acquit myself of the obligation, and if there were any delay, . . .
   his Highness never failed to cause one of his secretaries to write a
   good scolding to my house steward; but when the hams arrived
   exactly, his highness never failed to write to my wife himself to
   thank her.

   This was not all; the hams were to come carriage free. This petty
   jobbery occasioned discontent, . . . and it would not have cost
   me more to pay the carriage. The Prince would not allow it. There
   was an agreement between him and Lavalette (the head of the Posts),
   . . . And my Lord appeared to lay as much stress on the
   performance of this treaty as on the procuring of the ham, (Beugnot,
   tome i. p. 262).

   Cambacérès never suffered the cares of Government to distract his
   attention from the great object of life. On one occasion, for
   example, being detained in consultation with Napoleon beyond the
   appointed hour of dinner&mdash;it is said that the fate of the Duc
   d'Enghien was the topic under discussion&mdash;he was observed, when the
   hour became very late, to show great symptoms of impatience and
   restlessness. He at last wrote a note which he called a gentleman
   usher in waiting to carry. Napoleon, suspecting the contents,
   nodded to an aide de camp to intercept the despatch. As he took it
   into his hands Cambacérès begged earnestly that he would not read a
   trifling note upon domestic matters. Napoleon persisted, and found
   it to be a note to the cook containing only the following words,
   "Gardez les entremetes&mdash;les rotis sont perdue." When Napoleon was
   in good humor at the result of a diplomatic conference he was
   accustomed to take leave of the plenipotentiaries with, "Go and dine
   Cambacérès." His table was in fact an important state engine, as
   appears from the anecdote of the trout sent to him by the
   municipality of Geneva, and charged 300 francs in their accounts.
   The Imperial 'Cour des Comptes' having disallowed the item, was
   interdicted from meddling with similar municipal affairs in future
   (Hayward's Art of Dining, p. 20).]
</pre>
    <p>
      At the commencement of 1801 Fulton presented to Bonaparte his memorial on
      steamboats. I urged a serious examination of the subject. "Bah!" said he,
      "these projectors are all either intriguers or visionaries. Don't trouble
      me about the business." I observed that the man whom he called an
      intriguer was only reviving an invention already known, and that it was
      wrong to reject the scheme without examination. He would not listen to me;
      and thus was adjourned, for some time, the practical application of a
      discovery which has given such an important impulse to trade and
      navigation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paul I. fell by the hands of assassins on the night of the 24th of March
      1801. The First Consul was much shocked on receiving the intelligence. In
      the excitement caused by this unexpected event, which had so important an
      influence on his policy, he directed me to send the following note to the
      Moniteur:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Paul I. died on the night of the 24th of March, and the English
   squadron passed the Sound on the 30th. History will reveal the
   connection which probably exists between these two events.
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus were announced the crime of the 24th of March and the not ill-founded
      suspicions of its authors.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[We do not attempt to rescue the fair name of our country. This
   is one among many instances in which Bourrienne was misled.&mdash;Editor
   of 1886 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte had been daily strengthened.
      "In concert with the Czar," said Bonaparte, "I was sure of striking a
      mortal blow at the English power in India. A palace revolution has
      overthrown all my projects." This resolution, and the admiration of the
      Autocrat of Russia for the head of the French Republic, may certainly be
      numbered among the causes of Paul's death. The individuals generally
      accused at the time were those who were violently and perseveringly
      threatened, and who had the strongest interest in the succession of a new
      Emperor. I have seen a letter from a northern sovereign which in my mind
      leaves no doubt on this subject, and which specified the reward of the
      crime, and the part to be performed by each actor. But it must also be
      confessed that the conduct and character of Paul I., his tyrannical acts,
      his violent caprices, and his frequent excesses of despotism, had rendered
      him the object of accumulated hatred, for patience has its limit. These
      circumstances did not probably create the conspiracy, but they
      considerably facilitated the execution of the plot which deprived the Czar
      of his throne and his life.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as Alexander ascended the throne the ideas of the First Consul
      respecting the dismemberment of Poland were revived, and almost wholly
      engrossed his mind. During his first campaign in Italy, and several times
      when in Egypt, he told Sulkowsky that it was his ardent wish to
      reestablish Poland, to avenge the iniquity of her dismemberment, and by
      that grand repertory act to restore the former equilibrium of Europe. He
      often dictated to me for the 'Moniteur' articles tending to prove, by
      various arguments, that Europe would never enjoy repose until those great
      spoilations were avenged and repaired; but he frequently destroyed these
      articles instead of sending them to press. His system of policy towards
      Russia changed shortly after the death of Paul. The thought of a war
      against that empire unceasingly occupied his mind, and gave birth to the
      idea of that fatal campaign which took place eleven years afterwards, and
      which had other causes than the re-establishment of Poland. That object
      was merely set forward as a pretext.
    </p>
    <p>
      Duroc was sent to St. Petersburg to congratulate the Emperor Alexander on
      his accession to the throne. He arrived in the Russian capital on the 24th
      of May. Duroc, who was at this time very young, was a great favourite of
      the First Consul. He never importuned Bonaparte by his solicitations, and
      was never troublesome in recommending any one or busying himself as an
      agent for favour; yet he warmly advocated the cause of those whom he
      thought injured, and honestly repelled accusations which he knew to be
      false. These moral qualities; joined to an agreeable person and elegant
      manners, rendered him a very superior man.
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1801 was, moreover, marked by the fatal creation of special
      tribunals, which were in no way justified by the urgency of circumstances.
      This year also saw the re-establishment of the African Company, the treaty
      of Luneville (which augmented the advantages France had obtained by the
      treaty of Campo-Formio), and the peace concluded between Spain and
      Portugal by means of Lucien. On the subject of this peace I may mention
      that Portugal, to obtain the cession of Olivenza, secretly offered
      Bonaparte, through me, 8,000,000 of francs if he would contribute his
      influence towards the acquisition of that town by Portugal. He, rejected
      this offer indignantly, declaring that he would never sell honour for
      money. He has been accused of having listened to a similar proposition at
      Passeriano, though in fact no such proposition was ever made to him. Those
      who bring forward such accusations little know the inflexibility of his
      principles on this point.
    </p>
    <p>
      One evening in April 1801 an English paper&mdash;the London Gazette&mdash;arrived
      at Malmaison. It announced the landing in Egypt of the army commanded by
      Abercromby, the battle given by the English, and the death of their
      General. I immediately translated the article, and presented it to the
      First Consul, with the conviction that the news would be very painful to
      him. He doubted its truth, or at least pretended to do so. Several
      officers and aides de camp who were in the salon coincided in his opinion,
      especially Lannes, Bessières, and Duroc. They thought by so doing to
      please the First Consul, who then said to me, in a jeering tone, "Bah! you
      do not understand English. This is the way with you: you are always
      inclined to believe bad news rather than good!" These words, and the
      approving smiles of the gentlemen present, ruffled me, and I said with
      some warmth, "How, General, can you believe that the English Government
      would publish officially so important an event if it were not true? Do you
      think that a Government that has any self-respect would, in the face of
      Europe, state a falsehood respecting an affair the truth of which cannot
      long remain unknown? Did you ever know an instance of so important an
      announcement proving untrue after it had been published in the London
      Gazette? I believe it to be true, and the smiles of these gentlemen will
      not alter my opinion." On these observations the First Consul rose and
      said, "Come, Bourrienne, I want you in the library." After we had left the
      salon he added, "This is always the way with you. Why are you vexed at
      such trifles? I assure you I believe the news but too confidently, and I
      feared it before it came. But they think they please me by thus appearing
      to doubt it. Never mind them."&mdash;"I ask your pardon," said I, "but I
      conceive the best way of proving my attachment to you is to tell you what
      I believe to be true. You desire me not to delay a moment in announcing
      bad news to you. It would be far worse to disguise than to conceal it."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0040" id="link2HCH0040">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER V.
    </h2>

      1801-1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   An experiment of royalty&mdash;Louis de Bourbon and Maria Louisa, of
   Spain&mdash;Creation of the kingdom of Etruria&mdash;The Count of Leghorn in
   Paris&mdash;Entertainments given him&mdash;Bonaparte's opinion of the King of
   Etruria&mdash;His departure for Florence, and bad reception there&mdash;
   Negotiations with the Pope&mdash;Bonaparte's opinion on religion&mdash;Te Deum
   at Notre Dame&mdash;Behaviour of the people in the church&mdash;Irreligion of
   the Consular Court&mdash;Augereau's remark on the Te Deum&mdash;First Mass at
   St. Cloud-Mass in Bonaparte's apartments&mdash;Talleyrand relieved from
   his clerical vows&mdash;My appointment to the Council of State.
</pre>
    <p>
      Before he placed two crowns on his own head Bonaparte thought it would
      promote the interests of his policy to place one on the head of a prince,
      and even a prince of the House of Bourbon. He wished to accustom the
      French to the sight of a king. It will hereafter be seen that he gave
      sceptres, like his confidence, conditionally, and that he was always ready
      to undo his own work when it became an obstacle to his ambitious designs.
    </p>
    <p>
      In May 1801 the Infanta of Spain, Maria Louisa, third daughter of Charles
      IV., visited Paris. The Infante Louis de Bourbon, eldest son of the Duke
      of Parma, had gone to Madrid in 1798 to contract a marriage with Maria
      Amelia, the sister of Maria Louisa; but he fell in love with the latter.
      Godoy favoured the attachment, and employed all his influence to bring
      about the marriage. The son who, six years later, was born of this union,
      was named Charles Louis, after the King of Spain. France occupied the
      Duchy of Parma, which, in fulfilment of the conventions signed by Lucien
      Bonaparte, was to belong to her after the death of the reigning Duke. On
      the other hand, France was to cede the Grand Duchy of Tuscany to the son
      of the Duke of Parma; and Spain paid to France, according to stipulation,
      a considerable sum of money. Soon after the treaty was communicated to Don
      Louis and his wife they left Madrid and travelled through France. The
      prince took the title of Count of Leghorn. All accounts are unanimous as
      to the attentions which the Prince and Princess received on their journey.
      Among the fetes in honour of the illustrious couple that given by M. de
      Talleyrand at Neuilly was remarkable for magnificence.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Count of Leghorn was coming to pay his first visit to Malmaison
      Bonaparte went into the drawing-room to see that everything was suitably
      prepared for his reception. In a few minutes he returned to his cabinet
      and said to me, somewhat out of humour, "Bourrienne, only think of their
      stupidity; they had not taken down the picture representing me on the
      summit of the Alps pointing to Lombardy and commanding the conquest of it.
      I have ordered its removal. How mortifying it would have been if the
      Prince had seen it!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Another picture in the drawing-room at Malmaison represented the First
      Consul sleeping on the snow on the summit of the Alps before the battle of
      Marengo.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Count of Leghorn's visit to Paris imparted brilliancy to the first
      years of the reign of Bonaparte, of whom it was at that time said, "He
      made kings, but would not be one!"
    </p>
    <p>
      At the representation of Oedipus, the following expression of Philactetes
      was received with transport:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "J'ai fait des Souverains, et n'ai pas voulu l'etre."

     ["Monarchs I've made, but one I would not be."]
</pre>
    <p>
      The First Consul, on leaving the theatre, did not conceal his
      satisfaction. He judged, from the applause with which that verse had been
      received, that his pamphlet was forgotten. The manner, moreover, in which
      a king, crowned by his hands, had been received by the public, was no
      indifferent matter to him, as he expected that the people would thus again
      become familiar with what had been so long proscribed.
    </p>
    <p>
      This King, who, though well received and well entertained, was in all
      respects a very ordinary man, departed for Italy. I say very ordinary, not
      that I had an opportunity of judging of his character myself, but the
      First Consul told me that his capabilities were extremely limited; that he
      even felt repugnance to take a pen in his hand; that he never cast a
      thought on anything but his pleasures: in a word, that he was a fool.
    </p>
    <p>
      One day, after the First Consul had spent several hours in company with
      him and his consort, he said to me, "I am quite tired. He is a mere
      automaton. I put a number of questions to him, but he can answer none. He
      is obliged to consult his wife, who makes him understand as well as she is
      able what he ought to say." The First Consul added, "The poor Prince will
      set off to-morrow, without knowing what he is going to do." I observed
      that it was a pity to see the happiness of the people of Tuscany entrusted
      to such a prince. Bonaparte replied, "Policy requires it. Besides, the
      young man is not worse than the usual run of kings." The Prince fully
      justified in Tuscany the opinion which the First Consul formed of him.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This unfortunate Prince was very ill-calculated to recommend, by
   his personal character, the institutions to which the nobility clung
   with so much fondness. Nature had endowed him with an excellent
   heart, but with very limited talents; and his mind had imbibed the
   false impress consequent upon his monastic education. He resided at
   Malmaison nearly the whole time of his visit to Paris. Madame
   Bonaparte used to lead the Queen to her own apartments; and as the
   First Consul never left his closet except to sit down to meals, the
   aides de camp were under the necessity of keeping the King company,
   and of endeavoring to entertain him, so wholly was he devoid of
   intellectual resources. It required, indeed, a great share of
   patience to listen to the frivolities which engrossed his attention.
   His turn of mind being thus laid open to view, care was taken to
   supply him with the playthings usually placed in the hands of
   children; he was, therefore, never at a loss for occupation. His
   nonentity was a source of regret to us: we lamented to see a tall
   handsome youth, destined to rule over his fellow-men, trembling at
   the neigh of a horse, and wasting his time in the game of
   hide-and-seek, or at leap-frog and whose whole information consisted
   in knowing his prayers, and in saying grace before and after meals.
   Such, nevertheless, was the man to whom the destinies of a nation
   were about to be committed! When he left France to repair to his
   kingdom, "Rome need not be uneasy," said the First Consul to us
   after the farewell audience, "there is no danger of his crossing the
   Rubicon" (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, vol. i. p. 363).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In order to show still further attention to the King of Etruria, after his
      three weeks' visit to Paris, the First Consul directed him to be escorted
      to Italy by a French guard, and selected his brother-in-law Murat for that
      purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      The new King of a new kingdom entered Florence on the 12th of April 1801;
      but the reception given him by the Tuscans was not at all similar to what
      he had experienced at Paris. The people received the royal pair as
      sovereigns imposed on them by France. The ephemeral kingdom of Etruria
      lasted scarcely six years. The King died in 1803, in the flower of his
      age, and in 1807 the Queen was expelled from her throne by him who had
      constructed it for her.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period a powerful party urged Bonaparte to break with the Pope,
      and to establish a Gallican Church, the head of which should reside in
      France. They thought to flatter his ambition by indicating to him a new
      source of power which might establish a point of comparison between him
      and the first Roman emperors. But his ideas did not coincide with theirs
      on this subject. "I am convinced," said he, "that a part of France would
      become Protestant, especially if I were to favour that disposition. I am
      also certain that the much greater portion would remain Catholic, and
      would oppose, with the greatest zeal and fervour, the schism of a part of
      their fellow-citizens. I dread the religious quarrels, the family
      dissensions, and the public distractions, which such a state of things
      would inevitably occasion. In, reviving a religion which has always
      prevailed in the country, and which still prevails in the hearts of the
      people, and in giving the liberty of exercising their worship to the
      minority, I shall satisfy every one."
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul, taking a superior view of the state of France,
      considered that the re-establishment of religious worship would prove a
      powerful support to his Government: and he had been occupied ever since
      the commencement of 1801 in preparing a Concordat with the Pope. It was
      signed in the month of July in the same year. It required some time to
      enable the parties to come to an understanding on the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      Cardinal Consalvi arrived, in the month of June 1801, at Paris, to arrange
      matters on the part of the Pope. Cardinal Caprara and M. de Spina also
      formed part of the embassy sent by the Holy Father. There were, besides,
      several able theologians, among whom Doctor C&mdash;&mdash; was
      distinguished.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The "Doctor C&mdash;&mdash;" was Caselti, later Archbishop of Parma. Bonier
   was green the Bishopric of Orleans, not Versailles; see Erreurs,
   tome i, p. 276. The details of the surprise attempted at the last
   moment by putting before Cardinal Consalvi for his signature an
   altered copy of the Concordat should be read in his Memoirs (tome i.
   p. 355), or in Lanfrey (tome ii. p. 267). As for Napoleon's
   belief that part of the nation might become Protestant, Narbonne
   probably put the matter truly when he said there was not religion
   enough in France to stand a division. It should be noted that the
   Concordat did not so much restore the Catholic Church as destroy the
   old Gallican Church, with all its liberties, which might annoy
   either Pope or Emperor. But on this point see The Gallican Church
   and the Revolution, by Jervis: London, Began Paul, Trench and Co.,
   1882. The clergy may, it is true, have shown wisdom in acceding to
   any terms of restoration.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He was a member of the Pope's chancery; his knowledge gave him so much
      influence over his colleagues that affairs advanced only as much as he
      pleased. However, he was gained over by honours conferred on him, and
      promises of money. Business then went on a little quicker. The Concordat
      was signed on the 15th of July 1801, and made a law of the State in the
      following April. The plenipotentiaries on the part of Bonaparte were
      Joseph Bonaparte, Cretet, and the Abby Bernier, afterwards Bishop of
      Versailles.&mdash;[Orleans not Versailles. D.W.]
    </p>
    <p>
      A solemn Te Deum was chanted at the cathedral of Notre Dame on Sunday, the
      11th of April. The crowd was immense, and the greater part of those
      present stood during the ceremony, which was splendid in the extreme; but
      who would presume to say that the general feeling was in harmony with all
      this pomp? Was, then, the time for this innovation not yet arrived? Was it
      too abrupt a transition from the habits of the twelve preceding years? It
      is unquestionably true that a great number of the persons present at the
      ceremony expressed, in their countenances and gestures, rather a feeling
      of impatience and displeasure than of satisfaction or of reverence for the
      place in which they were. Here and there murmurs arose expressive of
      discontent. The whispering, which I might more properly call open
      conversation, often interrupted the divine service, and sometimes
      observations were made which were far from being moderate. Some would turn
      their heads aside on purpose to take a bit of chocolate-cake, and biscuits
      were openly eaten by many who seemed to pay no attention to what was
      passing.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Consular Court was in general extremely irreligious; nor could it be
      expected to be otherwise, being composed chiefly of those who had assisted
      in the annihilation of all religious worship in France, and of men who,
      having passed their lives in camps, had oftener entered a church in Italy
      to carry off a painting than to hear the Mass. Those who, without being
      imbued with any religious ideas, possessed that good sense which induces
      men to pay respect to the belief of others, though it be one in which they
      do not participate, did not blame the First Consul for his conduct, and
      conducted themselves with some regard to decency. But on the road from the
      Tuileries to Notre Dame, Lannes and Augereau wanted to alight from the
      carriage as soon as they saw that they were being driven to Mass, and it
      required an order from the First Consul to prevent their doing so. They
      went therefore to Notre Dame, and the next day Bonaparte asked Augereau
      what he thought of the ceremony. "Oh! it was all very fine," replied the
      General; "there was nothing wanting, except the million of men who have
      perished in the pulling down of what you are setting up." Bonaparte was
      much displeased at this remark.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This remark has been attributed elsewhere to General Delmas.

   According to a gentleman who played a part in this empty pageantry,
   Lannes at one moment did get out of the carriage, and Augereau kept
   swearing in no low whisper during the whole of the chanted Mass.
   Most of the military chiefs who sprang out of the Revolution had no
   religion at all, but there were some who were Protestants, and who
   were irritated by the restoration of Catholicism as the national
   faith.&mdash;Editor of 1896 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      During the negotiations with the Holy Father Bonaparte one day said to me,
      "In every country religion is useful to the Government, and those who
      govern ought to avail themselves of it to influence mankind. I was a
      Mahometan in Egypt; I am a Catholic in France. With relation to the police
      of the religion of a state, it should be entirely in the hands of the
      sovereign. Many persons have urged me to found a Gallican Church, and make
      myself its head; but they do not know France. If they did, they would know
      that the majority of the people would not like a rupture with Rome. Before
      I can resolve on such a measure the Pope must push matters to an
      extremity; but I believe he will not do so."&mdash;"You are right,
      General, and you recall to my memory what Cardinal Consalvi said: 'The
      Pope will do all the First Consul desires.'"&mdash;"That is the best
      course for him. Let him not suppose that he has to do with an idiot. What
      do you think is the point his negotiations put most forward? The salvation
      of my soul! But with me immortality is the recollection one leaves in the
      memory of man. That idea prompts to great actions. It would be better for
      a man never to have lived than to leave behind him no traces of his
      existence."
    </p>
    <p>
      Many endeavours were made to persuade the First Consul to perform in
      public the duties imposed by the Catholic religion. An influential
      example, it was urged, was required. He told me once that he had put an
      end to that request by the following declaration: "Enough of this. Ask me
      no more. You will not obtain your object. You shall never make a hypocrite
      of me. Let us remain where we are."
    </p>
    <p>
      I have read in a work remarkable on many accounts that it was on the
      occasion of the Concordat of the 15th July 1801 that the First Consul
      abolished the republican calendar and reestablished the Gregorian. This is
      an error. He did not make the calendar a religious affair. The
      'Senatus-consulte', which restored the use of the Gregorian calendar, to
      commence in the French Empire from the 11th Nivôse, year XIV. (1st January
      1806), was adopted on the 22d Fructidor, year XIII. (9th September 1805),
      more than four years after the Concordat. The re-establishment of the
      ancient calendar had no other object than to bring us into harmony with
      the rest of Europe on a point so closely connected with daily
      transactions, which were much embarrassed by the decadary calendar.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte at length, however, consented to hear Mass, and St. Cloud was
      the place where this ancient usage was first re-established. He directed
      the ceremony to commence sooner than the hour announced in order that
      those who would only make a scoff at it might not arrive until the service
      was ended.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whenever the First Consul determined to hear Mass publicly on Sundays in
      the chapel of the Palace a small altar was prepared in a room near his
      cabinet of business. This room had been Anne of Austria's oratory. A small
      portable altar, placed on a platform one step high, restored it to its
      original destination. During the rest of the week this chapel was used as
      a bathing-room. On Sunday the door of communication was opened, and we
      heard Mass sitting in our cabinet of business. The number of persons there
      never exceeded three or four, and the First Consul seldom failed to
      transact some business during the ceremony, which never lasted longer than
      twelve minutes. Next day all the papers had the news that the First Consul
      had heard Mass in his apartments. In the same way Louis XVIII. has often
      heard it in his!
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 19th of July 1801 a papal bull absolved Talleyrand from his vows.
      He immediately married Madame Grandt, and the affair obtained little
      notice at the time. This statement sufficiently proves how report has
      perverted the fact. It has been said that Bonaparte on becoming Emperor
      wished to restore that decorum which the Revolution had destroyed, and
      therefore resolved to put an end to the improper intimacy which subsisted
      between Talleyrand and Madame Grandt. It is alleged that the Minister at
      first refused to marry the lady, but that he at last found it necessary to
      obey the peremptory order of his master. This pretended resurrection of
      morality by Bonaparte is excessively ridiculous. The bull was not
      registered in the Council of State until the 19th of August 1802.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The First Consul had on several occasions urged M. de Talleyrand
   to return to holy orders. He pointed out to him that that course
   would be most becoming his age and high birth, and promised that he
   should be made a cardinal, thus raising him to a par with Richelieu,
   and giving additional lustre to his administration (Memoirs of the
   Duke of Rovigo, vol. i. p. 426).

   But M. de Talleyrand vindicated his choice, saying, "A clever wife
   often compromises her husband; a stupid one only compromises
   herself" (Historical Characters, p.122, Bulwer, Lord Dulling).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I will end this chapter by a story somewhat foreign to the preceding
      transactions, but which personally concerns myself. On the 20th of July
      1801 the First Consul, 'ex proprio motu', named me a Councillor of State
      extraordinary. Madame Bonaparte kindly condescended to have an elegant but
      somewhat ideal costume made for me. It pleased the First Consul, however,
      and he had a similar one made for himself. He wore it a short time and
      then left it off. Never had Bonaparte since his elevation shown himself so
      amiable as on this occasion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI.
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Last chapter on Egypt&mdash;Admiral Gantheaume&mdash;Way to please Bonaparte&mdash;
   General Menou's flattery and his reward&mdash;Davoust&mdash;Bonaparte regrets
   giving the command to Menou, who is defeated by Abercromby&mdash;Otto's
   negotiation in London&mdash;Preliminaries of peace.
</pre>
    <p>
      For the last time in these Memoirs I shall return to the affairs of Egypt&mdash;to
      that episode which embraces so short a space of time and holds so high a
      place in the life of Bonaparte. Of all his conquests he set the highest
      value on Egypt, because it spread the glory of his name throughout the
      East. Accordingly he left nothing unattempted for the preservation of that
      colony. In a letter to General Kléber he said, "You are as able as I am to
      understand how important is the possession of Egypt to France. The Turkish
      Empire, in which the symptoms of decay are everywhere discernible, is at
      present falling to pieces, and the evil of the evacuation of Egypt by
      France would now be the greater, as we should soon see that fine province
      pass into the possession of some other European power." The selection of
      Gantheaume, however, to carry assistance to Kléber was not judicious.
      Gantheaume had brought the First Consul back from Egypt, and though the
      success of the passage could only be attributed to Bonaparte's own plan,
      his determined character, and superior judgment, yet he preserved towards
      Gantheaume that favourable disposition which is naturally felt for one who
      has shared a great danger with us, and upon whom the responsibility may be
      said to have been imposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      This confidence in mediocrity, dictated by an honourable feeling, did not
      obtain a suitable return. Gantheaume, by his indecision and creeping about
      in the Mediterranean, had already failed to execute a commission entrusted
      to him. The First Consul, upon finding he did not leave Brest after he had
      been ordered to the Mediterranean, repeatedly said to me, "What the devil
      is Gantheaume about?" With one of the daily reports sent to the First
      Consul he received the following quatrain, which made him laugh heartily:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
          "Vaisseaux lestes, tete sans lest,
          Ainsi part l'Amiral Gantheaume;
          Il s'en va de Brest a Bertheaume,
          Et revient de Bertheaume a Brest!"

       "With ballast on board, but none in his brain,
        Away went our gallant Gantheaume,
        On a voyage from Brest to Bertheaume,
        And then from Bertheaume&mdash;to Brest back again!"
</pre>
    <p>
      Gantheaume's hesitation, his frequent tergiversations, his arrival at
      Toulon, his tardy departure, and his return to that port on the 19th of
      February 1801, only ten days prior to Admiral Keith's appearance with Sir
      Ralph Abercromby off Alexandria, completely foiled all the plans which
      Bonaparte had conceived of conveying succour and reinforcements to a
      colony on the brink of destruction.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was then dreaming that many French families would carry back
      civilisation, science, and art to that country which was their cradle. But
      it could not be concealed that his departure from Egypt in 1799 had
      prepared the way for the loss of that country, which was hastened by
      Kléber's death and the choice of Menou as his successor.
    </p>
    <p>
      A sure way of paying court to the First Consul and gaining his favour was
      to eulogise his views about Egypt, and to appear zealous for maintaining
      the possession of that country. By these means it was that Menou gained
      his confidence. In the first year of the occupation of that country he
      laid before him his dreams respecting Africa. He spoke of the negroes of
      Senegal, Mozambique, Mehedie, Marabout, and other barbarous countries
      which were all at once to assume a new aspect, and become civilised, in
      consequence of the French possession of Egypt. To Menou's adulation is to
      be attributed the favourable reception given him by the First Consul, even
      after his return from Egypt, of which his foolish conduct had allowed the
      English to get possession. The First Consul appointed him Governor of
      Piedmont, and at my request gave my elder brother the situation of
      Commissary-General of Police in that country; but I am in candour obliged
      to confess that the First Consul was obliged to retract this mark of his
      favour in consequence of my brother's making an abuse of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was also by flattering the First Consul on the question of the East
      that Davoust, on his return from Egypt in 1800 in consequence of the
      Convention of El-Ariah, insinuated himself into Bonaparte's good graces
      and, if he did not deserve, obtained his favour. At that time Davoust
      certainly had no title whatever to the good fortune which he suddenly
      experienced. He obtained, without first serving in a subordinate rank, the
      command-in-chief of the grenadiers of the Consular Guard; and from that
      time commenced the deadly hatred which Davoust bore towards me. Astonished
      at the great length of time that Bonaparte had been one day conversing
      with him I said, as soon as he was gone, "How could you talk so long with
      a man whom you have always called a stupid fellow?"&mdash;"Ah! but I did
      not know him well enough before. He is a better man, I assure you, than he
      is thought; and you will come over to my opinion."&mdash;"I hope so." The
      First Consul, who was often extremely indiscreet, told Davoust my opinion
      of him, and his hostility against me ceased but with his life.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul could not forget his cherished conquest in the East. It
      was constantly the object of his thoughts. He endeavoured to send
      reinforcements to his army from Brest and Toulon, but without success. He
      soon had cause to repent having entrusted to the hands of Menou the
      command-in-chief, to which he became entitled only by seniority, after the
      assassination of Kléber by Soleiman Heleby. But Bonaparte's indignation
      was excited when he became acquainted with Menou's neglect and
      mismanagement, when he saw him giving reins to his passion for reform,
      altering and destroying everything, creating nothing good in its stead,
      and dreaming about forming a land communication with the Hottentots and
      Congo instead of studying how to preserve the country. His pitiful plans
      of defence, which were useless from their want of combination, appeared to
      the First Consul the height of ignorance. Forgetful of all the principles
      of strategy, of which Bonaparte's conduct afforded so many examples, he
      opposed to the landing of Abercromby a few isolated corps, which were
      unable to withstand the enemy's attack, while the English army might have
      been entirely annihilated had all the disposable troops been sent against
      it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great admiration which Menou expressed at the expedition to Egypt; his
      excessive fondness for that country, the religion of which he had
      ridiculously enough embraced under the name of Abdallah; the efforts he
      made, in his sphere, to preserve the colony; his enthusiasm and blind
      attachment to Bonaparte; the flattering and encouraging accounts he gave
      of the situation of the army, at first had the effect of entirely covering
      Menou's incapacity.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[For a ludicrous description of Menou see the Memoirs of Marmont:&mdash;
   "Clever and gay, he was an agreeable talker, but a great liar. He
   was not destitute of some education. His character, one of the
   oddest in the world, came very near to lunacy: Constantly writing,
   always in motion in his room, riding for exercise every day, he was
   never able to start on any necessary of useful journey. . . .
   When, later, Bonaparte, then First Consul, gave him by special
   favour the administration of Piedmont, he put off his departure from
   day to day for six months; and then he only did start because his
   friend Maret himself put him into his carriage, with post-horses
   already harnessed to it. . . . When he left this post they
   found in his cabinet 900 letters which he had not opened. He was an
   eccentric lunatic, amusing enough sometimes, but a curse to
   everything which depended on him." (Memoirs of the Duc de Raguse,
   tome i. p. 410).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      This alone can account for the First Consul's preference of him. But I am
      far from concurring in what has been asserted by many persons, that France
      lost Egypt at the very moment when it seemed most easy of preservation.
      Egypt was conquered by a genius of vast intelligence, great capacity, and
      profound military science. Fatuity, stupidity, and incapacity lost it.
      What was the result of that memorable expedition? The destruction of one
      of our finest armies; the loss of some of our best generals; the
      annihilation of our navy; the surrender of Malta; and the sovereignty of
      England in the Mediterranean. What is the result at present? A scientific
      work. The gossiping stories and mystifications of Herodotus, and the
      reveries of the good Rollin, are worth as much, and have not cost so dear.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul had long been apprehensive that the evacuation of Egypt
      was unavoidable. The last news he had received from that country was not
      very encouraging, and created a presentiment of the approach of the
      dreaded catastrophe. He, however, published the contrary; but it was then
      of great importance that, an account of the evacuation should not reach
      England until the preliminaries of peace were signed, for which purpose M.
      Otto was exerting all his industry and talent. We made a great merit of
      abandoning our conquests in Egypt; but the sacrifice would not have been
      considered great if the events which took place at the end of August had
      been known in London before the signing of the preliminaries on the 1st of
      October. The First Consul himself answered M. Otto's last despatch,
      containing a copy of the preliminaries ready to be adopted by the English
      Ministry. Neither this despatch nor the answer was communicated to M. de
      Talleyrand, then Minister for Foreign Affairs. The First Consul, who
      highly appreciated the great talents and knowledge of that Minister, never
      closed any diplomatic arrangement without first consulting him; and he was
      right in so doing. On this occasion, however, I told him that as M. de
      Talleyrand was, for his health, taking the waters of
      Bourbon-l'Archambault, four days must elapse before his reply could be
      received, and that the delay might cause the face of affairs to change. I
      reminded him that Egypt was on the point of yielding. He took my advice,
      and it was well for him that he did, for the news of the compulsory
      evacuation of Egypt arrived in London the day after the signing of the
      preliminaries. M. Otto informed the First Consul by letter that Lord
      Hawkesbury, ill communicating to him the news of the evacuation, told him
      he was very glad everything was settled, for it would have been impossible
      for him to have treated on the same basis after the arrival of such news.
      In reality we consented at Paris to the voluntary evacuation of Egypt, and
      that was something for England, while Egypt was at that very time
      evacuated by a convention made on the spot. The definitive evacuation of
      Egypt took place on the 30th of August 1801; and thus the conquest of that
      country, which had cost so dear, was rendered useless, or rather
      injurious.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII.
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The most glorious epoch for France&mdash;The First Consul's desire of
   peace&mdash;Malta ceded and kept&mdash;Bonaparte and the English journals&mdash;
   Mr. Addington's letter to the First Consul&mdash;Bonaparte prosecutes
   Peltier&mdash;Leclerc's expedition to St. Domingo&mdash;Toussaint Louverture&mdash;
   Death of Leclerc&mdash;Rochambeau, his successor, abandons St. Domingo&mdash;
   First symptoms of Bonaparte's malady&mdash;Josephine's intrigues for the
   marriage of Hortense&mdash;Falsehood contradicted.
</pre>
    <p>
      The epoch of the peace of Amiens must be considered as the most glorious
      in the history of France, not excepting the splendid period of Louis
      XIV.'s victories and the more brilliant era of the Empire. The Consular
      glory was then pure, and the opening prospect was full of flattering hope;
      whereas those who were but little accustomed to look closely into things
      could discern mighty disasters lurking under the laurels of the Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      The proposals which the First Consul made in order to obtain peace
      sufficiently prove his sincere desire for it. He felt that if in the
      commencement of his administration he could couple his name with so hoped
      for an act he should ever experience the affection and gratitude of the
      French. I want no other proof of his sentiments than the offer he made to
      give up Egypt to the Grand Seignior, and to restore all the ports of the
      Gulf of Venice and of the Mediterranean to the States to which they had
      previously belonged; to surrender Malta to the order of the Knights of St.
      John, and even to raze its fortifications if England should think such a
      measure necessary for her interests. In the Indies, Ceylon was to be left
      to him,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Ceylon belonged to Holland, but was retained by England under the
   treaty of Amiens.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and he required the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope and all the places
      taken by the English in the West Indies.
    </p>
    <p>
      England had firmly resolved to keep Malta, the Gibraltar of the
      Mediterranean, and the Cape of Good Hope, the caravanserai of the Indies.
      She was therefore unwilling to close with the proposition respecting
      Malta; and she said that an arrangement might be made by which it would be
      rendered independent both of Great Britain and France. We clearly saw that
      this was only a lure, and that, whatever arrangements might be entered
      into, England would keep Malta, because it was not to be expected that the
      maritime power would willingly surrender an island which commands the
      Mediterranean. I do not notice the discussions respecting the American
      islands, for they were, in my opinion, of little consequence to us.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It is strange that Bourrienne does not allude to one of the first
   arbitrary acts of Napoleon, the discussions on which formed part of
   those conversations between Napoleon and his brother Lucien of which
   Bourrienne complained to Josephine he knew nothing. In 1763 France
   had ceded to England the part of Louisiana on the east of the
   Mississippi, and the part on the west of that river, with New
   Orleans, to Spain. By the treaty negotiated with Spain by Lucien
   Bonaparte in 1800 her share was given back to France. On the 80th
   April 1803 Napoleon sold the whole to the United States for
   80,000,000 francs (L 3,260,000), to the intense anger of his
   brothers Joseph and Lucien. Lucien was especially proud of having
   obtained the cession for which Napoleon was, at that time, very
   anxious; but both brothers were horrified when Napoleon disclosed
   how little he cared for constitutional forms by telling them that if
   the Legislature, as his brothers threatened, would not ratify the
   treaty, he would do without the ratification; see Iung's Letter,
   tome ii. p. 128.

   Napoleon's most obvious motives were want of money and the certainty
   of the seizure of the province by England, as the rupture with her
   was now certain. But there was perhaps another cause. The States
   had already been on the point of seizing the province from Spain,
   which had interfered with their trade (Hinton's United States, p.
   435, and Thiers tome iv, p. 320).

   Of the sum to be paid, 20,000,000 were to go to the States, to cover
   the illegal seizures of American ships by the French navy, a matter
   which was not settled for many years later. The remaining
   80,000,000 were employed in the preparations for the invasion of
   England; see Thiers, tome iv. pp. 320 and 326, and Lanfrey, tome
   iii. p. 48. The transaction is a remarkable one, as forming the
   final withdrawal of France from North America (with the exception of
   some islands on the Newfoundland coast), where she had once held
   such a proud position. It also eventually made an addition to the
   number of slave States.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      They cost more than they produce; and they will escape from us, some time
      or other, as all colonies ultimately do from the parent country. Our whole
      colonial system is absurd; it forces us to pay for colonial produce at a
      rate nearly double that for which it may be purchased from our neighbours.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Lord Hawkesbury consented to evacuate Malta, on condition that it
      should be independent of France and Great Britain, he must have been aware
      that such a condition would never be fulfilled. He cared little for the
      order of St. John, and he should have put, by way of postscript, at the
      bottom of his note, "We will keep Malta in spite of you." I always told
      the First Consul that if he were in the situation of the English he would
      act the same part; and it did not require much sagacity to foretell that
      Malta would be the principal cause of the rupture of peace. He was of my
      opinion; but at that moment he thought everything depended on concluding
      the negotiations, and I entirely agreed with him. It happened, as was
      foreseen, that Malta caused the renewal of war. The English, on being
      called upon to surrender the island, eluded the demand, shifted about, and
      at last ended by demanding that Malta should be placed under the
      protection of the King of Naples,&mdash;that is to say, under the
      protection of a power entirely at their command, and to which they might
      dictate what they pleased. This was really too cool a piece of irony!
    </p>
    <p>
      I will here notice the quarrel between the First Consul and the English
      newspapers, and give a new proof of his views concerning the freedom of
      the press. However, liberty of the press did once contribute to give him
      infinite gratification, namely, when all the London journals mentioned the
      transports of joy manifested in London on the arrival of General
      Lauriston, the bearer of the ratification of the preliminaries of peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul was at all times the declared enemy of the liberty of the
      press, and therefore he ruled the journals with a hand of iron.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[An incident, illustrative of the great irritation which Bonaparte
   felt at the plain speaking of the English press, also shows the
   important character of Coleridge's writings in the 'Morning Post'.
   In the course of a debate in the House of Commons Fox asserted that
   the rupture of the Peace of Amiens had its origin in certain essays
   which had appeared in the Morning POST, and which were known to have
   proceeded from the pen of Coleridge. But Fox added an ungenerous
   and malicious hint that the writer was at Rome, within the reach of
   Bonaparte. The information reached the ears for which it was
   uttered, and an order was sent from Paris to compass the arrest of
   Coleridge. It was in the year 1806, when the poet was making a tour
   in Italy. The news reached him at Naples, through a brother of the
   illustrious Humboldt, as Mr. Gillman says&mdash;or in a friendly warning
   from Prince Jerome Bonaparte, as we have it on the authority of Mr.
   Cottle&mdash;and the Pope appears to have been reluctant to have a hand
   in the business, and, in fact, to have furnished him with a
   passport, if not with a carriage for flight, Coleridge eventually
   got to Leghorn, where he got a passage by an American ship bound for
   England; but his escape coming to the ears of Bonaparte, a look-out
   was kept for the ship, and she was chased by a French cruiser, which
   threw the captain into such a state of terror that he made Coleridge
   throw all his journals and papers overboard (Andrews' History of
   Journalism, vol. ii. p. 28).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I have often heard him say, "Were I to slacken the reins, I should not
      continue three months in power." He unfortunately held the same opinion
      respecting every other prerogative of public freedom. The silence he had
      imposed in France he wished, if he could, to impose in England. He was
      irritated by the calumnies and libels so liberally cast upon him by the
      English journals, and especially by one written in French, called
      'L'Ambigu', conducted by Peltier, who had been the editor of the 'Actes
      des Apotres' in Paris. The 'Ambigu' was constantly teeming with the most
      violent attacks on the First Consul and the French nation. Bonaparte could
      never, like the English, bring himself to despise newspaper libels, and he
      revenged himself by violent articles which he caused to be inserted in the
      'Moniteur'. He directed M. Otto to remonstrate, in an official note,
      against a system of calumny which he believed to be authorised by the
      English Government. Besides this official proceeding he applied personally
      to Mr. Addington, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, requesting him to
      procure the adoption of legislative measures against the licentious
      writings complained of; and, to take the earliest opportunity of
      satisfying his hatred against the liberty of the press, the First Consul
      seized the moment of signing the preliminaries to make this request.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Addington wrote a long answer to the First Consul, which I translated
      for him. The English Minister refuted, with great force, all the arguments
      which Bonaparte had employed against the press. He also informed the First
      Consul that, though a foreigner, it was competent in him to institute a
      complaint in the courts of law; but that in such case he must be content
      to see all the scandalous statements of which he complained republished in
      the report of the trial. He advised him to treat the libels with profound
      contempt, and do as he and others did, who attached not the slightest
      importance to them. I congratulate myself on having in some degree
      prevented a trial taking place at that time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Things remained in this state for the moment; but after the peace of
      Amiens the First Consul prosecuted Pettier, whose journal was always full
      of violence and bitterness against him. Pettier was defended by the
      celebrated Mackintosh, who, according to the accounts of the time,
      displayed great eloquence on this occasion, yet, in spite of the ability
      of his counsel, he was convicted. The verdict, which public opinion
      considered in the light of a triumph for the defendant, was not followed
      up by any judgment, in consequence of the rupture of the peace occurring
      soon after. It is melancholy to reflect that this nervous susceptibility
      to the libels of the English papers contributed certainly as much as, and
      perhaps more than, the consideration of great political interests to the
      renewal of hostilities. The public would be astonished at a great many
      things if they could only look under the cards.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have anticipated the rupture of the treaty of Amiens that I might not
      interrupt what I had to mention respecting Bonaparte's hatred of the
      liberty of the press. I now return to the end of the year 1801, the period
      of the expedition against St. Domingo.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul, after dictating to me during nearly: the whole of one
      night instructions for that expedition, sent for General Leclerc, and said
      to him in my presence, "Here, take your instructions; you have a fine
      opportunity for filling your purse. Go, and no longer tease me with your
      eternal requests for money." The friendship which Bonaparte felt for his
      sister Pauline had a good deal of influence in inducing him to take this
      liberal way of enriching her husband.
    </p>
    <p>
      The expedition left the ports of France on the 14th of December 1801, and
      arrived off Cape St. Domingo on the 1st of February 1802. The fatal result
      of the enterprise is well known, but we are never to be cured of the folly
      of such absurd expeditions. In the instructions given to Leclerc
      everything was foreseen; but it was painful to know that the choice of one
      of the youngest and least capable of all the generals of the army left no
      hope of a successful result. The expedition to St. Domingo was one of
      Bonaparte's great errors. Almost every person whom he consulted
      endeavoured to dissuade him from it. He attempted a justification through
      the medium of his historians of St. Helena; but does he succeed when he
      says, "that he was obliged to yield to the advice of his Council of
      State?" He, truly, was a likely man to submit a question of war to the
      discussion of the Council of State, or to be guided in such an affair by
      any Council! We must believe that no other motive influenced the First
      Consul but the wish, by giving him the means of enriching himself, to get
      rid of a brother-in-law who had the gift of specially annoying him. The
      First Consul, who did not really much like this expedition, should have
      perhaps reflected longer on the difficulties of attempting to subdue the
      colony by force. He was shaken by this argument, which I often repeated to
      him, and he agreed with it, but the inconceivable influence which the
      members of his family exercised on him always overcame him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte dictated to me a letter for Toussaint, full of sounding words
      and fine promises, informing him that his two children, who had been
      educated in Paris, were sent back to him, offering him the title of
      vice-governor, and stating that he ought readily to assist in an
      arrangement which would contribute to reconnect the colony with the
      mother-country. Toussaint, who had at first shown a disposition to close
      with the bargain, yet feeling afraid of being deceived by the French, and
      probably induced by ambitious motives, resolved on war. He displayed a
      great deal of talent; but, being attacked before the climate had thinned
      the French ranks, he was unable to oppose a fresh army, numerous and
      inured to war. He capitulated, and retired to a plantation, which he was
      not to leave without Leclerc's permission. A feigned conspiracy on the
      part of the blacks formed a pretence for accusing Toussaint, and he was
      seized and sent to France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Toussaint was brought to Paris in the beginning of August. He was sent, in
      the first instance, to the Temple, whence he was removed to the Chateau de
      Joux. His imprisonment was rigorous; few comforts were allowed him. This
      treatment, his recollection of the past, his separation from the world,
      and the effects of a strange climate, accelerated his death, which took
      place a few months after his arrival in France. The reports which spread
      concerning his death, the assertion that it was not a natural one, and
      that it had been caused by poison, obtained no credit. I should add that
      Toussaint wrote a letter to Bonaparte; but I never saw in it the
      expression attributed to him, "The first man of the blacks to the first
      man of the whites" Bonaparte acknowledged that the black leader possessed
      energy, courage, and great skill. I am sure that he would have rejoiced if
      the result of his relations with St. Domingo had been something else than
      the kidnaping and transportation of Toussaint.
    </p>
    <p>
      Leclerc, after fruitless efforts to conquer the colony, was himself
      carried off by the yellow fever. Rochambeau succeeded him by right of
      seniority, and was as unsuccessful as Menou had been in Egypt. The
      submission of the blacks, which could only have been obtained by
      conciliation, he endeavoured to compel by violence. At last, in December
      1803, he surrendered to an English squadron, and abandoned the island to
      Dessalines.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte often experienced severe bodily pain, and I have now little
      doubt, from the nature of his sufferings, that they were occasioned by the
      commencement of that malady which terminated his life at St. Helena. These
      pains, of which he frequently complained, affected him most acutely on the
      night when he dictated to me the instructions for General Leclerc. It was
      very late when I conducted him to his apartment. We had just been taking a
      cup of chocolate, a beverage of which we always partook when our business
      lasted longer than one o'clock in the morning. He never took a light with
      him when he went up to his bedroom. I gave him my arm, and we had scarcely
      got beyond the little staircase which leads to the corridor, when he was
      rudely run against by a man who was endeavouring to escape as quickly as
      possible by the staircase. The First Consul did not fall because I
      supported him. We soon gained his chamber, where we, found Josephine, who,
      having heard the noise, awoke greatly alarmed. From the investigations
      which were immediately made it appeared that the uproar was occasioned by
      a fellow who had been keeping an assignation and had exceeded the usual
      hour for his departure.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 7th of January 1802 Mademoiselle Hortense was married to Louis
      Bonaparte. As the custom was not yet resumed of adding the religious
      ceremony to the civil contract, the nuptial benediction was on this
      occasion privately given by a priest at the house Rue de la Victoire.
      Bonaparte also caused the marriage of his sister Caroline,&mdash;[The wife
      of Murat, and the cleverest of Bonaparte's sisters.]&mdash;which had taken
      place two years earlier before a mayor, to be consecrated in the same
      manner; but he and his wife did not follow the example. Had he already,
      then, an idea of separating from Josephine, and therefore an unwillingness
      to render a divorce more difficult by giving his marriage a religious
      sanction? I am rather inclined to think, from what he said to me, that his
      neglecting to take a part in the religious ceremony arose from
      indifference.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte said at St. Helena, speaking of Louis and Hortense, that "they
      loved each other when they married: they desired to be united. The
      marriage was also the result of Josephine's intrigues, who found her
      account in it." I will state the real facts. Louis and Hortense did not
      love one another at all. That is certain. The First Consul knew it, just
      as he well knew that Hortense had a great inclination for Duroc, who did
      not fully return it. The First Consul agreed to their union, but Josephine
      was troubled by such a marriage, and did all she could to prevent it. She
      often spoke to me about it, but rather late in the day. She told me that
      her brothers-in law were her declared enemies, that I well knew their
      intrigues, and that I well knew there was no end to the annoyances they
      made her undergo. In fact, I did know all this perfectly. She kept on
      repeating to me that with this projected marriage she would not have any
      support; that Duroc was nothing except by the favour of Bonaparte; that he
      had neither fortune, fame, nor reputation, and that he could be no help to
      her against the well-known ill-will of the brothers of Bonaparte. She
      wanted some assurance for the future. She added that her husband was very
      fond of Louis, and that if she had the good fortune to unite him to her
      daughter this would be a counterpoise to the calumnies and persecutions of
      her other brothers-in-law. I answered her that she had concealed her
      intentions too long from me, and that I had promised my services to the
      young people, and the more willingly as I knew the favourable opinion of
      the First Consul, who had often said to me, "My wife has done well; they
      suit one another, they shall marry one another. I like Duroc; he is of
      good family. I have rightly given Caroline to Murat, and Pauline to
      Leclerc, and I can well give Hortense to Duroc, who is a fine fellow. He
      is worth more than the others. He is now general of a division there is
      nothing against this marriage. Besides, I have other plans for Louis." In
      speaking to Madame Bonaparte I added that her daughter burst into tears
      when spoken to about her marriage with Louis.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul had sent a brevet of general of division to Duroc by a
      special courier, who went to Holland, through which the newly-made general
      had to pass on his return from St. Petersburg, where, as I have already
      said, he had been sent to compliment the Emperor Alexander on his
      accession to the throne. The First Consul probably paid this compliment to
      Duroc in the belief that the marriage would take place.
    </p>
    <p>
      During Duroc's absence the correspondence of the lovers passed, by their
      consent, through my hands. Every night I used to make one in a party at
      billiards, at which Hortense played very well. When I told her, in a
      whisper, that I had got a letter for her, she would immediately leave off
      playing and run to her chamber, where I followed and gave her Duroc's
      epistle. When she opened it her eyes would fill with tears, and it was
      some time before she could return to the salon. All was useless for her.
      Josephine required a support in the family against the family. Seeing her
      firm resolution, I promised to no longer oppose her wishes, which I could
      not disapprove, but I told her I could only maintain silence and
      neutrality in these little debates, and she seemed satisfied.
    </p>
    <p>
      When we were at Malmaison those intrigues continued. At the Tuileries the
      same conduct was pursued, but then the probability of success was on
      Duroc's side; I even congratulated him on his prospects, but he received
      my compliments in a very cold manner. In a few days after Josephine
      succeeded in changing the whole face of affairs. Her heart was entirely
      set on the marriage of Louis with her daughter; and prayers, entreaties,
      caresses, and all those little arts which she so well knew how to use,
      were employed to win the First Consul to her purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 4th of January the First Consul, after dinner, entered our cabinet,
      where I was employed. "Where is Duroc?" he inquired.&mdash;"He has gone to
      the opera, I believe."&mdash;"Tell him, as soon as he returns, that I have
      promised Hortense to him, and he shall have her. But I wish the marriage
      to take place in two days at the latest. I will give him 500,000 francs,
      and name him commandant of the eighth military division; but he must set
      out the day after his marriage with his wife for Toulon. We must live
      apart; I want no son-in-law at home. As I wish to come to some conclusion,
      let me know to-night whether this plan will satisfy him."&mdash;"I think
      it will not."&mdash;"Very well! then she shall marry Louis."&mdash;"Will
      she like that?"&mdash;"She must like it." Bonaparte gave me these
      directions in a very abrupt manner, which made me think that some little
      domestic warfare had been raging, and that to put an end to it he had come
      to propose his ultimatum. At half-past ten in the evening Duroc returned;
      I reported to him, word for word, the proposition of the First Consul.
      "Since it has come to that, my good friend," said he, "tell him he may
      keep his daughter for me. I am going to see the &mdash;&mdash;-," and,
      with an indifference for which I cannot account, he took his hat and went
      off.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Duroc eventually married a Mademoiselle Hervae d'Almenara, the
   daughter of a Spanish banker, who was later Minister of Joseph, and
   was created Marquis of Abruenara. The lady was neither handsome nor
   amiable, but she possessed a vast fortune, and Bonaparte himself
   solicited her hand for his aide de camp. After the death of Duroc
   his widow married a M. Fabvier, and Napoleon gave his Duchy of
   Frioul to his daughter.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The First Consul, before going to bed, was informed of Duroc's reply, and
      Josephine received from him the promise that Louis and Hortense should be
      married. The marriage took place a few days after, to the great regret of
      Hortense, and probably to the satisfaction of Duroc. Louis submitted to
      have forced on him as a wife a woman who had hitherto avoided him as much
      as possible. She always manifested as much indifference for him as he
      displayed repugnance for her, and those sentiments have not been effaced.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The marriage of Louis Bonaparte took place on the 7th January.
   The bride and bridegroom were exceedingly dull, and Mademoiselle
   Hortense wept during the whole of the ceremony. Josephine, knowing
   that this union, which commenced so inauspiciously, was her own
   work, anxiously endeavoured to establish a more cordial feeling
   between her daughter and son-in-law. But all her efforts were vain,
   and the marriage proved a very unhappy one (Memoirs de Constant).

   Napoleon III. was the son of the Queen of Holland (Hortense
   Beauharnais).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon said at St. Helena that he wished to unite Louis with a niece of
      Talleyrand. I can only say that I never heard a word of this niece, either
      from himself, his wife, or his daughter; and I rather think that at that
      time the First Consul was looking after a royal alliance for Louis. He
      often expressed regret at the precipitate marriages of his sisters. It
      should be recollected that we were now in the year which saw the
      Consulship for life established, and which, consequently, gave presage of
      the Empire. Napoleon said truly to the companions of his exile that
      "Louis' marriage was the result of Josephine's intrigues," but I cannot
      understand how he never mentioned the intention he once had of uniting
      Hortense to Duroc. It has been erroneously stated that the First Consul
      believed that he reconciled the happiness of his daughter with his policy.
      Hortense did not love Louis, and dreaded this marriage. There was no hope
      of happiness for her, and the event has proved this. As for the policy of
      the First Consul, it is not easy to see how it was concerned with the
      marriage of Louis to Hortense, and in any case the grand policy which
      professed so loudly to be free from all feminine influences would have
      been powerless against the intrigues of Josephine, for at this time at the
      Tuileries the boudoir was often stronger than the cabinet. Here I am happy
      to have it in my power to contradict most formally and most positively
      certain infamous insinuations which have prevailed respecting Bonaparte
      and Hortense. Those who have asserted that Bonaparte ever entertained
      towards Hortense any other sentiments than those of a father-in-law for a
      daughter-in-law have, as the ancient knights used to say, "lied in their
      throats." We shall see farther on what he said to me on this subject, but
      it is never too soon to destroy such a base calumny. Authors unworthy of
      belief have stated, without any proof, that not only was there this
      criminal liaison, but they have gone so far as to say that Bonaparte was
      the father of the eldest son of Hortense. It is a lie, a vile lie. And yet
      the rumour has spread through all France and all Europe. Alas! has calumny
      such powerful charms that, once they are submitted to, their yoke cannot
      be broken?
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bourrienne's account of this marriage, and his denial of the vile
   calumny about Napoleon, is corroborated by Madame Rémusat. After
   saying that Hortense had refused to marry the son of Rewbell and
   also the Comte de Nun, she goes on: "A short time afterwards Duroc,
   then aide de camp to the Consul, and already noted by him, fell in
   love with Hortense. She returned the feeling, and believed she had
   found that other half of herself which she sought. Bonaparte looked
   favourably on their union, but Madame Bonaparte in her turn was
   inflexible. 'My daughter,' said she, 'must marry a gentleman or a
   Bonaparte.' Louis was then thought of. He had no fancy for
   Hortense; defeated the Beauharnais family, and had a supreme
   contempt for his sister-in-law. But as he was silent, he was
   believed to be gentle; and as he was severe by character, he was
   believed to be upright. Madame Louis told me afterwards that at the
   news of this arrangement she experienced violent grief. Not only
   was she forbidden to think of the man she loved, but she was about
   to be given to another of whom she had a secret distrust" (Rémusat,
   tome i. p. 156). For the cruel treatment of Hortense by Louis see
   the succeeding pages of Rémusat. As for the vile scandal about
   Hortense and Napoleon, there is little doubt that it was spread by
   the Bonapartist family for interested motives. Madame Louis became
   enceinte soon after her marriage. The Bonapartists, and especially
   Madame Murat (Caroline); had disliked this marriage because Joseph
   having only daughters, it was forseen that the first son of Louis
   and the grandson of Madame Bonaparte would be the object of great
   interest. They therefore spread the revolting story that this was
   the result of a connection of the First Consul with his
   daughter-in-law, encouraged by the mother herself. "The public
   willingly believed this suspicion.' Madame Murat told Louis," etc.
   (Rémusat, tome i, p. 169). This last sentence is corroborated by
   Miot de Melito (tome ii. p. 170), who, speaking of the later
   proposal of Napoleon to adopt this child, says that Louis
   "remembered the damaging stories which ill-will had tried to spread
   among the public concerning Hortense Beauharnais before he married
   her, and although a comparison of the date of his marriage with
   that of the birth of his son must have shown him that these tales
   were unfounded, he felt that they would be revived by the adoption
   of this child by the First Consul." Thus this wretched story did
   harm in every way. The conduct of Josephine must be judged with
   leniency, engaged as she was in a desperate struggle to maintain
   her own marriage,&mdash;a struggle she kept up with great skill; see
   Metternich, tome ii. p. 296. "she baffled all the calculations,
   all the manoeuvres of her adversaries." But she was foolish enough
   to talk in her anger as if she believed some of the disgraceful
   rumours of Napoleon. "Had he not seduced his sisters, one after
   the other?" (Rémusat, tome i. p. 204). As to how far this scandal
   was really believed by the brothers of Napoleon, see Iung's Lucien
   (tome ii. pp. 268-269), where Lucien describes Louis as coming
   three times to him for advice as to his marriage with Hortense,
   both brothers referring to this rumour. The third time Louis
   announces he is in love with Hortense. "You are in love? Why the
   devil, then, do you come to me for advice? If so, forget what has
   been rumoured, and what I have advised you. Marry, and may God
   bless you."

   Thiers (tome iii. p. 308) follows Bourrienne's account. Josephine,
   alluding to Louis Bonaparte, said, "His family have maliciously
   informed him of the disgraceful stories which have been spread on
   the conduct of my daughter and on the birth of her son. Hate
   assigns this child to Napoleon." (Rémusat, tome i, p. 206). The
   child in question was Napoleon Charles (1802-1807).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0043" id="link2HCH0043">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII.
    </h2>

      1802-1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte President of the Cisalpine Republic&mdash;Meeting of the
   deputation at Lyons&mdash;Malta and the English&mdash;My immortality&mdash;Fete
   given by Madame Murat&mdash;Erasures from the emigrant list&mdash;Restitution
   of property&mdash;General Sebastiani&mdash;Lord Whitworth&mdash;Napoleon's first
   symptoms of disease&mdash;Corvisart&mdash;Influence of physical suffering on
   Napoleon's temper&mdash;Articles for the Moniteur&mdash;General Andreossi&mdash;
   M. Talleyrand's pun&mdash;Jerome Bonaparte&mdash;Extravagance of Bonaparte's
   brothers&mdash;M. Collot and the navy contract.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was anxious to place the Cisalpine Republic on a footing of
      harmony with the Government of France. It was necessary to select a
      President who should perfectly agree with Bonaparte's views; and in this
      respect no one could be so suitable as Bonaparte himself. The two
      Presidencies united would serve as a transition to the throne. Not wishing
      to be long absent from Paris, and anxious to avoid the trouble of the
      journey to Milan, he arranged to meet the deputation half-way at Lyons.
      Before our departure I said to him, "Is it possible that you do not wish
      to revisit Italy, the first scene of your glory, and the beautiful capital
      of Lombardy, where you were the object of so much homage?"&mdash;"I
      certainly should," replied the First Consul, "but the journey to Milan
      would occupy too much precious time. I prefer that the meeting should take
      place in France. My influence over the deputies will be more prompt and
      certain at Lyons than at Milan; and then I should be glad to see the noble
      wreck of the army of Egypt, which is collected at Lyons."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of January 1802 we set out. Bonaparte who was now ready to
      ascend the throne of France, wished to prepare the Italians for one day
      crowning him King of Italy, in imitation of Charlemagne, of whom in
      anticipation he considered himself the successor. He saw that the title of
      President of the Cisalpine Republic was a great advance towards the
      sovereignty of Lombardy, as he afterwards found that the Consulate for
      life was a decisive step towards the throne of France. He obtained the
      title of President without much difficulty on the 36th of January 1802.
      The journey to Lyons and the conferences were only matters of form; but
      high sounding words and solemn proceedings were required for the public
      mind.
    </p>
    <p>
      The attempts which had been made on the life of the First Consul gave rise
      to a report that he took extraordinary precautions for his safety during
      this journey to Lyons. I never saw those precautions, and Bonaparte was at
      all times averse to adopt any. He often repeated "That whoever would risk
      his own life might take his." It is not true that guards preceded his
      carriage and watched the roads. The Consul travelled like a private
      person, and very rarely had arms in his carriage.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bonaparte may have been careless of his own safety, but that he
   took great pains in regard to his brother's may be inferred from the
   following letter, written a few years later:

   "Take care that your valets de chambre, your cooks, the guards that
   sleep in your apartments, and those who come during the night to
   awaken you with despatches, are all Frenchmen. No one should enter
   your room during the night except your aides de camp, who should
   sleep in the chamber that precedes your bedroom. Your door should
   be fastened inside, and you ought not to open it, even to your aide
   de camp, until you have recognised his voice; he himself should not
   knock at your door until he has locked that of the room which he is
   in, to make sure of being alone, and of being followed by no one.
   These precautions are important; they give no trouble, and they
   inspire confidence&mdash;besides, they may really save your life. You
   should establish these habits immediately and permanently; You ought
   not to be obliged to have resource to them on some emergency, which
   would hurt the feelings of those around you. Do not trust only to
   your own experience. The Neapolitan character has been violent in
   every age, and you have to do with a woman [Queen of Naples] who is
   the impersonation of crime" (Napoleon to Joseph, May 31, 1806.&mdash;Du
   Casse, tome ii. p. 260).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At this time, when the ambition of Bonaparte every day took a farther
      flight, General Clarke took it into his head to go into the box of the
      First Consul at the "Francais," and to place himself in the front seat. By
      chance the First Consul came to the theatre, but Clarke, hardly rising,
      did not give up his place. The First Consul only stayed a short time, and
      when he came back he showed great discontent at this affectation of pride
      and of vanity. Wishing to get rid of a man whom he looked on as a
      blundering flatterer and a clumsy critic, he sent him away as charge
      d'affaires to the young extemporized King of Etruria, where Clarke
      expiated his folly in a sort of exile. This is all the "great disfavour"
      which has been so much spoken about, In the end General Clarke returned to
      favour. Berlin knows and regrets it.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th of March of the same year England signed, at Amiens, a
      suspension of arms for fourteen months, which was called a treaty of
      peace. The clauses of this treaty were not calculated to inspire the hope
      of a very long peace. It was evident, as I have already said, that England
      would not evacuate Malta; and that island ultimately proved the chief
      cause of the rupture of the treaty of Amiens. But England, heretofore so
      haughty in her bearing to the First Consul, had at length treated with him
      as the Head of the French Government. This, as Bonaparte was aware, boded
      well for the consolidation of his power.
    </p>
    <p>
      At that time, when he saw his glory and power augmenting, he said to me in
      one of our walks at Malmaison, in a moment of hilarity, and clapping me on
      the shoulder, "Well, Bourrienne, you also will be immortal!"&mdash; "Why,
      General?"&mdash;"Are you not my secretary?"&mdash;"Tell me the name of
      Alexander's," said I.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Bonaparte did not know the name of Alexander's secretary, and I
   forgot at the moment to tell him it was Clallisthenes. He wrote
   Alexander's Memoirs, as I am writing Bonaparte's; but,
   notwithstanding this coincidence, I neither expect nor desire the
   immortality of my name.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte then turned to me and laughing, said, "Hem! that is not bad."
      There was, to be sure, a little flattery conveyed in my question, but that
      never displeased him, and I certainly did not in that instance deserve the
      censure he often bestowed on me for not being enough of a courtier and
      flatterer.
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Murat gave a grand fete in honour of Bonaparte at her residence at
      Neuilly. At dinner Bonaparte sat opposite Madame Murat at the principal
      table, which was appropriated to the ladies. He ate fast, and talked but
      little. However, when the dessert was served, he put a question to each
      lady. This question was to inquire their respective ages. When Madame
      Bourrienne's turn came he said to her, "Oh! I know yours." This was a
      great deal for his gallantry, and the other ladies were far from being
      pleased at it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Next day, while walking with me in his favourite alley at Malmaison, he
      received one of those stupid reports of the police which were so
      frequently addressed to him. It mentioned the observations which had been
      made in Paris about a green livery he had lately adopted. Some said that
      green had been chosen because it was the colour of the House of Artois. On
      reading that a slight sneer was observable in his countenance, and he
      said, "What are these idiots dreaming of? They must be joking, surely. Am
      I no better than M. d'Artois? They shall soon see the difference."
    </p>
    <p>
      Until the middle of the year 1801 the erasures from the emigrant list had
      always been proposed by the Minister of Police. The First Consul having
      been informed that intrigue and even bribery had been employed to obtain
      them, determined that in future erasures should be part of the business of
      his cabinet. But other affairs took up his attention, and a dozen or
      fifteen erasures a week were the most that were made. After Te Deum had
      been chanted at Malmaison for the Concordat and the peace, I took
      advantage of that moment of general joy to propose to Bonaparte the return
      of the whole body of emigrants. "You have," said I in a half-joking way,
      "reconciled Frenchmen to God&mdash;now reconcile them to each other. There
      have never been any real emigrants, only absentees; and the proof of this
      is, that erasures from the list have always been, and will always be, made
      daily." He immediately seized the idea. "We shall see," said he; "but I
      must except a thousand persons belonging to high families, especially
      those who are or have been connected with royalty or the Court."
    </p>
    <p>
      I said in the Chamber of Deputies, and I feel pleasure in repeating here,
      that the plan of the 'Senatus-consults', which Bonaparte dictated to me,
      excepted from restitution only such mansions as were used for public
      establishments. These he would neither surrender nor pay rent for. With
      those exceptions he was willing to restore almost all that was possessed
      by the State and had not been sold.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul, as soon as he had finished this plan of a decree,
      convoked a Grand Council to submit it to their consideration. I was in an
      adjoining room to that in which they met, and as the deliberations were
      carried on with great warmth, the members talking very loudly, sometimes
      even vociferating, I heard all that passed. The revolutionary party
      rejected all propositions of restitution. They were willing to call back
      their victims, but they would not part with the spoil.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the First Consul returned to his cabinet, dissatisfied with the ill
      success of his project, I took the liberty of saying to him, "you cannot
      but perceive, General, that your object has been defeated, and your
      project unsuccessful. The refusal to restore to the emigrants all that the
      State possesses takes from the recall all its generosity and dignity of
      character. I wonder how you could yield to such an unreasonable and
      selfish opposition."&mdash;"The revolutionary party," replied he, "had the
      majority in the Council. What could I do? Am I strong enough to overcome
      all those obstacles?"&mdash;"General, you can revive the question again,
      and oppose the party you speak of."&mdash;"That would be difficult," he
      said; "they still have a high hand in these matters. Time is required.
      However, nothing is definitively arranged. We shall see what can be done."
      The 'Senatus-consulte', published on the 6th Floréal, year X. (26th of
      April 1802), a fortnight after the above conversation took place, is well
      known. Bonaparte was then obliged to yield to the revolutionary party, or
      he would have adhered to his first proposition.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Senatus-consulte retained the woods and forests of the
   emigrants, and made their recall an "amnesty." In the end this
   retention of the forests was used by Napoleon with great dexterity
   as a means of placing them under personal obligation to him for
   restoring this species of property. See Thiers tome iii, p. 458,
   livre xiv.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon referred to this matter at St. Helena. He himself says that he
      "would have been able" (he should have said that he wished) to grant
      everything, that for a moment he thought of doing so, and that it was a
      mistake not to do so. "This limitation on my part," he adds, "destroyed
      all the good effect of the return of the emigrants. The mistake was the
      greater since I thought of doing it, but I was alone, surrounded by
      oppositions and by spies: all were against your party, you cannot easily
      picture the matter to yourself, but important affairs hurried me, time
      pressed, and I was obliged to act differently." Afterwards he speaks of a
      syndicate he wished to form, but I have never heard a word of that. I have
      said how things really happened, and what has been just read confirms
      this.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This was by no means the only time that Napoleon's wishes were
   opposed successfully in his Council of State. On such occasions he
   used to describe himself as "repulsed with losses." See the
   interesting work of St. Hilaire, Napoleon au Conseil d'Etat.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The Royalists, dissatisfied with the state of political affairs, were not
      better pleased with the illiberal conditions of the recall of the
      emigrants. The friends of public liberty, on the other hand, were far from
      being satisfied with the other acts of the First Consul, or with the
      conduct of the different public authorities, who were always ready to make
      concessions to him. Thus all parties were dissatisfied.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was much pleased with General Sebastiani's conduct when he was
      sent to Constantinople, after the peace of Amiens, to induce the Grand
      Seignior to renew amicable relations with France.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the period here alluded to, namely, before the news of the evacuation
      of Egypt, that country greatly occupied Bonaparte's attention. He thought
      that to send a man like Sebastiani travelling through Northern Africa,
      Egypt, and Syria might inspire the sovereigns of those countries with a
      more favourable idea of France than they now entertained, and might remove
      the ill impressions which England was endeavouring to produce. On this
      mission Sebastiani was accordingly despatched. He visited all the Barbary
      States, Egypt, Palestine, and the Ionian Isles. Everywhere he drew a
      highly-coloured picture of the power of Bonaparte, and depreciated the
      glory of England.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This General, or Count Sebastian, was afterwards ambassador for
   Louis Philippe at our Court.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He strengthened old connections, and contracted new ones with the chiefs
      of each country. He declared to the authorities of the Ionian Isles that
      they might rely on the powerful protection of France. Bonaparte, in my
      opinion, expected too much from the labours of a single individual
      furnished with but vague instructions. Still Sebastiani did all that could
      be done. The interesting details of his proceedings were published in the
      'Moniteur'. The secret information respecting the means of successfully
      attacking the English establishments in India was very curious, though not
      affording the hope of speedy success.
    </p>
    <p>
      The published abstract of General Sebastiani's report was full of
      expressions hostile to England. Among other things it was stated that
      Egypt might be conquered with 6000 men, and that the Ionian Isles where
      disposed to throw off the yoke. There can be little doubt that this
      publication hastened the rupture of the treaty of Amiens.
    </p>
    <p>
      England suspended all discussions respecting Malta, and declared that she
      would not resume them till the King of Great Britain should receive
      satisfaction for what was called an act of hostility. This was always put
      forward as a justification, good or bad, for breaking the treaty of
      Amiens, which England had never shown herself very ready to execute.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, waiving the usual forma of etiquette, expressed his wish to
      have a private conference with Lord Whitworth, the ambassador from London
      to Paris, and who had been the English ambassador at St. Petersburg
      previous to the rupture which preceded the death of Paul I. Bonaparte
      counted much on the effect he might produce by that captivating manner
      which he so well knew how to assume in conversation; but all was in vain.
      In signing the treaty of Amiens the British Minister was well aware that
      he would be the first to break it.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the commencement of the year 1802 Napoleon began to feel acute pains
      in his right side. I have often seen him at Malmaison, when sitting up at
      night, lean against the right arm of his chair, and unbuttoning his coat
      and waistcoat exclaim,&mdash;"What pain I feel!" I would then accompany
      him to his bedchamber, and have often been obliged to support him on the
      little staircase which led from his cabinet to the corridor. He frequently
      used to say at this time, "I fear that when I am forty I shall become a
      great eater: I have a foreboding that I shall grow very corpulent." This
      fear of obesity, though it annoyed him very much, did not appear to have
      the least foundation, judging from his habitual temperance and spare habit
      of body. He asked me who was my physician. I told him M. Corvisart, whom
      his brother Louis had recommended to me. A few days after he called in
      Corvisart, who three years later was appointed first physician to the
      Emperor. He appeared to derive much benefit from the prescriptions of
      Corvisart, whose open and good-humoured countenance at once made a
      favourable impression on him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pain which the First Consul felt at this time increased his
      irritability. Perhaps many of the sets of this epoch of his life should be
      attributed to this illness. At the time in question his ideas were not the
      same in the evening as they had been in the morning; and often in the
      morning he would tear up, even without the least remark, notes he had
      dictated to me at night and which he had considered excellent. At other
      times I took on myself not to send to the Moniteur, as he wished me to do,
      notes which, dictated by annoyance and irascibility, might have produced a
      bad effect in Europe. When the next day he did not see the article, I
      attributed this to the note being too late, or to the late arrival of the
      courier. But I told him it was no loss, for it would be inserted the next
      day. He did not answer at once, but a quarter of an hour afterwards he
      said to me, "Do not send my note to the 'Moniteur' without showing it to
      me." He took it and reread it. Sometimes he was astonished at what he had
      dictated to me, and amused himself by saying that I had not understood him
      properly. "That is not much good, is it? "&mdash;"'Pon my word, I don't
      quite know."&mdash;"Oh no, it is worthless; what say you?" Then he bowed
      his head a little, and tore up the paper. Once when we were at the
      Tuileries he sent me at two o'clock in the morning a small note in his own
      writing, in which was, "To Bourrienne. Write to Maret to make him erase
      from the note which Fleurieu has read to the Tribunate the phrase (spelt
      frase) concerning Costaz, and to soften as much as possible what concerns
      the reporter of the Tribunate."
    </p>
    <p>
      This change, after time for reflection, arose, as often happened with him,
      from observations I had made to him, and which he had at first angrily
      repulsed.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the peace of Amiens the First Consul, wishing to send an ambassador
      to England, cast his eyes&mdash;for what reason I know not&mdash;on
      General Andreossi. I took the liberty of making some observation on a
      choice which did not appear to me to correspond with the importance of the
      mission. Bonaparte replied, "I have not determined on it; I will talk to
      Talleyrand on the subject." When we were at Malmaison in the evening M. de
      Talleyrand came to transact business with the First Consul. The proposed
      appointment of an ambassador to England was mentioned. After several
      persons had been named the First Consul said, "I believe I must send
      Andreossi." M. de Talleyrand, who was not much pleased with the choice,
      observed in a dry sarcastic tone, "You must send Andre 'aussi', I Pray,
      who is this Andre?"&mdash;"I did not mention any Andre; I said Andreossi.
      You know Andreossi, the general of artillery?"&mdash;"Ah! true; Andreossi:
      I did not think of him: I was thinking only of the diplomatic men, and did
      not recollect any of that name. Yes, yes; Andreossi is in the artillery!"
      The general was appointed ambassador, and went to London after the treaty
      of Amiens; but he returned again in a few months. He had nothing of
      consequence to do, which was very lucky for him.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1802 Jerome was at Brest in the rank of 'enseigne de vaisseau'&mdash;[A
      rank in the navy equivalent to that of our lieutenant.]&mdash;He launched
      into expenses far beyond what his fortune or his pay could maintain. He
      often drew upon me for sums of money which the First Consul paid with much
      unwillingness. One of his letters in particular excited Napoleon's anger.
      The epistle was filled with accounts of the entertainments Jerome was
      giving and receiving, and ended by stating that he should draw on me for
      17,000 francs. To this Bonaparte wrote the following reply:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I have read your letter, Monsieur l'Enseigne de Vaisseau; and I am
   waiting to hear that you are studying on board your corvette a
   profession which you ought to consider as your road to glory. Die
   young, and I shall have some consolatory reflection; but if you live
   to sixty without having served your country, and without leaving
   behind you any honourable recollections, you had better not have
   lived at all.
</pre>
    <p>
      Jerome never fulfilled the wishes of his brother, who always called him a
      little profligate. From his earliest years his conduct was often a source
      of vexation to his brother and his family. Westphalia will not soon forget
      that he was her King; and his subjects did not without reason surname him
      "Heliogabalus in miniature."
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul was harassed by the continual demands for money made on
      him by his brothers. To get rid of Joseph, who expended large sums at
      Mortfontaine, as Lucien did at Neuilly, he gave M. Collot the contract for
      victualling the navy, on the condition of his paying Joseph 1,600,000
      francs a year out of his profits. I believe this arrangement answered
      Joseph's purpose very well; but it was anything but advantageous to M.
      Collot. I think a whole year elapsed without his pocketing a single
      farthing. He obtained an audience of the First Consul, to whom he stated
      his grievances. His outlays he showed were enormous, and he could get no
      payment from the navy office. Upon which the Consul angrily interrupted
      him, saying, "Do you think I am a mere capuchin? Decres must have 100,000
      crowns, Duroc 100,000, Bourrienne 100,000; you must make the payments, and
      don't come here troubling me with your long stories. It is the business of
      my Ministers to give me accounts of such matters; I will hear Decres, and
      that's enough. Let me be teased no longer with these complaints; I cannot
      attend to them." Bonaparte then very unceremoniously dismissed M. Collot.
      I learned afterwards that he did not get a settlement of the business
      until after a great deal of trouble. M. Collot once said to me, "If he had
      asked me for as much money as would have built a frigate he should have
      had it. All I want now is to be paid, and to get rid of the business." M.
      Collot had reason and honour on his side; but there was nothing but
      shuffling on the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0044" id="link2HCH0044">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX.
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Proverbial falsehood of bulletins&mdash;M. Doublet&mdash;Creation of the
   Legion of Honour&mdash;Opposition to it in the Council and other
   authorities of the State&mdash;The partisans of an hereditary system&mdash;
   The question of the Consulship for life.
</pre>
    <p>
      The historian of these times ought to put no faith in the bulletins,
      despatches, notes, and proclamations which have emanated from Bonaparte,
      or passed through his hands. For my part, I believe that the proverb, "As
      great a liar as a bulletin," has as much truth in it as the axiom, two and
      two make four.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bulletins always announced what Bonaparte wished to be believed true;
      but to form a proper judgment on any fact, counter-bulletins must be
      sought for and consulted. It is well known, too, that Bonaparte attached
      great importance to the place whence he dated his bulletins; thus, he
      dated his decrees respecting the theatres and Hamburg beef at Moscow.
    </p>
    <p>
      The official documents were almost always incorrect. There was falsity in
      the exaggerated descriptions of his victories, and falsity again in the
      suppression or palliation of his reverses and losses. A writer, if he took
      his materials from the bulletins and the official correspondence of the
      time, would compose a romance rather than a true history. Of this many
      proofs have been given in the present work.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another thing which always appeared to me very remarkable was, that
      Bonaparte, notwithstanding his incontestable superiority, studied to
      depreciate the reputations of his military commanders, and to throw on
      their shoulders faults which he had committed himself. It is notorious
      that complaints and remonstrances, as energetic as they were well founded,
      were frequently addressed to General Bonaparte on the subject of his
      unjust and partial bulletins, which often attributed the success of a day
      to some one who had very little to do with it, and made no mention of the
      officer who actually had the command. The complaints made by the officers
      and soldiers stationed at Damietta compelled General Lanusse, the
      commander, to remonstrate against the alteration of a bulletin, by which
      an engagement with a body of Arabs was represented as an insignificant
      affair, and the loss trifling, though the General had stated the action to
      be one of importance, and the loss considerable. The misstatement, in
      consequence of his spirited and energetic remonstrances, was corrected.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte took Malta, as is well known, in forty-eight hours. The empire
      of the Mediterranean, secured to the English by the battle of Aboukir, and
      their numerous cruising vessels, gave them the means of starving the
      garrison, and of thus forcing General Vaubois, the commandant of Malta,
      who was cut off from all communication with France, to capitulate.
      Accordingly on the 4th of September 1800 he yielded up the Gibraltar of
      the Mediterranean, after a noble defence of two years. These facts require
      to be stated in order the better to understand what follows.
    </p>
    <p>
      On 22d February 1802 a person of the name of Doublet, who was the
      commissary of the French Government at Malta when we possessed that
      island, called upon me at the Tuileries. He complained bitterly that the
      letter which he had written from Malta to the First Consul on the 2d
      Ventose, year VIII. (9th February 1800), had been altered in the
      'Moniteur'. "I congratulated him," said M. Doublet, "on the 18th Brumaire,
      and informed him of the state of Malta, which was very alarming. Quite the
      contrary was printed in the 'Moniteur', and that is what I complain of. It
      placed me in a very disagreeable situation at Malta, where I was accused
      of having concealed the real situation of the island, in which I was
      discharging a public function that gave weight to my words." I observed to
      him that as I was not the editor of the 'Moniteur' it was of no use to
      apply to me; but I told him to give me a copy of the letter, and I would
      mention the subject to the First Consul, and communicate the answer to
      him. Doublet searched his pocket for the letter, but could not find it. He
      said he would send a copy, and begged me to discover how the error
      originated. On the same day he sent me the copy of the letter, in which,
      after congratulating Bonaparte on his return, the following passage
      occurs:&mdash;"Hasten to save Malta with men and provisions: no time is to
      be lost." For this passage these words were substituted in the 'Moniteur':
      "His name inspires the brave defenders of Malta with fresh courage; we
      have men and provisions."
    </p>
    <p>
      Ignorant of the motives of so strange a perversion, I showed this letter
      to the First Consul. He shrugged up his shoulders and said, laughing,
      "Take no notice of him, he is a fool; give yourself no further trouble
      about it."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was clear there was nothing more to be done. It was, however, in
      despite of me that M. Doublet was played this ill turn. I represented to
      the First Consul the inconveniences which M. Doublet might experience from
      this affair. But I very rarely saw letters or reports published as they
      were received. I can easily understand how particular motives might be
      alleged in order to justify such falsifications; for, when the path of
      candour and good faith is departed from, any pretext is put forward to
      excuse bad conduct. What sort of a history would he write who should
      consult only the pages of the 'Moniteur'?
    </p>
    <p>
      After the vote for adding a second ten years to the duration of
      Bonaparte's Consulship he created, on the 19th of May, the order of the
      Legion of Honour. This institution was soon followed by that of the new
      nobility. Thus, in a short space of time, the Concordat to tranquillize
      consciences and re-establish harmony in the Church; the decree to recall
      the emigrants; the continuance of the Consular power for ten years, by way
      of preparation for the Consulship for life, and the possession of the
      Empire; and the creation, in a country which had abolished all
      distinctions, of an order which was to engender prodigies, followed
      closely on the heels of each other. The Bourbons, in reviving the
      abolished orders, were wise enough to preserve along with them the Legion
      of Honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has already been seen how, in certain circumstances, the First Consul
      always escaped from the consequences of his own precipitation, and got rid
      of his blunders by throwing the blame on others&mdash;as, for example, in
      the affair of the parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte. He was
      indeed so precipitate that one might say, had he been a gardener, he would
      have wished to see the fruits ripen before the blossoms had fallen off.
      This inconsiderate haste nearly proved fatal to the creation of the Legion
      of Honour, a project which ripened in his mind as soon as he beheld the
      orders glittering at the button-holes of the Foreign Ministers. He would
      frequently exclaim, "This is well! These are the things for the people!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I was, I must confess, a decided partisan of the foundation in France of a
      new chivalric order, because I think, in every well-conducted State, the
      chief of the Government ought to do all in his power to stimulate the
      honour of the citizens, and to render them more sensible to honorary
      distinctions than to pecuniary advantages. I tried, however, at the same
      time to warn the First Consul of his precipitancy. He heard me not; but I
      must with equal frankness confess that on this occasion I was soon freed
      from all apprehension with respect to the consequences of the difficulties
      he had to encounter in the Council and in the other constituted orders of
      the State.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 4th of May 1801 he brought forward, for the first time officially,
      in the Council of State the question of the establishment of the Legion of
      Honour, which on the 19th May 1802 was proclaimed a law of the State. The
      opposition to this measure was very great, and all the power of the First
      Consul, the force of his arguments, and the immense influence of his
      position, could procure him no more than 14 votes out of 24. The same
      feeling was displayed at the Tribunate; where the measure only passed by a
      vote of 56 to 38. The balance was about the same in the Legislative Body,
      where the votes were 166 to 110. It follows, then, that out of the 394
      voters in those three separate bodies a majority only of 78 was obtained.
      Surprised at so feeble a majority, the First Consul said in the evening,
      "Ah! I see very clearly the prejudices are still too strong. You were
      right; I should have waited. It was not a thing of such urgency. But then,
      it must be owned, the speakers for the measure defended it badly. The
      strong minority has not judged me fairly."&mdash; "Be calm," rejoined I:
      "without doubt it would have been better to wait; but the thing is done,
      and you will soon find that the taste for these distinctions is not near
      gone by. It is a taste which belongs to the nature of man. You may expect
      some extraordinary circumstances from this creation&mdash;you will soon
      see them."
    </p>
    <p>
      In April 1802 the First Consul left no stone unturned to get himself
      declared Consul for life. It is perhaps at this epoch of his career that
      he most brought into play those principles of duplicity and dissimulation
      which are commonly called Machiavellian. Never were trickery, falsehood,
      cunning, and affected moderation put into play with more talent or
      success.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of March hereditary succession and a dynasty were in
      everybody's mouths. Lucien was the most violent propagator of these ideas,
      and he pursued his vocation of apostle with constancy and address. It has
      already been mentioned that, by his brother's confession; he published in
      1800 a pamphlet enforcing the same ideas; which work Bonaparte afterwards
      condemned as a premature development of his projects. M. de Talleyrand,
      whose ideas could not be otherwise than favourable to the monarchical form
      of government, was ready to enter into explanations with the Cabinets of
      Europe on the subject. The words which now constantly resounded in every
      ear were "stability and order," under cloak of which the downfall of the
      people's right was to be concealed. At the same time Bonaparte, with the
      view of disparaging the real friends of constitutional liberty, always
      called them ideologues,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I have classed all these people under the denomination of
   Ideologues, which, besides, is what specially and literally fits
   them,&mdash;searchers after ideas (ideas generally empty). They have
   been made more ridiculous than even I expected by this application,
   a correct one, of the term ideologue to them. The phrase has been
   successful, I believe, because it was mine (Napoleon in Iung's
   Lucien, tome ii. p, 293). Napoleon welcomed every attack on this
   description of sage. Much pleased with a discourse by Royer
   Collard, he said to Talleyrand, "Do you know, Monsieur is Grand
   Electeur, that a new and serious philosophy is rising in my
   university, which may do us great honour and disembarrass us
   completely of the ideologues, slaying them on the spot by
   reasoning?" It is with something of the same satisfaction that
   Renan, writing of 1898, says that the finer dreams had been
   disastrous when brought into the domain of facts, and that human
   concerns only began to improve when the ideologues ceased to meddle
   with them (Souvenirs, p. 122).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      or terrorists. Madame Bonaparte opposed with fortitude the influence of
      counsels which she believed fatal to her husband. He indeed spoke rarely,
      and seldom confidentially, with her on politics or public affairs. "Mind
      your distaff or your needle," was with him a common phrase. The
      individuals who applied themselves with most perseverance in support of
      the hereditary question were Lucien, Roederer, Regnault de St. Jean
      d'Angély, and Fontanel. Their efforts were aided by the conclusion of
      peace with England, which, by re-establishing general tranquillity for a
      time, afforded the First Consul an opportunity of forwarding any plan.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the First Consul aspired to the throne of France, his brothers,
      especially Lucien, affected a ridiculous pride and pretension. Take an
      almost incredible example of which I was witness. On Sunday, the 9th of
      May, Lucien came to see Madame Bonaparte, who said to him, "Why did you
      not come to dinner last Monday?"&mdash;"Because there was no place marked
      for me: the brothers of Napoleon ought to have the first place after him."&mdash;
      "What am I to understand by that?" answered Madame Bonaparte. "If you are
      the brother of Bonaparte, recollect what you were. At my house all places
      are the same. Eugène world never have committed such a folly."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[On such points there was constant trouble with the Bonapartist
   family, as will be seen in Madame de Rémusat's Memoirs. For an
   instance, in 1812, where Joseph insisted on his mother taking
   precedence of Josephine at a dinner in his house, when Napoleon
   settled the matter by seizing Josephine's arm and leading her in
   first, to the consternation of the party. But Napoleon, right in
   this case, had his own ideas on such points, The place of the
   Princess Elisa, the eldest of his sisters, had been put below that
   of Caroline, Queen of Naples. Elisa was then only princess of
   Lucca. The Emperor suddenly rose, and by a shift to the right
   placed the Princess Elisa above the Queen. 'Now,' said he, 'do not
   forget that in the imperial family I am the only King.' (Iung's
   Lucien, tome ii. p. 251), This rule he seems to have adhered to,
   for when he and his brothers went in the same carriage to the Champ
   de Mai in 1815, Jerome, titular King of Westphalia, had to take the
   front seat, while his elder brother, Lucien, only bearing the Roman
   title of Prince de Canino, sat on one of the seats of honour
   alongside Napoleon. Jerome was disgusted, and grumbled at a King
   having to give way to a mere Roman Prince, See Iung's Lucien, tome
   ii. p, 190.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At this period, when the Consulate for life was only in embryo, flattering
      counsels poured in from all quarters, and tended to encourage the First
      Consul in his design of grasping at absolute power.
    </p>
    <p>
      Liberty rejected an unlimited power, and set bounds to the means he wished
      and had to employ in order to gratify his excessive love of war and
      conquest. "The present state of things, this Consulate of ten years," said
      he to me, does not satisfy me; "I consider it calculated to excite
      unceasing troubles." On the 7th of July 1801, he observed, "The question
      whether France will be a Republic is still doubtful: it will be decided in
      five or six years." It was clear that he thought this too long a term.
      Whether he regarded France as his property, or considered himself as the
      people's delegate and the defender of their rights, I am convinced the
      First Consul wished the welfare of France; but then that welfare was in
      his mind inseparable from absolute power. It was with pain I saw him
      following this course. The friends of liberty, those who sincerely wished
      to maintain a Government constitutionally free, allowed themselves to be
      prevailed upon to consent to an extension of ten years of power beyond the
      ten years originally granted by the constitution. They made this sacrifice
      to glory and to that power which was its consequence; and they were far
      from thinking they were lending their support to shameless intrigues. They
      were firm, but for the moment only, and the nomination for life was
      rejected by the Senate, who voted only ten years more power to Bonaparte,
      who saw the vision of his ambition again adjourned.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul dissembled his displeasure with that profound art which,
      when he could not do otherwise, he exercised to an extreme degree. To a
      message of the Senate on the subject of that nomination he returned a calm
      but evasive and equivocating answer, in which, nourishing his favourite
      hope of obtaining more from the people than from the Senate, he declared
      with hypocritical humility, "That he would submit to this new sacrifice if
      the wish of the people demanded what the Senate authorised." Such was the
      homage he paid to the sovereignty of the people, which was soon to be
      trampled under his feet!
    </p>
    <p>
      An extraordinary convocation of the Council of State took place on Monday,
      the 10th of May. A communication was made to them, not merely of the
      Senate's consultation, but also of the First Consul's adroit and insidious
      reply. The Council regarded the first merely as a notification, and
      proceeded to consider on what question the people should be consulted. Not
      satisfied with granting to the First Consul ten years of prerogative, the
      Council thought it best to strike the iron while it was hot, and not to
      stop short in the middle of so pleasing a work. In fine, they decided that
      the following question should be put to the people: "Shall the First
      Consul be appointed for life, and shall he have the power of nominating
      his successor?" The reports of the police had besides much influence on
      the result of this discussion, for they one and all declared that the
      whole of Paris demanded a Consul for life, with the right of naming a
      successor. The decisions on these two questions were carried as it were by
      storm. The appointment for life passed unanimously, and the right of
      naming the successor by a majority. The First Consul, however, formally
      declared that he condemned this second measure, which had not originated
      with himself. On receiving the decision of the Council of State the First
      Consul, to mask his plan for attaining absolute power, thought it
      advisable to appear to reject a part of what was offered him. He therefore
      cancelled that clause which proposed to give him the power of appointing a
      successor, and which had been carried by a small majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0045" id="link2HCH0045">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER X.
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   General Bernadotte pacifies La vendee and suppresses a mutiny at
   Tours&mdash;Bonaparte's injustice towards him&mdash;A premeditated scene&mdash;
   Advice given to Bernadotte, and Bonaparte disappointed&mdash;The First
   Consul's residence at St. Cloud&mdash;His rehearsals for the Empire&mdash;
   His contempt of mankind&mdash;Mr. Fox and Bonaparte&mdash;Information of plans
   of assassination&mdash;A military dinner given by Bonaparte&mdash;Moreau not
   of the party&mdash;Effect of the 'Senates-consultes' on the Consulate for
   life&mdash;Journey to Plombieres&mdash;Previous scene between Lucien and
   Josephine&mdash;Theatrical representations at Neuilly and Malmaison&mdash;
   Loss of a watch, and honesty rewarded&mdash;Canova at St. Cloud&mdash;
   Bonaparte's reluctance to stand for a model.
</pre>
    <p>
      Having arrived at nearly the middle of the career which I have undertaken
      to trace, before I advance farther I must go back for a few moments, as I
      have already frequently done, in order to introduce some circumstances
      which escaped my recollection, or which I purposely reserved, that I might
      place them amongst facts analogous to them: Thus, for instance, I have
      only referred in passing to a man who, since become a monarch, has not
      ceased to honour me with his friendship, as will be seen in the course of
      my Memoirs, since the part we have seen him play in the events of the 18th
      Brumaire. This man, whom the inexplicable combination of events has raised
      to a throne for the happiness of the people he is called to govern, is
      Bernadotte.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was evident that Bernadotte must necessarily fall into a kind of
      disgrace for not having supported Bonaparte's projects at the period of
      the overthrow of the Directory. The First Consul, however, did not dare to
      avenge himself openly; but he watched for every opportunity to remove
      Bernadotte from his presence, to place him in difficult situations, and to
      entrust him with missions for which no precise instructions were given, in
      the hope that Bernadotte would commit faults for which the First Consul
      might make him wholly responsible.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the commencement of the Consulate the deplorable war in La Vendée raged
      in all its intensity. The organization of the Chouans was complete, and
      this civil war caused Bonaparte much more uneasiness than that which he
      was obliged to conduct on the Rhine and in Italy, because, from the
      success of the Vendeans might arise a question respecting internal
      government, the solution of which was likely to be contrary to Bonaparte's
      views. The slightest success of the Vendeans spread alarm amongst the
      holders of national property; and, besides, there was no hope of
      reconciliation between France and England, her eternal and implacable
      enemy, as long as the flame of insurrection remained unextinguished.
    </p>
    <p>
      The task of terminating this unhappy struggle was obviously a difficult
      one. Bonaparte therefore resolved to impose it on Bernadotte; but this
      general's conciliatory disposition, his chivalrous manners, his tendency
      to indulgence, and a happy mixture of prudence and firmness, made him
      succeed where others would have failed. He finally established good order
      and submission to the laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after the pacification of La Vendée a rebellious disposition
      manifested itself at Tours amongst the soldiers of a regiment stationed
      there. The men refused to march until they received their arrears of pay.
      Bernadotte, as commander-in-chief of the army of the west, without being
      alarmed at the disturbance, ordered the fifty-second demi-brigade&mdash;
      the one in question&mdash;to be drawn up in the square of Tours, where, at
      the very head of the corps, the leaders of the mutiny were by his orders
      arrested without any resistance being offered. Carnot who was then
      Minister of War, made a report to the First Consul on this affair, which,
      but for the firmness of Bernadotte, might have been attended with
      disagreeable results. Carnet's report contained a plain statement of the
      facts, and of General Bernadotte's conduct. Bonaparte was, however,
      desirous to find in it some pretext for blaming him, and made me write
      these words on the margin of the report: "General Bernadotte did not act
      discreetly in adopting such severe measures against the fifty-second
      demi-brigade, he not having the means, if he had been unsuccessful, of
      re-establishing order in a town the garrison of which was not strong
      enough to subdue the mutineers."
    </p>
    <p>
      A few days after, the First Consul having learned that the result of this
      affair was quite different from that which he affected to dread, and being
      convinced that by Bernadotte's firmness alone order had been restored, he
      found himself in some measure constrained to write to the General, and he
      dictated the following letter to me:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
               PARIS, 11th Vendemiaire. Year XI.

   CITIZEN-GENERAL&mdash;I have read with interest the account of what you
   did to re-establish order in the fifty-second demi-brigade, and
   also the report of General Liebert, dated the 5th Vendemiaire.
   Tell that officer that the Government is satisfied with his conduct.
   His promotion from the rank of Colonel to that of General of brigade
   is confirmed. I wish that brave officer to come to Paris. He has
   afforded an example of firmness and energy which does honour to a
   soldier.
                    (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus in the same affair Bonaparte, in a few days, from the spontaneous
      expression of blame dictated by hate, was reduced to the necessity of
      declaring his approbation, which he did, as may be seen, with studied
      coldness, and even taking pains to make his praises apply to Colonel
      Liebert, and not to the general-in-chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      Time only served to augment Bonaparte's dislike of Bernadotte. It might be
      said that the farther he advanced in his rapid march towards absolute
      power the more animosity he cherished against the individual who had
      refused to aid his first steps in his adventurous career. At the same time
      the persons about Bonaparte who practised the art of flattering failed not
      to multiply reports and insinuations against Bernadotte. I recollect one
      day, when there was to be a grand public levee, seeing Bonaparte so much
      out of temper that I asked him the cause of it. "I can bear it no longer,"
      he replied impetuously. "I have resolved to have a scene with Bernadotte
      to-day. He will probably be here. I will open the fire, let what will come
      of it. He may do what he pleases. We shall see! It is time there should be
      an end of this."
    </p>
    <p>
      I had never before observed the First Consul so violently irritated. He
      was in a terrible passion, and I dreaded the moment when the levee was to
      open. When he left me to go down to the salon I availed myself of the
      opportunity to get there before him, which I could easily do, as the salon
      was not twenty steps from the cabinet. By good luck Bernadotte was the
      first person I saw. He was standing in the recess of a window which looked
      on the square of the Carrousel. To cross the salon and reach the General
      was the work of a moment. "General!" said I, "trust me and retire!&mdash;I
      have good reasons for advising it!" Bernadotte, seeing my extreme anxiety,
      and aware of the sincere sentiments of esteem end friendship which I
      entertained for him, consented to retire, and I regarded this as a
      triumph; for, knowing Bernadotte's frankness of character and his nice
      sense of honour, I was quite certain that he would not submit to the harsh
      observations which Bonaparte intended to address to him. My stratagem had
      all the success I could desire. The First Consul suspected nothing, and
      remarked only one thing, which was that his victim was absent. When the
      levee was over he said to me, "What do you think of it, Bourrienne?&mdash;-Bernadotte
      did not come."&mdash;"So much the better for him, General," was my reply.
      Nothing further happened. The First Consul on returning from Josephine
      found me in the cabinet, and consequently could suspect nothing, and my
      communication with Bernadotte did not occupy five minutes. Bernadotte
      always expressed himself much gratified with the proof of friendship I
      gave him at this delicate conjuncture. The fact is, that from a
      disposition of my mind, which I could not myself account for, the more
      Bonaparte'a unjust hatred of Bernadotte increased the more sympathy and
      admiration I felt for the noble character of the latter.
    </p>
    <p>
      The event in question occurred in the spring of 1802. It was at this
      period that Bonaparte first occupied St. Cloud, which he was much pleased
      with, because he found himself more at liberty there than at the
      Tuileries; which palace is really only a prison for royalty, as there a
      sovereign cannot even take the air at a window without immediately being
      the object of the curiosity of the public, who collect in large crowds. At
      St. Cloud, on the contrary, Bonaparte could walk out from his cabinet and
      prolong his promenade without being annoyed by petitioners. One of his
      first steps was to repair the cross road leading from St. Cloud to
      Malmaison, between which places Bonaparte rode in a quarter of an hour.
      This proximity to the country, which he liked, made staying at St. Cloud
      yet pleasanter to him. It was at St. Cloud that the First Consul made, if
      I may so express it, his first rehearsals of the grand drama of the
      Empire. It was there he began to introduce, in external forms, the habits
      and etiquette which brought to mind the ceremonies of sovereignty. He soon
      perceived the influence which pomp of ceremony, brilliancy of appearance,
      and richness of costume, exercise over the mass of mankind. "Men," he
      remarked to me a this period, "well deserve the contempt I feel for them.
      I have only to put some gold lace on the coats of my virtuous republicans
      and they immediately become just what I wish them."
    </p>
    <p>
      I remember one day, after one of his frequent sallies of contempt for
      human kind, I observed to him that although baubles might excite vulgar
      admiration, there were some distinguished men who did not permit
      themselves to be fascinated by their allurements; and I mentioned the
      celebrated Fox by way of example, who, previous to the conclusion of the
      peace of Amiens, visited Paris, where he was remarked for his extreme
      simplicity. The First Consul said, "Ah! you are right with respect to him.
      Mr. Fox is a truly great man, and pleases me much."
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, Bonaparte always received Mr. Fox's visits with the greatest
      satisfaction; and after every conversation they had together he never
      failed to express to me the pleasure which he experienced in discoursing
      with a man every way worthy of the great celebrity he had attained. He
      considered him a very superior man, and wished he might have to treat with
      him in his future negotiations with England. It may be supposed that Mr.
      Fox, on his part, never forgot the terms of intimacy, I may say of
      confidence, on which he had been with the First Consul. In fact, he on
      several occasions informed him in time of war of the plots formed against
      his life. Less could not be expected from a man of so noble a character. I
      can likewise affirm, having more than once been in possession of proofs of
      the fact, that the English Government constantly rejected with indignation
      all such projects. I do not mean those which had for their object the
      overthrow of the Consular or Imperial Government, but all plans of
      assassination and secret attacks on the person of Bonaparte, whether First
      Consul or Emperor. I will here request the indulgence of the reader whilst
      I relate a circumstance which occurred a year before Mr. Fox's journey to
      Paris; but as it refers to Moreau, I believe that the transposition will
      be pardoned more easily than the omission.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the summer 1801 the First Consul took a fancy to give a grand
      military dinner at a restaurateur's. The restaurateur he favoured with his
      company was Veri, whose establishment was situated on the terrace of the
      Feuillans with an entrance into the garden of the Tuileries. Bonaparte did
      not send an invitation to Moreau, whom I met by chance that day in the
      following manner:&mdash;The ceremony of the dinner at Veri's leaving me at
      liberty to dispose of my time, I availed myself of it to go and dine at a
      restaurateur's named Rose, who then enjoyed great celebrity amongst the
      distinguished gastronomes. I dined in company with M. Carbonnet, a friend
      of Moreau's family, and two or three other persons. Whilst we were at
      table in the rotunda we were informed by the waiter who attended on us
      that General Moreau and his wife, with Lacuee and two other military men,
      were in an adjoining apartment. Suchet, who had dined at Veri's, where he
      said everything was prodigiously dull, on rising from the table joined
      Moreau's party. These details we learned from M. Carbonnet, who left us
      for a few moments to see the General and Madame Moreau.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's affectation in not inviting Moreau at the moment when the
      latter had returned a conqueror from the army of the Rhine, and at the
      same time the affectation of Moreau in going publicly the same day to dine
      at another restaurateur's, afforded ground for the supposition that the
      coolness which existed between them would soon be converted into enmity.
      The people of Paris naturally thought that the conqueror of Marengo might,
      without any degradation, have given the conqueror of Hohenlinden a seat at
      his table.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the commencement of the year 1802 the Republic had ceased to be
      anything else than a fiction, or an historical recollection. All that
      remained of it was a deceptive inscription on the gates of the Palace.
      Even at the time of his installation at the Tuileries, Bonaparte had
      caused the two trees of liberty which were planted in the court to be cut
      down; thus removing the outward emblems before he destroyed the reality.
      But the moment the Senatorial decisions of the 2d and 4th of August were
      published it was evident to the dullest perceptions that the power of the
      First Consul wanted nothing but a name.
    </p>
    <p>
      After these 'Consultes' Bonaparte readily accustomed himself to regard the
      principal authorities of the State merely as necessary instruments for the
      exercise of his power. Interested advisers then crowded round him. It was
      seriously proposed that he should restore the ancient titles, as being
      more in harmony with the new power which the people had confided to him
      than the republican forms. He was still of opinion, however, according to
      his phrase, that "the pear was not yet ripe," and would not hear this
      project spoken of for a moment. "All this," he said to me one day, "will
      come in good time; but you must see, Bourrienne, that it is necessary I
      should, in the first place, assume a title, from which the others that I
      will give to everybody will naturally take their origin. The greatest
      difficulty is surmounted. There is no longer any person to deceive.
      Everybody sees as clear as day that it is only one step which separates
      the throne from the Consulate for life. However, we must be cautious.
      There are some troublesome fellows in the Tribunate, but I will take care
      of them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst these serious questions agitated men's minds the greater part of
      the residents at Malmaison took a trip to Plombieres. Josephine,
      Bonaparte's mother, Madame Beauharnais-Lavallette, Hortense, and General
      Rapp, were of this party. It pleased the fancy of the jocund company to
      address to me a bulletin of the pleasant and unpleasant occurrences of the
      journey. I insert this letter merely as a proof of the intimacy which
      existed between the writers and myself. It follows, precisely as I have
      preserved it, with the exception of the blots, for which it will be seen
      they apologised.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
        AN ACCOUNT OF THE JOURNEY TO PLOMBIERES.
          To the Inhabitants of Malmaison.
</pre>
    <p>
      The whole party left Malmaison in tears, which brought on such dreadful
      headaches that all the amiable persons were quite overcome by the idea of
      the journey. Madame Bonaparte, mere, supported the fatigues of this
      memorable day with the greatest courage; but Madame Bonaparte, Consulesse,
      did not show any. The two young ladies who sat in the dormouse,
      Mademoiselle Hortense and Madame Lavallette, were rival candidates for a
      bottle of Eau de Cologne; and every now and then the amiable M. Rapp made
      the carriage stop for the comfort of his poor little sick heart, which
      overflowed with bile: in fine, he was obliged to take to bed on arriving
      at Epernay, while the rest of the amiable party tried to drown their
      sorrows in champagne. The second day was more fortunate on the score of
      health and spirits, but provisions were wanting, and great were the
      sufferings of the stomach. The travellers lived on the hope of a good
      supper at Toul; but despair was at its height when, on arriving there,
      they found only a wretched inn, and nothing in it. We saw some odd-looking
      folks there, which indemnified us a little for spinach dressed in
      lamp-oil, and red asparagus fried with curdled milk. Who would not have
      been amused to see the Malmaison gourmands seated at a table so shockingly
      served!
    </p>
    <p>
      In no record of history is there to be found a day passed in distress so
      dreadful as that on which we arrived at Plombieres. On departing from Toul
      we intended to breakfast at Nancy, for every stomach had been empty for
      two days; but the civil and military authorities came out to meet us, and
      prevented us from executing our plan. We continued our route, wasting
      away, so that you might, see us growing thinner every moment. To complete
      our misfortune, the dormouse, which seemed to have taken a fancy to embark
      on the Moselle for Metz, barely escaped an overturn. But at Plombieres we
      have been well compensated for this unlucky journey, for on our arrival we
      were received with all kinds of rejoicings. The town was illuminated, the
      cannon fired, and the faces of handsome women at all the windows give us
      reason to hope that we shall bear our absence from Malmaison with the less
      regret.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the exception of some anecdotes, which we reserve for chit-chat on
      our return, you have here a correct account of our journey, which we, the
      undersigned, hereby certify.
    </p>
    <p>
      JOSEPHINE BONAPARTE. BEAUHARNAIS-LAPALLETTE. HORTENSE BEAUHARNAIS. RAPP.
      BONAPARTE, mere.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
The company ask pardon for the blots.
     21st Messidor.
</pre>
    <p>
      It is requested that the person who receives this journal will show it to
      all who take an interest in the fair travellers.
    </p>
    <p>
      This journey to Plombieres was preceded by a scene which I should abstain
      from describing if I had not undertaken to relate the truth respecting the
      family of the First Consul. Two or three days before her departure Madame
      Bonaparte sent for me. I obeyed the summons, and found her in tears. "What
      a man-what a man is that Lucien!" she exclaimed in accents of grief. "If
      you knew, my friend, the shameful proposals he has dared to make to me!
      'You are going to the waters,' said he; 'you must get a child by some
      other person since you cannot have one by him.' Imagine the indignation
      with which I received such advice. 'Well,' he continued, 'if you do not
      wish it, or cannot help it, Bonaparte must get a child by another woman,
      and you must adopt it, for it is necessary to secure an hereditary
      successor. It is for your interest; you must know that.'&mdash; 'What,
      sir!' I replied, 'do you imagine the nation will suffer a bastard to
      govern it? Lucien! Lucien! you would ruin your brother! This is dreadful!
      Wretched should I be, were any one to suppose me capable of listening,
      without horror, to your infamous proposal! Your ideas are poisonous; your
      language horrible!'&mdash;'Well, Madame,' retorted he, 'all I can say to
      that is, that I am really sorry for you!'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The amiable Josephine was sobbing whilst she described this scene to me,
      and I was not insensible to the indignation which she felt. The truth is,
      that at that period Lucien, though constantly affecting to despise power
      for himself, was incessantly labouring to concentrate it in the hands of
      his brother; and he considered three things necessary to the success of
      his views, namely, hereditary succession, divorce, and the Imperial
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lucien had a delightful house near Neuilly. Some days before the
      deplorable scene which I have related he invited Bonaparte and all the
      inmates at Malmaison to witness a theatrical representation. 'Alzire' was
      the piece performed. Elise played Alzire, and Lucien, Zamore. The warmth
      of their declarations, the energetic expression of their gestures, the too
      faithful nudity of costume, disgusted most of the spectators, and
      Bonaparte more than any other. When the play was over he was quite
      indignant. "It is a scandal," he said to me in an angry tone; "I ought not
      to suffer such indecencies&mdash;I will give Lucien to understand that I
      will have no more of it." When his brother had resumed his own dress, and
      came into the salon, he addressed him publicly, and gave him to understand
      that he must for the future desist from such representations. When we
      returned to Malmaison; he again spoke of what had passed with
      dissatisfaction. "What!" said he, "when I am endeavouring to restore
      purity of manners, my brother and sister must needs exhibit themselves
      upon the boards almost in a state of nudity! It is an insult!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Lucien had a strong predilection for theatrical exhibitions, to which he
      attached great importance. The fact is, he declaimed in a superior style,
      and might have competed with the best professional actors. It was said
      that the turban of Orosmane, the costume of America, the Roman toga, or
      the robe of the high priest of Jerusalem, all became him equally well; and
      I believe that this was the exact truth. Theatrical representations were
      not confined to Neuilly. We had our theatre and our company of actors at
      Malmaison; but there everything was conducted with the greatest decorum;
      and now that I have got behind the scenes, I will not quit them until I
      have let the reader into the secrets of our drama.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the direction of the First Consul a very pretty little theatre was
      built at Malmaison. Our usual actors were Eugène BEAUHARNAIS, Hortense,
      Madame Murat, Lauriston, M. Didelot, one of the prefects of the Palace,
      some other individuals belonging to the First Consul's household, and
      myself. Freed from the cares of government, which we confined as much as
      possible to the Tuileries, we were a very happy colony at Malmaison; and,
      besides, we were young, and what is there to which youth does not add
      charms? The pieces which the First Consul most liked to see us perform
      were, 'Le Barbier de Seville' and 'Defiance et Malice'. In Le Barbier
      Lauriston played the part of Count Almaviva; Hortense, Rosins; Eugène,
      Basil; Didelot, Figaro; I, Bartholo; and Isabey, l'Aveille. Our other
      stock pieces were, Projets de Mariage, La Gageltre, the Dapit Anloureux,
      in which I played the part of the valet; and L'Impromptu de Campagne, in
      which I enacted the Baron, having for my Baroness the young and handsome
      Caroline Murat.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hortense's acting was perfection, Caroline was middling, Eugène played
      very well, Lauriston was rather heavy, Didelot passable, and I may venture
      to assert, without vanity, that I was not quite the worst of the company.
      If we were not good actors it was not for want of good instruction and
      good advice. Talma and Michot came to direct us, and made us rehearse
      before them, sometimes altogether and sometimes separately. How many
      lessons have I received from Michot whilst walking in the beautiful park
      of Malmaison! And may I be excused for saying, that I now experience
      pleasure in looking back upon these trifles, which are matters of
      importance when one is young, and which contrasted so singularly with the
      great theatre on which we did not represent fictitious characters? We had,
      to adopt theatrical language, a good supply of property. Bonaparte
      presented each of us with a collection of dramas very well bound; and, as
      the patron of the company, he provided us with rich and elegant dresses.
    </p>
    <p>
      &mdash;[While Bourrienne, belonging to the Malmaison company, considered
      that the acting at Neuilly was indecent, Lucien, who refused to act at
      Malmaison, naturally thought the Malmaison troupe was dull. "Hortense and
      Caroline filled the principal parts. They were very commonplace. In this
      they followed the unfortunate Marie Antoinette and her companions. Louis
      XVI., not naturally polite, when seeing them act, had said that it was
      royally badly acted" (see Madame Campan's Life of Marie Antoinette, tome
      i. p. 299). "The First Consul said of his troupe that it was sovereignly
      badly acted . . . Murat, Lannes, and even Caroline ranted. Elisa, who,
      having been educated at Saint Cyr, spoke purely and without accent,
      refused to act. Janot acted well the drunken parts, and even the others he
      undertook. The rest were decidedly bad. Worse than bad&mdash;ridiculous"
      (Iung's Lucien's, tome ii. p. 256). Rival actors are not fair critics. Let
      us hear Madame Junot (tome ii. p. 103). "The cleverest of our company was
      M. de Bourrienne. He played the more dignified characters in real
      perfection, and his talent was the more pleasing as it was not the result
      of study, but of a perfect comprehension of his part." And she goes on to
      say that even the best professional actors might have learnt from him in
      some parts. The audience was not a pleasant one to face. It was the First
      Consul's habit to invite forty persons to dinner, and a hundred and fifty
      for the evening, and consequently to hear, criticise, and banter us
      without mercy" (Memoirs of Duchesse d'Abrantes, tome ii. p. 108).]&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte took great pleasure in our performances. He liked to see plays
      acted by persons with whom he was familiar. Sometimes he complimented us
      on our exertions. Although I was as much amused with the thing as others,
      I was more than once obliged to remind him that my occupations left me but
      little time to learn my parts. Then he would assume his coaxing manner and
      say, "Come, do not vex me! You have such a memory! You know that it amuses
      me. You see that these performances render Malmaison gay and animated;
      Josephine takes much pleasure in them. Rise earlier in the morning.&mdash;In
      fact, I sleep too much; is not that the cafe&mdash;Come, Bourrienne, do
      oblige me. You make me laugh so heartily! Do not deprive me of this
      pleasure. I have not over much amusement, as you well know."&mdash;"All,
      truly! I would not deprive you of any pleasure. I am delighted to be able
      to contribute to your amusement." After a conversation of this sort I
      could not do less than set about studying my part.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period, during summer, I had half the Sunday to myself. I was,
      however, obliged to devote a portion of this precious leisure to pleasing
      Bonaparte by studying a new part as a surprise for him. Occasionally,
      however, I passed the time at Ruel. I recollect that one day, when I had
      hurried there from Malmaison, I lost a beautiful watch made by Breguet. It
      was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the road was that day thronged with
      people. I made my loss publicly known by means of the crier of Ruel. An
      hour after, as I was sitting down to table, a young lad belonging to the
      village brought me my watch. He had found it on the high road in a wheel
      rut. I was pleased with the probity of this young man, and rewarded both
      him and his father, who accompanied him. I reiterated the circumstance the
      same evening to the First Consul, who was so struck with this instance of
      honesty that he directed me to procure information respecting the young
      man and his family. I learned that they were honest peasants. Bonaparte
      gave employment to three brothers of this family; and, what was most
      difficult to persuade him to, he exempted the young man who brought me the
      watch from the conscription.
    </p>
    <p>
      When a fact of this nature reached Bonaparte's ear it was seldom that he
      did not give the principal actor in it some proof of his satisfaction. Two
      qualities predominated in his character&mdash;kindness and impatience.
      Impatience, when he was under its influence, got the better of him; it was
      then impossible for him to control himself. I had a remarkable proof of it
      about this very period.
    </p>
    <p>
      Canova having arrived in Paris came to St. Cloud to model the figure of
      the First Consul, of whom he was about to make a colossal statue. This
      great artist came often, in the hope of getting his model to stand in the
      proper attitude; but Bonaparte was so tired, disgusted, and fretted by the
      process, that he very seldom put himself in the required attitude, and
      then only for a short time. Bonaparte notwithstanding had the highest
      regard for Canova. Whenever he was announced the First Consul sent me to
      keep him company until he was at leisure to give him a sitting; but he
      would shrug up his shoulders and say, "More modeling! Good Heavens, how
      vexatious!" Canova expressed great displeasure at not being able to study
      his model as he wished to do, and the little anxiety of Bonaparte on the
      subject damped the ardour of his imagination. Everybody agrees in saying
      that he has not succeeded in the work, and I have explained the reason.
      The Duke of Wellington afterwards possessed this colossal statue, which
      was about twice his own height.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI.
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bonaparte's principle as to the change of Ministers&mdash;Fouché&mdash;His
   influence with the First Consul&mdash;Fouché's dismissal&mdash;The departments
   of Police and Justice united under Regnier&mdash;Madame Bonaparte's
   regret for the dismissal of Fouché&mdash;Family scenes&mdash;Madame Louis
   Bonaparte's pregnancy&mdash;False and infamous reports to Josephine&mdash;
   Legitimacy and a bastard&mdash;Raederer reproached by Josephine&mdash;Her
   visit to Ruel&mdash;Long conversation with her&mdash;Assertion at St. Helena
   respecting a great political fraud.
</pre>
    <p>
      It is a principle particularly applicable to absolute governments that a
      prince should change his ministers as seldom as possible, and never except
      upon serious grounds. Bonaparte acted on this principle when First Consul,
      and also when he became Emperor. He often allowed unjust causes to
      influence him, but he never dismissed a Minister without cause; indeed, he
      more than once, without any reason, retained Ministers longer than he
      ought to have done in the situations in which he had placed them.
      Bonaparte's tenacity in this respect, in some instances, produced very
      opposite results. For instance, it afforded M. Gaudin' time to establish a
      degree of order in the administration of Finance which before his time had
      never existed; and on the other hand, it enabled M. Decres to reduce the
      Ministry of Marine to an unparalleled state of confusion.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte saw nothing in men but helps and obstacles. On the 18th Brumaire
      Fouché was a help. The First Consul feared that he would become an
      obstacle; it was necessary, therefore, to think of dismissing him.
      Bonaparte's most sincere friends had from the beginning been opposed to
      Fouché's having any share in the Government. But their disinterested
      advice produced no other result than their own disgrace, so influential a
      person had Fouché become. How could it be otherwise? Fouché was identified
      with the Republic by the death of the King, for which he had voted; with
      the Reign of Terror by his sanguinary missions to Lyons and Nevers; with
      the Consulate by his real though perhaps exaggerated services; with
      Bonaparte by the charm with which he might be said to have fascinated him;
      with Josephine by the enmity of the First Consul's brothers. Who would
      believe it? Fouché ranked the enemies of the Revolution amongst his
      warmest partisans. They overwhelmed him with eulogy, to the disparagement
      even of the Head of the State, because the cunning Minister, practising an
      interested indulgence, set himself up as the protector of individuals
      belonging to classes which, when he was proconsul, he had attacked in the
      mass. Director of public opinion, and having in his hands the means at his
      pleasure of inspiring fear or of entangling by inducements, it was all in
      his favour that he had already directed this opinion. The machinery he set
      in motion was so calculated that the police was rather the police of
      Fouché than that of the Minister of the General Police. Throughout Paris,
      and indeed throughout all France, Fouché obtained credit for extraordinary
      ability; and the popular opinion was correct in this respect, namely, that
      no man ever displayed such ability in making it be supposed that he really
      possessed talent. Fouché's secret in this particular is the whole secret
      of the greater part of those persons who are called statesmen.
    </p>
    <p>
      Be this as it may, the First Consul did not behold with pleasure the
      factitious influence of which Fouché had possessed himself. For some time
      past, to the repugnance which at bottom he had felt towards Fouché, were
      added other causes of discontent. In consequence of having been deceived
      by secret reports and correspondence Bonaparte began to shrug up his
      shoulders with an expression of regret when he received them, and said,
      "Would you believe, Bourrienne, that I have been imposed on by these
      things? All such denunciations are useless&mdash;scandalous. All the
      reports from prefects and the police, all the intercepted letters, are a
      tissue of absurdities and lies. I desire to have no more of them." He said
      so, but he still received them. However, Fouché's dismissal was resolved
      upon. But though Bonaparte wished to get rid of him, still, under the
      influence of the charm, he dared not proceed against him without the
      greatest caution. He first resolved upon the suppression of the office of
      Minister of Police in order to disguise the motive for the removal of the
      Minister. The First Consul told Fouché that this suppression, which he
      spoke of as being yet remote, was calculated more than anything else to
      give strength to the Government, since it would afford a proof of the
      security and internal tranquillity of France. Overpowered by the arguments
      with which Bonaparte supported his proposition, Fouché could urge no good
      reasons in opposition to it, but contented himself with recommending that
      the execution of the design, which was good in intention, should, however,
      be postponed for two years. Bonaparte appeared to listen favourably to
      Fouché's recommendation, who, as avaricious for money as Bonaparte of
      glory, consoled himself by thinking that for these two years the
      administration of the gaming tables would still be for him a Pactolus
      flowing with gold. For Fouché, already the possessor of an immense
      fortune, always dreamed of increasing it, though he himself did not know
      how to enjoy it. With him the ambition of enlarging the bounds of his
      estate of Pont-Carre was not less felt than with the First Consul the
      ambition of extending the frontier of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Not only did the First Consul not like Fouché, but it is perfectly true
      that at this time the police wearied and annoyed him. Several times he
      told me he looked on it as dangerous, especially for the possessor of
      power. In a Government without the liberty of the press he was quite
      right. The very services which the police had rendered to the First Consul
      were of a nature to alarm him, for whoever had conspired against the
      Directory in favour of the Consulate might also conspire against the
      Consulate in favour of any other Government. It is needless to say that I
      only allude to the political police, and not to the municipal police,
      which is indispensable for large towns, and which has the honourable
      mission of watching over the health and safety of the citizens.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché, as has been stated, had been Minister of Police since the 18th
      Brumaire. Everybody who was acquainted with, the First Consul's character
      was unable to explain the ascendency which he had suffered Fouché to
      acquire over him, and of which Bonaparte himself was really impatient. He
      saw in Fouché a centre around which all the interests of the Revolution
      concentrated themselves, and at this he felt indignant; but, subject to a
      species of magnetism, he could not break the charm which enthralled him.
      When he spoke of Fouché in his absence his language was warm, bitter, and
      hostile. When Fouché was present, Bonaparte's tone was softened, unless
      some public scene was to be acted like that which occurred after the
      attempt of the 3d Nivôse.
    </p>
    <p>
      The suppression of the Ministry of Police being determined on, Bonaparte
      did not choose to delay the execution of his design, as he had pretended
      to think necessary. On the evening of the 12th of September we went to
      Mortfontaine. We passed the next day, which was Monday, at that place, and
      it was there, far removed from Fouché, and urged by the combined
      persuasions of Joseph and Lucien, that the First Consul signed the decree
      of suppression. The next morning we returned to Paris. Fouché came to
      Malmaison, where we were, in the regular execution of his duties. The
      First Consul transacted business with him as usual without daring to tell
      him of his dismissal, and afterwards sent Cambacérès to inform him of it.
      After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so long, Bonaparte still
      endeavoured to modify his rigour. Having appointed Fouché a Senator, he
      said in the letter which he wrote to the Senate to notify the appointment:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "Fouché, as Minister of Police, in times of difficulty, has by his
   talent, his activity, and his attachment to the Government done all
   that circumstances required of him. Placed in the bosom of the
   Senate, if events should again call for a Minister of Police the
   Government cannot find one more worthy of its confidence."
</pre>
    <p>
      From this moment the departments of Justice and Police united were
      confided to the hands of Regnier.' Bonaparte's aversion for Fouché
      strangely blinded him with respect to the capabilities of his successor.
      Besides, how could the administration of justice, which rests on fixed,
      rigid, and unchangeable bases, proceed hand in hand with another
      administration placed on the quicksand of instantaneous decisions, and
      surrounded by stratagems and deceptions? Justice should never have
      anything to do with secret police, unless it be to condemn it.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[M. Abrial, Minister of Justice, was called to the Senate at the
   same time as Fouché. Understanding that the assimilation of the two
   men was more a disgrace to Abrial than the mere loss of the
   Ministry, the First Consul said to M. Abrial: "In uniting the
   Ministry of Police to that of Justice I could not retain you in the
   Ministry, you are too upright a man to manage the police." Not a
   flattering speech for Regnier.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      What could be expected from Regnier, charged as he was with incompatible
      functions? What, under such circumstances, could have been expected even
      from a man gifted with great talents? Such was the exact history of
      Fouché's disgrace. No person was more afflicted at it than Madame
      Bonaparte, who only learned the news when it was announced to the public.
      Josephine, on all occasions, defended Fouché against her husband's
      sallies. She believed that he was the only one of his Ministers who told
      him the truth. She had such a high opinion of the way in which Fouché
      managed the police that the first time I was alone with her after our
      return from Mortfontaine she said to me, "My dear Bourrienne; speak openly
      to me; will Napoleon know all about the plots from the police of Moncey,
      Duroc, Junot, and of Davoust? You know better than I do that these are
      only wretched spies. Has not Savary also eventually got his police? How
      all this alarms me. They take away all my supports, and surround me only
      with enemies."&mdash;"To justify your regrets we should be sure that
      Fouché has never been in agreement with Lucien in favour of the divorce."&mdash;"Oh,
      I do not believe that. Bonaparte does not like him, and he would have been
      certain to tell me of it when I spoke favourably to him of Fouché. You
      will see that his brothers will end by bringing him into their plan."
    </p>
    <p>
      I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad conduct of
      Joseph, but more particularly of Lucien, towards her; I will therefore
      describe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouché, whom Madame
      Bonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which occurred about this
      period at Malmaison. Having been the confidant of both parties, and an
      involuntary actor in those scenes, now that twenty-seven years have passed
      since they occurred what motive can induce me to disguise the truth in any
      respect?
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Louis Bonaparte was enceinte. Josephine, although she tenderly
      loved her children, did not seem to behold the approaching event which the
      situation of her daughter indicated with the interest natural to the heart
      of a mother. She had long been aware of the calumnious reports circulated
      respecting the supposed connection between Hortense and the First Consul,
      and that base accusation cost her many tears. Poor Josephine paid dearly
      for the splendour of her station! As I knew how devoid of foundation these
      atrocious reports were, I endeavoured to console her by telling her what
      was true, that I was exerting all my efforts to demonstrate their infamy
      and falsehood. Bonaparte, however, dazzled by the affection which was
      manifested towards him from all quarters, aggravated the sorrow of his
      wife by a silly vanity. He endeavoured to persuade her that these reports
      had their origin only in the wish of the public that he should have a
      child, so that these seeming consolations offered by self-love to
      Josephine's grief gave force to existing conjugal alarms, and the fear of
      divorce returned with all its horrors. Under the foolish illusion of his
      vanity Bonaparte imagined that France was desirous of being governed even
      by a bastard if supposed to be a child of his,&mdash;a singular mode truly
      of founding a new legitimacy!
    </p>
    <p>
      Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me even now excusable, well
      knew my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's founding a dynasty, and
      she had not forgotten my conduct when two years before the question had
      been agitated on the occasion of Louis XVIII.'s letters to the First
      Consul. I remember that one day, after the publication of the parallel of
      Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, Josephine having entered our cabinet
      without being announced, which she sometimes did when from the good humour
      exhibited at breakfast she reckoned upon its continuance, approached
      Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her hand gently
      through his hair and over his face, and thinking the moment favourable,
      said to him in a burst of tenderness, "I entreat of you, Bonaparte, do not
      make yourself a King! It is that wretch Lucien who urges you to it. Do not
      listen to him!" Bonaparte replied, without anger, and even smiling as he
      pronounced the last words, "You are mad, my poor Josephine. It is your old
      dowagers of the Faubourg St. Germain, your Rochefoucaulds, who tell you
      all these fables!... Come now, you interrupt me&mdash;leave me alone."
    </p>
    <p>
      What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly to his wife I have often heard
      him declare seriously. I have been present at five or six altercations on
      the subject. That there existed, too, an enmity connected with this
      question between the family of BEAUHARNAIS and the family of Bonaparte
      cannot be denied.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and Lucien was
      the most bitter of her enemies. One day Raederer inveighed with so much
      violence against Fouché in the presence of Madame Bonaparte that she
      replied with extreme warmth, "The real enemies of Bonaparte are those who
      feed him with notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of divorce, and
      of marriage!" Josephine could not check this exclamation, as she knew that
      Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread abroad by Lucien's
      direction. I recollect one day when she had been to see us at our little
      house at Ruel: as I walked with her along the high road to her carriage,
      which she had sent forward, I acknowledged too unreservedly my fears on
      account of the ambition of Bonaparte, and of the perfidious advice of his
      brothers. "Madame," said I, "if we cannot succeed in dissuading the
      General from making himself a King, I dread the future for his sake. If
      ever he re-establishes royalty he will in all probability labour for the
      Bourbons, and enable them one day to re-ascend the throne which he shall
      erect. No one, doubtless, without passing for a fool, can pretend to say
      with certainty what series of chances and events such a proceeding will
      produce; but common sense alone is sufficient to convince any one that
      unfavourable chances must long be dreaded. The ancient system being
      re-established, the occupation of the throne will then be only a family
      question, and not a question of government between liberty and despotic
      power. Why should not France, if it ceases to be free, prefer the race of
      her ancient kings? You surely know it. You had not been married two years
      when, on returning from Italy, your husband told me that he aspired to
      royalty. Now he is Consul for life. Would he but resolve to stop there! He
      already possesses everything but an empty title. No sovereign in Europe
      has so much power as he has. I am sorry for it, Madame, but I really
      believe that, in spite of yourself, you will be made Queen or Empress."
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without interruption, but when I
      pronounced the words Queen and Empress she exclaimed, "My God! Bourrienne,
      such ambition is far from my thoughts. That I may always continue the wife
      of the First Consul is all I desire. Say to him all that you have said to
      me. Try and prevent him from making himself King."&mdash;"Madame," I
      replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest men, the strongest minds,
      have resolutely and courageously opposed his tendency to the hereditary
      system. But advice is now useless. He would not listen to me. In all
      discussions on the subject he adheres inflexibly to the view he has taken.
      If he be seriously opposed his anger knows no bounds; his language is
      harsh and abrupt, his tone imperious, and his authority bears down all
      before him."&mdash;"Yet, Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you that
      of you should try once more!"&mdash;"Madame, I assure you he will not
      listen to me. Besides, what could I add to the remarks I made upon his
      receiving the letters of Louis XVIII., when I fearlessly represented to
      him that being without children he would have no one to whom to bequeath
      the throne&mdash;that, doubtless, from the opinion which he entertained of
      his brothers, he could not desire to erect it for them?" Here Josephine
      again interrupted me by exclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke of
      children did he say anything to you? Did he talk of a divorce?"&mdash;"Not
      a word, Madame, I assure you."&mdash;"If they do not urge him to it, I do
      not believe he will resolve to do such a thing. You know how he likes
      Eugène, and Eugène behaves so well to him. How different is Lucien. It is
      that wretch Lucien, to whom Bonaparte listens too much, and of whom,
      however, he always speaks ill to me."&mdash;"I do not know, Madame, what
      Lucien says to his brother except when he chooses to tell me, because
      Lucien always avoids having a witness of his interviews with your husband,
      but I can assure you that for two years I have not heard the word
      'divorce' from the General's mouth."&mdash;"I always reckon on you, my
      dear Bourrienne; to turn him away from it; as you did at that time."&mdash;"I
      do not believe he is thinking of it, but if it recurs to him, consider,
      Madame, that it will be now from very different motives: He is now
      entirely given up to the interests of his policy and his ambition, which
      dominate every other feeling in him. There will not now be any question of
      scandal, or of a trial before a court, but of an act of authority which
      complaisant laws will justify and which the Church perhaps will sanction."&mdash;"That's
      true. You are right. Good God! how unhappy I am."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[When Bourrienne complains of not knowing what passed between
   Lucien and Napoleon, we can turn to Lucien's account of Bourrienne,
   apparently about this very time. "After a stormy interview with
   Napoleon," says Lucien, "I at once went into the cabinet where
   Bourrienne was working, and found that unbearable busybody of a
   secretary, whose star had already paled more than once, which made
   him more prying than ever, quite upset by the time the First Consul
   had taken to come out of his bath. He must, or at least might, have
   heard some noise, for enough had been made. Seeing that he wanted
   to know the cause from me, I took up a newspaper to avoid being
   bored by his conversation" (Iung's Lucien, tome ii. p.156)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with Madame
      Bonaparte on a subject to which she often recurred. It may not perhaps be
      uninteresting to endeavour to compare with this what Napoleon said at St.
      Helena, speaking of his first wife. According to the Memorial Napoleon
      there stated that when Josephine was at last constrained to renounce all
      hope of having a child, she often let fall allusions to a great political
      fraud, and at length openly proposed it to him. I make no doubt Bonaparte
      made use of words to this effect, but I do not believe the assertion. I
      recollect one day that Bonaparte, on entering our cabinet, where I was
      already seated, exclaimed in a transport of joy impossible for me to
      describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at last enceinte!" I sincerely
      congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesy than from any hope of
      seeing him made a father by Josephine, for I well remembered that
      Corvisart, who had given medicines to Madame Bonaparte, had nevertheless
      assured me that he expected no result from them. Medicine was really the
      only political fraud to which Josephine had recourse; and in her situation
      what other woman would not have done as much? Here, then, the husband and
      the wife are in contradiction, which is nothing uncommon. But on which
      side is truth? I have no hesitation in referring it to Josephine. There is
      indeed an immense difference between the statements of a women&mdash;trusting
      her fears and her hopes to the sole confidant of her family secrets, and
      the tardy declaration of a man who, after seeing the vast edifice of his
      ambition leveled with the dust, is only anxious, in his compulsory
      retreat, to preserve intact and spotless the other great edifice of his
      glory. Bonaparte should have recollected that Caesar did not like the idea
      of his wife being even suspected.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII.
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Citizen Fesch created Cardinal Fesch&mdash;Arts and industry&mdash;Exhibition
   in the Louvre&mdash;Aspect of Paris in 1802&mdash;The Medicean Venus and the
   Velletrian Pallas&mdash;Signs of general prosperity&mdash;Rise of the funds&mdash;
   Irresponsible Ministers&mdash;The Bourbons&mdash;The military Government&mdash;
   Annoying familiarity of Lannes&mdash;Plan laid for his disgrace&mdash;
   Indignation of Lannes&mdash;His embassy to Portugal&mdash;The delayed
   despatch&mdash;Bonaparte's rage&mdash;I resign my situation&mdash;Duroc&mdash;
   I breakfast with Bonaparte&mdash;Duroc's intercession&mdash;Temporary
   reconciliation.
</pre>
    <p>
      Citizen Fesch, who, when we were forced to stop at Ajaccio on our return
      from Egypt, discounted at rather a high rate the General-in-Chief's
      Egyptian sequins, became again the Abbe Fesch, as soon as Bonaparte by his
      Consular authority re-erected the altars which the Revolution had
      overthrown. On the 15th of August 1802 he was consecrated Bishop, and the
      following year received the Cardinal's hat. Thus Bonaparte took advantage
      of one of the members of his family being in orders to elevate him to the
      highest dignities of the Church. He afterwards gave Cardinal Fesch the
      Archbishopric of Lyons, of which place he was long the titular.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Like Cambacérès the Cardinal was a bit of a gourmet, and on one
   occasion had invited a large party of clerical magnates to dinner.
   By a coincidence two turbots of singular beauty arrived as presents
   to his Eminence on the very morning of the feast. To serve both
   would have appeared ridiculous, but the Cardinal was most anxious to
   have the credit of both. He imparted his embarrassment to his chef:

   "'Be of good faith, your Eminence,' was the reply, 'both shall appear
   and enjoy the reception so justly their due.' The dinner was
   served: one of the turbots relieved the soup. Delight was on every
   face&mdash;it was the moment of the 'eprouvette positive'. The 'maitre
   a'hotel' advances; two attendants raise the turbot and carry him off
   to cut him up; but one of them loses his equilibrium: the attendants
   and the turbot roll together on the floor. At this sad sight the
   assembled Cardinals became as pale as death, and a solemn silence
   reigned in the 'conclave'&mdash;it was the moment of the 'eprouvette
   negative'; but the 'maitre a'hotel' suddenly turns to one of the
   attendants, Bring another turbot,' said he, with the most perfect
   coolness. The second appeared, and the eprouvette positive was
   gloriously renewed." (Hayward's Art of Dining, P. 65.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The First Consul prided himself a good deal on his triumph, at least in
      appearance, over the scruples which the persons who surrounded him had
      manifested against the re-establishment of worship. He read with much
      self-satisfaction the reports made to him, in which it was stated that the
      churches were well frequented: Indeed, throughout the year 1802, all his
      attention was directed to the reformation of manners, which had become
      more dissolute under the Directory than even during the Reign of Terror.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his march of usurpation the First Consul let slip no opportunity of
      endeavouring to obtain at the same time the admiration of the multitude
      and the approbation of judicious men. He was very fond of the arts, and
      was sensible that the promotion of industry ought to be the peculiar care
      of the head of the Government. It must, however, at the same time be owned
      that he rendered the influence of his protection null and void by the
      continual violations he committed on that liberty which is the animating
      principle of all improvement.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the supplementary days of the year X., that is to say, about the
      beginning of the autumn of 1802, there was held at the Louvre an
      exhibition of the products of industry. The First Consul visited the
      exhibition, and as even at that period he had begun to attribute every
      good result to himself, he seemed proud of the high degree of perfection
      the manufacturing arts had attained in France. He was, above all,
      delighted with the admiration this exhibition excited among the numerous
      foreigners who resorted to Paris during the peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, throughout the year 1802 the capital presented an interesting and
      animating-spectacle. The appetite for luxury and pleasure had insinuated
      itself into manners&mdash;which were no longer republican, and the vast
      number of Russians and English who drove about everywhere with brilliant
      equipages contributed not a little to this metamorphosis. All Paris
      flocked to the Carrousel on review days, and regarded with eyes of delight
      the unusual sight of rich foreign liveries and emblazoned carriages. The
      parties at the Tuileries were brilliant and numerous, and nothing was
      wanting but the name of levees. Count Markoff, who succeeded M. de
      Kalitscheff as Russian ambassador; the Marquis de Lucchesini, the Prussian
      ambassador; and Lord Whitworth, the Minister from England, made numerous
      presentations of their countrymen to the First Consul, who was well
      pleased that the Court he was forming should have examples set by foreign
      courtiers. Never since the meeting of the States-General had the theatres
      been so frequented, or fetes so magnificent; and never since that period
      had Paris presented so cheering an aspect. The First Consul, on his part,
      spared no exertion to render the capital more and more worthy the
      admiration of foreigners. The statue of the Venus de Medicis, which had
      been robbed from the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, now decorated
      the gallery of the Louvre, and near it was placed that of the Velletrian
      Pallas, a more legitimate acquisition, since it was the result of the
      researches of some French engineers at Velletri. Everywhere an air of
      prosperity was perceptible, and Bonaparte proudly put in his claim to be
      regarded as the author of it all. With what heartfelt satisfaction did he
      likewise cast his eye upon what he called the grand thermometer of
      opinion, the price of the funds! For if he saw them doubled in value in
      consequence of the revolution of the 18th Brumaire, rising as they did at
      that period from seven to sixteen francs, this value was even more than
      tripled after the vote of Consulship for life and the 'Senates-consulte'
      of the 4th of August,&mdash;when they rose to fifty-two francs.
    </p>
    <p>
      While Paris presented so satisfactory an aspect the departments were in a
      state of perfect tranquillity; and foreign affairs had every appearance of
      security. The Court of the Vatican, which since the Concordat may be said
      to have become devoted to the First Consul, gave, under all circumstances,
      examples of submission to the wishes of France. The Vatican was the first
      Court which recognised the erection of Tuscany into the Kingdom of
      Etruria, and the formation of the Helvetic, Cisalpine, and Batavian
      Republics. Prussia soon followed the example of the Pope, which was
      successively imitated by the other powers of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      The whole of these new states, realms, or republics were under the
      immediate influence of France. The Isle of Elba, which Napoleon's first
      abdication afterwards rendered so famous, and Piedmont, divided into six
      departments, were also united to France, still called it Republic.
      Everything now seemed to concur in securing his accession to absolute
      power. We were now at peace with all the world, and every circumstance
      tended to place in the hands of the First Consul that absolute power which
      indeed was the only kind of government he was capable of forming any
      conception of. Indeed, one of the characteristic signs of Napoleon's
      government, even under the Consular system, left no doubt as to his real
      intentions. Had he wished to found a free Government it is evident that he
      world have made the Ministers responsible to the country, whereas he took
      care that there should be no responsibility but to himself. He viewed
      them, in fact, in the light of instruments which he might break as he
      pleased. I found this single index sufficient to disclose all his future
      designs. In order to make the irresponsibility of his Ministers to the
      public perfectly clear, he had all the acts of his Government signed
      merely by M. Maret, Secretary of State. Thus the Consulship for life was
      nothing but an Empire in disguise, the usufruct of which could not long
      satisfy the First Consul's ambition. His brothers influenced him, and it
      was resolved to found a new dynasty.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not in the interior of France that difficulties were likely first
      to arise on Bonaparte's carrying his designs into effect, but there was
      some reason to apprehend that foreign powers, after recognising and
      treating with the Consular Government, might display a different feeling,
      and entertain scruples with regard to a Government which had resumed its
      monarchical form. The question regarding the Bourbons was in some measure
      kept in the background as long as France remained a Republic, but the
      re-establishment of the throne naturally called to recollection the family
      which had occupied it for so many ages. Bonaparte fully felt the delicacy
      of his position, but he knew how to face obstacles, and had been
      accustomed to overcome them: he, however, always proceeded cautiously, as
      when obstacles induced him to defer the period of the Consulship for life.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte laboured to establish in France not only an absolute government,
      but, what is still worse, a military one. He considered a decree signed by
      his hand possessed of a magic virtue capable of transforming his generals
      into able diplomatists, and so he sent them on embassies, as if to show
      the Sovereigns to whom they were accredited that he soon meant to take
      their thrones by assault. The appointment of Lannes to the Court of Lisbon
      originated from causes which probably will be read with some interest,
      since they serve to place Bonaparte's character in, its true light, and to
      point out, at the same time, the means he disdained not to resort to, if
      he wished to banish his most faithful friends when their presence was no
      longer agreeable to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had ceased to address Lannes in the second person singular; but
      that general continued the familiarity of thee and thou in speaking to
      Napoleon. It is hardly possible to conceive how much this annoyed the
      First Consul. Aware of the unceremonious candour of his old comrade, whose
      daring spirit he knew would prompt him to go as great lengths in civil
      affairs as on the field of battle, Bonaparte, on the great occasion of the
      18th Brumaire, fearing his reproaches, had given him the command of Paris
      in order to ensure his absence from St. Cloud.
    </p>
    <p>
      After that time, notwithstanding the continually growing greatness of the
      First Consul, which, as it increased, daily exacted more and more
      deference, Lannes still preserved his freedom of speech, and was the only
      one who dared to treat Bonaparte as a comrade, and tell him the truth
      without ceremony. This was enough to determine Napoleon to rid himself of
      the presence of Lannes. But under what pretext was the absence of the
      conqueror of Montebello to be procured? It was necessary to conjure up an
      excuse; and in the truly diabolical machination resorted to for that
      purpose, Bonaparte brought into play that crafty disposition for which he
      was so remarkable.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lannes, who never looked forward to the morrow, was as careless of his
      money as of his blood. Poor officers and soldiers partook largely of his
      liberality. Thus he had no fortune, but plenty of debts when he wanted
      money, and this was not seldom, he used to come, as if it were a mere
      matter of course, to ask it of the First Consul, who, I must confess,
      never refused him. Bonaparte, though he well knew the general's
      circumstances, said to him one day, "My friend, you should attend a little
      more to appearances. You must have your establishment suitable to your
      rank. There is the Hotel de Noailles&mdash;why don't you take it, and
      furnish it in proper style?" Lannes, whose own candour prevented him from
      suspecting the artful designs of others, followed the advice of the First
      Consul. The Hotel de Noailles was taken and superbly fitted up. Odiot
      supplied a service of plate valued at 200,000 francs.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Lannes having thus conformed to the wishes of Bonaparte came to
      him and requested 400,000 francs, the amount of the expense incurred, as
      it were, by his order. "But," said the First Consul, "I have no money."&mdash;"You
      have no money! What the devil am I to do, then?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "But is there none in the Guard's chest? Take what you require, and we
      will settle it, hereafter."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mistrusting nothing, Lannes went to the treasurer of the Guards, who made
      some objections at first to the advance required, but who soon yielded on
      learning that the demand was made with the consent of the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      Within twenty-four hours after Lannes had obtained the 400,000 francs the
      treasurer received from the head commissary an order to balance his
      accounts. The receipt for the 400,000 francs advanced to Lannes, was not
      acknowledged as a voucher. In vain the treasurer alleged the authority of
      the First Consul for the transaction. Napoleon's memory had suddenly
      failed him; he had entirely forgotten all about it. In a word, it was
      incumbent on Lannes to refund the 400,000 francs to the Guards' chest;
      and, as I have already said, he had no property on earth, but debts in
      abundance. He repaired to General Lefebre, who loved him as his son, and
      to him he related all that had passed. "Simpleton," said Lefebvre, "why
      did you not come to me? Why did you go and get into debt with that &mdash;&mdash;-?
      Well, here are the 400,000 francs; take them to him, and let him go to the
      devil!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Lannes hastened to the First Consul. "What!"&mdash;he exclaimed, "is it
      possible you can be guilty of such baseness as this? To treat me in such a
      manner! To lay such a foul snare for me after all that I have done for
      you; after all the blood I have shed to promote your ambition! Is this the
      recompense you had in store for me? You forget the 13th Vendemiaire, to
      the success of which I contributed more than you! You forget Millesimo: I
      was colonel before you! For whom did I fight at Bassano? You were witness
      of what I did at Lodi and at Governolo, where I was wounded; and yet you
      play me such a trick as this! But for me, Paris would have revolted on the
      18th Brumaire. But for me, you would have lost the battle of Marengo. I
      alone, yes, I alone, passed the Po, at Montebello, with my whole division.
      You gave the credit of that to Berthier, who was not there; and this is my
      reward&mdash;humiliation. This cannot, this shall not be. I will&mdash;&mdash;"
      Bonaparte, pale with anger, listened without stirring, and Lannes was on
      the point of challenging him when Junot, who heard the uproar, hastily
      entered. The unexpected presence of this general somewhat reassured the
      First Consul, and at the same time calmed, in some degree, the fury of
      Lannes. "Well," said Bonaparte, "go to Lisbon. You will get money there;
      and when you return you will not want any one to pay your debts for you."
      Thus was Bonaparte's object gained. Lannes set out for Lisbon, and never
      afterwards annoyed the First Consul by his familiarities, for on his
      return he ceased to address him with thee and thou.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having described Bonaparte's ill-treatment of Lannes I may here subjoin a
      statement of the circumstances which led to a rupture between the First
      Consul and me. So many false stories have been circulated on the subject
      that I am anxious to relate the facts as they really were.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nine months had now passed since I had tendered my resignation to the
      First Consul. The business of my office had become too great for me, and
      my health was so much endangered by over-application that my physician, M.
      Corvisart, who had for a long time impressed upon me the necessity of
      relaxation, now formally warned me that I should not long hold out under
      the fatigue I underwent. Corvisart had no doubt spoken to the same effect
      to the First Consul, for the latter said to me one day, in a tone which
      betrayed but little feeling, "Why, Corvisart says you have not a year to
      live." This was certainly no very welcome compliment in the mouth of an
      old college friend, yet I must confess that the doctor risked little by
      the prediction.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had resolved, in fact, to follow the advice of Corvisart; my family were
      urgent in their entreaties that I would do so, but I always put off the
      decisive step. I was loath to give up a friendship which had subsisted so
      long, and which had been only once disturbed: on that occasion when Joseph
      thought proper to play the spy upon me at the table of Fouché. I
      remembered also the reception I had met with from the conqueror of Italy;
      and I experienced, moreover, no slight pain at the thought of quitting one
      from whom I had received so many proofs of confidence, and to whom I had
      been attached from early boyhood. These considerations constantly
      triumphed over the disgust to which I was subjected by a number of
      circumstances, and by the increasing vexations occasioned by the conflict
      between my private sentiments and the nature of the duties I had to
      perform.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was thus kept in a state of perplexity, from which some unforeseen
      circumstance alone could extricate me. Such a circumstance at length
      occurred, and the following is the history of my first rupture with
      Napoleon:
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of February 1802, at ten at night, Bonaparte dictated to me a
      despatch of considerable importance and urgency, for M. de Talleyrand,
      requesting the Minister for Foreign Affairs to come to the Tuileries next
      morning at an appointed hour. According to custom, I put the letter into
      the hands of the office messenger that it might be forwarded to its
      destination.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was Saturday. The following day, Sunday, M. de Talleyrand came as if
      for an audience about mid-day. The First Consul immediately began to
      confer with him on the subject of the letter sent the previous evening,
      and was astonished to learn that the Minister had not received it until
      the morning. He immediately rang for the messenger, and ordered me to be
      sent for. Being in a very bad humour, he pulled the bell with so much fury
      that he struck his hand violently against the angle of the chimney-piece.
      I hurried to his presence. "Why," he said, addressing me hastily, "why was
      not my letter delivered yesterday evening?"&mdash;"I do not know: I put it
      at once into the hands of the person whose duty it was to see that it was
      sent."&mdash;"Go and find the cause of the delay, and come back quickly."
      Having rapidly made my inquiries, I returned to the cabinet. "Well?" said
      the First Consul, whose irritation seemed to have increased. "Well,
      General, it is not the fault of anybody, M. de Talleyrand was not to be
      found, either at the office or at his own residence, or at the houses of
      any of his friends where he was thought likely to be." Not knowing with
      whom to be angry, restrained by the coolness of M. de Talleyrand, yet at
      the same time ready to burst with rage, Bonaparte rose from his seat, and
      proceeding to the hall, called the messenger and questioned him sharply.
      The man, disconcerted by the anger of the First Consul, hesitated in his
      replies, and gave confused answers. Bonaparte returned to his cabinet
      still more irritated than he had left it.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had followed him to the hall, and on my way back to the cabinet I
      attempted to soothe him, and I begged him not to be thus discomposed by a
      circumstance which, after all, was of no great moment. I do not know
      whether his anger was increased by the sight of the blood which flowed
      from his hand, and which he was every moment looking at; but however that
      might be, a transport of furious passion, such as I had never before
      witnessed, seized him; and as I was about to enter the cabinet after him
      he threw back the door with so much violence that, had I been two or three
      inches nearer him, it must infallibly have struck me in the face. He
      accompanied this action, which was almost convulsive, with an appellation,
      not to be borne; he exclaimed before M. de Talleyrand, "Leave me alone;
      you are a fool." At an insult so atrocious I confess that the anger which
      had already mastered the First Consul suddenly seized on me. I thrust the
      door forward with as much impetuosity as he had used in throwing it back,
      and, scarcely knowing what I said, exclaimed, "You are a hundredfold a
      greater fool than I am!" I then banged the door and went upstairs to my
      apartment, which was situated over the cabinet.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was as far from expecting as from wishing such an occasion of separating
      from the First Consul. But what was done could not be undone; and
      therefore, without taking time for reflection, and still under the
      influence of the anger that had got the better of me, I penned the
      following positive resignation:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
GENERAL&mdash;The state of my health no longer permits me to continue in your
service. I therefore beg you to accept my resignation.
                         BOURRIENNE.
</pre>
    <p>
      Some moments after this note was written I saw Bonaparte's saddle-horses
      brought up to the entrance of the Palace. It was Sunday morning, and,
      contrary to his usual custom on that day, he was going to ride out.
    </p>
    <p>
      Duroc accompanied him. He was no sooner done than I, went down into his
      cabinet, and placed my letter on his table. On returning at four o'clock
      with Duroc Bonaparte read my letter. "Ah! ah!" said he, before opening it,
      "a letter from Bourrienne." And he almost immediately added, for the note
      was speedily perused, "He is in the sulks.&mdash;Accepted." I had left the
      Tuileries at the moment he returned, but Duroc sent to me where I was
      dining the following billet:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
The First Consul desires me, my dear Bourrienne, to inform you that he
accepts your resignation, and to request that you will give me the
necessary information respecting your papers.&mdash;Yours,
                            DUROC.
</pre>
    <p>
      P.S.:&mdash;I will call on you presently.
    </p>
    <p>
      Duroc came to me at eight o'clock the same evening. The First Consul was
      in his cabinet when we entered it. I immediately commenced giving my
      intended successor the necessary explanations to enable him to enter upon
      his new duties. Piqued at finding that I did not speak to him, and at the
      coolness with which I instructed Duroc, Bonaparte said to me in a harsh
      tone, "Come, I have had enough of this! Leave me." I stepped down from the
      ladder on which I had mounted for the purpose of pointing out to Duroc the
      places in which the various papers were deposited and hastily withdrew. I
      too had quite enough of it!
    </p>
    <p>
      I remained two more days at the Tuileries until I had suited myself with
      lodgings. On Monday I went down into the cabinet of the First Consul to
      take my leave of him. We conversed together for a long time, and very
      amicably. He told me he was very sorry I was going to leave him, and that
      he would do all he could for me. I pointed out several places to him; at
      last I mentioned the Tribunate. "That will not do for you," he said; "the
      members are a set of babblers and phrasemongers, whom I mean to get rid
      of. All the troubles of States proceed from such debatings. I am tired of
      them." He continued to talk in a strain which left me in no doubt as to
      his uneasiness about the Tribunate, which, in fact, reckoned among its
      members many men of great talent and excellent character.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In 1802 the First Consul made a reduction of fifty members of the
   Tribunate, and subsequently the whole body was suppressed.
   &mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The following day, Tuesday, the First Consul asked me to breakfast with
      him. After breakfast, while he was conversing with some other person,
      Madame Bonaparte and Hortense pressed me to make advances towards
      obtaining a re-instalment in my office, appealing to me on the score of
      the friendship and kindness they had always shown me. They told me that I
      had been in the wrong, and that I had forgotten myself. I answered that I
      considered the evil beyond remedy; and that, besides, I had really need of
      repose. The First Consul then called me to him, and conversed a
      considerable time with me, renewing his protestations of goodwill towards
      me.
    </p>
    <p>
      At five o'clock I was going downstairs to quit the Tuileries for good when
      I was met by the office messenger, who told me that the First Consul
      wished to see me. Duroc; who was in the room leading to the cabinet,
      stopped me as I passed, and said, "He wishes you to remain. I beg of you
      not to refuse; do me this favour. I have assured him that I am incapable
      of filling your office. It does not suit my habits; and besides, to tell
      you the truth, the business is too irksome for me." I proceeded to the
      cabinet without replying to Duroc. The First Consul came up to me smiling,
      and pulling me by the ear, as he did when he was in the best of humours,
      said to me, "Are you still in the sulks?" and leading me to my usual seat
      he added, "Come, sit down."
    </p>
    <p>
      Only those who knew Bonaparte can judge of my situation at that moment. He
      had at times, and when he chose, a charm in his manners which it was quite
      impossible to resist. I could offer no opposition, and I resumed my usual
      office and my accustomed labours. Five minutes afterwards it was announced
      that dinner was on table. "You will dine with me?" he said. "I cannot; I
      am expected at the place where I was going when Duroc called me back. It
      is an engagement that I cannot break."&mdash;"Well, I have nothing to say,
      then. But give me your word that you will be here at eight o'clock."&mdash;"I
      promise you." Thus I became again the private secretary of the First
      Consul, and I believed in the sincerity of our reconciliation.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0048" id="link2HCH0048">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII.
    </h2>

      1802-1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Concordat and the Legion of Honour&mdash;The Council of State and the
   Tribunate&mdash;Discussion on the word 'subjects'&mdash;Chenier&mdash;Chabot de
   l'Allier's proposition to the Tribunate&mdash;The marked proof of
   national gratitude&mdash;Bonaparte's duplicity and self-command&mdash;Reply to
   the 'Senatus-consulte'&mdash;The people consulted&mdash;Consular decree&mdash;
   The most, or the least&mdash;M. de Vanblanc's speech&mdash;Bonaparte's reply&mdash;
   The address of the Tribunate&mdash;Hopes and predictions thwarted.
</pre>
    <p>
      It may truly be said that history affords no example of an empire founded
      like that of France, created in all its parts under the cloak of a
      republic. Without any shock, and in the short space of four years, there
      arose above the ruins of the short-lived Republic a Government more
      absolute than ever was Louis XIV.'s. This extraordinary change is to be
      assigned to many causes; and I had the opportunity of observing the
      influence which the determined will of one man exercised over his
      fellow-men.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great object which Bonaparte had at heart was to legitimate his
      usurpations by institutions. The Concordat had reconciled him with the
      Court of Rome; the numerous erasures from the emigrant list gathered round
      him a large body of the old nobility; and the Legion of Honour, though at
      first but badly received, soon became a general object of ambition. Peace,
      too, had lent her aid in consolidating the First Consul's power by
      affording him leisure to engage in measures of internal prosperity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Council of State, of which Bonaparte had made me a member, but which
      my other occupations did not allow me to attend, was the soul of the
      Consular Government. Bonaparte felt much interest in the discussions of
      that body, because it was composed of the most eminent men in the
      different branches of administration; and though the majority evinced a
      ready compliance with his wishes, yet that disposition was often far from
      being unanimous. In the Council of State the projects of the Government
      were discussed from the first with freedom and sincerity, and when once
      adopted they were transmitted to the Tribunate, and to the Legislative
      Body. This latter body might be considered as a supreme Legislative
      Tribunal, before which the Tribunes pleaded as the advocates of the
      people, and the Councillors of State, whose business it was to support the
      law projects, as the advocates of the Government. This will at once
      explain the cause of the First Consul's animosity towards the Tribunate,
      and will show to what the Constitution was reduced when that body was
      dissolved by a sudden and arbitrary decision.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the Consulate the Council of State was not only a body politic
      collectively, but each individual member might be invested with special
      power; as, for example, when the First Consul sent Councillors of State on
      missions to each of the military divisions where there was a Court of
      Appeal, the instructions given them by the First Consul were extensive,
      and might be said to be unlimited. They were directed to examine all the
      branches of the administration, so that their reports collected and
      compared together presented a perfect description of the state of France.
      But this measure, though excellent in itself, proved fatal to the State.
      The reports never conveyed the truth to the First Consul, or at least if
      they did, it was in such a disguised form as to be scarcely recognisable;
      for the Councillors well knew that the best way to pay their court to
      Bonaparte was not to describe public feeling as it really was, but as he
      wished it to be. Thus the reports of the councillors of State only
      furnished fresh arguments in favour of his ambition.
    </p>
    <p>
      I must, however, observe that in the discussions of the Council of State
      Bonaparte was not at all averse to the free expression of opinion. He,
      indeed, often encouraged it; for although fully resolved to do only what
      he pleased, he wished to gain information; indeed, it is scarcely
      conceivable how, in the short space of two years, Bonaparte adapted his
      mind so completely to civil and legislative affairs. But he could not
      endure in the Tribunate the liberty of opinion which he tolerated in the
      Council; and for this reason&mdash;that the sittings of the Tribunate were
      public, while those of the Council of State were secret, and publicity was
      what he dreaded above all things. He was very well pleased when he had to
      transmit to the Legislative Body or to the Tribunate any proposed law of
      trifling importance, and he used then to say that he had thrown them a
      bone to gnaw.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the subjects submitted to the consideration of the Council and the
      Tribunate was one which gave rise to a singular discussion, the ground of
      which was a particular word, inserted in the third article of the treaty
      of Russia with France. This word seemed to convey a prophetic allusion to
      the future condition of the French people, or rather an anticipated
      designation of what they afterwards became. The treaty spoke of "the
      subjects of the two Governments." This term applied to those who still
      considered themselves citizens, and was highly offensive to the Tribunate.
      Chenier most loudly remonstrated against the introduction of this word
      into the dictionary of the new Government. He said that the armies of
      France had shed their blood that the French people might be citizens and
      not subjects. Chenier's arguments, however, had no effect on the decision
      of the Tribunate, and only served to irritate the First Consul. The treaty
      was adopted almost unanimously, there being only fourteen dissentient
      voices, and the proportion of black balls in the Legislative Body was even
      less.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though this discussion passed off almost unnoticed, yet it greatly
      displeased the First Consul, who expressed his dissatisfaction in the
      evening. "What is it," said he, "these babblers want? They wish to be
      citizens&mdash;why did they not know how to continue so? My government
      must treat on an equal footing with Russia. I should appear a mere puppet
      in the eyes of foreign Courts were I to yield to the stupid demands of the
      Tribunate.. Those fellows tease me so that I have a great mind to end
      matters at once with them." I endeavoured to soothe his anger, and
      observed, that one precipitate act might injure him. "You are right," he
      continued; "but stay a little, they shall lose nothing by waiting."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Tribunate pleased Bonaparte better in the great question of the
      Consulate for life, because he had taken the precaution of removing such
      members as were most opposed to the encroachments of his ambition. The
      Tribunate resolved that a marked proof of the national gratitude should be
      offered to the First Consul, and the resolution was transmitted to the
      Senate. Not a single voice was raised against this proposition, which
      emanated from Chabot de l'Allier, the President of the Tribunate. When the
      First Consul came back to his cabinet after receiving the deputation of
      the Tribunate he was very cheerful, and said to me, "Bourrienne, it is a
      blank cheque that the Tribunate has just offered me; I shall know how to
      fill it up. That is my business."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Tribunate having adopted the indefinite proposition of offering to the
      First Consul a marked proof of the national gratitude, it now only
      remained to determine what that proof should be. Bonaparte knew well what
      he wanted, but he did not like to name it in any positive way. Though in
      his fits of impatience, caused by the lingering proceedings of the
      Legislative Body and the indecision of some of its members, he often
      talked of mounting on horseback and drawing his sword, yet he so far
      controlled himself as to confine violence to his conversations with his
      intimate friends. He wished it to be thought that he himself was yielding
      to compulsion; that he was far from wishing to usurp permanent power
      contrary to the Constitution; and that if he deprived France of liberty it
      was all for her good, and out of mere love for her. Such deep-laid
      duplicity could never have been conceived and maintained in any common
      mind; but Bonaparte's was not a mind of the ordinary cast. It must have
      required extraordinary self-command to have restrained so long as he did
      that daring spirit which was so natural to him, and which was rather the
      result of his temperament than his character. For my part, I confess that
      I always admired him more for what he had the fortitude not to do than for
      the boldest exploits he ever performed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In conformity with the usual form, the proposition of the Tribunate was
      transmitted to the Senate. From that time the Senators on whom Bonaparte
      most relied were frequent in their visits to the Tuileries. In the
      preparatory conferences which preceded the regular discussions in the
      Senate it has been ascertained that the majority was not willing that the
      marked proof of gratitude should be the Consulate for life; it was
      therefore agreed that the reporter should limit his demand to a temporary
      prolongation of the dignity of First Consul in favour of Bonaparte. The
      reporter, M. de Lacepede, acted accordingly, and limited the prolongation
      to ten years, commencing from the expiration of the ten years granted by
      the Constitution. I forget which of the Senators first proposed the
      Consulate for life; but I well recollect that Cambacérès used all his
      endeavours to induce those members of the Senate whom he thought he could
      influence to agree to that proposition. Whether from flattery or
      conviction I know not, but the Second Consul held out to his colleague, or
      rather his master, the hope of complete success. Bonaparte on hearing him
      shook his head with an air of doubt, but afterwards said to me, "They will
      perhaps make some wry faces, but they must come to it at last!"
    </p>
    <p>
      It was proposed in the Senate that the proposition of the Consulate for
      life should take the priority of that of the decennial prolongation; but
      this was not agreed to; and the latter proposition being adopted, the
      other, of course, could not be discussed.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was something very curious in the 'Senatus-consulte' published on
      the occasion. It spoke in the name of the French people, and stated that,
      "in testimony of their gratitude to the Consuls of the Republic," the
      Consular reign was prolonged for ten years; but that the prolongation was
      limited to the First Consul only.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, though much dissatisfied with the decision of the Senate,
      disguised his displeasure in ambiguous language. When Tronchet, then
      President of the Senate, read to him, in a solemn audience, at the head of
      the deputation, the 'Senatus-consulte' determining the prorogation, he
      said in reply that he could not be certain of the confidence of the people
      unless his continuance in the Consulship were sanctioned by their
      suffrages. "The interests of my glory and happiness," added he, "would
      seem to have marked the close of my public life at the moment when the
      peace of the world is proclaimed. But the glory and the happiness of the
      citizen must yield to the interests of the State and wishes of the public.
      You, Senators, conceive that I owe to the people another sacrifice. I will
      make it if the voice of the people commands what your suffrage
      authorises."
    </p>
    <p>
      The true meaning of these words was not understood by everybody, and was
      only manifest to those who were initiated in the secret of Bonaparte's
      designs. He did not accept the offer of the Senate, because he wished for
      something more. The question was to be renewed and to be decided by the
      people only; and since the people had the right to refuse what the Senate
      offered, they possessed, for the same reason, the right to give what the
      Senate did not offer.
    </p>
    <p>
      The moment now arrived for consulting the Council of State as to the mode
      to be adopted for invoking and collecting the suffrages of the people. For
      this purpose an extraordinary meeting of the Council of State was summoned
      on the 10th of May. Bonaparte wished to keep himself aloof from all
      ostensible influence; but his two colleagues laboured for him more
      zealously than he could have worked for himself, and they were warmly
      supported by several members of the Council. A strong majority were of
      opinion that Bonaparte should not only be invested with the Consulship for
      life, but that he should be empowered to nominate his successor. But he,
      still faithful to his plan, affected to venerate the sovereignty of the
      people, which he held in horror, and he promulgated the following decree,
      which was the first explanation of his reply to the Senate.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Consuls of the Republic, considering that the resolution of the
   First Consul is an homage rendered to the sovereignty of the People,
   and that the People, when consulted on their dearest interests, will
   not go beyond the limits of those interests, decree as follows:&mdash;
   First, that the French people shall be consulted on the question
   whether Napoleon Bonaparte is to be made Consul for life, etc.
</pre>
    <p>
      The other articles merely regulated the mode of collecting the votes.
    </p>
    <p>
      This decree shows the policy of the First Consul in a new point of view,
      and displays his art in its fullest extent. He had just refused the less
      for the sake of getting the greater; and now he had contrived to get the
      offer of the greater to show off his moderation by accepting only the
      less. The Council of State sanctioned the proposition for conferring on
      the First Consul the right of nominating his successor, and, of his own
      accord, the First Consul declined this. Accordingly the Second Consul,
      when he, the next day, presented the decree to the Council of State, did
      not fail to eulogise this extreme moderation, which banished even the
      shadow of suspicion of any ambitious after-thought. Thus the Senate found
      itself out-manoeuvred, and the decree of the Consuls was transmitted at
      once to the Legislative Body and to the Tribunate.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Legislative Body, M. de Vaublanc was distinguished among all the
      deputies who applauded the conduct of the Government; and it was he who
      delivered the apologetic harangue of the deputation of the Legislative
      Body to the First Consul. After having addressed the Government
      collectively he ended by addressing the First Consul individually&mdash;a
      sort of compliment which had not hitherto been put in practice, and which
      was far from displeasing him who was its object. As M. de Vaublanc's
      speech had been communicated beforehand to the First Consul, the latter
      prepared a reply to it which sufficiently showed how much it had gratified
      him. Besides the flattering distinction which separated him from the
      Government, the plenitude of praise was not tempered by anything like
      advice or comment. It was not so with the address of the Tribunate. After
      the compliments which the occasion demanded, a series of hopes were
      expressed for the future, which formed a curious contrast with the events
      which actually ensued. The Tribunate, said the address, required no
      guarantee, because Bonaparte's elevated and generous sentiments would
      never permit him to depart from those principles which brought about the
      Revolution and founded the Republic;&mdash;he loved real glory too well
      ever to stain that which he had acquired by the abuse of power;&mdash;the
      nation which he was called to govern was free and generous he would
      respect and consolidate her liberty; he would distinguish his real
      friends, who spoke truth to him, from flatterers who might seek to deceive
      him. In short, Bonaparte would surround himself with the men who, having
      made the Revolution, were interested in supporting it.
    </p>
    <p>
      To these and many other fine things the Consul replied, "This testimony of
      the affection of the Tribunate is gratifying to the Government. The union
      of all bodies of the State is a guarantee of the stability and happiness
      of the nation. The efforts of the Government will be constantly directed
      to the interests of the people, from whom all power is derived, and whose
      welfare all good men have at heart."
    </p>
    <p>
      So much for the artifice of governments and the credulity of subjects! It
      is certain that, from the moment Bonaparte gained his point in submitting
      the question of the Consulate for life to the decision of the people,
      there was no longer a doubt of the result being in his favour. This was
      evident, not only on account of the influential means which a government
      always has at its command, and of which its agents extend the
      ramifications from the centre to the extremities, but because the
      proposition was in accordance with the wishes of the majority. The
      Republicans were rather shy in avowing principles with which people were
      now disenchanted;&mdash;the partisans of a monarchy without distinction of
      family saw their hopes almost realised in the Consulate for life; the
      recollection of the Bourbons still lived in some hearts faithful to
      misfortune but the great mass were for the First Consul, and his external
      acts in the new step he had taken towards the throne had been so
      cautiously disguised as to induce a belief in his sincerity. If I and a
      few others were witness to his accomplished artifice and secret ambition,
      France beheld only his glory, and gratefully enjoyed the blessings of
      peace which he had obtained for her. The suffrages of the people speedily
      realised the hopes of the First Consul, and thus was founded the CONSULATE
      FOR LIFE.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0049" id="link2HCH0049">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIV
    </h2>

      1802-1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Departure for Malmaison&mdash;Unexpected question relative to the
   Bourbons&mdash;Distinction between two opposition parties&mdash;New intrigues
   of Lucien&mdash;Camille Jordan's pamphlet seized&mdash;Vituperation against
   the liberty of the press&mdash;Revisal of the Constitution&mdash;New
   'Senatus-consulte&mdash;Deputation from the Senate&mdash;Audience of the
   Diplomatic Body&mdash;Josephine's melancholy&mdash;The discontented&mdash;Secret
   meetings&mdash;Fouché and the police agents&mdash;The Code Napoleon&mdash;
   Bonaparte's regular attendance at the Council of State&mdash;His
   knowledge of mankind, and the science of government&mdash;Napoleon's
   first sovereign act&mdash;His visit to the Senate&mdash;The Consular
   procession&mdash;Polite etiquette&mdash;The Senate and the Council of State&mdash;
   Complaints against Lucien&mdash;The deaf and dumb assembly&mdash;Creation of
   senatorships.
</pre>
    <p>
      When nothing was wanting to secure the Consulate for life but the votes of
      the people, which there was no doubt of obtaining, the First Consul set
      off to spend a few days at Malmaison.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day of our arrival, as soon as dinner was ended, Bonaparte said to
      me, "Bourrienne, let us go and take a walk." It was the middle of May, so
      that the evenings were long. We went into the park: he was very grave, and
      we walked for several minutes without his uttering a syllable. Wishing to
      break silence in a way that would be agreeable to him, I alluded to the
      facility with which he had nullified the last 'Senatus-consulte'. He
      scarcely seemed to hear me, so completely was his mind absorbed in the
      subject on which he was meditating. At length, suddenly recovering from
      his abstraction, he said, "Bourrienne, do you think that the pretender to
      the crown of France would renounce his claims if I were to offer him a
      good indemnity, or even a province in Italy?" Surprised at this abrupt
      question on a subject which I was far from thinking of, I replied that I
      did not think the pretender would relinquish his claims; that it was very
      unlikely the Bourbons would return to France as long as he, Bonaparte,
      should continue at the head of the Government, though they would look
      forward to their ultimate return as probable. "How so?" inquired he. "For
      a very simple reason, General. Do you not see every day that your agents
      conceal the truth from you, and flatter you in your wishes, for the
      purpose of ingratiating themselves in your favour? are you not angry when
      at length the truth reaches your ear?"&mdash;"And what then?"&mdash;"why,
      General, it must be just the same with the agents of Louis XVIII. in
      France. It is in the course of things, in the nature of man, that they
      should feed the Bourbons with hopes of a possible return, were it only to
      induce a belief in their own talent and utility."&mdash;"That is very
      true! You are quite right; but I am not afraid. However, something might
      perhaps be done&mdash;we shall see." Here the subject dropped, and our
      conversation turned on the Consulate for life, and Bonaparte spoke in
      unusually mild terms of the persons who had opposed the proposition. I was
      a little surprised at this, and could not help reminding him of the
      different way in which he had spoken of those who opposed his accession to
      the Consulate. "There is nothing extraordinary in that," said he. "Worthy
      men may be attached to the Republic as I have made it. It is a mere
      question of form. I have nothing to say against that; but at the time of
      my accession to the Consulate it was very different. Then, none but
      Jacobins, terrorists, and rogues resisted my endeavours to rescue France
      from the infamy into which the Directory had plunged her. But now I
      cherish no ill-will against those who have opposed me."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the intervals between the acts of the different bodies of the
      State, and the collection of the votes, Lucien renewed his intrigues, or
      rather prosecuted them with renewed activity, for the purpose of getting
      the question of hereditary succession included in the votes. Many prefects
      transmitted to M. Chaptal anonymous circulars which had been sent to them:
      all stated the ill effect produced by these circulars, which had been
      addressed to the principal individuals of their departments. Lucien was
      the originator of all this, though I cannot positively say whether his
      brother connived with him, as in the case of the pamphlet to which I have
      already alluded. I believe, however, that Bonaparte was not entirely a
      stranger to the business; for the circulars were written by Raederer at
      the instigation of Lucien, and Raederer was at that time in favour at the
      Tuileries. I recollect Bonaparte speaking to me one day very angrily about
      a pamphlet which had just, been published by Camille Jordan on the subject
      of the national vote on the Consulate for life. Camille Jordan did not
      withhold his vote, but gave it in favour of the First Consul; and instead
      of requiring preliminary conditions, he contented himself, like the
      Tribunate, with enumerating all the guarantees which he expected the
      honour of the First Consul would grant. Among these guarantees were the
      cessation of arbitrary imprisonments, the responsibility of the agents of
      Government, and the independence of the judges. But all these demands were
      mere peccadilloes in comparison with Camille Jordan's great crime of
      demanding the liberty of the press.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul had looked through the fatal pamphlet, and lavished
      invectives upon its author. "How!" exclaimed he, "am I never to have done
      with these fire brands?&mdash;These babblers, who think that politics may
      be shown on a printed page like the world on a map? Truly, I know not what
      things will come to if I let this go on. Camille Jordan, whom I received
      so well at Lyons, to think that he should&mdash;ask for the liberty of the
      press! Were I to accede to this I might as well pack up at once and go and
      live on a farm a hundred leagues from Paris." Bonaparte's first act in
      favour of the liberty of the press was to order the seizure of the
      pamphlet in which Camille Jordan had extolled the advantages of that
      measure. Publicity, either by words or writing, was Bonaparte's horror.
      Hence his aversion to public speakers and writers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Camille Jordan was not the only person who made unavailing efforts to
      arrest Bonaparte in the first steps of his ambition. There were yet in
      France many men who, though they had hailed with enthusiasm the dawn of
      the French Revolution, had subsequently been disgusted by its crimes, and
      who still dreamed of the possibility of founding a truly Constitutional
      Government in France. Even in the Senate there were some men indignant at
      the usual compliance of that body, and who spoke of the necessity of
      subjecting the Constitution to a revisal, in order to render it
      conformable to the Consulate for life.
    </p>
    <p>
      The project of revising the Constitution was by no means unsatisfactory to
      Bonaparte. It afforded him an opportunity of holding out fresh glimmerings
      of liberty to those who were too shortsighted to see into the future. He
      was pretty certain that there could be no change but to his advantage. Had
      any one talked to him of the wishes of the nation he would have replied,
      "3,577,259 citizens have voted. Of these how many were for me? 3,368,185.
      Compare the difference! There is but one vote in forty-five against me. I
      must obey the will of the people!" To this he would not have failed to
      add, "Whose are the votes opposed to me? Those of ideologists, Jacobins,
      and peculators under the Directory." To such arguments what could have
      been answered? It must not be supposed that I am putting these words into
      Bonaparte's mouth. They fell from him oftener than once.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the state of the votes was ascertained the Senate conceived
      itself under the necessity of repairing the only fault it had committed in
      the eyes of the First Consul, and solemnly presented him with a new
      'Senatus-consulte', and a decree couched in the following terms:
    </p>
    <p>
      ARTICLE I. The French people nominate and the Senate proclaim Napoleon
      Bonaparte Consul for life.
    </p>
    <p>
      ARTICLE II. A statue representing Peace, holding in one hand the laurel of
      victory, and in the other the decree of the senate, shall commemorate to
      posterity the gratitude of the Nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      ARTICLE III. The Senate will convey to the First Consul the expression of
      the confidence, the love, and the admiration of the French people.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte replied to the deputation from the Senate, in the presence of
      the Diplomatic Body, whose audience had been appointed for that day in
      order that the ambassadors might be enabled to make known to their
      respective Courts that Europe reckoned one King more. In his reply he did
      not fail to introduce the high-sounding words "liberty and equality." He
      commenced thus: "A citizen's life belongs to his country. The French
      people wish that mine should be entirely devoted to their service. I
      obey."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day this ceremony took place, besides the audience of the
      Diplomatic Body there was an extraordinary assemblage of general officers
      and public functionaries. The principal apartments of the Tuileries's
      presented the appearance of a fete. This gaiety formed a striking contrast
      with the melancholy of Josephine, who felt that every step of the First
      Consul towards the throne removed him farther from her.
    </p>
    <p>
      She had to receive a party that evening, and though greatly depressed in
      spirits she did the honours with her usual grace.
    </p>
    <p>
      Let a Government be what it may, it can never satisfy everyone. At the
      establishment of the Consulate for life, those who were averse to that
      change formed but a feeble minority. But still they met, debated,
      corresponded, and dreamed of the possibility of overthrowing the Consular
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the first six months of the year 1802 there were meetings of the
      discontented, which Fouché, who was then Minister of the Police, knew and
      would not condescend to notice; but, on the contrary, all the inferior
      agents of the police contended for a prey which was easily seized, and,
      with the view of magnifying their services, represented these secret
      meetings as the effect of a vast plot against the Government. Bonaparte,
      whenever he spoke to me on the subject, expressed himself weary of the
      efforts which were made to give importance to trifles; and yet he received
      the reports of the police agents as if he thought them of consequence.
      This was because he thought Fouché badly informed, and he was glad to find
      him at fault; but when he sent for the Minister of Police the latter told
      him that all the reports he had received were not worth a moment's
      attention. He told the First Consul all, and even a great deal more than
      had been revealed to him, mentioning at the same time how and from whom
      Bonaparte had received his information.
    </p>
    <p>
      But these petty police details did not divert the First Consul's attention
      from the great object he had in view. Since March 1802 he had attended the
      sittings of the Council of State with remarkable regularity. Even while we
      were at the Luxembourg he busied himself in drawing up a new code of laws
      to supersede the incomplete collection of revolutionary laws, and to
      substitute order for the sort of anarchy which prevailed in the
      legislation. The man who were most distinguished for legal knowledge had
      cooperated in this laborious task, the result of which was the code first
      distinguished by the name of the Civil Code, and afterwards called the
      Code Napoleon. The labours of this important undertaking being completed,
      a committee was appointed for the presentation of the code. This
      committee, of which Cambacérès was the president, was composed of MM.
      Portalis, Merlin de Douai, and Tronchet. During all the time the
      discussions were pending, instead of assembling as usual three times a
      week, the Council of State assembled every day, and the sittings, which on
      ordinary occasions only lasted two or three hours, were often prolonged to
      five or six. The First Consul took such interest in these discussions
      that, to have an opportunity of conversing upon them in the evening, he
      frequently invited several members of the Council to dine with him. It was
      during these conversations that I most admired the inconceivable
      versatility of Bonaparte's genius, or rather, that superior instinct which
      enabled him to comprehend at a glance, and in their proper point of view,
      legislative questions to which he might have been supposed a stranger.
      Possessing as he did, in a supreme degree, the knowledge of mankind, ideas
      important to the science of government flashed upon his mind like sudden
      inspirations.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after his nomination to the Consulate for life, anxious to
      perform a sovereign act, he went for the first time to preside at the
      Senate. Availing myself that day of a few leisure moments I went out to
      see the Consular procession. It was truly royal. The First Consul had
      given orders that the military should-be ranged in the streets through
      which he had to pass. On his first arrival at the Tuileries, Napoleon had
      the soldiers of the Guard ranged in a single line in the interior of the
      court, but he now ordered that the line should be doubled, and should
      extend from the gate of the Tuileries to that of the Luxembourg. Assuming
      a privilege which old etiquette had confined exclusively to the Kings of
      France, Bonaparte now for the first time rode in a carriage drawn by eight
      horses. A considerable number of carriages followed that of the First
      Consul, which was surrounded by generals and aides de camp on horseback.
      Louis XIV. going to hold a bed of justice at the Parliament of Paris never
      displayed greater pomp than did Bonaparte in this visit to the Senate. He
      appeared in all the parade of royalty; and ten Senators came to meet him
      at the foot of the staircase of the Luxembourg.
    </p>
    <p>
      The object of the First Consul's visit to the Senate was the presentation
      of five plans of 'Senatus-consultes'. The other two Consuls were present
      at the ceremony, which took place about the middle of August.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte returned in the same style in which he went, accompanied by M.
      Lebrun, Cambacérès remaining at the Senate, of which he was President. The
      five 'Senatus-consultes' were adopted, but a restriction was made in that
      which concerned the forms of the Senate. It was proposed that when the
      Consuls visited the Senate they should be received by a deputation of ten
      members at the foot of the staircase, as the First Consul had that day
      been received; but Bonaparte's brothers Joseph and Lucien opposed this,
      and prevented the proposition from being adopted, observing that the
      Second and Third Consuls being members of the Senate could not be received
      with such honours by their colleagues. This little scene of political
      courtesy, which was got up beforehand, was very well acted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's visit to the Senate gave rise to a change of rank in the
      hierarchy of the different authorities composing the Government. Hitherto
      the Council of State had ranked higher in public opinion; but the Senate,
      on the occasion of its late deputation to the Tuileries, had for the first
      time, received the honour of precedency. This had greatly displeased some
      of the Councillors of State, but Bonaparte did not care for that. He
      instinctively saw that the Senate would do what he wished more readily
      than the other constituted bodies, and he determined to augment its rights
      and prerogatives even at the expense of the rights of the Legislative
      Body. These encroachments of one power upon another, authorised by the
      First Consul, gave rise to reports of changes in ministerial arrangements.
      It was rumoured in Paris that the number of the ministers was to be
      reduced to three, and that Lucien, Joseph, and M. de Talleyrand were to
      divide among them the different portfolios. Lucien helped to circulate
      these reports, and this increased the First Consul's dissatisfaction at
      his conduct. The letters from Madrid, which were filled with complaints
      against him, together with some scandalous adventures, known in Paris,
      such as his running away with the wife of a 'limonadier', exceedingly
      annoyed Bonaparte, who found his own family more difficult to govern than
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      France, indeed, yielded with admirable facility to the yoke which, the
      First Consul wished to impose on her. How artfully did he undo all that
      the Revolution had done, never neglecting any means of attaining his
      object! He loved to compare the opinions of those whom he called the
      Jacobins with the opinions of the men of 1789; and even them he found too
      liberal. He felt the ridicule which was attached to the mute character of
      the Legislative Body, which he called his deaf and dumb assembly. But as
      that ridicule was favourable to him he took care to preserve the assembly
      as it was, and to turn it into ridicule whenever he spoke of it. In
      general, Bonaparte's judgment must not be confounded with his actions. His
      accurate mind enabled him to appreciate all that was good; but the
      necessity of his situation enabled him to judge with equal shrewdness what
      was useful to himself.
    </p>
    <p>
      What I have just said of the Senate affords me an opportunity of
      correcting an error which has frequently been circulated in the chit-chat
      of Paris. It has erroneously been said of some persons that they refused
      to become members of the Senate, and among the number have been mentioned
      M. Ducis, M. de La Fayette, and the Marechal de Rochambeau. The truth is,
      that no such refusals were ever made. The following fact, however, may
      have contributed to raise these reports and give them credibility.
      Bonaparte used frequently to say to persons in his salon and in his
      cabinet; "You should be a Senator&mdash;a man like you should be a
      Senator." But these complimentary words did not amount to a nomination. To
      enter the Senate certain legal forms were to be observed. It was necessary
      to be presented by the Senate, and after that presentation no one ever
      refused to become a member of the body, to which Bonaparte gave additional
      importance by the creation of "Senatoreries."&mdash;[Districts presided
      over by a Senator.]&mdash;This creation took place in the beginning of
      1803.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0050" id="link2HCH0050">
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XV
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The intoxication of great men&mdash;Unlucky zeal&mdash;MM. Maret, Champagny,
   and Savary&mdash;M. de Talleyrand's real services&mdash;Postponement of the
   execution of orders&mdash;Fouché and the Revolution&mdash;The Royalist
   committee&mdash;The charter first planned during the Consulate&mdash;Mission
   to Coblentz&mdash;Influence of the Royalists upon Josephine&mdash;The statue
   and the pedestal&mdash;Madame de Genlis' romance of Madame de la
   Valliere&mdash;The Legion of Honour and the carnations&mdash;Influence of the
   Faubourg St. Germain&mdash;Inconsiderate step taken by Bonaparte&mdash;Louis
   XVIII's indignation&mdash;Prudent advice of the Abbe Andre&mdash;Letter from
   Louis XVIII. to Bonaparte&mdash;Council held at Neuilly&mdash;The letter
   delivered&mdash;Indifference of Bonaparte, and satisfaction of the
   Royalists.
</pre>
    <p>
      Perhaps one of the happiest ideas that ever were expressed was that of the
      Athenian who said, "I appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober." The
      drunkenness here alluded to is not of that kind which degrades a man to
      the level of a brute, but that intoxication which is occasioned by
      success, and which produces in the heads of the ambitious a sort of
      cerebral congestion. Ordinary men are not subject to this excitement, and
      can scarcely form an idea of it. But it is nevertheless true that the
      fumes of glory and ambition occasionally derange the strongest heads; and
      Bonaparte, in all the vigour of his genius, was often subject to
      aberrations of judgment; for though his imagination never failed him, his
      judgment was frequently at fault.
    </p>
    <p>
      This fact may serve to explain, and perhaps even to excuse the faults with
      which the First Consul has been most seriously reproached. The activity of
      his mind seldom admitted of an interval between the conception and the
      execution of a design; but when he reflected coolly on the first impulses
      of his imperious will, his judgment discarded what was erroneous. Thus the
      blind obedience, which, like an epidemic disease, infected almost all who
      surrounded Bonaparte, was productive of the most fatal effects. The best
      way to serve the First Consul was never to listen to the suggestions of
      his first ideas, except on the field of battle, where his conceptions were
      as happy as they were rapid. Thus, for example, MM. Maret, de Champagny,
      and Savary evinced a ready obedience to Bonaparte's wishes, which often
      proved very unfortunate, though doubtless dictated by the best intentions
      on their part. To this fatal zeal may be attributed a great portion of the
      mischief which Bonaparte committed. When the mischief was done, and past
      remedy, Bonaparte deeply regretted it. How often have I heard him say that
      Maret was animated by an unlucky zeal! This was the expression he made use
      of.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Talleyrand was almost the only one among the ministers who did not
      flatter Bonaparte, and who really served both the First Consul and the
      Emperor. When Bonaparte said to M. de Talleyrand, "Write so and so, and
      send it off by a special courier," that minister was never in a hurry to
      obey the order, because he knew the character of the First Consul well
      enough to distinguish between what his passion dictated and what his
      reason would approve: in short, he appealed from Philip drunk to Philip
      sober. When it happened that M. de Talleyrand suspended the execution of
      an order, Bonaparte never evinced the least displeasure. When, the day
      after he had received any hasty and angry order, M. de Talleyrand
      presented himself to the First Consul, the latter would say, "Well, did
      you send off the courier?"&mdash;"No," the minister would reply, "I took
      care not to do so before I showed you my letter." Then the First Consul
      would usually add, "Upon second thoughts I think it would be best not to
      send it." This was the way to deal with Bonaparte. When M. de Talleyrand
      postponed sending off despatches, or when I myself have delayed the
      execution of an order which I knew had been dictated by anger, and had
      emanated neither from his heart nor his understanding, I have heard him
      say a hundred times, "It was right, quite right. You understand me:
      Talleyrand understands me also. This is the way to serve me: the others do
      not leave me time for reflection: they are too precipitate." Fouché also
      was one of those who did not on all occasions blindly obey Bonaparte's
      commands. His other ministers, on the other hand, when told to send off a
      courier the next morning, would have more probably sent him off the same
      evening. This was from zeal, but was not the First Consul right in saying
      that such zeal was unfortunate?
    </p>
    <p>
      Of Talleyrand and Fouché, in their connections with the First Consul, it
      might be said that the one represented the Constituent Assembly, with a
      slight perfume of the old regime, and the other the Convention in all its
      brutality. Bonaparte regarded Fouché as a complete personification of the
      Revolution. With him, therefore, Fouché's influence was merely the
      influence of the Revolution. That great event was one of those which had
      made the most forcible impression on Bonaparte's ardent mind, and he
      imagined he still beheld it in a visible form as long as Fouché continued
      at the head of his police. I am now of opinion that Bonaparte was in some
      degree misled as to the value of Fouché's services as a minister. No doubt
      the circumstance of Fouché being in office conciliated those of the
      Revolutionary party who were his friends. But Fouché cherished an undue
      partiality for them, because he knew that it was through them he held his
      place. He was like one of the old Condottieri, who were made friends of
      lest they should become enemies, and who owed all their power to the
      soldiers enrolled under their banners.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was Fouché, and Bonaparte perfectly understood his situation. He kept
      the chief in his service until he could find an opportunity of disbanding
      his undisciplined followers. But there was one circumstance which
      confirmed his reliance on Fouché. He who had voted the death of the King
      of France, and had influenced the minds of those who had voted with him,
      offered Bonaparte the best guarantee against the attempts of the Royalists
      for raising up in favour of the Bourbons the throne which the First Consul
      himself had determined to ascend. Thus, for different reasons, Bonaparte
      and Fouché had common interests against the House of Bourbon, and the
      master's ambition derived encouragement from the supposed terror of the
      servant.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul was aware of the existence in Paris of a Royalist
      committee, formed for the purpose of corresponding with Louis XVIII. This
      committee consisted of men who must not be confounded with those wretched
      intriguers who were of no service to their employers, and were not
      unfrequently in the pay of both Bonaparte and the Bourbons. The Royalist
      committee, properly so called, was a very different thing. It consisted of
      men professing rational principles of liberty, such as the Marquis de
      Clermont Gallerande, the Abbe de Montesqieu, M. Becquet, and M. Royer
      Collard. This committee had been of long standing; the respectable
      individuals whose names I have just quoted acted upon a system hostile to
      the despotism of Bonaparte, and favourable to what they conceived to be
      the interests of France. Knowing the superior wisdom of Louis XVIII., and
      the opinions which he had avowed and maintained in the Assembly of the
      Notables, they wished to separate that Prince from the emigrants, and to
      point him out to the nation as a suitable head of a reasonable
      Constitutional Government. Bonaparte, whom I have often heard speak on the
      subject, dreaded nothing so much as these ideas of liberty, in conjunction
      with a monarchy. He regarded them as reveries, called the members of the
      committee idle dreamers, but nevertheless feared the triumph of their
      ideas. He confessed to me that it was to counteract the possible influence
      of the Royalist committee that he showed himself so indulgent to those of
      the emigrants whose monarchical prejudices he knew were incompatible with
      liberal opinions. By the presence of emigrants who acknowledged nothing
      short of absolute power, he thought he might paralyse the influence of the
      Royalists of the interior; he therefore granted all such emigrants
      permission to return.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this time I recollect having read a document, which had been signed,
      purporting to be a declaration of the principles of Louis XVIII. It was
      signed by M. d'Andre, who bore evidence to its authenticity. The
      principles contained in the declaration were in almost all points
      conformable to the principles which formed the basis of the charter. Even
      so early as 1792, and consequently previous to the fatal 21st of January,
      Louis XVI., who knew the opinions of M. de Clermont Gallerande, sent him
      on a mission to Coblentz to inform the Princes from him, and the Queen,
      that they would be ruined by their emigration. I am accurately informed,
      and I state this fact with the utmost confidence. I can also add with
      equal certainty that the circumstance was mentioned by M. de Clermont
      Gallerande in his Memoirs, and that the passage relative to his mission to
      Coblentz was cancelled before the manuscript was sent to press.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the Consular Government the object of the Royalist committee was to
      seduce rather than to conspire. It was round Madame Bonaparte in
      particular that their batteries were raised, and they did not prove
      ineffectual. The female friends of Josephine filled her mind with ideas of
      the splendour and distinction she would enjoy if the powerful hand which
      had chained the Revolution should raise up the subverted throne. I must
      confess that I was myself, unconsciously, an accomplice of the friends of
      the throne; for what they wished for the interest of the Bourbons I then
      ardently wished for the interest of Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      While endeavours were thus made to gain over Madame Bonaparte to the
      interest of the royal family, brilliant offers were held out for the
      purpose of dazzling the First Consul. It was wished to retemper for him
      the sword of the constable Duguesclin; and it was hoped that a statue
      erected to his honour would at once attest to posterity his spotless glory
      and the gratitude of the Bourbons. But when these offers reached the ears
      of Bonaparte he treated them with indifference, and placed no faith in
      their sincerity. Conversing on the subject one day with M. de La Fayette
      he said, "They offer me a statue, but I must look to the pedestal. They
      may make it my prison." I did not hear Bonaparte utter these words; but
      they were reported to me from a source, the authenticity of which may be
      relied on.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this time, when so much was said in the Royalist circles and in the
      Faubourg St. Germain, of which the Hotel de Luynes was the headquarters,
      about the possible return of the Bourbons, the publication of a popular
      book contributed not a little to direct the attention of the public to the
      most brilliant period of the reign of Louis XIV. The book was the
      historical romance of Madame de la Valloire, by Madame de Genlis, who had
      recently returned to France. Bonaparte read it, and I have since
      understood that he was very well pleased with it, but he said nothing to
      me about it. It was not until some time after that he complained of the
      effect which was produced in Paris by this publication, and especially by
      engravings representing scenes in the life of Louis XIV., and which were
      exhibited in the shop-windows. The police received orders to suppress
      these prints; and the order was implicitly obeyed; but it was not Fouché's
      police. Fouché saw the absurdity of interfering with trifles. I recollect
      that immediately after the creation of the Legion of Honour, it being
      summer, the young men of Paris indulged in the whim of wearing a carnation
      in a button-hole, which at a distance had rather a deceptive effect.
      Bonaparte took this very seriously. He sent for Fouché, and desired him to
      arrest those who presumed thus to turn the new order into ridicule. Fouché
      merely replied that he would wait till the autumn; and the First Consul
      understood that trifles were often rendered matters of importance by being
      honoured with too much attention.
    </p>
    <p>
      But though Bonaparte was piqued at the interest excited by the engravings
      of Madame de Genlis' romance he manifested no displeasure against that
      celebrated woman, who had been recommended to him by MM. de Fontanes and
      Fievee and who addressed several letters to him. As this sort of
      correspondence did not come within the routine of my business I did not
      see the letters; but I heard from Madame Bonaparte that they contained a
      prodigious number of proper names, and I have reason to believe that they
      contributed not a little to magnify, in the eyes of the First Consul, the
      importance of the Faubourg St. Germain, which, in spite of all his
      courage, was a scarecrow to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte regarded the Faubourg St. Germain as representing the whole mass
      of Royalist opinion; and he saw clearly that the numerous erasures from
      the emigrant list had necessarily increased dissatisfaction among the
      Royalists, since the property of the emigrants had not been restored to
      its old possessors, even in those cases in which it had not been sold. It
      was the fashion in a certain class to ridicule the unpolished manners of
      the great men of the Republic compared with the manners of the nobility of
      the old Court. The wives of certain generals had several times committed
      themselves by their awkwardness. In many circles there was an affectation
      of treating with contempt what are called the parvenus; those people who,
      to use M. de Talleyrand's expression, do not know how to walk upon a
      carpet. All this gave rise to complaints against the Faubourg St. Germain;
      while, on the other hand, Bonaparte's brothers spared no endeavours to
      irritate him against everything that was calculated to revive the
      recollection of the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were Bonaparte's feelings, and such was the state of society during
      the year 1802. The fear of the Bourbons must indeed have had a powerful
      influence on the First Consul before he could have been induced to take a
      step which may justly be regarded as the most inconsiderate of his whole
      life. After suffering seven months to elapse without answering the first
      letter of Louis XVIII., after at length answering his second letter in the
      tone of a King addressing a subject, he went so far as to write to Louis,
      proposing that he should renounce the throne of his ancestors in his,
      Bonaparte's, favour, and offering him as a reward for this renunciation a
      principality in Italy, or a considerable revenue for himself and his
      family.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Napoleon seems to have always known, as with Cromwell and the
   Stuarts, that if his dynasty failed the Bourbons must succeed him.
   "I remember," says Metternich, "Napoleon said to me, 'Do you know
   why Louis XVIII. is not now sitting opposite to you? It is only
   because it is I who am sitting here. No other person could maintain
   his position; and if ever I disappear in consequence of a
   catastrophe no one but a Bourbon could sit here.'" (Metternich, tome
   i. p. 248). Farther, he said to Metternich, "The King overthrown,
   the Republic was master of the soil of France. It is that which I
   have replaced. The old throne of France is buried under its
   rubbish. I had to found a new one. The Bourbons could not reign
   over this creation. My strength lies in my fortune. I am new, like
   the Empire; there is, therefore, a perfect homogeneity between the
   Empire and myself."&mdash;"However," says Metternich, "I have often
   thought that Napoleon, by talking in this way, merely sought to
   study the opinion of others, or to confuse it, and the direct
   advance which he made to Louis XVIII., in 1804 seemed to confirm
   this suspicion. Speaking to me one day of this advance he said,
   'Monsieur's reply was grand; it was full of fine traditions. There
   is something in legitimate rights which appeals to more than the
   mere mind. If Monsieur had consulted his mind only he would have
   arranged with me, and I should have made for him a magnificent
   future'" (Metternich, tome i, p. 276). According to Iung's Lucien
   (tome ii. p. 421), the letter written and signed by Napoleon, but
   never sent, another draft being substituted, is still in the French
   archives. Metternich speaks of Napoleon making a direct advance to
   Louis XVIII. in 1804. According to Colonel Iung (Lucien Bonaparte,
   tome ii. pp. 4211-426) the attempt was made through the King of
   Prussia in 1802, the final answer of Louis being made on the 28th
   February 1803, as given in the text, but with a postscript of his
   nephew in addition, "With the permission of the King, my uncle, I
   adhere with heart and soul to the contents of this note.
             "(signed) LOUIS ANTOINE, Duc d'Angouleme."

   The reader will remark that there is no great interval between this
   letter and the final break with the Bourbons by the death of the Duc
   d'Enghien. At this time, according to Savory (tome iii. p. 241),
   some of the Bourbons were receiving French pensions. The Prince de
   Conti, the Duchesse de Bourbon, and the Duchesse d'Orleans, when
   sent out of France by the Directory, were given pensions of from
   20,000 to 26,000 francs each. They lived in Catalonia. When the
   French troops entered Spain in 1808 General Canclaux, a friend of
   the Prince de Conti, brought to the notice of Napoleon that the
   tiresome formalities insisted on by the pestilent clerks of all
   nations were observed towards these regal personages. Gaudin, the
   Minister of Finance, apparently on his own initiative, drew up a
   decree increasing the pensions to 80,000 francs, and doing away with
   the formalities. "The Emperor signed at once, thanking the Minister
   of Finance." The reader, remembering the position of the French
   Princes then, should compare this action of Napoleon with the
   failure of the Bourbons in 1814 to pay the sums promised to
   Napoleon, notwithstanding the strong remonstrances made at Vienna to
   Talleyrand by Alexander and Lord Castlereagh. See Talleyrand's
   Correspondence with Louis XVIII., tome ii. pp. 27, 28; or French
   edition, pp. 285, 288.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The reader will recollect the curious question which the First Consul put
      to me on the subject of the Bourbons when we were walking in the park of
      Malmaison. To the reply which I made to him on that occasion I attribute
      the secrecy he observed towards me respecting the letter just alluded to.
      I am indeed inclined to regard that letter as the result of one of his
      private conferences with Lucien; but I know nothing positive on the
      subject, and merely mention this as a conjecture. However, I had an
      opportunity of ascertaining the curious circumstances which took place at
      Mittau, when Bonaparte's letter was delivered to Louis XVIII.
    </p>
    <p>
      That Prince was already much irritated against Bonaparte by his delay in
      answering his first letter, and also by the tenor of his tardy reply; but
      on reading the First Consul's second letter the dethroned King immediately
      sat down and traced a few lines forcibly expressing his indignation at
      such a proposition. The note, hastily written by Louis XVIII. in the first
      impulse of irritation, bore little resemblance to the dignified and
      elegant letter which Bonaparte received, and which I shall presently lay
      before the reader. This latter epistle closed very happily with the
      beautiful device of Francis I., "All is lost but honour." But the first
      letter was stamped with a more chivalrous tone of indignation. The
      indignant sovereign wrote it with his hand supported on the hilt of his
      sword; but the Abbe Andre, in whom Louis XVIII. reposed great confidence,
      saw the note, and succeeded, not without some difficulty, in soothing the
      anger of the King, and prevailing on him to write the following letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I do not confound M. Bonaparte with those who have preceded him.
   I esteem his courage and his military talents. I am grateful for
   some acts of his government; for the benefits which are conferred on
   my people will always be prized by me.

   But he errs in supposing that he can induce me to renounce my
   rights; so far from that, he would confirm them, if they could
   possibly be doubtful, by the step he has now taken.

   I am ignorant of the designs of Heaven respecting me and my
   subjects; but I know the obligations which God has imposed upon me.
   As a Christian, I will fulfil my duties to my last breath&mdash;as the
   son of St. Louis, I would, like him, respect myself even in chains&mdash;
   as the successor of Francis I., I say with him&mdash;'Tout est perdu 'hors
   l'honneur'.

   MITTAU, 1802.              LOUIS.
</pre>
    <p>
      Louis XVIII.'s letter having reached Paris, the Royalist committee
      assembled, and were not a little embarrassed as to what should be done.
      The meeting took place at Neuilly. After a long deliberation it was
      suggested that the delivery of the letter should be entrusted to the Third
      Consul, with whom the Abby de Montesqieu had kept up acquaintance since
      the time of the Constituent Assembly. This suggestion was adopted. The
      recollections of the commencement of his career, under Chancellor Maupeou,
      had always caused M. Lebrun to be ranked in a distinct class by the
      Royalists. For my part, I always looked upon him as a very honest man, a
      warm advocate of equality, and anxious that it should be protected even by
      despotism, which suited the views of the First Consul very well. The Abbe
      de Montesquiou accordingly waited upon M. Lebrun, who undertook to deliver
      the letter. Bonaparte received it with an air of indifference; but whether
      that indifference were real or affected, I am to this day unable to
      determine. He said very little to me about the ill success of the
      negotiation with Louis XVIII. On this subject he dreaded, above all, the
      interference of his brothers, who created around him a sort of commotion
      which he knew was not without its influence, and which on several
      occasions had excited his anger.
    </p>
    <p>
      The letter of Louis XVIII. is certainly conceived in a tone of dignity
      which cannot be too highly admired; and it may be said that Bonaparte on
      this occasion rendered a real service to Louis by affording him the
      opportunity of presenting to the world one of the finest pages in the
      history of a dethroned King. This letter, the contents of which were known
      in some circles of Paris, was the object of general approbation to those
      who preserved the recollection of the Bourbons, and above all, to the
      Royalist committee. The members of that committee, proud of the noble
      spirit evinced by the unfortunate monarch, whose return they were
      generously labouring to effect, replied to him by a sort of manifesto, to
      which time has imparted interest, since subsequent events have fulfilled
      the predictions it contained.
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVI
    </h2>

      1802.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The day after my disgrace&mdash;Renewal of my duties&mdash;Bonaparte's
   affected regard for me&mdash;Offer of an assistant&mdash;M. de Meneval&mdash;My
   second rupture with Bonaparte&mdash;The Duc de Rovigo's account of it&mdash;
   Letter from M. de Barbe Marbois&mdash;Real causes of my separation from
   the First Consul&mdash;Postscript to the letter of M. de Barbe Marbois&mdash;
   The black cabinet&mdash;Inspection of letters dining the Consulate&mdash;
   I retire to St. Cloud&mdash;Communications from M. de Meneval&mdash;A week's
   conflict between friendship and pride&mdash;My formal dismissal&mdash;Petty
   revenge&mdash;My request to visit England&mdash;Monosyllabic answer&mdash;Wrong
   suspicion&mdash;Burial of my papers&mdash;Communication from Duroc&mdash;My letter
   to the First Consul&mdash;The truth acknowledged.
</pre>
    <p>
      I shall now return to the circumstances which followed my first disgrace,
      of which I have already spoken. The day after that on which I had resumed
      my functions I went as usual to awaken the First Consul at seven in the
      morning. He treated me just the same as if nothing had happened between
      us; and on my part I behaved to him just as usual, though I really
      regretted being obliged to resume labours which I found too oppressive for
      me. When Bonaparte came down into his cabinet he spoke to me of his plans
      with his usual confidence, and I saw, from the number of letters lying in
      the basket, that during the few days my functions had been suspended
      Bonaparte had not overcome his disinclination to peruse this kind of
      correspondence. At the period of this first rupture and reconciliation the
      question of the Consulate for life was yet unsettled. It was not decided
      until the 2d of August, and the circumstances to which I am about to refer
      happened at the end of February.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was now restored to my former footing of intimacy with the First Consul,
      at least for a time; but I soon perceived that, after the scene which M.
      de Talleyrand had witnessed, my duties in the Tuileries were merely
      provisional, and might be shortened or prolonged according to
      circumstances. I saw at the very first moment that Bonaparte had
      sacrificed his wounded pride to the necessity (for such I may, without any
      vanity, call it) of employing my services. The forced preference he
      granted to me arose from the fact of his being unable to find any one able
      to supply my place; for Duroc, as I have already said, showed a
      disinclination to the business. I did not remain long in the dark
      respecting the new situation in which I stood. I was evidently still under
      quarantine; but the period of my quitting the port was undetermined.
    </p>
    <p>
      A short time after our reconciliation the First Consul said to me, in a
      cajoling tone of which I was not the dupe, "My dear Bourrienne, you cannot
      do everything. Business increases, and will continue to increase. You know
      what Corvisart says. You have a family; therefore it is right you should
      take care of your health. You must not kill yourself with work; therefore
      some one must be got to assist you. Joseph tells me that he can recommend
      a secretary, one of whom he speaks very highly. He shall be under your
      direction; he can make out your copies, and do all that can consistently
      be required of him. This, I think, will be a great relief to you."&mdash;"I
      ask for nothing better," replied I, "than to have the assistance of some
      one who, after becoming acquainted with the business, may, some time or
      other, succeed me." Joseph sent M. de Meneval, a young man who, to a good
      education, added the recommendations of industry and prudence. I had every
      reason to be satisfied with him.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was now that Napoleon employed all those devices and caresses which
      always succeeded so well with him, and which yet again gained the day, to
      put an end to the inconvenience caused to him by my retirement, and to
      retain me. Here I call every one who knew me as witnesses that nothing
      could equal my grief and despair to find myself obliged to again begin my
      troublesome work. My health had suffered much from it. Corvisart was a
      clever counsellor, but it was only during the night that I could carry out
      his advice. To resume my duties was to renounce all hope of rest, and even
      of health.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[There is considerable truth in this statement about the effect on
   his health. His successor, Meneval, without the same amount of
   work, broke down and had to receive assistance (Meneval, tome i. p.
   149).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I soon perceived the First Consul's anxiety to make M. de Meneval
      acquainted with the routine of business, and accustomed to his manner.
      Bonaparte had never pardoned me for having presumed to quit him after he
      had attained so high a degree of power; he was only waiting for an
      opportunity to punish me, and he seized upon an unfortunate circumstance
      as an excuse for that separation which I had previously wished to bring
      about.
    </p>
    <p>
      I will explain this circumstance, which ought to have obtained for me the
      consolation and assistance of the First Consul rather than the forfeiture
      of his favour. My rupture with him has been the subject of various
      misstatements, all of which I shall not take the trouble to correct; I
      will merely notice what I have read in the Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo,
      in which it is stated that I was accused of peculation. M. de Rovigo thus
      expresses himself:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Ever since the First Consul was invested with the supreme power his
   life had been a continued scene of personal exertion. He had for
   his private secretary M. de Bourrienne, a friend and companion of
   his youth, whom he now made the sharer of all his labours. He
   frequently sent for him in the dead of the night, and particularly
   insisted upon his attending him every morning at seven. Bourrienne
   was punctual in his attendance with the public papers, which he had
   previously glanced over. The First Consul almost invariably read
   their contents himself; he then despatched some business, and sat
   down to table just as the clock struck nine. His breakfast, which
   lasted six minutes, was no sooner over than he returned to his
   cabinet, only left it for dinner, and resumed his close occupation
   immediately after, until ten at night, which was his usual hour for
   retiring to rest.

   Bourrienne was gifted with a most wonderful memory; he could speak
   and write many languages, and would make his pen follow as fast as
   words were uttered. He possessed many other advantages; he was well
   acquainted with the administrative departments, was versed in the
   law of nations, and possessed a zeal and activity which rendered his
   services quite indispensable to the First Consul. I have known the
   several grounds upon which the unlimited confidence placed in him by
   his chief rested, but am unable to speak with equal assurance of the
   errors which occasioned his losing that confidence.

   Bourrienne had many enemies; some were owing to his personal
   character, a greater number to the situation which he held.
   Others were jealous of the credit he enjoyed with the Head of the
   Government; others, again, discontented at his not making that
   credit subservient to their personal advantage. Some even imputed
   to him the want of success that had attended their claims. It was
   impossible to bring any charge against him on the score of
   deficiency of talent or of indiscreet conduct; his personal habits
   were watched&mdash;it was ascertained that he engaged in financial
   speculations. An imputation could easily be founded on this
   circumstance. Peculation was accordingly laid to his charge.

   This was touching the most tender ground, for the First Consul held
   nothing in greater abhorrence than unlawful gains. A solitary
   voice, however, would have failed in an attempt to defame the
   character of a man for whom he had so long felt esteem and
   affection; other voices, therefore, were brought to bear against
   him. Whether the accusations were well founded or otherwise, it is
   beyond a doubt that all means were resorted to for bringing them to
   the knowledge of the First Consul.

   The most effectual course that suggested itself was the opening a
   correspondence either with the accused party direct, or with those
   with whom it was felt indispensable to bring him into contact; this
   correspondence was carried on in a mysterious manner, and related to
   the financial operations that had formed the grounds of a charge
   against him.&mdash;Thus it is that, on more than one occasion, the very
   channels intended for conveying truth to the knowledge of a
   sovereign have been made available to the purpose of communicating
   false intelligence to him. To give an instance.

   Under the reign of Louis XV., and even under the Regency, the Post
   Office was organized into a system of minute inspection, which did
   not indeed extend to every letter, but was exercised over all such
   as afforded grounds for suspicion. They were opened, and, when it
   was not deemed safe to suppress them, copies were taken, and they
   were returned to their proper channel without the least delay. Any
   individual denouncing another may, by the help of such an
   establishment, give great weight to his denunciation. It is
   sufficient for his purpose that he should throw into the Post Office
   any letter so worded as to confirm the impression which it is his
   object to convey. The worthiest man may thus be committed by a
   letter which he has never read, or the purport of which is wholly
   unintelligible to him.

   I am speaking from personal experience. It once happened that a
   letter addressed to myself, relating to an alleged fact which had
   never occurred, was opened. A copy of the letter so opened was also
   forwarded to me, as it concerned the duties which I had to perform
   at that time; but I was already in possession of the original,
   transmitted through the ordinary channel. Summoned to reply to the
   questions to which such productions had given rise, I took that
   opportunity of pointing out the danger that would accrue from
   placing a blind reliance upon intelligence derived from so hazardous
   a source. Accordingly, little importance was afterwards attached to
   this means of information; but the system was in operation at the
   period when M. de Bourrienne was disgraced; his enemies took care to
   avail themselves of it; they blackened his character with M. de
   Barbe Marbois, who added to their accusations all the weight of his
   unblemished character. The opinion entertained by this rigid public
   functionary, and many other circumstances, induced the First Consul
   to part with his secretary (tome i. p. 418).
</pre>
    <p>
      Peculation is the crime of those who make a fraudulent use of the public
      money. But as it was not in my power to meddle with the public money, no
      part of which passed through my hands, I am at loss to conceive how I can
      be charged with peculation! The Duc de Rovigo is not the author, but
      merely the echo, of this calumny; but the accusation to which his Memoirs
      gave currency afforded M. de Barbe Marbois an opportunity of adding one
      more to the many proofs he has given of his love of justice.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had seen nothing of the Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo except their
      announcement in the journals, when a letter from M. de Barbe Marbois was
      transmitted to me from my family. It was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SIR&mdash;My attention has been called to the enclosed article in a
   recent publication. The assertion it contains is not true, and I
   conceive it to be a duty both to you and myself to declare that I
   then was, and still am, ignorant of the causes of the separation in
   question:&mdash;I am, etc.
                  (Signed) MARBOIS
</pre>
    <p>
      I need say no more in my justification. This unsolicited testimony of M.
      de Marbois is a sufficient contradiction to the charge of peculation which
      has been raised against me in the absence of correct information
      respecting the real causes of my rupture with the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. le Duc de Rovigo also observes that my enemies were numerous. My
      concealed adversaries were indeed all those who were interested that the
      sovereign should not have about him, as his confidential companion, a man
      devoted to his glory and not to his vanity. In expressing his
      dissatisfaction with one of his ministers Bonaparte had said, in the
      presence of several individuals, among whom was M. Maret, "If I could find
      a second Bourrienne I would get rid of you all." This was sufficient to
      raise against me the hatred of all who envied the confidence of which I
      was in possession.
    </p>
    <p>
      The failure of a firm in Paris in which I had invested a considerable sum
      of money afforded an opportunity for envy and malignity to irritate the
      First Consul against me. Bonaparte, who had not yet forgiven me for
      wishing to leave him, at length determined to sacrifice my services to a
      new fit of ill-humour.
    </p>
    <p>
      A mercantile house, then one of the most respectable in Patna, had among
      its speculations undertaken some army contracts. With the knowledge of
      Berthier, with whom, indeed, the house had treated, I had invested some
      money in this business. Unfortunately the principals were, unknown to me,
      engaged in dangerous speculations in the Funds, which in a short time so
      involved them as to occasion their failure for a heavy amount. This caused
      a rumour that a slight fall of the Funds, which took place at that period,
      was occasioned by the bankruptcy; and the First Consul, who never could
      understand the nature of the Funds, gave credit to the report. He was made
      to believe that the business of the Stock Exchange was ruined. It was
      insinuated that I was accused of taking advantage of my situation to
      produce variations in the Funds, though I was so unfortunate as to lose
      not only my investment in the bankrupt house, but also a sum of money for
      which I had become bound, by way of surety, to assist the house in
      increasing its business. I incurred the violent displeasure of the First
      Consul, who declared to me that he no longer required my services. I
      might, perhaps have cooled his irritation by reminding him that he could
      not blame me for purchasing an interest in a contract, since he himself
      had stipulated for a gratuity of 1,500,000 francs for his brother Joseph
      out of the contract for victualling the navy. But I saw that for some time
      past M. de Meneval had begun to supersede me, and the First Consul only
      wanted such an opportunity as this for coming to a rupture with me.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such is a true statement of the circumstances which led to my separation
      from Bonaparte. I defy any one to adduce a single fact in support of the
      charge of peculation, or any transaction of the kind; I fear no
      investigation of my conduct. When in the service of Bonaparte I caused
      many appointments to be made, and many names to be erased from the
      emigrant list before the 'Senatus-consulte' of the 6th Floréal, year X.;
      but I never counted upon gratitude, experience having taught me that it
      was an empty word.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duc de Rovigo attributed my disgrace to certain intercepted letters
      which injured me in the eyes of the First Consul. I did not know this at
      the time, and though I was pretty well aware of the machinations of
      Bonaparte's adulators, almost all of whom were my enemies, yet I did not
      contemplate such an act of baseness. But a spontaneous letter from M. de
      Barbe Marbois at length opened my eyes, and left little doubt on the
      subject. The following is the postscript to that noble peer's letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I recollect that one Wednesday the First Consul, while presiding at
   a Council of Ministers at St. Cloud, opened a note, and, without
   informing us what it contained, hastily left the Board, apparently
   much agitated. In a few minutes he returned and told us that your
   functions had ceased.
</pre>
    <p>
      Whether the sudden displeasure of the First Consul was excited by a false
      representation of my concern in the transaction which proved so
      unfortunate to me, or whether Bonaparte merely made that a pretence for
      carrying into execution a resolution which I am convinced had been
      previously adopted, I shall not stop to determine; but the Duc de Rovigo
      having mentioned the violation of the secrecy of letters in my case, I
      shall take the opportunity of stating some particulars on that subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before I wrote these Memoirs the existence in the Post Office of the
      cabinet, which had obtained the epithet of black, had been denounced in
      the chamber of deputies, and the answer was, that it no longer existed,
      which of course amounted to an admission that it had existed. I may
      therefore, without indiscretion, state what I know respecting it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The "black cabinet" was established in the reign of Louis XV., merely for
      the purpose of prying into the scandalous gossip of the Court and the
      capital. The existence of this cabinet soon became generally known to
      every one. The numerous postmasters who succeeded each other, especially
      in latter times, the still more numerous Post Office clerks, and that
      portion of the public who are ever on the watch for what is held up as
      scandalous, soon banished all the secrecy of the affair, and none but
      fools were taken in by it. All who did not wish to be committed by their
      correspondence chose better channels of communication than the Post; but
      those who wanted to ruin an enemy or benefit a friend long continued to
      avail themselves of the black cabinet, which, at first intended merely to
      amuse a monarch's idle hours, soon became a medium of intrigue, dangerous
      from the abuse that might be made of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every morning, for three years, I used to peruse the portfolio containing
      the bulletins of the black cabinet, and I frankly confess that I never
      could discover any real cause for the public indignation against it,
      except inasmuch as it proved the channel of vile intrigue. Out of 30,000
      letters, which daily left Paris to be distributed through France and all
      parts of the world, ten or twelve, at most, were copied, and often only a
      few lines of them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte at first proposed to send complete copies of intercepted letters
      to the ministers whom their contents might concern; but a few observations
      from me induced him to direct that only the important passages should be
      extracted and sent. I made these extracts, and transmitted them to their
      destinations, accompanied by the following words: "The First Consul
      directs me to inform you that he has just received the following
      information," etc. Whence the information came was left to be guessed at.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul daily received through this channel about a dozen
      pretended letters, the writers of which described their enemies as
      opponents of the Government, or their friends as models of obedience and
      fidelity to the constituted authorities. But the secret purpose of this
      vile correspondence was soon discovered, and Bonaparte gave orders that no
      more of it should be copied. I, however, suffered from it at the time of
      my disgrace, and was well-nigh falling a victim to it at a subsequent
      period.
    </p>
    <p>
      The letter mentioned by M. de Marbois, and which was the occasion of this
      digression on the violation of private correspondence, derived importance
      from the circumstance that Wednesday, the 20th of October, when Bonaparte
      received it, was the day on which I left the Consular palace.
    </p>
    <p>
      I retired to a house which Bonaparte had advised me to purchase at St.
      Cloud, and for the fitting up and furnishing of which he had promised to
      pay. We shall see how he kept this promise! I immediately sent to direct
      Landoire, the messenger of Bonaparte's cabinet, to place all letters sent
      to me in the First Consul's portfolio, because many intended for him came
      under cover for me. In consequence of this message I received the
      following letter from M. de Meneval:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MY DEAR BOURRIENNE&mdash;I cannot believe that the First Consul would
   wish that your letters should be presented to him. I presume you
   allude only to those which may concern him, and which come addressed
   under cover to you. The First Consul has written to citizens
   Lavallette and Mollien directing them to address their packets to
   him. I cannot allow Landoire to obey the order you sent.

   The First Consul yesterday evening evinced great regret. He
   repeatedly said, "How miserable I am! I have known that man since
   he was seven years old." I cannot but believe that he will
   reconsider his unfortunate decision. I have intimated to him that
   the burden of the business is too much for me, and that he must be
   extremely at a loss for the services of one to whom he was so much
   accustomed, and whose situation, I am confident, nobody else can
   satisfactorily fill. He went to bed very low-spirited. I am, etc.
                    (Signed) MENEVAL.

   19 Vendemiaire, an X.
   (21st October 1802.)
</pre>
    <p>
      Next day I received another letter from M. Meneval as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I send you your letters. The First Consul prefers that you should
   break them open, and send here those which are intended for him. I
   enclose some German papers, which he begs you to translate.

   Madame Bonaparte is much interested in your behalf; and I can assure
   you that no one more heartily desires than the First Consul himself
   to see you again at your old post, for which it would be difficult
   to find a successor equal to you, either as regards fidelity or
   fitness. I do not relinquish the hope of seeing you here again.
</pre>
    <p>
      A whole week passed away in conflicts between the First Consul's
      friendship and pride. The least desire he manifested to recall me was
      opposed by his flatterers. On the fifth day of our separation he directed
      me to come to him. He received me with the greatest kindness, and after
      having good-humouredly told me that I often expressed myself with too much
      freedom&mdash;a fault I was never solicitous to correct&mdash;he added: "I
      regret your absence much. You were very useful to me. You are neither too
      noble nor too plebeian, neither too aristocratic nor too Jacobinical. You
      are discreet and laborious. You understand me better than any one else;
      and, between ourselves be it said, we ought to consider this a sort of
      Court. Look at Duroc, Bessières, Maret. However, I am very much inclined
      to take you back; but by so doing I should confirm the report that I
      cannot do without you."
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Bonaparte informed me that she had heard persons to whom Bonaparte
      expressed a desire to recall me observe, "What would you do? People will
      say you cannot do without him. You have got rid of him now; therefore
      think no more about him: and as for the English newspapers, he gave them
      more importance than they really deserved: you will no longer be troubled
      with them." This will bring to mind a scene&mdash;which occurred at
      Malmaison on the receipt of some intelligence in the 'London Gazette'.
    </p>
    <p>
      I am convinced that if Bonaparte had been left to himself he would have
      recalled me, and this conviction is warranted by the interval which
      elapsed between his determination to part with me and the formal
      announcement of my dismissal. Our rupture took place on the 20th of
      October, and on the 8th of November following the First Consul sent me the
      following letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   CITIZEN BOURRIENNE, MINISTER OF STATE&mdash;I am satisfied with the
   services which you have rendered me during the time you have been
   with me; but henceforth they are no longer necessary. I wish you to
   relinquish, from this time, the functions and title of my private
   secretary. I shall seize an early opportunity of providing for you
   in a way suited to your activity and talents, and conducive to the
   public service.
               (Signed)BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      If any proof of the First Consul's malignity were wanting it would be
      furnished by the following fact:&mdash;A few days after the receipt of the
      letter which announced my dismissal I received a note from Duroc; but, to
      afford an idea of the petty revenge of him who caused it to be written, it
      will be necessary first to relate a few preceding circumstances.
    </p>
    <p>
      When, with the view of preserving a little freedom, I declined the offer
      of apartments which Madame Bonaparte had prepared at Malmaison for myself
      and my family, I purchased a small house at Ruel: the First Consul had
      given orders for the furnishing of this house, as well as one which I
      possessed in Paris. From the manner in which the orders were given I had
      not the slightest doubt but that Bonaparte intended to make me a present
      of the furniture. However, when I left his service he applied to have it
      returned. As at first I paid no attention to his demand, as far as it
      concerned the furniture at Ruel, he directed Duroc to write the following
      letter to me:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The First Consul, my dear Bourrienne, has just ordered me to send
   him this evening the keys of your residence in Paris, from which the
   furniture is not to be removed.

   He also directs me to put into a warehouse whatever furniture you
   may have at Ruel or elsewhere which you have obtained from
   Government.

   I beg of you to send me an answer, so as to assist me in the
   execution of these orders. You promised me to have everything
   settled before the First Consul's return. I must excuse myself in
   the best way I can.
                  (Signed) DUROC.

   24 Brumaire, an X.
   (15th November 1802.)
</pre>
    <p>
      Believing myself to be master of my own actions, I had formed the design
      of visiting England, whither I was called by some private business.
      However, I was fully aware of the peculiarity of my situation, and I was
      resolved to take no step that should in any way justify a reproach.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of January I therefore wrote to Duroc:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   My affairs require my presence in England for some time. I beg of
   you, my dear Duroc, to mention my intended journey to the First
   Consul, as I do not wish to do anything inconsistent with his views.
   I would rather sacrifice my own interest than displease him. I rely
   on your friendship for an early answer to this, for uncertainty
   would be fatal to me in many respects.
</pre>
    <p>
      The answer, which speedily arrived, was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MY DEAR BOURRIENNE&mdash;I have presented to the First Consul the letter
   I just received from you. He read it, and said, "No!"

   That is the only answer I can give you. (Signed) DUROC.
</pre>
    <p>
      This monosyllable was expressive. It proved to me that Bonaparte was
      conscious how ill he had treated me; and, suspecting that I was actuated
      by the desire of vengeance, he was afraid of my going to England, lest I
      should there take advantage of that liberty of the press which he had so
      effectually put down in France. He probably imagined that my object was to
      publish statements which would more effectually have enlightened the
      public respecting his government and designs than all the scandalous
      anecdotes, atrocious calumnies, and ridiculous fabrications of Pelletier,
      the editor of the 'Ambigu'. But Bonaparte was much deceived in this
      supposition; and if there can remain any doubt on that subject, it will be
      removed on referring to the date of these Memoirs, and observing the time
      at which I consented to publish them.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was not deceived as to the reasons of Bonaparte's unceremonious refusal
      of my application; and as I well knew his inquisitorial character, I
      thought it prudent to conceal my notes. I acted differently from Camoens.
      He contended with the sea to preserve his manuscripts; I made the earth
      the depository of mine. I carefully enclosed my most valuable notes and
      papers in a tin box, which I buried under ground. A yellow tinge, the
      commencement of decay, has in some places almost obliterated the writing.
    </p>
    <p>
      It will be seen in the sequel that my precaution was not useless, and that
      I was right in anticipating the persecution of Bonaparte, provoked by the
      malice of my enemies. On the 20th of April Duroc sent me the following
      note:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I beg, my dear Bourrienne, that you will come to St. Cloud this
   morning. I have something to tell you on the part of the First
   Consul.
                  (Signed) DUROC.
</pre>
    <p>
      This note caused me much anxiety. I could not doubt but that my enemies
      had invented some new calumny; but I must say that I did not expect such
      baseness as I experienced.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as Duroc had made me acquainted with the business which the First
      Consul had directed him to communicate, I wrote on the spot the subjoined
      letter to Bonaparte:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   At General Duroc's desire I have this moment waited upon him, and he
   informs me that you have received notice that a deficit of 100,000
   francs has been discovered in the Treasury of the Navy, which you
   require me to refund this day at noon.

   Citizen First Consul, I know not what this means! I am utterly
   ignorant of the matter. I solemnly declare to you that this charge
   is a most infamous calumny. It is one more to be added to the
   number of those malicious charges which have been invented for the
   purpose of destroying any influence I might possess with you.

   I am in General Duroc's apartment, where I await your orders.
</pre>
    <p>
      Duroc carried my note to the First Consul as soon as it was written. He
      speedily returned. "All's right!" said he. "He has directed me to say it
      was entirely a mistake!&mdash;that he is now convinced he was deceived!
      that he is sorry for the business, and hopes no more will be said about
      it."
    </p>
    <p>
      The base flatterers who surrounded Bonaparte wished him to renew his
      Egyptian extortions upon me; but they should have recollected that the
      fusillade employed in Egypt for the purpose of raising money was no longer
      the fashion in France, and that the days were gone by when it was the
      custom to 'grease the wheels of the revolutionary car.'
    </p>
    <p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVII.
    </h2>

      1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The First Consul's presentiments respecting the duration of peace&mdash;
   England's uneasiness at the prosperity of France&mdash;Bonaparte's real
   wish for war&mdash;Concourse of foreigners in Paris&mdash;Bad faith of
   England&mdash;Bonaparte and Lord Whitworth&mdash;Relative position of France
   and England-Bonaparte's journey to the seaboard departments&mdash;
   Breakfast at Compiegne&mdash;Father Berton&mdash;Irritation excited by the
   presence of Bouquet&mdash;Father Berton's derangement and death&mdash;Rapp
   ordered to send for me&mdash;Order countermanded.
</pre>
    <p>
      The First Consul never anticipated a long peace with England. He wished
      for peace merely because, knowing it to be ardently desired by the people,
      after ten years of war he thought it would increase his popularity and
      afford him the opportunity of laying the foundation of his government.
      Peace was as necessary to enable him to conquer the throne of France as
      war was essential to secure it, and to enlarge its base at the expense of
      the other thrones of Europe. This was the secret of the peace of Amiens,
      and of the rupture which so suddenly followed, though that rupture
      certainly took place sooner than the First Consul wished. On the great
      questions of peace and war Bonaparte entertained elevated ideas; but in
      discussions on the subject he always declared himself in favour of war.
      When told of the necessities of the people, of the advantages of peace,
      its influence on trade, the arts, national industry, and every branch of
      public prosperity, he did not attempt to deny the argument; indeed, he
      concurred in it; but he remarked, that all those advantages were only
      conditional, so long as England was able to throw the weight of her navy
      into the scale of the world, and to exercise the influence of her gold in
      all the Cabinets of Europe. Peace must be broken; since it was evident
      that England was determined to break it. Why not anticipate her? Why allow
      her to have all the advantages of the first step? We must astonish Europe!
      We must thwart the policy of the Continent! We must strike a great and
      unexpected blow. Thus reasoned the First Consul, and every one may judge
      whether his actions agreed with his sentiments.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conduct of England too well justified the foresight of Bonaparte's
      policy; or rather England, by neglecting to execute her treaties, played
      into Bonaparte's hand, favoured his love for war, and justified the prompt
      declaration of hostilities in the eyes of the French nation, whom he
      wished to persuade that if peace were broken it would be against his
      wishes. England was already at work with the powerful machinery of her
      subsidies, and the veil beneath which she attempted to conceal her
      negotiations was still sufficiently transparent for the lynx eye of the
      First Consul. It was in the midst of peace that all those plots were
      hatched, while millions who had no knowledge of their existence were
      securely looking forward to uninterrupted repose.
    </p>
    <p>
      Since the Revolution Paris had never presented such a spectacle as during
      the winter of 1802-3. At that time the concourse of foreigners in the
      French capital was immense. Everything wore the appearance of
      satisfaction, and the external signs of public prosperity. The visible
      regeneration in French society exceedingly annoyed the British Ministry.
      The English who flocked to the Continent discovered France to be very
      different from what she was described to be by the English papers. This
      caused serious alarm on the other side of the Channel, and the English
      Government endeavoured by unjust complaints to divert attention from just
      dissatisfaction, which its own secret intrigues excited. The King of
      England sent a message to Parliament, in which he spoke of armaments
      preparing in the ports of France, and of the necessity of adopting
      precautions against meditated aggressions. This instance of bad faith
      highly irritated the First Consul, who one day, in a fit of displeasure,
      thus addressed Lord Whitworth in the salon, where all the foreign
      Ambassadors were assembled:
    </p>
    <p>
      "What is the meaning of this? Are you then tired of peace? Must Europe
      again be deluged with blood? Preparations for war indeed! Do you think to
      overawe us by this? You shall see that France may be conquered, perhaps
      destroyed, but never intimidated&mdash;never!"
    </p>
    <p>
      The English Ambassador was astounded at this unexpected sally, to which he
      made no reply. He contented himself with writing to his Government an
      account of an interview in which the First Consul had so far forgotten
      himself,-whether purposely or not I do not pretend to say.
    </p>
    <p>
      That England wished for war there could be no doubt. She occupied Malta,
      it is true, but she had promised to give it up, though she never had any
      intention of doing so. She was to have evacuated Egypt, yet there she
      still remained; the Cape of Good Hope was to have been surrendered, but
      she still retained possession of it. England had signed, at Amiens, a
      peace which she had no intention of maintaining. She knew the hatred of
      the Cabinets of Europe towards France, and she was sure, by her intrigues
      and subsidies, of arming them on her side whenever her plans reached
      maturity. She saw France powerful and influential in Europe, and she knew
      the ambitious views of the First Consul, who, indeed, had taken little
      pains to conceal them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul, who had reckoned on a longer duration of the peace of
      Amiens, found himself at the rupture of the treaty in an embarrassing
      situation. The numerous grants of furloughs, the deplorable condition of
      the cavalry, and the temporary absence of artillery, in consequence of a
      project for refounding all the field-pieces, caused much anxiety to
      Bonaparte. He had recourse to the conscription to fill up the deficiencies
      of the army; and the project of refounding the artillery was abandoned.
      Supplies of money were obtained from the large towns, and Hanover, which
      was soon after occupied, furnished abundance of good horses for mounting
      the cavalry.
    </p>
    <p>
      War had now become inevitable; and as soon as it was declared the First
      Consul set out to visit Belgium and the seaboard departments to ascertain
      the best means of resisting the anticipated attacks of the English. In
      passing through Compiegne he received a visit from Father Berton, formerly
      principal of the military school of Brienne. He was then rector of the
      school of arts at Compiegne, a situation in which he had been placed by
      Bonaparte. I learned the particulars of this visit through Josephine.
      Father Berton, whose primitive simplicity of manner was unchanged since
      the time when he held us under the authority of his ferule, came to invite
      Bonaparte and Josephine to breakfast with him, which invitation was
      accepted. Father Berton had at that time living with him one of our old
      comrades of Brienne, named Bouquet; but he expressly forbade him to show
      himself to Bonaparte or any one of his suite, because Bouquet, who had
      been a commissary at headquarters in Italy, was in disgrace with the First
      Consul. Bouquet promised to observe Father Berton's injunctions, but was
      far from keeping his promise. As soon as he saw Bonaparte's carriage drive
      up, he ran to the door and gallantly handed out Josephine. Josephine, as
      she took his hand, said, "Bouquet,&mdash;you have ruined yourself!"
      Bonaparte, indignant at what he considered an unwarrantable familiarity,
      gave way to one of his uncontrollable fits of passion, and as soon as he
      entered the room where the breakfast was laid, he seated himself, and then
      said to his wife in an imperious tone, "Josephine, sit there!" He then
      commenced breakfast, without telling Father Becton to sit down, although a
      third plate had been laid for him. Father Becton stood behind his old
      pupil's chair apparently confounded at his violence. The scene produced
      such an effect on the old man that he became incapable of discharging his
      duties at Compiegne. He retired to Rheims, and his intellect soon after
      became deranged. I do not pretend to say whether this alienation of mind
      was caused by the occurrence I have just related, and the account of which
      I received from Josephine. She was deeply afflicted at what had passed.
      Father Berton died insane. What I heard from Josephine was afterwards
      confirmed by the brother of Father Becton. The fact is, that in proportion
      as Bonaparte acquired power he was the more annoyed at the familiarity of
      old companions; and, indeed, I must confess that their familiarity often
      appeared very ridiculous.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul's visit to the northern coast took place towards the end
      of the year 1803, at which time the English attacked the Dutch settlements
      of Surinam, Demerara, and Essequibo, and a convention of neutrality was
      concluded between France, Spain, and Portugal. Rapp accompanied the First
      Consul, who attentively inspected the preparations making for a descent on
      England, which it was never his intention to effect, as will be shortly
      shown.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the First Consul's return I learned from Rapp that I had been spoken of
      during the journey, and in the following way:&mdash;Bonaparte, being at
      Boulogne, wanted some information which no one there could give, him.
      Vexed at receiving no satisfactory answer to his inquiries he called Rapp,
      and said, "Do you know, Rapp, where Bourrienne is?"&mdash;"General, he is
      in Paris."&mdash;"Write to him to come here immediately, and send off one
      of my couriers with the letter." The rumour of the First Consul's sudden
      recollection of me spread like lightning, and the time required to write
      the letter and despatch the courier was more than sufficient for the
      efforts of those whom my return was calculated to alarm. Artful
      representations soon checked these spontaneous symptoms of a return to
      former feelings and habits. When Rapp carried to the First Consul the
      letter he had been directed to write the order was countermanded. However,
      Rapp advised me not to leave Paris, or if I did, to mention the place
      where I might be found, so that Duroc might have it in his power to seize
      on any favourable circumstance without delay. I was well aware of the
      friendship of both Rapp and Duroc, and they could as confidently rely on
      mine.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVIII.
    </h2>

      1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Vast works undertaken&mdash;The French and the Roman soldiers&mdash;Itinerary
   of Bonaparte's journeys to the coast&mdash;Twelve hours on horseback&mdash;
   Discussions in Council&mdash;Opposition of Truguet&mdash;Bonaparte'a opinion
   on the point under discussion&mdash;Two divisions of the world&mdash;Europe a
   province&mdash;Bonaparte's jealousy of the dignity of France&mdash;The
   Englishman in the dockyard of Brest&mdash;Public audience at the
   Tuilleries&mdash;The First Consul's remarks upon England&mdash;His wish to
   enjoy the good opinion of the English people&mdash;Ball at Malmaison&mdash;
   Lines on Hortense's dancing&mdash;Singular motive for giving the ball.
</pre>
    <p>
      At the time of the rupture with England Bonaparte was, as I have
      mentioned, quite unprepared in most branches of the service; yet
      everything was created as if by magic, and he seemed to impart to others a
      share of his own incredible activity. It is inconceivable how many things
      had been undertaken and executed since the rupture of the peace. The north
      coast of France presented the appearance of one vast arsenal; for
      Bonaparte on this occasion employed his troops like Roman soldiers, and
      made the tools of the artisan succeed to the arms of the warrior.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his frequent journeys to the coast Bonaparte usually set off at night,
      and on the following morning arrived at the post office of Chantilly,
      where he breakfasted. Rapp, whom I often saw when he was in Paris, talked
      incessantly of these journeys, for he almost always accompanied the First
      Consul, and it would have been well had he always been surrounded by such
      men. In the evening the First Consul supped at Abbeville, and arrived
      early next day at the bridge of Brique. "It would require constitutions of
      iron to go through what we do," said Rapp. "We no sooner alight from the
      carriage than we mount on horseback, and sometimes remain in our saddles
      for ten or twelve hours successively. The First Consul inspects and
      examines everything, often talks with the soldiers. How he is beloved by
      them! When shall we pay a visit to London with those brave fellows?"
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding these continual journeys the First Consul never neglected
      any of the business of government, and was frequently present at the
      deliberations of the Council. I was still with him when the question as to
      the manner in which the treaties of peace should be concluded came under
      the consideration of the Council. Some members, among whom Truguet was
      conspicuous, were of opinion that, conformably with an article of the
      Constitution, the treaties should be proposed by the Head of the
      Government, submitted to the Legislative Body, and after being agreed to
      promulgated as part of the laws. Bonaparte thought differently. I was
      entirely of his opinion, and he said to me, "It is for the mere pleasure
      of opposition that they appeal to the Constitution, for if the
      Constitution says so it is absurd. There are some things which cannot
      become the subject of discussion in a public assembly; for instance, if I
      treat with Austria, and my Ambassador agrees to certain conditions, can
      those conditions be rejected by the Legislative Body? It is a monstrous
      absurdity! Things would be brought to a fine pass in this way! Lucchesini
      and Markow would give dinners every day like Cambacérès; scatter their
      money about, buy men who are to be sold, and thus cause our propositions
      to be rejected. This would be a fine way to manage matters!"
    </p>
    <p>
      When Bonaparte, according to his custom, talked to me in the evening of
      what had passed in the Council, his language was always composed of a
      singular mixture of quotations from antiquity, historical references, and
      his own ideas. He talked about the Romans, and I remember when Mr. Fox was
      at Paris that he tried to distinguish himself before that Foreign
      Minister, whom he greatly esteemed. In his enlarged way of viewing the
      world Bonaparte divided it into two large states, the East and the West:
      "What matters," he would often say, "that two countries are separated by
      rivers or mountains, that they speak different languages? With very slight
      shades of variety France, Spain, England, Italy, and Germany, have the
      same manners and customs, the same religion, and the same dress. In them a
      man can only marry one wife; slavery is not allowed; and these are the
      great distinctions which divide the civilised inhabitants of the globe.
      With the exception of Turkey, Europe is merely a province of the world,
      and our warfare is but civil strife. There is also another way of dividing
      nations, namely, by land and water." Then he would touch on all the
      European interests, speak of Russia, whose alliance he wished for, and of
      England, the mistress of the seas. He usually ended by alluding to what
      was then his favourite scheme&mdash;an expedition to India.
    </p>
    <p>
      When from these general topics Bonaparte descended to the particular
      interests of France, he still spoke like a sovereign; and I may truly say
      that he showed himself more jealous than any sovereign ever was of the
      dignity of France, of which he already considered himself the sole
      representative. Having learned that a captain of the English navy had
      visited the dockyard of Brest passing himself off as a merchant, whose
      passport he had borrowed, he flew into a rage because no one had ventured
      to arrest him.&mdash;[see James' Naval History for an account of Sir
      Sidney Smith's daring exploit.]&mdash;Nothing was lost on Bonaparte, and
      he made use of this fact to prove to the Council of State the necessity of
      increasing the number of commissary-generals of police. At a meeting of
      the Council he said, "If there had been a commissary of police at Brest he
      would have arrested the English captain and sent him at once to Paris. As
      he was acting the part of a spy I would have had him shot as such. No
      Englishman, not even a nobleman, or the English Ambassador, should be
      admitted into our dockyards. I will soon regulate all this." He afterwards
      said to me, "There are plenty of wretches who are selling me every day to
      the English without my being subjected to English spying."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[During the short and hollow peace of Amiens Bonaparte sent over
   to England as consuls and vice-consuls, a number of engineers and
   military men, who were instructed to make plans of all the harbours
   and coasts of the United Kingdom. They worked in secrecy, yet not
   so secretly but that they were soon suspected: the facts were
   proved, and they were sent out of the country without ceremony.&mdash;
   Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He had on one occasion said before an assemblage of generals, senators,
      and high officers of State, who were at an audience of the Diplomatic
      Body, "The English think that I am afraid of war, but I am not." And here
      the truth escaped him, in spite of himself. "My power will lose nothing by
      war. In a very short time I can have 2,000,000 of men at my disposal. What
      has been the result of the first war? The union of Belgium and Piedmont to
      France. This is greatly to our advantage; it will consolidate our system.
      France shall not be restrained by foreign fetters. England has manifestly
      violated the treaties! It would be better to render homage to the King of
      England, and crown him King of France at Paris, than to submit to the
      insolent caprices of the English Government. If, for the sake of
      preserving peace, at most for only two months longer, I should yield on a
      single point, the English would become the more treacherous and insolent,
      and would enact the more in proportion as we yield. But they little know
      me! Were we to yield to England now, she would next prohibit our
      navigation in certain parts of the world. She would insist on the
      surrender of our ships. I know not what she would not demand; but I am not
      the man to brook such indignities. Since England wishes for war she shall
      have it, and that speedily!"
    </p>
    <p>
      On the same day Bonaparte said a great deal more about the treachery of
      England. The gross calumnies to which he was exposed in the London
      newspapers powerfully contributed to increase his natural hatred of the
      liberty of the press; and he was much astonished that such attacks could
      be made upon him by English subjects when he was at peace with the English
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had one day a singular proof of the importance which Bonaparte attached
      to the opinion of the English people respecting any misconduct that was
      attributed to him. What I am about to state will afford another example of
      Bonaparte's disposition to employ petty and roundabout means to gain his
      ends. He gave a ball at Malmaison when Hortense was in the seventh month
      of her pregnancy.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This refers to the first son of Louis and of Hortense, Napoleon
   Charles, the intended successor of Napoleon, who was born 1802, died
   1807, elder brother of Napoleon III.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I have already mentioned that he disliked to see women in that situation,
      and above all could not endure to see them dance. Yet, in spite of this
      antipathy, he himself asked Hortense to dance at the ball at Malmaison.
      She at first declined, but Bonaparte was exceedingly importunate, and said
      to her in a tone of good-humoured persuasion, "Do, I beg of you; I
      particularly wish to see you dance. Come, stand up, to oblige me."
      Hortense at last consented. The motive for this extraordinary request I
      will now explain.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day after the ball one of the newspapers contained some verses on
      Hortense's dancing. She was exceedingly annoyed at this, and when the
      paper arrived at Malmaison she expressed, displeasure at it. Even allowing
      for all the facility of our newspaper wits, she was nevertheless at a loss
      to understand how the lines could have been written and printed respecting
      a circumstance which only occurred the night before. Bonaparte smiled, and
      gave her no distinct answer. When Hortense knew that I was alone in the
      cabinet she came in and asked me to explain the matter; and seeing no
      reason to conceal the truth, I told her that the lines had been written by
      Bonaparte's direction before the ball took place. I added, what indeed was
      the fact, that the ball had been prepared for the verses, and that it was
      only for the appropriateness of their application that the First Consul
      had pressed her to dance. He adopted this strange contrivance for
      contradicting an article which appeared in an English journal announcing
      that Hortense was delivered. Bonaparte was highly indignant at that
      premature announcement, which he clearly saw was made for the sole purpose
      of giving credit to the scandalous rumours of his imputed connection with
      Hortense. Such were the petty machinations which not unfrequently found
      their place in a mind in which the grandest schemes were revolving.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIX.
    </h2>

      1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Mr. Pitt&mdash;Motive of his going out of office&mdash;Error of the English
   Government&mdash;Pretended regard for the Bourbons&mdash;Violation of the
   treaty of Amiens&mdash;Reciprocal accusations&mdash;Malta&mdash;Lord Whitworth's
   departure&mdash;Rome and Carthage&mdash;Secret satisfaction of Bonaparte&mdash;
   Message to the Senate, the Legislative Body, and the Tribunate&mdash;
   The King of England's renunciation of the title of King of France&mdash;
   Complaints of the English Government&mdash;French agents in British ports
   &mdash;Views of France upon Turkey&mdash;Observation made by Bonaparte to the
   Legislative Body&mdash;Its false interpretation&mdash;Conquest of Hanover&mdash;
   The Duke of Cambridge caricatured&mdash;The King of England and the
   Elector of Hanover&mdash;First address to the clergy&mdash;Use of the word
   "Monsieur"&mdash;The Republican weeks and months.
</pre>
    <p>
      One of the circumstances which foretold the brief duration of the peace of
      Amiens was, that Mr. Pitt was out of office at the time of its conclusion.
      I mentioned this to Bonaparte, and I immediately perceived by his hasty
      "What do you say?" that my observation had been heard&mdash;but not liked.
      It did not, however, require any extraordinary shrewdness to see the true
      motive of Mr. Pitt's retirement. That distinguished statesman conceived
      that a truce under the name of a peace was indispensable for England; but,
      intending to resume the war with France more fiercely than ever, he for a
      while retired from office, and left to others the task of arranging the
      peace; but his intention was to mark his return to the ministry by the
      renewal of the implacable hatred he had vowed against France. Still, I
      have always thought that the conclusion of peace, however necessary to
      England, was an error of the Cabinet of London. England alone had never
      before acknowledged any of the governments which had risen up in France
      since the Revolution; and as the past could not be blotted out, a future
      war, however successful to England, could not take from Bonaparte's
      Government the immense weight it had acquired by an interval of peace.
      Besides, by the mere fact of the conclusion of the treaty England proved
      to all Europe that the restoration of the Bourbons was merely a pretext,
      and she defaced that page of her history which might have shown that she
      was actuated by nobler and more generous sentiments than mere hatred of
      France. It is very certain that the condescension of England in treating
      with the First Consul had the effect of rallying round him a great many
      partisans of the Bourbons, whose hopes entirely depended on the
      continuance of war between Great Britain and France. This opened the eyes
      of the greater number, namely, those who could not see below the surface,
      and were not previously aware that the demonstrations of friendship so
      liberally made to the Bourbons by the European Cabinets, and especially by
      England, were merely false pretences, assumed for the purpose of
      disguising, beneath the semblance of honourable motives, their wish to
      injure France, and to oppose her rapidly increasing power.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the misunderstanding took place, France and England might have
      mutually reproached each other, but justice was apparently on the side of
      France. It was evident that England, by refusing to evacuate Malta, was
      guilty of a palpable infraction of the treaty of Amiens, while England
      could only institute against France what in the French law language is
      called a suit or process of tendency. But it must be confessed that this
      tendency on the part of France to augment her territory was very evident,
      for the Consular decrees made conquests more promptly than the sword. The
      union of Piedmont with France had changed the state of Europe. This union,
      it is true, was effected previously to the treaty of Amiens; but it was
      not so with the states of Parma and Piacenza, Bonaparte having by his sole
      authority constituted himself the heir of the Grand Duke, recently
      deceased. It may therefore be easily imagined how great was England's
      uneasiness at the internal prosperity of France and the insatiable
      ambition of her ruler; but it is no less certain that, with respect to
      Malta, England acted with decidedly bad faith; and this bad faith appeared
      in its worst light from the following circumstance:&mdash;It had been
      stipulated that England should withdraw her troops from Malta three months
      after the signing of the treaty, yet more than a year had elapsed, and the
      troops were still there. The order of Malta was to be restored as it
      formerly was; that is to say, it was to be a sovereign and independent
      order, under the protection of the Holy See. The three Cabinets of Vienna,
      Berlin, and St. Petersburg were to guarantee the execution of the treaty
      of Amiens. The English Ambassador, to excuse the evasions of his
      Government, pretended that the Russian Cabinet concurred with England in
      the delayed fulfilment of the conditions of the treaty; but at the very
      moment he was making that excuse a courier arrived from the Cabinet of St.
      Petersburg bearing despatches completely, at variance with the assertion
      of Lord Whitworth. His lordship left Paris on the night of the 12th May
      1803, and the English Government, unsolicited, sent passports to the
      French embassy in London. The news of this sudden rupture made the English
      console fall four per cent., but did not immediately produce such a
      retrograde effect on the French funds, which were then quoted at
      fifty-five francs;&mdash;a very high point, when it is recollected that
      they were at seven or eight francs on the eve of the 18th Brumaire.
    </p>
    <p>
      In this state of things France proposed to the English Government to admit
      of the mediation of Russia; but as England had declared war in order to
      repair the error she committed in concluding peace, the proposition was of
      course rejected. Thus the public gave the First Consul credit for great
      moderation and a sincere wish for peace. Thus arose between England and
      France a contest resembling those furious wars which marked the reigns of
      King John and Charles VII. Our beaux esprits drew splendid comparisons
      between the existing state of things and the ancient rivalry of Carthage
      and Rome, and sapiently concluded that, as Carthage fell, England must do
      so likewise.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was at St. Cloud when Lord Whitworth left Paris. A fortnight was
      spent in useless attempts to renew negotiations. War, therefore, was the
      only alternative. Before he made his final preparations the First Consul
      addressed a message to the Senate, the Legislative Body, and the
      Tribunate. In this message he mentioned the recall of the English
      Ambassador, the breaking out of hostilities, the unexpected message of the
      King of England to his Parliament, and the armaments which immediately
      ensued in the British ports. "In vain," he said, "had France tried every
      means to induce England to abide by the treaty. She had repelled every
      overture, and increased the insolence of her demands. France," he added,
      "will not submit to menaces, but will combat for the faith of treaties,
      and the honour of the French name, confidently trusting that the result of
      the contest will be such as she has a right to expect from the justice of
      her cause and the courage of her people."
    </p>
    <p>
      This message was dignified, and free from that vein of boasting in which
      Bonaparte so frequently indulged. The reply of the Senate was accompanied
      by a vote of a ship of the line, to be paid for out of the Senatorial
      salaries. With his usual address Bonaparte, in acting for himself, spoke
      in the name of the people, just as he did in the question of the Consulate
      for life. But what he then did for his own interests turned to the future
      interests of the Bourbons. The very treaty which had just been broken off
      gave rise to a curious observation. Bonaparte, though not yet a sovereign,
      peremptorily required the King of England to renounce the empty title of
      King of France, which was kept up as if to imply that old pretensions were
      not yet renounced. The proposition was acceded to, and to this
      circumstance was owing the disappearance of the title of King of France
      from among the titles of the King of England, when the treaty of Paris was
      concluded on the return of the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first grievance complained of by England was the prohibition of
      English merchandise, which had been more rigid since the peace than during
      the war. The avowal of Great Britain on this point might well have enabled
      her to dispense with any other subject of complaint; for the truth is, she
      was alarmed at the aspect of our internal prosperity, and at the impulse
      given to our manufactures. The English Government had hoped to obtain from
      the First Consul such a commercial treaty as would have proved a
      death-blow to our rising trade; but Bonaparte opposed this, and from the
      very circumstance of his refusal he might easily have foreseen the rupture
      at which he affected to be surprised. What I state I felt at the time,
      when I read with great interest all the documents relative to this great
      dispute between the two rival nations, which eleven years afterwards was
      decided before the walls of Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was evidently disappointment in regard to a commercial treaty which
      created the animosity of the English Government, as that circumstance was
      alluded to, by way of reproach, in the King of England's declaration. In
      that document it was complained that France had sent a number of persona
      into the ports of Great Britain and Ireland in the character of commercial
      agents, which character, and the privileges belonging to it, they could
      only have acquired by a commercial treaty. Such was, in my opinion, the
      real cause of the complaints of England; but as it would have seemed too
      absurd to make it the ground of a declaration of war, she enumerated other
      grievances, viz., the union of Piedmont and of the states of Parma and
      Piacenza with France, and the continuance of the French troops in Holland.
      A great deal was said about the views and projects of France with respect
      to Turkey, and this complaint originated in General Sebastiani's mission
      to Egypt. On that point I can take upon me to say that the English
      Government was not misinformed. Bonaparte too frequently spoke to me of
      his ideas respecting the East, and his project of attacking the English
      power in India, to leave any doubt of his ever having renounced them. The
      result of all the reproaches which the two Governments addressed to each
      other was, that neither acted with good faith.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul, in a communication to the Legislative Body on the state
      of France and on her foreign relations; had said, "England, single-handed,
      cannot cope with France." This sufficed to irritate the susceptibility of
      English pride, and the British Cabinet affected to regard it as a threat.
      However, it was no such thing. When Bonaparte threatened, his words were
      infinitely more energetic. The passage above cited was merely an assurance
      to France; and if we only look at the past efforts and sacrifices made by
      England to stir up enemies to France on the Continent, we may be justified
      in supposing that her anger at Bonaparte's declaration arose from a
      conviction of its truth. Singly opposed to France, England could doubtless
      have done her much harm, especially by assailing the scattered remnants of
      her navy; but she could have done nothing against France on the Continent.
      The two powers, unaided by allies, might have continued long at war
      without any considerable acts of hostility.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first effect of the declaration of war by England was the invasion of
      Hanover by the French troops under General Mortier. The telegraphic
      despatch by which this news was communicated to Paris was as laconic as
      correct, and contained, in a few words, the complete history of the
      expedition. It ran as follows: "The French are masters of the Electorate
      of Hanover, and the enemy's army are made prisoners of war." A day or two
      after the shop windows of the print-sellers were filled with caricatures
      on the English, and particularly on the Duke of Cambridge. I recollect
      seeing one in which the Duke was represented reviewing his troops mounted
      on a crab. I mention these trifles because, as I was then living entirely
      at leisure, in the Rue Hauteville, I used frequently to take a stroll on
      the Boulevards, where I was sometimes much amused with these prints; and I
      could not help remarking, that in large cities such trifles have more
      influence on the public mind than is usually supposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul thought the taking of the prisoners in Hanover a good
      opportunity to exchange them for those taken from us by the English navy.
      A proposition to this effect was accordingly made; but the English Cabinet
      was of opinion that, though the King of England was also Elector of
      Hanover, yet there was no identity between the two Governments, of both
      which George III. was the head. In consequence of this subtle distinction
      the proposition for the exchange of prisoners fell to the ground. At this
      period nothing could exceed the animosity of the two Governments towards
      each other, and Bonaparte, on the declaration of war, marked his
      indignation by an act which no consideration can justify; I allude to the
      order for the arrest of all the English in France&mdash;a truly barbarious
      measure; for; can anything be more cruel and unjust than to visit
      individuals with the vengeance due to the Government whose subjects they
      may happen to be? But Bonaparte, when under the influence of anger, was
      never troubled by scruples.
    </p>
    <p>
      I must here notice the fulfilment of a remark Bonaparte often made, use of
      to me during the Consulate. "You shall see, Bourrienne," he would say,
      "what use I will make of the priests."
    </p>
    <p>
      War being declared, the First Consul, in imitation of the most Christian
      kings of olden times, recommended the success of his arms to the prayers
      of the faithful through the medium of the clergy. To this end he addressed
      a circular letter, written in royal style, to the Cardinals, Archbishops,
      and Bishops of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MONSIEUR&mdash;The motives of the present war are known throughout
   Europe. The bad faith of the King of England, who has violated his
   treaties by refusing to restore Malta to the order of St. John of
   Jerusalem, and attacked our merchant vessels without a previous
   declaration of war, together with the necessity of a just defence,
   forced us to have recourse to arms. I therefore wish you to order
   prayers to be offered up, in order to obtain the benediction of
   Heaven on our enterprises. The proofs I have received of your zeal
   for the public service give me an assurance of your readiness to
   conform with my wishes.

   Given at St. Cloud, 18 Prairial, an XI. (7th June 1803).

                    (Signed) BONAPARTE.
</pre>
    <p>
      This letter was remarkable in more than one respect. It astonished most of
      his old brothers-in-arms, who turned it into ridicule; observing that
      Bonaparte needed no praying to enable him to conquer Italy twice over. The
      First Consul, however, let them laugh on, and steadily followed the line
      he had traced out. His letter was admirably calculated to please the Court
      of Rome, which he wished should consider him in the light of another elder
      son of the Church. The letter was, moreover, remarkable for the use of the
      word "Monsieur," which the First Consul now employed for the first time in
      an act destined for publicity. This circumstance would seem to indicate
      that he considered Republican designations incompatible with the forms due
      to the clergy: the clergy were especially interested in the restoration of
      monarchy. It may, perhaps, be thought that I dwell too much on trifles;
      but I lived long enough in Bonaparte's confidence to know the importance
      he attached to trifles. The First Consul restored the old names of the
      days of the week, while he allowed the names of the months, as set down in
      the Republican calendar, to remain. He commenced by ordering the Moniteur
      to be dated "Saturday," such a day of "Messidor." "See," said he one day,
      "was there ever such an inconsistency? We shall be laughed at! But I will
      do away with the Messidor. I will efface all the inventions of the
      Jacobins."
    </p>
    <p>
      The clergy did not disappoint the expectations of the First Consul. They
      owed him much already, and hoped for still more from him. The letter to
      the Bishops, etc., was the signal for a number of circulars full of
      eulogies on Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      These compliments were far from displeasing to the First Consul, who had
      no objection to flattery though he despised those who meanly made
      themselves the medium of conveying it to him. Duroc once told me that they
      had all great difficulty in preserving their gravity when the cure of a
      parish in Abbeville addressed Bonaparte one day while he was on his
      journey to the coast. "Religion," said the worthy cure, with pompous
      solemnity, "owes to you all that it is, we owe to you all that we are; and
      I, too, owe to you all that I am."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Not so fulsome as some of the terms used a year later when
   Napoleon was made Emperor. "I am what I am," was placed over a seat
   prepared for the Emperor. One phrase, "God made Napoleon and then
   rested," drew from Narbonne the sneer that it would have been better
   if the Deity had rested sooner. "Bonaparte," says Joseph de
   Maistre, "has had himself described in his papers as the 'Messenger
   of God.' Nothing more true. Bonaparte comes straight from heaven,
   like a thunderbolt." (Saints-Benve, Caureries, tome iv. p. 203.)]
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XX.
    </h2>

      1803.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Presentation of Prince Borghese to Bonaparte&mdash;Departure for Belgium
   Revival of a royal custom&mdash;The swans of Amiens&mdash;Change of formula
   in the acts of Government&mdash;Company of performers in Bonaparte's
   suite&mdash;Revival of old customs&mdash;Division of the institute into four
   classes&mdash;Science and literature&mdash;Bonaparte's hatred of literary men
   &mdash;Ducis&mdash;Bernardin de Saint-Pierre&mdash;Chenier and Lemercier&mdash;
   Explanation of Bonaparte's aversion to literature&mdash;Lalande and his
   dictionary&mdash;Education in the hands of Government&mdash;M. de Roquelaure,
   Archbishop of Malines.
</pre>
    <p>
      In the month of April 1803 Prince Borghese, who was destined one day to
      become Bonaparte's brother-in-law by marrying the widow of Leclerc, was
      introduced to the First Consul by Cardinal Caprara.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the end of June Bonaparte proceeded, with Josephine, on his journey
      to Belgium and the seaboard departments. Many curious circumstances were
      connected with this journey, of which I was informed by Duroc after the
      First Consul's return. Bonaparte left Paris on the 24th of June, and
      although it was not for upwards of a year afterwards that his brow was
      encircled with the imperial-diadem, everything connected with the journey
      had an imperial air. It was formerly the custom, when the Kings of France
      entered the ancient capital of Picardy, for the town of Amiens to offer
      them in homage some beautiful swans. Care was taken to revive this custom,
      which pleased Bonaparte greatly, because it was treating him like a King.
      The swans were accepted, and sent to Paris to be placed in the basin of
      the Tuileries, in order to show the Parisians the royal homage which the
      First Consul received when absent from the capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was also during this journey that Bonaparte began to date his decrees
      from the places through which he passed. He had hitherto left a great
      number of signatures in Paris, in order that he might be present, as it
      were, even during his absence, by the acts of his Government. Hitherto
      public acts had been signed in the name of the Consuls of the Republic.
      Instead of this formula, he substituted the name of the Government of the
      Republic. By means of this variation, unimportant as it might appear, the
      Government was always in the place where the First Consul happened to be.
      The two other Consuls were now mere nullities, even in appearance. The
      decrees of the Government, which Cambacérès signed during the campaign of
      Marengo, were now issued from all the towns of France and Belgium which
      the First Consul visited during his six weeks' journey. Having thus
      centred the sole authority of the Republic in himself, the performers of
      the theatre of the Republic became, by a natural consequence, his; and it
      was quite natural that they should travel in his suite, to entertain the
      inhabitants of the towns in which he stopped by their performances. But
      this was not all. He encouraged the renewal of a host of ancient customs.
      He sanctioned the revival of the festival of Joan of Arc at Orleans, and
      he divided the Institute into four classes, with the intention of
      recalling the recollection of the old academies, the names of which,
      however, he rejected, in spite of the wishes and intrigues of Suard and
      the Abby Morellet, who had gained over Lucien upon this point.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, the First Consul did not give to the classes of the Institute the
      rank which they formerly possessed as academies. He placed the class of
      sciences in the first rank, and the old French Academy in the second rank.
      It must be acknowledged that, considering the state of literature and
      science at that period, the First Consul did not make a wrong estimate of
      their importance.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although the literature of France could boast of many men of great talent,
      such as La Harpe, who died during the Consulate, Ducis, Bernardin de
      Saint-Pierre, Chenier, and Lemercier, yet they could not be compared with
      Lagrange, Laplace, Monge, Fourcroy, Berthollet, and Cuvier, whose labours
      have so prodigiously extended the limits of human knowledge. No one,
      therefore, could murmur at seeing the class of sciences in the Institute
      take precedence of its elder sister. Besides, the First Consul was not
      sorry to show, by this arrangement, the slight estimation in which he held
      literary men. When he spoke to me respecting them he called them mere
      manufacturers of phrases. He could not pardon them for excelling him in a
      pursuit in which he had no claim to distinction. I never knew a man more
      insensible than Bonaparte to the beauties of poetry or prose. A certain
      degree of vagueness, which was combined with his energy of mind, led him
      to admire the dreams of Ossian, and his decided character found itself, as
      it were, represented in the elevated thoughts of Corneille. Hence his
      almost exclusive predilection for these two authors. With this exception,
      the finest works in our literature were in his opinion merely arrangements
      of sonorous words, void of sense, and calculated only for the ear.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's contempt, or, more properly speaking, his dislike of
      literature, displayed itself particularly in the feeling he cherished
      towards some men of distinguished literary talent. He hated Chenier, and
      Ducis still more. He could not forgive Chenier for the Republican
      principles which pervaded his tragedies; and Ducis excited in him; as if
      instinctively, an involuntary hatred. Ducis, on his part, was not backward
      in returning the Consul's animosity, and I remember his writing some
      verses which were inexcusably violent, and overstepped all the bounds of
      truth. Bonaparte was so singular a composition of good and bad that to
      describe him as he was under one or other of these aspects would serve for
      panegyric or satire without any departure from truth. Bonaparte was very
      fond of Bernardin Saint-Pierre's romance of 'Paul and Virginia', which he
      had read in his boyhood. I remember that he one day tried to read 'Les
      etudes de la Nature', but at the expiration of a quarter of an hour he
      threw down the book, exclaiming, "How can any one read such silly stuff.
      It is insipid and vapid; there is nothing in it. These are the dreams of a
      visionary! What is nature? The thing is vague and unmeaning. Men and
      passions are the subjects to write about&mdash;there is something there
      for study. These fellows are good for nothing under any government. I
      will, however, give them pensions, because I ought to do so, as Head of
      the State. They occupy and amuse the idle. I will make Lagrange a Senator&mdash;he
      has a head."
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Bonaparte spoke so disdainfully of literary men it must not be
      taken for granted that he treated them ill. On the contrary, all those who
      visited at Malmaison were the objects of his attention, and even flattery.
      M. Lemercier was one of those who came most frequently, and whom Bonaparte
      received with the greatest pleasure. Bonaparte treated M. Lemercier with
      great kindness; but he did not like him. His character as a literary man
      and poet, joined to a polished frankness, and a mild but inflexible spirit
      of republicanism, amply sufficed to explain Bonaparte's dislike. He feared
      M. Lemercier and his pen; and, as happened more than once, he played the
      part of a parasite by flattering the writer. M. Lemercier was the only man
      I knew who refused the cross of the Legion of Honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's general dislike of literary men was less the result of
      prejudice than circumstances. In order to appreciate or even to read
      literary works time is requisite, and time was so precious to him that he
      would have wished, as one may say, to shorten a straight line. He liked
      only those writers who directed their attention to positive and precise
      things, which excluded all thoughts of government and censures on
      administration. He looked with a jealous eye on political economists and
      lawyers; in short, as all persons who in any way whatever meddled with
      legislation and moral improvements. His hatred of discussions on those
      subjects was strongly displayed on the occasion of the classification of
      the Institute. Whilst he permitted the reassembling of a literary class,
      to the number of forty, as formerly, he suppressed the class of moral and
      political science. Such was his predilection for things of immediate and
      certain utility that even in the sciences he favoured only such as applied
      to terrestrial objects. He never treated Lalande with so much distinction
      as Monge and Lagrange. Astronomical discoveries could not add directly to
      his own greatness; and, besides, he could never forgive Lalande for having
      wished to include him in a dictionary of atheists precisely at the moment
      when he was opening negotiations with the court of Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte wished to be the sole centre of a world which he believed he was
      called to govern. With this view he never relaxed in his constant
      endeavour to concentrate the whole powers of the State in the hands of its
      Chief. His conduct upon the subject of the revival of public instruction
      affords evidence of this fact. He wished to establish 6000 bursaries, to
      be paid by Government, and to be exclusively at his disposal, so that thus
      possessing the monopoly of education, he could have parcelled it out only
      to the children of those who were blindly devoted to him. This was what
      the First Consul called the revival of public instruction. During the
      period of my closest intimacy with him he often spoke to me on this
      subject, and listened patiently to my observations. I remember that one of
      his chief arguments was this: "What is it that distinguishes men?
      Education&mdash;is it not? Well, if the children of nobles be admitted
      into the academies, they will be as well educated as the children of the
      revolution, who compose the strength of my government. Ultimately they
      will enter into my regiments as officers, and will naturally come in
      competition with those whom they regard as the plunderers of their
      families. I do not wish that!"
    </p>
    <p>
      My recollections have caused me to wander from the journey of the First
      Consul and Madame Bonaparte to the seabord departments and Belgium. I
      have, however, little to add to what I have already stated on the subject.
      I merely remember that Bonaparte's military suite, and Lauriston and Rapp
      in particular, when speaking to me about the journey, could not conceal
      some marks of discontent on account of the great respect which Bonaparte
      had shown the clergy, and particularly to M. de Roquelaure, the Archbishop
      of Malines (or Mechlin). That prelate, who was a shrewd man, and had the
      reputation of having been in his youth more addicted to the habits of the
      world than to those of the cloister, had become an ecclesiastical
      courtier. He went to Antwerp to pay his homage to the First Consul, upon
      whom he heaped the most extravagant praises. Afterwards, addressing Madame
      Bonaparte, he told her that she was united to the First Consul by the
      sacred bonds of a holy alliance. In this harangue, in which unction was
      singularly blended with gallantry, surely it was a departure from
      ecclesiastical propriety to speak of sacred bonds and holy alliance when
      every one knew that those bonds and that alliance existed only by a civil
      contract. Perhaps M. de Roquelaure merely had recourse to what casuists
      call a pious fraud in order to engage the married couple to do that which
      he congratulated them on having already done. Be this as it may, it is
      certain that this honeyed language gained M. de Roquelaure the Consul's
      favour, and in a short time after he was appointed to the second class of
      the Institute.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXI.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Temple&mdash;The intrigues of Europe&mdash;Prelude to the Continental
   system&mdash;Bombardment of Granville&mdash;My conversation with the First
   Consul on the projected invasion of England&mdash;Fauche Borel&mdash;Moreau
   and Pichegru&mdash;Fouché's manoeuvres&mdash;The Abbe David and Lajolais&mdash;
   Fouché's visit to St. Cloud&mdash;Regnier outwitted by Fouché&mdash;
   My interview with the First Consul&mdash;His indignation at the reports
   respecting Hortense&mdash;Contradiction of these calumnies&mdash;The brothers
   Faucher&mdash;Their execution&mdash;The First Consul's levee&mdash;My conversation
   with Duroc&mdash;Conspiracy of Georges, Moreau, and Pichegru&mdash;Moreau
   averse to the restoration of the Bourbons&mdash;Bouvet de Lozier's
   attempted suicide&mdash;Arrest of Moreau&mdash;Declaration of MM. de Polignac
   and de Riviere&mdash;Connivance of the police&mdash;Arrest of M. Carbonnet and
   his nephew.
</pre>
    <p>
      The time was passed when Bonaparte, just raised to the Consulate, only
      proceeded to the Temple to release the victims of the "Loi des suspects"
      by his sole and immediate authority. This state prison was now to be
      filled by the orders of his police. All the intrigues of Europe were in
      motion. Emissaries came daily from England, who, if they could not
      penetrate into the interior of France, remained in the towns near the
      frontiers, where they established correspondence, and published pamphlets,
      which they sent to Paris by post, in the form of letters.
    </p>
    <p>
      The First Consul, on the other hand, gave way, without reserve, to the
      natural irritation which that power had excited by her declaration of war.
      He knew that the most effective war he could carry on against England
      would be a war against her trade.
    </p>
    <p>
      As a prelude to that piece of madness, known by the name of the
      Continental system, the First Consul adopted every possible preventive
      measure against the introduction of English merchandise. Bonaparte's
      irritation against the English was not without a cause. The intelligence
      which reached Paris from the north of France was not very consolatory. The
      English fleets not only blockaded the French ports, but were acting on the
      offensive, and had bombarded Granville. The mayor of the town did his
      duty, but his colleagues, more prudent, acted differently. In the height
      of his displeasure Bonaparte issued a decree, by which he bestowed a scarf
      of honour on Letourneur, the mayor, and dismissed his colleagues from
      office as cowards unworthy of trust. The terms of this decree were rather
      severe, but they were certainly justified by the conduct of those who had
      abandoned their posts at a critical moment.
    </p>
    <p>
      I come now to the subject of the invasion of England, and what the First
      Consul said to me respecting it. I have stated that Bonaparte never had
      any idea of realising the pretended project of a descent on England. The
      truth of this assertion will appear from a conversation which I had with
      him after he returned from his journey to the north. In this conversation
      he repeated what he had often before mentioned to me in reference to the
      projects and possible steps to which fortune might compel him to resort.
    </p>
    <p>
      The peace of Amiens had been broken about seven months when, on the 15th
      of December 1803, the First Consul sent for me to the Tuileries. His
      incomprehensible behaviour to me was fresh in my mind; and as it was
      upwards of a year since I had seen him, I confess I did not feel quite at
      ease when I received the summons. He was perfectly aware that I possessed
      documents and data for writing his history which would describe facts
      correctly, and destroy the illusions with which his flatterers constantly,
      entertained the public. I have already stated that at that period I had no
      intention of the kind; but those who laboured constantly to incense him
      against me might have suggested apprehensions on the subject. At all
      events the fact is, that when he sent for me I took the precaution of
      providing myself with a night-cap, conceiving it to be very likely that I
      should be sent to sleep at Vincennes. On the day appointed for the
      interview Rapp was on duty. I did not conceal from him my opinion as to
      the possible result of my visit. "You need not be afraid," said Rapp; "the
      First Consul merely wishes to talk with you." He then announced me.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte came into the grand salon where I awaited him, and addressing me
      in the most good-humoured way said, "What do the gossips say of my
      preparations for the invasion of England?"&mdash;"There is a great
      difference of opinion on the subject, General," I replied. "Everyone
      speaks according to his own views. Suchet, for instance, who comes to see
      me very often, has no doubt that it will take place, and hopes to give you
      on the occasion fresh proofs of his gratitude and fidelity."&mdash;"But
      Suchet tells me that you do not believe it will be attempted."&mdash;"That
      is true, I certainly do not."&mdash;"Why?"&mdash;"Because you told me at
      Antwerp, five years ago, that you would not risk France on the cast of a
      die&mdash;that the adventure was too hazardous&mdash;and circumstances
      have not altered since that time."&mdash;"You are right. Those who look
      forward to the invasion of England are blockheads. They do not see the
      affair in its true light. I can, doubtless, land in England with 100,000
      men. A great battle will be fought, which I shall gain; but I must reckon
      upon 30,000 men killed, wounded, and prisoners. If I march on London, a
      second battle must be fought. I will suppose myself again victorious; but
      what should I do in London with an army diminished three-fourths and
      without the hope of reinforcements? It would be madness. Until our navy
      acquires superiority it is useless to think of such a project. The great
      assemblage of troops in the north has another object. My Government must
      be the first in the world, or it must fall." Bonaparte then evidently
      wished it to be supposed that he entertained the design of invading
      England in order to divert the attention of Europe to that direction.
    </p>
    <p>
      From Dunkirk the First Consul proceeded to Antwerp, where also he had
      assembled experienced men to ascertain their opinions respecting the
      surest way of attempting a landing, the project of which was merely a
      pretence. The employment of large ships of war, after many discussions,
      abandoned in favour of a flotilla.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[At this period a caricature (by Gillray) appeared in London.
   which was sent to Paris, and strictly sought after by the police.
   One of the copies was shown to the First Consul, who was highly
   indignant at it. The French fleet was represented by a number of
   nut-shells. An English sailor, seated on a rock, was quietly
   smoking his pipe, the whiffs of which were throwing the whole
   squadron into disorder.&mdash;Bourrienne. Gillray's caricatures should
   be at the reader's side during the perusal of this work, also
   English Caricature and Satire on Napoleon I., by J. Ashton Chatto:
   and Windus, 1884.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      After visiting Belgium, and giving directions there, the First Consul
      returned from Brussels to Paris by way of Maestricht, Liege, and Soissons.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before my visit to the Tuileries, and even before the rupture of the peace
      of Amiens, certain intriguing speculators, whose extravagant zeal was not
      less fatal to the cause of the Bourbons than was the blind subserviency of
      his unprincipled adherents to the First Consul, had taken part in some
      underhand manoeuvres which could have no favourable result. Amongst these
      great contrivers of petty machinations the well-known Fauche Borel, the
      bookseller of Neufchatel, had long been conspicuous. Fauche Borel, whose
      object was to create a stir, and who wished nothing better than to be
      noticed and paid, failed not to come to France as soon as the peace of
      Amiens afforded him the opportunity. I was at that time still with
      Bonaparte, who was aware of all these little plots, but who felt no
      personal anxiety on the subject, leaving to his police the care of
      watching their authors.
    </p>
    <p>
      The object of Fauche Borel's mission was to bring about a reconciliation
      between Moreau and Pichegru. The latter general, who was banished on the
      18th Fructidor 4th (September 1797), had not obtained the First Consul's
      permission to return to France. He lived in England, where he awaited a
      favourable opportunity for putting his old projects into execution. Moreau
      was in Paris, but no longer appeared at the levees or parties of the First
      Consul, and the enmity of both generals against Bonaparte, openly avowed
      on the part of Pichegru; and still disguised by Moreau, was a secret to
      nobody. But as everything was prosperous with Bonaparte he evinced
      contempt rather than fear of the two generals. His apprehensions were,
      indeed, tolerably allayed by the absence of the one and the character of
      the other. Moreau's name had greater weight with the army than that of
      Pichegru; and those who were plotting the overthrow of the Consular
      Government knew that that measure could not be attempted with any chance
      of success without the assistance of Moreau. The moment was inopportune;
      but, being initiated in some secrets of the British Cabinet, they knew
      that the peace was but a truce, and they determined to profit by that
      truce to effect a reconciliation which might afterwards secure a community
      of interests. Moreau and Pichegru had not been friends since Moreau sent
      to the Directory the papers seized in M. de Klinglin's carriage, which
      placed Pichegru's treason in so clear a light. Since that period
      Pichegru's name possessed no influence over the minds of the soldiers,
      amongst whom he had very few partisans, whilst the name of Moreau was dear
      to all who had conquered under his command.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fauche Borel's design was to compromise Moreau without bringing him to any
      decisive step. Moreau's natural indolence, and perhaps it may be said his
      good sense, induced him to adopt the maxim that it was necessary to let
      men and things take their course; for temporizing policy is often as
      useful in politics as in war. Besides, Moreau was a sincere Republican;
      and if his habit of indecision had permitted him to adopt any resolution,
      it is quite certain that he would not then have assisted in the
      reestablishment of the Bourbons, as Pichegru wished.
    </p>
    <p>
      What I have stated is an indispensable introduction to the knowledge of
      plots of more importance which preceded the great event that marked the
      close of the Consulship: I allude to the conspiracy of Georges, Cadoudal,
      Moreau, and Pichegru, and that indelible stain on the character of
      Napoleon,&mdash;the death of the Duc d'Enghien. Different opinions have
      been expressed concerning Georges' conspiracy. I shall not contradict any
      of them. I will relate what I learned and what I saw, in order to throw
      some light on that horrible affair. I am far from believing what I have
      read in many works, that it was planned by the police in order to pave the
      First Consul's way to the throne. I think that it was contrived by those
      who were really interested in it, and encouraged by Fouché in order to
      prepare his return to office.
    </p>
    <p>
      To corroborate my opinion respecting Fouché's conduct and his manoeuvres I
      must remind the reader that about the close of 1803 some persons conceived
      the project of reconciling Moreau and Pichegru. Fouché, who was then out
      of the Ministry, caused Moreau to be visited by men of his own party, and
      who were induced, perhaps unconsciously, by Fouché's art, to influence and
      irritate the general's mind. It was at first intended that the Abbe David,
      the mutual friend of Moreau and Pichegru, should undertake to effect their
      reconciliation; but he, being arrested and confined in the Temple, was
      succeeded by a man named Lajolais, whom every circumstance proves to have
      been employed by Fouché. He proceeded to London, and, having prevailed on
      Pichegru and his friends to return to France, he set off to announce their
      arrival and arrange everything for their reception and destruction.
      Moreau's discontent was the sole foundation of this intrigue. I remember
      that one day, about the end of January 1804, I called on Fouché, who
      informed me that he had been at St. Cloud, where he had had a long
      conversation with the First Consul on the situation of affairs. Bonaparte
      told him that he was satisfied with the existing police, and hinted that
      it was only to make himself of consequence that he had given a false
      colouring to the picture. Fouché asked him what he would say if he told
      him that Georges and Pichegru had been for some time in Paris carrying on
      the conspiracy of which he had received information. The First Consul,
      apparently delighted at what he conceived to be Fouché's mistake, said,
      with an air of contempt, "You are well informed, truly! Regnier has just
      received a letter from London stating that Pichegru dined three days ago
      at Kingston with one of the King of England's ministers."
    </p>
    <p>
      As Fouché, however, persisted in his assertion, the First Consul sent to
      Paris for the Grand Judge, Regnier, who showed Fouché the letter he had
      received. The First Consul triumphed at first to see Fouché at fault; but
      the latter so clearly proved that Georges and Pichegru were actually in
      Paris that Regnier began to fear he had been misled by his agents, whom
      his rival paid better than he did. The First Consul, convinced that his
      old minister knew more than his new one, dismissed Regnier, and remained a
      long time in consultation with Fouché, who on that occasion said nothing
      about his reinstatement for fear of exciting suspicion. He only requested
      that the management of the business might be entrusted to Real, with
      orders to obey whatever instructions he might receive from him. I will
      return hereafter to the arrest of Moreau and the other persons accused,
      and will now subjoin the account of a long interview which I had with
      Bonaparte in the midst of these important events.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of March 1804, some time after the arrest but before the trial
      of General Moreau, I had an audience of the First Consul, which was
      unsought on my part. Bonaparte, after putting several unimportant
      questions to me as to what I was doing, what I expected he should do for
      me, and assuring me that he would bear me in mind, gave a sudden turn to
      the conversation, and said, "By the by, the report of my connection with
      Hortense is still kept up: the most abominable rumours have been spread as
      to her first child. I thought at the time that these reports had only been
      admitted by the public in consequence of the great desire that I should
      not be childless. Since you and I separated have you heard them repeated?"&mdash;"Yes,
      General, oftentimes; and I confess I could not have believed that this
      calumny would have existed so long."&mdash;"It is truly frightful to think
      of! You know the truth&mdash;you have seen all&mdash;heard all&mdash;nothing
      could have passed without your knowledge; you were in her full confidence
      during the time of her attachment to Duroc. I therefore expect, if you
      should ever write anything about me, that you will clear me from this
      infamous imputation. I would not have it accompany my name to posterity. I
      trust in you. You have never given credit to the horrid accusation?"&mdash;"No,
      General, never." Napoleon then entered into a number of details on the
      previous life of Hortense; on the way in which she conducted herself, and
      on the turn which her marriage had taken. "It has not turned out," he
      said, "as I wished: the union has not been a happy one. I am sorry for it,
      not only because both are dear to me, but because the circumstance
      countenances the infamous reports that are current among the idle as to my
      intimacy with her." He concluded the conversation with these words:&mdash;"Bourrienne,
      I sometimes think of recalling you; but as there is no good pretext for so
      doing, the world would say that I have need of you, and I wish it to be
      known that I stand in need of nobody." He again said a few words about
      Hortense. I answered that it would fully coincide with my conviction of
      the truth to do what he desired, and that I would do it; but that
      suppressing the false reports did not depend on me.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hortense, in fact, while she was Mademoiselle BEAUHARNAIS, regarded
      Napoleon with respectful awe. She trembled when she spoke to him, and
      never dared to ask him a favour. When she had anything to solicit she
      applied to me; and if I experienced any difficulty in obtaining for her
      what she sought, I mentioned her as the person for whom I pleaded. "The
      little simpleton!" Napoleon would say, "why does she not ask me herself:
      is the girl afraid of me?" Napoleon never cherished for her any feeling
      but paternal tenderness. He loved her after his marriage with her mother
      as he would have loved his own child. During three years I was a witness
      to all their most private actions, and I declare that I never saw or heard
      anything that could furnish the least ground for suspicion, or that
      afforded the slightest trace of the existence of a culpable intimacy. This
      calumny must be classed among those with which malice delights to blacken
      the characters of men more brilliant than their fellows, and which are so
      readily adopted by the light-minded and unreflecting. I freely declare
      that did I entertain the smallest doubt with regard to this odious charge,
      of the existence of which I was well aware before Napoleon spoke to me on
      the subject, I would candidly avow it. He is no more: and let his memory
      be accompanied only by that, be it good or bad, which really belongs to
      it. Let not this reproach be one of those charged against him by the
      impartial historian. I must say, in concluding this delicate subject, that
      the principles of Napoleon on points of this kind were rigid in the utmost
      degree, and that a connection of the nature of that charged against him
      was neither in accordance with his morals nor his tastes.
    </p>
    <p>
      I cannot tell whether what followed was a portion of his premeditated
      conversation with me, or whether it was the result of the satisfaction he
      had derived from ascertaining my perfect conviction of the purity of his
      conduct with regard to Hortense, and being assured that I would express
      that conviction. Be this as it may, as I was going out at the door he
      called me back, saying, "Oh! I have forgotten something." I returned.
      "Bourrienne," said he, "do you still keep up your acquaintance with the
      Fauchers?"&mdash;"Yes, General; I see them frequently."&mdash;"You are
      wrong."&mdash; "Why should I not? They are clever, well-educated men, and
      exceedingly pleasant company, especially Caesar. I derive great pleasure
      from their society; and then they are almost the only persons whose
      friendship has continued faithful to me since I left you. You know people
      do not care for those who can render them no service."&mdash;"Maret will
      not see the Fauchers."&mdash;"That may be, General; but it is nothing to
      me; and you must recollect that as it was through him I was introduced to
      them at the Tuileries, I think he ought to inform me of his reasons for
      dropping their acquaintance."&mdash;"I tell you again he has closed his
      door against them. Do you the same; I advise you." As I did not seem
      disposed to follow this advice without some plausible reason, the First
      Consul added, "You must know, then, that I learn from Caesar all that
      passes in your house. You do not speak very ill of me yourself, nor does
      any one venture to do so in your presence. You play your rubber and go to
      bed. But no sooner are you gone than your wife, who never liked me, and
      most of those who visit at your house, indulge in the most violent attacks
      upon me. I receive a bulletin from Caesar Faucher every day when he visits
      at your house; this is the way in which he requites you for your kindness,
      and for the asylum you afforded his brother.&mdash;[Constantine Rancher
      had been condemned in contumacy for the forgery of a public document.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;But
      enough; you see I know all&mdash;farewell;" and he left me.
    </p>
    <p>
      The grave having closed over these two brothers,&mdash;[The Fauchers were
      twin brothers, distinguished in the war of the Revolution, and made
      brigadier-generals at the same time on the field of battle. After the Cent
      Jours they refused to recognise the Bourbons, and were shot by sentence of
      court-martial at Bordeaux. (Bouillet)]&mdash;I shall merely state that
      they wrote me a letter the evening preceding their execution, in which
      they begged me to forgive their conduct towards me. The following is an
      extract from this letter:
    </p>
    <p>
      In our dungeon we hear our sentence of death being cried in the streets.
      To-morrow we shall walk to the scaffold; but we will meet death with such
      calmness and courage as shall make our executioners blush. We are sixty
      years old, therefore our lives will only be shortened by a brief space.
      During our lives we have shared in common, illness, grief, pleasure,
      danger, and good fortune. We both entered the world on the same day, and
      on the same day we shall both depart from it. As to you, sir....
    </p>
    <p>
      I suppress what relates to myself.
    </p>
    <p>
      The hour of the grand levee arrived just as the singular interview which I
      have described terminated. I remained a short time to look at this
      phantasmagoria. Duroc was there. As soon as he saw me he came up, and
      taking me into the recess of a window told me that Moreau's guilt was
      evident, and that he was about to be put on his trial. I made some
      observations on the subject, and in particular asked whether there were
      sufficient proofs of his guilt to justify his condemnation? "They should
      be cautious," said I; "it is no joke to accuse the conqueror of
      Hohenlinden." Duroc's answer satisfied me that he at least had no doubt on
      the subject. "Besides," added he, "when such a general as Moreau has been
      between two gendarmes he is lost, and is good for nothing more. He will
      only inspire pity." In vain I tried to refute this assertion so entirely
      contrary to facts, and to convince Duroc that Moreau would never be
      damaged by calling him "brigand," as was the phrase then, without proofs.
      Duroc persisted in his opinion. As if a political crime ever sullied the
      honour of any one! The result has proved that I judged rightly.
    </p>
    <p>
      No person possessing the least degree of intelligence will be convinced
      that the conspiracy of Moreau, Georges, Pichegru, and the other persons
      accused would ever have occurred but for the secret connivance of Fouché's
      police.
    </p>
    <p>
      Moreau never for a moment desired the restoration of the Bourbons. I was
      too well acquainted with M. Carbonnet, his most intimate friend, to be
      ignorant of his private sentiments. It was therefore quite impossible that
      he could entertain the same views as Georges, the Polignacs, Riviera, and
      others; and they had no intention of committing any overt acts. These
      latter persons had come to the Continent solely to investigate the actual
      state of affairs, in order to inform the Princes of the House of Bourbon
      with certainty how far they might depend on the foolish hopes constantly
      held out to them by paltry agents, who were always ready to advance their
      own interests at the expense of truth. These agents did indeed conspire,
      but it was against the Treasury of London, to which they looked for pay.
    </p>
    <p>
      Without entering into all the details of that great trial I will relate
      some facts which may assist in eliciting the truth from a chaos of
      intrigue and falsehood.
    </p>
    <p>
      Most of the conspirators had been lodged either in the Temple or La Force,
      and one of them, Bouvet de Lozier, who was confined in the Temple,
      attempted to hang himself. He made use of his cravat to effect his
      purpose, and had nearly succeeded, when a turnkey by chance entered and
      found him at the point of death. When he was recovered he acknowledged
      that though he had the courage to meet death, he was unable to endure the
      interrogatories of his trial, and that he had determined to kill himself,
      lest he might be induced to make a confession. He did in fact confess, and
      it was on the day after this occurred that Moreau was arrested, while on
      his way from his country-seat of Grosbois to Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché, through the medium of his agents, had given Pichegru, Georges, and
      some other partisans of royalty, to understand that they might depend on
      Moreau, who, it was said, was quite prepared. It is certain that Moreau
      informed Pichegru that he (Pichegru) had been deceived, and that he had
      never been spoken to on the subject. Russillon declared on the trial that
      on the 14th of March the Polignacs said to some one, "Everything is going
      wrong&mdash;they do not understand each other. Moreau does not keep his
      word. We have been deceived." M. de Riviera declared that he soon became
      convinced they had been deceived, and was about to return to England when
      he was arrested. It is certain that the principal conspirators obtained
      positive information which confirmed their suspicions. They learned
      Moreau's declaration from Pichegru. Many of the accused declared that they
      soon discovered they had been deceived; and the greater part of them were
      about to quit Paris, when they were all arrested, almost at one and the
      same moment. Georges was going into La Vendée when he was betrayed by the
      man who, with the connivance of the police, had escorted him ever since
      his departure from London, and who had protected him from any interruption
      on the part of the police so long as it was only necessary to know where
      he was, or what he was about. Georges had been in Paris seven months
      before it was considered that the proper moment had arrived for arresting
      him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The almost simultaneous arrest of the conspirators proves clearly that the
      police knew perfectly well where they could lay their hands upon them.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Pichegru was required to sign his examination he refused. He said it
      was unnecessary; that, knowing all the secret machinery of the police, he
      suspected that by some chemical process they would erase all the writing
      except the signature, and afterwards fill up the paper with statements
      which he had never made. His refusal to sign the interrogatory, he added,
      would not prevent him from repeating before a court of justice the truth
      which he had stated in answer to the questions proposed to him. Fear was
      entertained of the disclosures he might make respecting his connection
      with Moreau, whose destruction was sought for, and also with respect to
      the means employed by the agents of Fouché to urge the conspirators to
      effect a change which they desired.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the 15th of February I heard of Moreau's arrest, and
      early next morning I proceeded straight to the Rue St. Pierre, where M.
      Carbonnet resided with his nephew. I was anxious to hear from him the
      particulars of the general's arrest. What was my surprise! I had hardly
      time to address myself to the porter before he informed me that M.
      Carbonnet and his nephew were both arrested. "I advise you, sir," added
      the man, "to retire without more ado, for I can assure you that the
      persons who visit M. Carbonnet are watched."&mdash;"Is he still at home?"
      said I. "Yes, Sir; they are examining his papers."&mdash;"Then," said I,
      "I will go up." M. Carbonnet, of whose friendship I had reason to be
      proud, and whose memory will ever be dear to me, was more distressed by
      the arrest of his nephew and Moreau than by his own. His nephew was,
      however, liberated after a few hours. M. Carbonnet's papers were sealed
      up, and he was placed in solitary confinement at St. Pelagic.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus the police, who previously knew nothing, were suddenly informed of
      all. In spite of the numerous police agents scattered over France, it was
      only discovered by the declarations of Bouvet de Lozier that three
      successive landings had been effected, and that a fourth was expected,
      which, however, did not take place, because General Savary was despatched
      by the First Consul with orders to seize the persons whose arrival was
      looked for. There cannot be a more convincing proof of the fidelity of the
      agents of the police to their old chief, and their combined determination
      of trifling with their new one,
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0057" id="link2HCH0057">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXII.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The events of 1804&mdash;Death of the Duc d'Enghien&mdash;Napoleon's arguments
   at St. Helena&mdash;Comparison of dates&mdash;Possibility of my having saved
   the Duc d'Enghien's life&mdash;Advice given to the Duc d'Enghien&mdash;Sir
   Charles Stuart&mdash;Delay of the Austrian Cabinet&mdash;Pichegru and the
   mysterious being&mdash;M. Massias&mdash;The historians of St. Helena&mdash;
   Bonaparte's threats against the emigrants and M. Cobentzel&mdash;
   Singular adventure of Davoust's secretary&mdash;The quartermaster&mdash;
   The brigand of La Vendée.
</pre>
    <p>
      In order to form a just idea of the events which succeeded each other so
      rapidly at the commencement of 1804 it is necessary to consider them both
      separately and connectedly. It must be borne in mind that all Bonaparte's
      machinations tended to one object, the foundation of the French Empire in
      his favour; and it is also essential to consider how the situation of the
      emigrants, in reference to the First Consul, had changed since the
      declaration of war. As long as Bonaparte continued at peace the cause of
      the Bourbons had no support in foreign Cabinets, and the emigrants had no
      alternative but to yield to circumstances; but on the breaking out of a
      new war all was changed. The cause of the Bourbons became that of the
      powers at war with France; and as many causes concurred to unite the
      emigrants abroad with those who had returned but half satisfied, there was
      reason to fear something from their revolt, in combination with the powers
      arrayed against Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the state of things with regard to the emigrants when the leaders
      and accomplices of Georges' conspiracy were arrested at the very beginning
      of 1804. The assassination of the Duc d'Enghien
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, Duc d'Enghien (1772-1804), son of
   the Duc de Bourbon, and grandson of the Prince de Condé, served
   against France in the army of Condé. When this force was disbanded
   he stayed at Ettenheim on account of a love affair with the
   Princesse Charlotte de Rohan-Rochefort. Arrested in the territory
   of Baden, he was taken to Vincennes, and after trial by
   court-martial shot in the moat, 21st May 1804. With him
   practically ended the house of Bourbon-Condé as his grandfather
   died in 1818, leaving only the Duc de Bourbon, and the Princesee
   Louise Adelaide, Abbesse de Remiremont, who died in 1824.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      took place on the 21st of March; on the 30th of April appeared the
      proposition of the Tribunate to found a Government in France under the
      authority of one individual; on the 18th of May came the
      'Senatus-consulte', naming Napoleon Bonaparte EMPEROR, and lastly, on the
      10th. of June, the sentence of condemnation on Georges and his
      accomplices. Thus the shedding of the blood of a Bourbon, and the placing
      of the crown of France on the head of a soldier of fortune were two acts
      interpolated in the sanguinary drama of Georges' conspiracy. It must be
      remembered, too, that during the period of these events we were at war
      with England, and on the point of seeing Austria and the Colossus of the
      north form a coalition against the new Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      I will now state all I know relative to the death of the Duc d'Enghien.
      That unfortunate Prince, who was at Ettenheim, in consequence of a love
      affair, had no communication whatever with those who were concocting a
      plot in the interior. Machiavelli says that when the author of a crime
      cannot be discovered we should seek for those to whose advantage it turns.
      In the present case Machiavelli's advice will find an easy application,
      since the Duke's death could be advantageous only to Bonaparte, who
      considered it indispensable to his accession to the crown of France. The
      motives may be explained, but can they be justified? How could it ever be
      said that the Duc d'Enghien perished as a presumed accomplice in the
      conspiracy of Georges?
    </p>
    <p>
      Moreau was arrested on the 15th of February 1804, at which time the
      existence of the conspiracy was known. Pichegru and Georges were also
      arrested in February, and the Duc d'Enghien not till the 15th of March.
      Now if the Prince had really been concerned in the plot, if even he had a
      knowledge of it, would he have remained at Ettenheim for nearly a month
      after the arrest of his presumed accomplices, intelligence of which he
      might have obtained in the space of three days? Certainly not. So ignorant
      was he of that conspiracy that when informed at Ettenheim of the affair he
      doubted it, declaring that if it were true his father and grandfather
      would have made him acquainted with it. Would so long an interval have
      been suffered to elapse before he was arrested? Alas! cruel experience has
      shown that that step would have been taken in a few hours.
    </p>
    <p>
      The sentence of death against Georges and his accomplices was not
      pronounced till the 10th of June 1804, and the Duc d'Enghien was shot on
      the 21st of March, before the trials were even commenced. How is this
      precipitation to be explained? If, as Napoleon has declared, the young
      Bourbon was an accomplice in the crime, why was he not arrested at the
      time the others were? Why was he not tried along with them, on the ground
      of his being an actual accomplice; or of being compromised, by
      communications with them; or, in short, because his answers might have
      thrown light on that mysterious affair? How was it that the name of the
      illustrious accused was not once mentioned in the course of that awful
      trial?
    </p>
    <p>
      It can scarcely be conceived that Napoleon could say at St. Helena,
      "Either they contrived to implicate the unfortunate Prince in their
      project, and so pronounced his doom, or, by omitting to inform him of what
      was going on, allowed him imprudently to slumber on the brink of a
      precipice; for he was only a stone's cast from the frontier when they were
      about to strike the great blow in the name and for the interest of his
      family."
    </p>
    <p>
      This reasoning is not merely absurd, it is atrocious. If the Duke was
      implicated by the confession of his accomplices, he should have been
      arrested and tried along with them. Justice required this. If he was not
      so implicated, where is the proof of his guilt? Because some individuals,
      without his knowledge, plotted to commit a crime in the name of his family
      he was to be shot! Because he was 130 leagues from the scene of the plot,
      and had no connection with it, he was to die! Such arguments cannot fail
      to inspire horror. It is absolutely impossible any reasonable person can
      regard the Duc d'Enghien as an accomplice of Cadoudal; and Napoleon basely
      imposed on his contemporaries and posterity by inventing such falsehoods,
      and investing them with the authority of his name.
    </p>
    <p>
      Had I been then in the First Consul's intimacy I may aver, with as much
      confidence as pride, that the blood of the Duc d'Enghien would not have
      imprinted an indelible stain on the glory of Bonaparte. In this terrible
      matter I could have done what no one but me could even attempt, and this
      on account of my position, which no one else has since held with
      Bonaparte. I quite admit that he would have preferred others to me, and
      that he would have had more friendship for them than for me, supposing
      friendship to be compatible with the character of Bonaparte, but I knew
      him better than any one else. Besides, among those who surrounded him I
      alone could have permitted myself some return to our former familiarity on
      account of our intimacy of childhood. Certainly, in a matter which
      permanently touched the glory of Bonaparte, I should not have been
      restrained by the fear of some transitory fit of anger, and the reader has
      seen that I did not dread disgrace. Why should I have dreaded it? I had
      neither portfolio, nor office, nor salary, for, as I have said, I was only
      with Bonaparte as a friend, and we had, as it were, a common purse. I feel
      a conviction that it would have been very possible for me to have
      dissuaded Bonaparte from his fatal design, inasmuch as I positively know
      that his object, after the termination of the peace, was merely to
      frighten the emigrants, in order to drive them from Ettenheim, where great
      numbers, like the Duc d'Enghien, had sought refuge. His anger was
      particularly directed against a Baroness de Reith and a Baroness
      d'Ettengein, who had loudly vituperated him, and distributed numerous
      libels on the left bank of the Rhine. At that period Bonaparte had as
      little design against the Duc d'Enghien's life as against that of any
      other emigrant. He was more inclined to frighten than to harm him, and
      certainly his first intention was not to arrest the Prince, but, as I have
      said, to frighten the 'emigres', and to drive them to a distance. I must,
      however, admit that when Bonaparte spoke to Rapp and Duroc of the
      emigrants on the other side of the Rhine he expressed himself with much
      irritability: so much so, indeed, that M. de Talleyrand, dreading its
      effects for the Duc d'Enghien, warned that Prince, through the medium of a
      lady to whom he was attached, of his danger, and advised him to proceed to
      a greater distance from the frontier. On receiving this notice the Prince
      resolved to rejoin his grandfather, which he could not do but by passing
      through the Austrian territory. Should any doubt exist as to these facts
      it may be added that Sir Charles Stuart wrote to M. de Cobentzel to
      solicit a passport for the Duc d'Enghien; and it was solely owing to the
      delay of the Austrian Cabinet that time was afforded for the First Consul
      to order the arrest of the unfortunate Prince as soon as he had formed the
      horrible resolution of shedding the blood of a Bourbon. This resolution
      could have originated only with himself, for who would have dared to
      suggest it to him? The fact is, Bonaparte knew not what he did. His fever
      of ambition amounted to delirium; and he knew not how he was losing
      himself in public opinion because he did not know that opinion, to gain
      which he would have made every sacrifice.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Cambacérès (who, with a slight reservation, had voted the death of
      Louis XVI.) warmly opposed in the Council the Duc d'Enghien's arrest, the
      First Consul observed to him, "Methinks, Sir, you have grown very chary of
      Bourbon blood!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the Duc d'Enghien was at Ettenheim, indulging in hope rather
      than plotting conspiracies. It is well known that an individual made an
      offer to the Prince de Condé to assassinate the First Consul, but the
      Prince indignantly rejected the proposition, and nobly refused to recover
      the rights of the Bourbons at the price of such a crime. The individual
      above-mentioned was afterwards discovered to be an agent of the Paris
      police, who had been commissioned to draw the Princes into a plot which
      would have ruined them, for public feeling revolts at assassination under
      any circumstances.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been alleged that Louis XVIII.'s refusal to treat with Bonaparte
      led to the fatal catastrophe of the Duc d'Enghien's death. The first
      correspondence between Louis XVIII. and the First Consul, which has been
      given in these Memoirs, clearly proves the contrary. It is certainly
      probable that Louis XVIII.'s refusal to renounce his rights should have
      irritated Bonaparte. But it was rather late to take his revenge two years
      after, and that too on a Prince totally ignorant of those overtures. It is
      needless to comment on such absurdities. It is equally unnecessary to
      speak of the mysterious being who often appeared at meetings in the
      Faubourg St. Germain, and who was afterwards discovered to be Pichegru.
    </p>
    <p>
      A further light is thrown on this melancholy catastrophe by a conversation
      Napoleon had, a few days after his elevation to the imperial throne, with
      M. Masaias, the French Minister at the Court of the Grand Duke of Baden.
      This conversation took place at Aix-la-Chapelle. After some remarks on the
      intrigues of the emigrants Bonaparte observed, "You ought at least to have
      prevented the plots which the Duc d'Enghien was hatching at Ettenheim."&mdash;"Sire,
      I am too old to learn to tell a falsehood. Believe me, on this subject
      your Majesty's ear has been abused."&mdash;"Do you not think, then, that
      had the conspiracy of Georges and Pichegru proved successful, the Prince
      would have passed the Rhine, and have come post to Paris?"
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Massias, from whom I had these particulars, added, "At this last
      question of the Emperor I hung down my head and was silent, for I saw he
      did not wish to hear the truth."
    </p>
    <p>
      Now let us consider, with that attention which the importance of the
      subject demands, what has been said by the historians of St. Helena.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon said to his companions in exile that "the Duc d'Enghien's death
      must be attributed either to an excess of zeal for him (Napoleon), to
      private views, or to mysterious intrigues. He had been blindly urged on;
      he was, if he might say so, taken by surprise. The measure was
      precipitated, and the result predetermined."
    </p>
    <p>
      This he might have said; but if he did so express himself, how are we to
      reconcile such a declaration with the statement of O'Meara? How give
      credit to assertions so very opposite?
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon said to M. de Las Casas:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "One day when alone, I recollect it well, I was taking my coffee,
   half seated on the table at which I had just dined, when suddenly
   information was brought to me that a new conspiracy had been
   discovered. I was warmly urged to put an end to these enormities;
   they represented to me that it was time at last to give a lesson to
   those who had been day after day conspiring against my life; that
   this end could only be attained by shedding the blood of one of
   them; and that the Duc d'Enghien, who might now be convicted of
   forming part of this new conspiracy, and taken in the very act,
   should be that one. It was added that he had been seen at
   Strasburg; that it was even believed that he had been in Paris; and
   that the plan was that he should enter France by the east at the
   moment of the explosion, whilst the Duc de Berri was disembarking in
   the west. I should tell you," observed the Emperor, "that I did not
   even know precisely who the Duc d'Enghien was (the Revolution having
   taken place when I was yet a very young man, and I having never been
   at Court), and that I was quite in the dark as to where he was at
   that moment. Having been informed on those points I exclaimed that
   if such were the case the Duke ought to be arrested, and that orders
   should be given to that effect. Everything had been foreseen and
   prepared; the different orders were already drawn up, nothing
   remained to be done but to sign them, and the fate of the young
   Prince was thus decided."
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon next asserts that in the Duke's arrest and condemnation all the
      usual forms were strictly observed. But he has also declared that the
      death of that unfortunate Prince will be an eternal reproach to those who,
      carried away by a criminal zeal, waited not for their Sovereign's orders
      to execute the sentence of the court-martial. He would, perhaps, have
      allowed the Prince to live; but yet he said, "It is true I wished to make
      an example which should deter."
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been said that the Duc d'Enghien addressed a letter to Napoleon,
      which was not delivered till after the execution. This is false and
      absurd! How could that Prince write to Bonaparte to offer him his services
      and to solicit the command of an army? His interrogatory makes no mention
      of this letter, and is in direct opposition to the sentiments which that
      letter would attribute to him. The truth is, no such letter ever existed.
      The individual who was with the Prince declared he never wrote it. It will
      never be believed that any one would have presumed to withhold from
      Bonaparte a letter on which depended the fate of so august a victim.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his declarations to his companions in exile Napoleon endeavoured either
      to free himself of this crime or to justify it. His fear or his
      susceptibility was such, that in discoursing with strangers he merely
      said, that had he known of the Prince's letter, which was not delivered to
      him.&mdash;God knows why!&mdash;until after he had breathed his last, he
      would have pardoned him. But at a subsequent date he traced, with his own
      hand, his last thoughts, which he supposed would be consecrated in the
      minds of his contemporaries, and of posterity. Napoleon, touching on the
      subject which he felt would be one of the most important attached to his
      memory, said that if the thing were to do again he would act as he then
      did. How does this declaration tally with his avowal, that if he had
      received the Prince's letter he should have lived? This is irreconcilable.
      But if we compare all that Napoleon said at St. Helena, and which has been
      transmitted to us by his faithful followers; if we consider his
      contradictions when speaking of the Duc d'Enghien's death to strangers, to
      his friends, to the public, or to posterity, the question ceases to be
      doubtful. Bonaparte wished to strike a blow which would terrify his
      enemies. Fancying that the Duc de Berri was ready to land in France, he
      despatched his aide de camp Savary, in disguise, attended by gendarmes, to
      watch the Duke's landing at Biville, near Dieppe. This turned out a
      fruitless mission. The Duke was warned in time not to attempt the useless
      and dangerous enterprise, and Bonaparte, enraged to see one prey escape
      him, pounced upon another. It is well known that Bonaparte often, and in
      the presence even of persons whom he conceived to have maintained
      relations with the partisans of the Bourbons at Paris, expressed himself
      thus: "I will put an end to these conspiracies. If any of the emigrants
      conspire they shall be shot. I have been told that Cobentzel harbours some
      of them. I do not believe this; but if it be true, Cobentzel shall be
      arrested and shot along with them. I will let the Bourbons know I am not
      to be trifled with." The above statement of facts accounts for the
      suppositions respecting the probable influence of the Jacobins in this
      affair. It has been said, not without some appearance of reason, that to
      get the Jacobins to help him to ascend the throne Bonaparte consented to
      sacrifice a victim of the blood royal, as the only pledge capable of
      ensuring them against the return of the proscribed family. Be this as it
      may, there are no possible means of relieving Bonaparte from his share of
      guilt in the death of the Duc d'Enghien.
    </p>
    <p>
      To the above facts, which came within my own knowledge, I may add the
      following curious story, which was related to me by an individual who
      himself heard it from the secretary of General Davoust.
    </p>
    <p>
      Davoust was commanding a division in the camp of Boulogne, and his
      secretary when proceeding thither to join him met in the diligence a man
      who seemed to be absorbed in affliction. This man during the whole journey
      never once broke silence but by some deep sighs, which he had not power to
      repress. General Davoust's secretary observed him with curiosity and
      interest, but did not venture to intrude upon his grief by any
      conversation. The concourse of travellers from Paris to the camp was,
      however, at that time very great, and the inn at which the diligence
      stopped in the evening was so crowded that it was impossible to assign a
      chamber to each traveller. Two, therefore, were put into one room, and it
      so happened that the secretary was lodged with his mysterious travelling
      companion.
    </p>
    <p>
      When they were alone he addressed him in a torso of interest which
      banished all appearance of intrusion. He inquired whether the cause of his
      grief was of a nature to admit of any alleviation, and offered to render
      him any assistance in his power. "Sir," replied the stranger, "I am much
      obliged for the sympathy you express for me&mdash;I want nothing. There is
      no possible consolation for me. My affliction can end only with my life.
      You shall judge for yourself, for the interest you seem to take in my
      misfortune fully justifies my confidence. I was quartermaster in the
      select gendarmerie, and formed part of a detachment which was ordered to
      Vincennes. I passed the night there under arms, and at daybreak was
      ordered down to the moat with six men. An execution was to take place. The
      prisoner was brought out, and I gave the word to fire. The man fell, and
      after the execution I learned that we had shot the Duc d'Enghien. Judge of
      my horror! . . . I knew the prisoner only by the name of the brigand of La
      Vendée! . . . I could no longer remain in the service&mdash;I obtained my
      discharge, and am about to retire to my family. Would that I had done so
      sooner!" The above has been related to me and other persons by Davoust's
      secretary, whom I shall not name.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0058" id="link2HCH0058">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIII.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   General Ordener's mission&mdash;Arrest of the Duc d'Enghien&mdash;Horrible
   night-scene&mdash;-Harrel's account of the death of the Prince&mdash;Order for
   digging the grave&mdash;The foster-sister of the Duc d'Enghien&mdash;Reading
   the sentence&mdash;The lantern&mdash;General Savary&mdash;The faithful dog and the
   police&mdash;My visit to Malmaison&mdash;Josephine's grief&mdash;
   The Duc d'Enghien's portrait and lock of hair&mdash;Savary's emotion&mdash;
   M. de Chateaubriand's resignation&mdash;M. de Chateaubriand's connection
   with Bonaparte&mdash;Madame Bacciocchi and M. de Fontanes&mdash;Cardinal Fesch
   &mdash;Dedication of the second edition of the 'Genie du Christianisme'
   &mdash;M. de Chateaubriand's visit to the First Consul on the morning of
   the Duc d'Enghien's death&mdash;Consequences of the Duc d'Enghien's
   death&mdash;Change of opinion in the provinces&mdash;The Gentry of the
   Chateaus&mdash;Effect of the Duc d'Enghien's death on foreign Courts&mdash;
   Remarkable words of Mr. Pitt&mdash;Louis XVIII. sends back the insignia
   of the Golden Fleece to the King of Spain.
</pre>
    <p>
      I will now narrate more fully the sanguinary scene which took place at
      Vincennes. General Ordener, commanding the mounted grenadiers of the
      Guard, received orders from the War Minister to proceed to the Rhine, to
      give instructions to the chiefs of the gendarmerie of New Brissac, which
      was placed at his disposal. General Ordener sent a detachment of
      gendarmerie to Ettenheim, where the Duc d'Enghien was arrested on the 15th
      of March. He was immediately conducted to the citadel of Strasburg, where
      he remained till the 18th, to give time for the arrival of orders from
      Paris. These orders were given rapidly, and executed promptly, for the
      carriage which conveyed the unfortunate Prince arrived at the barrier at
      eleven o'clock on the morning of the 20th, where it remained for five
      hours, and afterwards proceeded by the exterior boulevards on the road to
      Vincennes, where it arrived at night. Every scene of this horrible drama
      was acted under the veil of night: the sun did not even shine upon its
      tragical close. The soldiers received orders to proceed to Vincennes at
      night. It was at night that the fatal gates of the fortress were closed
      upon the Prince. At night the Council assembled and tried him, or rather
      condemned him without trial. When the clock struck six in the morning the
      orders were given to fire, and the Prince ceased to exist.
    </p>
    <p>
      Here a reflection occurs to me. Supposing one were inclined to admit that
      the Council held on the 10th of March had some connection with the Duc
      d'Enghien's arrest, yet as no Council was held from the time of the Duke's
      arrival at the barrier to the moment of his execution, it could only be
      Bonaparte himself who issued the orders which were too punctually obeyed.
      When the dreadful intelligence of the Duc d'Enghien's death was spread in
      Paris it excited a feeling of consternation which recalled the
      recollection of the Reign of Terror. Could Bonaparte have seen the gloom
      which pervaded Paris, and compared it with the joy which prevailed on the
      day when he returned victorious from the field of Marengo, he would have
      felt that he had tarnished his glory by a stain which could never be
      effaced.
    </p>
    <p>
      About half-past twelve on the 22d of March I was informed that some one
      wished to speak with me. It was Harrel.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Harrel, who had been unemployed till the plot of Arena and
   Ceracchi on the 18th Vendemiairean IX (10th October 1800) which he
   had feigned to join, and had then revealed to the police (see ante),
   had been made Governor of Vincennes.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I will relate word for word what he communicated to me. Harrel probably
      thought that he was bound in gratitude to acquaint me with these details;
      but he owed me no gratitude, for it was much against my will that he had
      encouraged the conspiracy of Ceracchi, and received the reward of his
      treachery in that crime. The following is Harrel's statement:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the evening of the day before yesterday, when the Prince arrived, I
      was asked whether I had a room to lodge a prisoner in; I replied, No&mdash;that
      there were only my apartments and the Council-chamber. I was told to
      prepare instantly a room in which a prisoner could sleep who was to arrive
      that evening. I was also desired to dig a pit in the courtyard.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This fact must be noted. Harrel is told to dig a trench before
   the sentence. Thus it was known that they had come to kill the Duc
   d'Enghien. How can this be answered? Can it possibly be supposed
   that anyone, whoever it was, would have dared to give each an order
   in anticipation if the order had not been the carrying out of a
   formal command of Bonaparte? That is incredible.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "I replied that that could not be easily done, as the courtyard was paved.
      The moat was then fixed upon, and there the pit was dug. The Prince
      arrived at seven o'clock in the evening; he was perishing with cold and
      hunger. He did not appear dispirited. He said he wanted something to eat,
      and to go to bed afterwards. His apartment not being yet sufficiently
      aired, I took him into my own, and sent into the village for some
      refreshment. The Prince sat down to table, and invited me to eat with him.
      He then asked me a number of questions respecting Vincennes&mdash;what was
      going on there, and other particulars. He told me that he had been brought
      up in the neighbourhood of the castle, and spoke to me with great freedom
      and kindness. 'What do they want with me?' he said. 'What do they mean to
      do with me?' But these questions betrayed no uneasiness or anxiety. My
      wife, who was ill, was lying in the same room in an alcove, closed by a
      railing. She heard, without being perceived, all our conversation, and she
      was exceedingly agitated, for she recognised the Prince, whose
      foster-sister she was, and whose family had given her a pension before the
      Revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Prince hastened to bed, but before he could have fallen asleep the
      judges sent to request his presence in the Council-chamber. I was not
      present at his examination; but when it was concluded he returned to his
      chamber, and when they came to read his sentence to him he was in a
      profound sleep. In a few moments after he was led out for execution. He
      had so little suspicion of the fate that awaited him that on descending
      the staircase leading to the moat he asked where they were taking him. He
      received no answer. I went before the Prince with a lantern. Feeling the
      cold air which came up the staircase he pressed my arm and said, 'Are they
      going to put me into a dungeon?'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The rest is known. I can yet see Harrel shuddering while thinking of this
      action of the Prince's.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much has been said about a lantern which it is pretended was attached to
      one of the Duc d'Enghien's button-holes. This is a pure invention. Captain
      Dautancourt, whose sight was not very good, took the lantern out of
      Harrel's hand to read the sentence to the victim, who had been condemned
      with as little regard to judicial forms as to justice. This circumstance
      probably gave rise to the story about the lantern to which I have just
      alluded. The fatal event took place at six o'clock on the morning of the
      21st of March, and it was then daylight.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Savary did not dare to delay the execution of the sentence,
      although the Prince urgently demanded to have an interview with the First
      Consul. Had Bonaparte seen the prince there can be little doubt but that
      he would have saved his life. Savary, however, thought himself bound to
      sacrifice his own opinions to the powerful faction which then controlled
      the First Consul; and whilst he thought he was serving his master, he was
      in fact only serving the faction to which, I must say, he did not belong.
      The truth is, that General Savary can only be reproached for not having
      taken upon himself to suspend the execution, which very probably would not
      have taken place had it been suspended. He was merely an instrument, and
      regret on his part would, perhaps, have told more in his favour than his
      vain efforts to justify Bonaparte. I have just said that if there had been
      any suspension there would have been no execution; and I think this is
      almost proved by the uncertainty which must have existed in the mind of
      the First Consul. If he had made up his mind all the measures would have
      been taken in advance, and if they had been, the carriage of the Duke
      would certainly not have been kept for five hours at the barriers.
      Besides, it is certain that the first intention was to take the Prince to
      the prison of the Temple.
    </p>
    <p>
      From all that I have stated, and particularly from the non-suspension of
      the execution, it appears to me as clear as day that General Savary had
      received a formal order from Bonaparte for the Duc d'Enghien's death, and
      also a formal order that it should be so managed as to make it impossible
      to speak to Bonaparte again on the subject until all should be over. Can
      there be a more evident, a more direct proof of this than the digging of
      the grave beforehand? I have repeated Harrel's story just as he related it
      to me. He told it me without solicitation, and he could not invent a
      circumstance of this nature.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Savary was not in the moat during the execution, but on the bank,
      from whence he could easily see all that passed. Another circumstance
      connected with the Duc d'Enghien's death has been mentioned, which is
      true. The Prince had a little dog; this faithful animal returned
      incessantly to the fatal spot in the moat. There are few who have not seen
      that spot. Who has not made a pilgrimage to Vincennes and dropped a tear
      where the victim fell? The fidelity of the poor dog excited so much
      interest that the police prevented any one from visiting the fatal spot,
      and the dog was no longer heard to howl over his master's grave.
    </p>
    <p>
      I promised to state the truth respecting the death of the Duc d'Enghien,
      and I have done so, though it has cost me some pain. Harrel's narrative,
      and the shocking circumstance of the grave being dug beforehand, left me
      no opportunity of cherishing any doubts I might have wished to entertain;
      and everything which followed confirmed the view I then took of the
      subject. When Harrel left me on the 22d I determined to go to Malmaison to
      see Madame Bonaparte, knowing, from her sentiments towards the House of
      Bourbon, that she would be in the greatest affliction. I had previously
      sent to know whether it would be convenient for her to see me, a
      precaution I had never before observed, but which I conceived to be proper
      upon that occasion. On my arrival I was immediately introduced to her
      boudoir, where she was alone with Hortense and Madame de Rémusat. They
      were all deeply afflicted. "Bourrienne," exclaimed Josephine, as soon as
      she perceived me, "what a dreadful event! Did you but know the state of
      mind Bonaparte is in! He avoids, he dreads the presence of every one! Who
      could have suggested to him such an act as this?" I then acquainted
      Josephine with the particulars which I had received from Harrel. "What
      barbarity!" she resumed. "But no reproach can rest upon me, for I did
      everything to dissuade him from this dreadful project. He did not confide
      the secret to me, but I guessed it, and he acknowledged all. How harshly
      he repelled my entreaties! I clung to him! I threw myself at his feet!
      'Meddle with what concerns you!' he exclaimed angrily. 'This is not
      women's business! Leave me!' And he repulsed me with a violence which he
      had never displayed since our first interview after your return from
      Egypt. Heavens! what will become of us?"
    </p>
    <p>
      I could say nothing to calm affliction and alarm in which I participated,
      for to my grief for the death of the Duc d'Enghien was added my regret
      that Bonaparte should be capable of such a crime. "What," said Josephine,
      "can be thought of this in Paris? He must be the object of universal,
      imprecation, for even here his flatterers appear astounded when they are
      out of his presence. How wretched we have been since yesterday; and
      he!.... You know what he is when he is dissatisfied with himself. No one
      dare speak to him, and all is mournful around us. What a commission he
      gave to Savary! You know I do not like the general, because he is one of
      those whose flatteries will contribute to ruin Bonaparte. Well! I pitied
      Savary when he came yesterday to fulfil a commission which the Duc
      d'Enghien had entrusted to him. Here," added Josephine, "is his portrait
      and a lock of his hair, which he has requested me to transmit to one who
      was dear to him. Savary almost shed tears when he described to me the last
      moments of the Duke; then, endeavouring to resume his self-possession, he
      said: 'It is in vain to try to be indifferent, Madame! It is impossible to
      witness the death of such a man unmoved!'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Josephine afterwards informed me of the only act of courage which occurred
      at this period&mdash;namely, the resignation which M. de Chateaubriand had
      sent to Bonaparte. She admired his conduct greatly, and said: "What a pity
      he is not surrounded by men of this description! It would be the means of
      preventing all the errors into which he is led by the constant approbation
      of those about him." Josephine thanked me for my attention in coming to
      see her at such an unhappy juncture; and I confess that it required all
      the regard I cherished for her to induce me to do so, for at that moment I
      should not have wished to see the First Consul, since the evil was
      irreparable. On the evening of that day nothing was spoken of but the
      transaction of the 21st of March, and the noble conduct of M. de
      Chateaubriand. As the name of that celebrated man is for ever written in
      characters of honour in the history of that period, I think I may with
      propriety relate here what I know respecting his previous connection with
      Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      I do not recollect the precise date of M. de Chateaubriand's return to
      France; I only know that it was about the year 1800, for we were, I think,
      still at the Luxembourg: However, I recollect perfectly that Bonaparte
      began to conceive prejudices against him; and when I one day expressed my
      surprise to the First Consul that M. de Chateaubriand's name did not
      appear on any of the lists which he had ordered to be presented to him for
      filling up vacant places, he said: "He has been mentioned to me, but I
      replied in a way to check all hopes of his obtaining any appointment. He
      has notions of liberty and independence which will not suit my system. I
      would rather have him my enemy than my forced friend. At all events, he
      must wait awhile; I may, perhaps, try him first in a secondary place, and,
      if he does well, I may advance him."
    </p>
    <p>
      The above is, word for word, what Bonaparte said the first time I
      conversed with him about M. de Chateaubriand. The publication of 'Atala'
      and the 'Genie du Christianisme' suddenly gave Chateaubriand celebrity,
      and attracted the attention of the First Consul. Bonaparte who then
      meditated the restoration of religious worship: in France, found himself
      wonderfully supported by the publication of a book which excited the
      highest interest, and whose superior merit led the public mind to the
      consideration of religious topics. I remember Madame Bacciocchi coming one
      day to visit her brother with a little volume in her hand; it was 'Atala'.
      She presented it to the First Consul, and begged he would read it. "What,
      more romances!" exclaimed he. "Do you think I have time to read all your
      fooleries?" He, however, took the book from his sister and laid it down on
      my desk. Madame Bacciocchi then solicited the erasure of M. de
      Chateaubriand's name from the list of emigrants. "Oh! oh!" said Bonaparte,
      "it is Chateaubriand's book, is it? I will read it, then. Bourrienne,
      write to Fouché to erase his name from the list."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, at that time paid so little attention to what was doing in the
      literary world that he was not aware of Chateaubriand being the author of
      'Atala'. It was on the recommendation of M. de Fontanel that Madame
      Bacciocchi tried this experiment, which was attended by complete success.
      The First Consul read 'Atala', and was much pleased with it. On the
      publication of the 'Genie du Christianisme' some time after, his first
      prejudices were wholly removed. Among the persons about him there were
      many who dreaded to see a man of de Chateaubriand's talent approach the
      First Consul, who knew how to appreciate superior merit when it did not
      exite his envy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our relations with the Court of the Vatican being renewed, and Cardinal
      Fesch appointed Ambassador to the Holy See, Bonaparte conceived the idea
      of making M. de Chateaubriand first secretary to the Embassy, thinking
      that the author of the 'Genie du Christianisme' was peculiarly fitted to
      make up for his uncle's deficiency of talent in the capital of the
      Christian world, which was destined to become the second city of the
      Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not a little extraordinary to let a man, previously, a stranger to
      diplomatic business; stepping over all the intermediate degrees; and being
      at once invested with the functions of first secretary to an important
      Embassy. I oftener than once heard the First Consul congratulate himself
      on having made the appointment. I knew, though Bonaparte was not aware of
      the circumstance at the time, that Chateaubriand at first refused the
      situation, and that he was only induced to accept it by the entreaties of
      the head of the clergy, particularly of the Abby Emery, a man of great
      influence. They represented to the author of the 'Genie du Christianisme'
      that it was necessary he should accompany the uncle of the First Consul to
      Rome; and M. de Chateaubriand accordingly resolved to do so.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, clouds, gathered; I do not know from what cause, between the
      ambassador and his secretary. All I know is, that on Bonaparte being
      informed of the circumstance he took the part of the Cardinal, and the
      friends of M. de Chateaubriand expected to see him soon deprived of his
      appointment, when, to the great astonishment of every one, the secretary
      to the Roman Embassy, far from being disgraced, was raised by the First
      Consul to the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary to the Valais, with leave
      to travel in Switzerland and Italy, together with the promise of the first
      vacant Embassy.
    </p>
    <p>
      This favour excited a considerable sensation at the Tuileries; but as it
      was known to be the will and pleasure of the First Consul all expression
      of opinion on the subject was confined to a few quiet murmurs that
      Bonaparte had done for the name of Chateaubriand what, in fact, he had
      done only on account of his talent. It was during the continuance of this
      favour that the second edition of the 'Genie du Christianisme' was
      dedicated to the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Chateaubriand returned to France previously to entering on the
      fulfilment of his new mission. He remained for some months in Paris, and
      on the day appointed for his departure he went to take leave of the First
      Consul. By a singular chance it happened to be the fatal morning of the
      21st of March, and consequently only a few hours after the Duc d'Enghien
      had been shot. It is unnecessary to observe that M. de Chateaubriand was
      ignorant of the fatal event. However, on his return home he said to his
      friends that he had remarked a singular change in the appearance of the
      First Consul, and that there was a sort of sinister expression in his
      countenance. Bonaparte saw his new minister amidst the crowd who attended
      the audience, and several times seemed inclined to step forward to speak
      to him, but as often turned away, and did not approach him the whole
      morning. A few hours after, when M. de Chateaubriand mentioned his
      observations to some of his friends; he was made acquainted with the cause
      of that agitation which, in spite of all his strength of mind and
      self-command, Bonaparte could not disguise.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Chateaubriand instantly resigned his appointment of Minister
      Plenipotentiary to the Valais. For several days his friends were much
      alarmed for his safety, and they called every morning early to ascertain
      whether he had not been carried off during the night. Their fears were not
      without foundation. I must confess that I, who knew Bonaparte well, was
      somewhat surprised that no serious consequence attended the anger he
      manifested on receiving the resignation of the man who had dedicated his
      work to him. In fact, there was good reason for apprehension, and it was
      not without considerable difficulty that Elisa succeeded in averting the
      threatened storm. From this time began a state of hostility between
      Bonaparte and Chateaubriand which only terminated at the Restoration.
    </p>
    <p>
      I am persuaded, from my knowledge of Bonaparte's character, that though he
      retained implacable resentment against a returned emigrant who had dared
      to censure his conduct in so positive a manner, yet, his first burst of
      anger being soothed, that which was the cause of hatred was at the same
      time the ground of esteem. Bonaparte's animosity was, I confess, very
      natural, for he could not disguise from himself the real meaning of a
      resignation made under such circumstances. It said plainly, "You have
      committed a crime, and I will not serve your Government, which is stained
      with the blood of a Bourbon!" I can therefore very well imagine that
      Bonaparte could never pardon the only man who dared to give him such a
      lesson in the midst of the plenitude of his power. But, as I have often
      had occasion to remark, there was no unison between Bonaparte's feelings
      and his judgment.
    </p>
    <p>
      I find a fresh proof of this in the following passage, which he dictated
      to M. de Montholon at St. Helena (Memoires, tome iv. p 248). "If," said
      he, "the royal confidence had not been placed in men whose minds were
      unstrung by too important circumstances, or who, renegade to their
      country, saw no safety or glory for their master's throne except under the
      yoke of the Holy Alliance; if the Duc de Richelieu, whose ambition was to
      deliver his country from the presence of foreign bayonets; if
      Chateaubriand, who had just rendered valuable services at Ghent; if they
      had had the direction of affairs, France would have emerged from these two
      great national crises powerful and redoubtable. Chateaubriand had received
      from Nature the sacred fire-his works show it! His style is not that of
      Racine but of a prophet. Only he could have said with impunity in the
      chamber of peers, 'that the redingote and cocked hat of Napoleon, put on a
      stick on the coast of Brest, would make all Europe run to arms.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The immediate consequences of the Duc d'Enghien's death were not confined
      to the general consternation which that unjustifiable stroke of state
      policy produced in the capital. The news spread rapidly through the
      provinces and foreign countries, and was everywhere accompanied by
      astonishment and sorrow. There is in the departments a separate class of
      society, possessing great influence, and constituted entirely of persons
      usually called the "Gentry of the Chateaux," who may be said to form the
      provincial Faubourg St. Germain, and who were overwhelmed by the news. The
      opinion of the Gentry of the Chateaux was not hitherto unfavourable to the
      First Consul, for the law of hostages which he repealed had been felt very
      severely by them. With the exception of some families accustomed to
      consider themselves, in relation to the whole world, what they were only
      within the circle of a couple of leagues; that is to say, illustrious
      personages, all the inhabitants of the provinces, though they might retain
      some attachment to the ancient order of things, had viewed with
      satisfaction the substitution of the Consular for the Directorial
      government, and entertained no personal dislike to the First Consul. Among
      the Chateaux, more than anywhere else, it had always been the custom to
      cherish Utopian ideas respecting the management of public affairs, and to
      criticise the acts of the Government. It is well known that at this time
      there was not in all France a single old mansion surmounted by its two
      weathercocks which had not a systems of policy peculiar to itself, and in
      which the question whether the First Consul would play the part of
      Cromwell or Monk was not frequently canvassed. In those innocent
      controversies the little news which the Paris papers were allowed to
      publish was freely discussed, and a confidential letter from Paris
      sometimes furnished food for the conversation of a whole week.
    </p>
    <p>
      While I was with Bonaparte he often talked to me about the life in the
      Chateaux, which he considered as the happiest for men with sufficient
      income and exempt from ambition. He knew and could appreciate this sort of
      life, for he often told me the period of his life which he remembered.
      with the greatest pleasure was that which he had passed in a Chateau of
      the family of Boulat du Colombier near Valence. Bonaparte set great value
      on the opinion of the Chateaux, because while living in the country he had
      observed the moral influence which their inhabitants exercise over their
      neighbourhood. He had succeeded to a great degree in conciliating them,
      but the news of the death of the Duc d'Enghien alienated from him minds
      which were still wavering, and even those which had already declared in
      his favour. That act of tyranny dissolved the charm which had created hope
      from his government and awakened affections which had as yet only
      slumbered. Those to whom this event was almost indifferent also joined in
      condemning it; for there are certain aristocratic ideas which are always
      fashionable in a certain class of society. Thus for different causes this
      atrocity gave a retrograde direction to public opinion, which had
      previously been favourably disposed to Bonaparte throughout the whole of
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The consequences were not less important, and might have been disastrous
      with respect to foreign Courts. I learned, through a channel which does
      not permit me to entertain any doubt of the correctness of my information,
      that as soon as the Emperor Alexander received the news it became clear
      that England might conceive a well-founded hope of forming a new coalition
      against France. Alexander openly expressed his indignation. I also learned
      with equal certainty that when Mr. Pitt was informed of the death of the
      French Prince he said, "Bonaparte has now done himself more mischief than
      we have done him since the last declaration of war."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The remark made on this murder by the astute cold-blooded Fouché
   is well known. He said, "It was worse than a crime&mdash;it was a
   blunder!"&mdash;Editor of 1836 Edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Pitt was not the man to feel much concern for the death of any one; but he
      understood and seized all the advantages afforded to him by this great
      error of policy committed by the most formidable enemy of England. In all
      the Treasury journals published in London Bonaparte was never spoken of
      under any other name than that of the "assassin of the Duc d'Enghien." The
      inert policy of the Cabinet of Vienna prevented the manifestation of its
      displeasure by remonstrances, or by any outward act. At Berlin, in
      consequence of the neighbourhood of the French troops in Hanover, the
      commiseration for the death of the Duc d'Enghien was also confined to the
      King's cabinet, and more particularly to the salons of the Queen of
      Prussia; but it is certain that that transaction almost everywhere changed
      the disposition of sovereigns towards the First Consul, and that if it did
      not cause, it at least hastened the success of the negotiations which
      England was secretly carrying on with Austria and Prussia. Every Prince of
      Germany was offended by the violation of the Grand Duke of Baden's
      territory, and the death of a Prince could not fail everywhere to irritate
      that kind of sympathy of blood and of race which had hitherto always
      influenced the crowned heads and sovereign families of Europe; for it was
      felt as an injury to all of them.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Louis XVIII. learned the death of the Duc d'Enghien he wrote to the
      King of Spain, returning him the insignia of the Order of the Golden
      Fleece (which had also been conferred on Bonaparte), with the accompanying
      letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SIRE, MONSIEUR, AND DEAR COUSIN&mdash;It is with regret that I send back
   to you the insignia of the Order of the Golden Fleece which his
   Majesty, your father, of glorious memory conferred upon me. There
   can be nothing in common between me and the great criminal whom
   audacity and fortune have placed on my throne, since he has had the
   barbarity to stain himself with the blood of a Bourbon, the Duc
   d'Enghien.

   Religion might make me pardon an assassin, but the tyrant of my
   people must always be my enemy.

   In the present age it is more glorious to merit a sceptre than to
   possess one.

   Providence, for incomprehensible reasons, may condemn me to end my
   days in exile, but neither my contemporaries nor posterity shall
   ever have to say, that in the period of adversity I showed my self
   unworthy of occupying the throne of my ancestors.
                              LOUIS
</pre>
    <p>
      The death of the Duc d'Enghien was a horrible episode in the proceedings
      of the great trial which was then preparing, and which was speedily
      followed by the accession of Bonaparte to the Imperial dignity. It was not
      one of the least remarkable anomalies of the epoch to see the judgment by
      which criminal enterprises against the Republic were condemned pronounced
      in the name of the Emperor who had so evidently destroyed that Republic.
      This anomaly certainly was not removed by the subtlety, by the aid of
      which he at first declared himself Emperor of the Republic, as a
      preliminary to his proclaiming himself Emperor of the French. Setting
      aside the means, it must be acknowledged that it is impossible not to
      admire the genius of Bonaparte, his tenacity in advancing towards his
      object, and that adroit employment of suppleness and audacity which made
      him sometimes dare fortune, sometimes avoid difficulties which he found
      insurmountable, to arrive, not merely at the throne of Louis XVI., but at
      the reconstructed throne of Charlemagne.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0059" id="link2HCH0059">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIV.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Pichegru betrayed&mdash;His arrest&mdash;His conduct to his old aide de camp&mdash;
   Account of Pichegru's family, and his education at Brienne&mdash;
   Permission to visit M. Carbonnet&mdash;The prisoners in the Temple&mdash;
   Absurd application of the word "brigand"&mdash;Moreau and the state of
   public opinion respecting him&mdash;Pichegru's firmness&mdash;Pichegru
   strangled in prison&mdash;Public opinion at the time&mdash;Report on the death
   of Pichegru.
</pre>
    <p>
      I shall now proceed to relate what I knew at the time and what I have
      since learnt of the different phases of the trial of Georges, Pichegru,
      Moreau and the other persons accused of conspiracy,&mdash;a trial to all
      the proceedings of which I closely attended. From those proceedings I was
      convinced that Moreau was no conspirator, but at the same time I must
      confess that it is very probable the First Consul might believe that he
      had been engaged in the plot, and I am also of opinion that the real
      conspirators believed Moreau to be their accomplice and their chief; for
      the object of the machinations of the police agents was to create a
      foundation for such a belief, it being important to the success of their
      scheme.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been stated that Moreau was arrested on the day after the
      confessions made by Bouvet de Lozier; Pichegru was taken by means of the
      most infamous treachery that a man can be guilty of. The official police
      had at last ascertained that he was in Paris, but they could not learn the
      place of his concealment. The police agents had in vain exerted all their
      efforts to discover him, when an old friend, who had given him his last
      asylum, offered to deliver him up for 100,000 crowns. This infamous fellow
      gave an exact description of the chamber which Pichegru occupied in the
      Rue de Chabanais, and in consequence of his information Comminges,
      commissary of police, proceeded thither, accompanied by some determined
      men. Precautions were necessary, because it was known that Pichegru was a
      man of prodigious bodily strength, and that besides, as he possessed the
      means of defence, he would not allow himself to be taken without making a
      desperate resistance. The police entered his chamber by using false keys,
      which the man who had sold him had the baseness to get made for them. A
      light was burning on his night table. The party of police, directed by
      Comminges, overturned the table, extinguished the light, and threw
      themselves on the general, who struggled with all his strength, and cried
      out loudly. They were obliged to bind him, and in this state the conqueror
      of Holland was removed to the Temple, out of which he was destined never
      to come alive.
    </p>
    <p>
      It must be owned that Pichegru was far from exciting the same interest as
      Moreau. The public, and more especially the army, never pardoned him for
      his negotiations with the Prince de Condé prior to the 18th Fructidor.
      However, I became acquainted with a trait respecting him while he was in
      Paris which I think does him much honour. A son of M. Lagrenee, formerly
      director of the French Academy at Rome, had been one of Pichegru's aides
      de camp. This young man, though he had obtained the rank of captain,
      resigned on the banishment of his general, and resumed the pencil, which
      he had lad aside for the sword. Pichegru, while he was concealed in Paris;
      visited his former aide de camp, who insisted upon giving him an asylum;
      but Pichegru positively refused to accept M. Lagrenee's offer, being
      determined not to commit a man who had already given him so strong a proof
      of friendship. I learned this fact by a singular coincidence. At this
      period Madame de Bourrienne wished to have a portrait of one of our
      children; she was recommended to M. Lagrenee, and he related the
      circumstance to her.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was on the night of the 22d of February that Pichegru was arrested in
      the manner I have described. The deceitful friend who gave him up was
      named Le Blanc, and he went to settle at Hamburg with the reward of his
      treachery, I had entirely lost sight of Pichegru since we left Brienne,
      for Pichegru was also a pupil of that establishment; but, being older than
      either Bonaparte or I, he was already a tutor when we were only scholars,
      and I very well recollect that it was he who examined Bonaparte in the
      four first rules of arithmetic.
    </p>
    <p>
      Pichegru belonged to an agricultural family of Franche-Comte. He had a
      relation, a minim,' in that country. The minim, who had the charge of
      educating the pupils of the Military School of Brienne, being very poor,
      and their poverty not enabling them to hold out much inducement to other
      persons to assist them, they applied to the minims of Franche-Comte. In
      consequence of this application Pichegru's relation, and some other
      minims, repaired to Brienne. An aunt of Pichegru, who was a sister of the
      order of charity, accompanied them, and the care of the infirmary was
      entrusted to her. This good woman took her nephew to Brienne with her, and
      he was educated at the school gratuitously. As soon as his age permitted,
      Pichegru was made a tutor; but all, his ambition was to become a minim. He
      was, however, dissuaded from that pursuit by his relation, and he adopted
      the military profession. There is this further remarkable circumstance in
      the youth of Pichegru, that, though he was older by several years than
      Bonaparte, they were both made lieutenants of artillery at the same time.
      What a difference in their destiny! While the one was preparing to ascend
      a throne the other was a solitary prisoner in the dungeon of the Temple.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had no motive to induce me to visit either the Temple or La Force, but I
      received at the time circumstantial details of what was passing in those
      prisons, particularly in the former; I went, however, frequently to St.
      Pelagie, where M. Carbonnet was confined. As soon as I knew that he was
      lodged in that prison I set about getting an admission from Real, who
      smoothed all difficulties. M. Carbonnet was detained two months in
      solitary confinement. He was several times examined, but the
      interrogatories produced no result, and, notwithstanding the desire to
      implicate him in consequence of the known intimacy between him and Moreau,
      it was at last found impossible to put him on trial with the other parties
      accused.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Temple had more terrors than St. Pelagie, but not for the prisoners
      who were committed to it, for none of those illustrious victims of police
      machination displayed any weakness, with the exception of Bouvet de
      Lozier, who, being sensible of his weakness, wished to prevent its
      consequences by death. The public, however, kept their attention riveted
      on the prison in which Moreau was confined. I have already mentioned that
      Pichegru was conveyed thither on the night of the 22d of February; a
      fortnight later Georges was arrested, and committed to the same prison.
    </p>
    <p>
      Either Real or Desmarets, and sometimes both together, repaired to the
      Temple to examine the prisoners. In vain the police endeavoured to direct
      public odium against the prisoners by placarding lists of their names
      through the whole of Paris, even before they were arrested. In those lists
      they were styled "brigands," and at the head of "the brigands," the name
      of General Moreau shone conspicuously. An absurdity without a parallel.
      The effect produced was totally opposite to that calculated on; for, as no
      person could connect the idea of a brigand with that of a general who was
      the object of public esteem, it was naturally concluded that those whose
      names were placarded along with his were no more brigands than he.
    </p>
    <p>
      Public opinion was decidedly in favour of Moreau, and every one was
      indignant at seeing him described as a brigand. Far from believing him
      guilty, he was regarded as a victim fastened on because his reputation
      embarrassed Bonaparte; for Moreau had always been looked up to as capable
      of opposing the accomplishment of the First Consul's ambitious views. The
      whole crime of Moreau was his having numerous partisans among those who
      still clung to the phantom of the Republic, and that crime was
      unpardonable in the eyes of the First Consul, who for two years had ruled
      the destinies of France as sovereign master. What means were not employed
      to mislead the opinion of the public respecting Moreau? The police
      published pamphlets of all sorts, and the Comte de Montgaillard was
      brought from Lyons to draw up a libel implicating him with Pichegru and
      the exiled Princes. But nothing that was done produced the effect
      proposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The weak character of Moreau is known. In fact, he allowed himself to be
      circumvented by a few intriguers, who endeavoured to derive advantage from
      the influence of his name. But he was so decidedly opposed to the
      reestablishment of the ancient system that he replied to one of the agents
      who addressed' him, "I cannot put myself at the head of any movement for
      the Bourbons, and such an attempt would not succeed. If Pichegru act on
      another principle&mdash;and even in that case I have told him that the
      Consuls and the Governor of Paris must disappear&mdash;I believe that I
      have a party strong enough in the Senate to obtain possession of
      authority, and I will immediately make use of it to protect his friends;
      public opinion will then dictate what may be fit to be done, but I will
      promise nothing in writing." Admitting these words attributed to Moreau to
      be true, they prove that he was dissatisfied with the Consular Government,
      and that he wished a change; but there is a great difference between a
      conditional wish and a conspiracy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The commander of the principal guard of the Temple was General Savory, and
      he had reinforced that guard by his select gendarmerie. The prisoners did
      not dare to communicate one with another for fear of mutual injury, but
      all evinced a courage which created no little alarm as to the consequences
      of the trial. Neither offers nor threats produced any confessions in the
      course of the interrogatories. Pichegru, in particular, displayed an
      extraordinary firmness, and Real one day, on leaving the chamber where he
      had been examining him, said aloud in the presence of several persons,
      "What a man that Pichegru is!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Forty days elapsed after the arrest of General Pichegru when, on the
      morning of the 6th of April, he was found dead in the chamber he occupied
      in the Temple. Pichegru had undergone ten examinations; but he had made no
      confessions, and no person was committed by his replies.
    </p>
    <p>
      All his declarations, however, gave reason to believe that he would speak
      out, and that too in a lofty and energetic manner during the progress of
      the trial. "When I am before my judges," said he, "my language shall be
      conformable to truth and the interests of my country." What would that
      language have been? Without doubt there was no wish that it should be
      heard. Pichegru would have kept his promise, for he was distinguished for
      his firmness of character above everything, even above his qualities as a
      soldier; differing in this respect from Moreau, who allowed himself to be
      guided by his wife and mother-in-law, both of whom displayed ridiculous
      pretensions in their visits to Madame Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      The day on which Real spoke before several persons of Pichegru in the way
      I have related was the day of his last examination. I afterwards learned,
      from a source on which I can rely, that during his examination Pichegru,
      though careful to say nothing which could affect the other prisoners,
      showed no disposition to be tender of him who had sought and resolved his
      death, but evinced a firm resolution to unveil before the public the
      odious machinery of the plot into which the police had drawn him. He also
      declared that he and his companions had no longer any object but to
      consider of the means of leaving Paris, with the view of escaping from the
      snares laid for them when their arrest took place. He declared that they
      had all of them given up the idea of overturning the power of Bonaparte, a
      scheme into which they had been enticed by shameful intrigues. I am
      convinced the dread excited by his manifestation of a resolution to speak
      out with the most rigid candour hastened the death of Pichegru. M. Real,
      who is still living, knows better than any one else what were Pichegru's
      declarations, as he interrogated him. I know not whether that gentleman
      will think fit, either at the present or some future period, to raise the
      veil of mystery which hangs over these events, but of this I am sure, he
      will be unable to deny anything I advance. There is evidence almost
      amounting to demonstration that Pichegru was strangled in prison, and
      consequently all idea of suicide must be rejected as inadmissible. Have I
      positive and substantive proof of what I assert? I have not; but the
      concurrence of facts and the weight of probabilities do not leave me in
      possession of the doubts I should wish to entertain on that tragic event.
      Besides, there exists a certain popular instinct, which is rarely at
      fault, and it must be in the recollection of many, not only that the
      general opinion favoured the notion of Pichegru's assassination, but that
      the pains taken to give that opinion another direction, by the affected
      exhibition of the body, only served to strengthen it. He who spontaneously
      says, I have not committed such or such a crime, at least admits there is
      room for suspecting his guilt.
    </p>
    <p>
      The truth is, the tide of opinion never set in with such force against
      Bonaparte as during the trial of Moreau; nor was the popular sentiment in
      error on the subject of the death of Pichegru, who was clearly strangled
      in the Temple by secret agents. The authors, the actors, and the witnesses
      of the horrible prison scenes of the period are the only persons capable
      of removing the doubts which still hang over the death of Pichegru; but I
      must nevertheless contend that the preceding circumstances, the general
      belief at the time, and even probability, are in contradiction with any
      idea of suicide on the part of Pichegru. His death was considered
      necessary, and this necessity was its real cause.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0060" id="link2HCH0060">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXV.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Arrest of Georges&mdash;The fruiterer's daughter of the Rue de La
   Montagne&mdash;St. Genevieve&mdash;Louis Bonaparte's visit to the Temple&mdash;
   General Lauriston&mdash;Arrest of Villeneuve and Barco&mdash;Villeneuve
   wounded&mdash;Moreau during his imprisonment&mdash;Preparations for leaving
   the Temple&mdash;Remarkable change in Georges&mdash;Addresses and
   congratulations&mdash;Speech of the First Consul forgotten&mdash;Secret
   negotiations with the Senate&mdash;Official proposition of Bonaparte's
   elevation to the Empire&mdash;Sitting of the Council of State&mdash;
   Interference of Bonaparte&mdash;Individual votes&mdash;Seven against twenty&mdash;
   His subjects and his people&mdash;Appropriateness of the title of
   Emperor&mdash;Communications between Bonaparte and the Senate&mdash;Bonaparte
   first called Sire by Cambacérès&mdash;First letter signed by Napoleon as
   Emperor&mdash;Grand levee at the Tuileries&mdash;Napoleon's address to the
   Imperial Guard&mdash;Organic 'Senatus-consulte'&mdash;Revival of old formulas
   and titles&mdash;The Republicanism of Lucien&mdash;The Spanish Princess&mdash;
   Lucien's clandestine marriage&mdash;Bonaparte's influence on the German
   Princes&mdash;Intrigues of England&mdash;Drake at Munich&mdash;Project for
   overthrowing Bonaparte's Government&mdash;Circular from the Minister for
   Foreign Affairs to the members of the Diplomatic Body&mdash;Answers to
   that circular.
</pre>
    <p>
      Georges was arrested about seven o'clock, on the evening of the 9th of
      March, with another conspirator, whose name, I think, was Leridan. Georges
      was stopped in a cabriolet on the Place de l'Odeon, whither he had no
      doubt been directed by the police agent, who was constantly about him. In
      not seizing him at his lodgings, the object, probably, was to give more
      publicity to his arrest, and to produce an effect upon the minds of the
      multitude. This calculation cost the life of one man, and had well-nigh
      sacrificed the lives of two, for Georges, who constantly carried arms
      about him, first shot dead the police officer who seized the horse's
      reins, and wounded another who advanced to arrest him is the cabriolet.
      Besides his pistols there was found upon him a poniard of English
      manufacture.
    </p>
    <p>
      Georges lodged with a woman named Lemoine, who kept a fruiterer's shop in
      the Rue de la Montagne St. Genevieve, and on the evening of the 9th of
      March he had just left his lodging to go, it was said, to a perfumer's
      named Caron. It is difficult to suppose that the circumstance of the
      police being on the spot was the mere effect of chance. The fruiterer's
      daughter was putting into the cabriolet a parcel belonging to Georges at
      the moment of his arrest. Georges, seeing the officers advance to seize
      him, desired the girl to get out of the way, fearing lest he should shoot
      her when he fired on the officers. She ran into a neighbouring house,
      taking the parcel along with her. The police, it may readily be supposed,
      were soon after her. The master of the house in which she had taken
      refuge, curious to know what the parcel contained, had opened it, and
      discovered, among other things, a bag containing 1000 Dutch sovereigns,
      from which he acknowledged he had abstracted a considerable sum. He and
      his wife, as well as the fruiterer's daughter, were all arrested; as to
      Georges, he was taken that same evening to the Temple, where he remained
      until his removal to the Conciergerie when the trial commenced.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the whole of the legal proceedings Georges and the other important
      prisoners were kept in solitary confinement. Immediately on Pichegru's
      death the prisoners were informed of the circumstance. As they were all
      acquainted with the general, and none believed the fact of his reported
      suicide, it may easily be conceived what consternation and horror the
      tragical event excited among them. I learned, and I was sorry to hear of
      it, that Louis Bonaparte, who was an excellent man, and, beyond all
      comparison, the best of the family, had the cruel curiosity to see Georges
      in his prison a few days after the death of Pichegru, and when the
      sensation of horror excited by that event in the interior of the Temple
      was at its height, Louis repaired to the prison, accompanied by a
      brilliant escort of staff-officers, and General Savary introduced him to
      the prisoners. When Louis arrived, Georges was lying on his bed with his
      hands strongly bound by manacles. Lauriston, who accompanied Louis,
      related to me some of the particulars of this visit, which, in spite of
      his sincere devotedness to the first Consul, he assured me had been very
      painful to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the arrest of Georges there were still some individuals marked out
      as accomplices in the conspiracy who had found means to elude the search
      of the police. The persons last arrested were, I think, Villeneuve, one of
      the principal confidants of Georges, Burban Malabre, who went by the name
      of Barco, and Charles d'Hozier. They were not taken till five days after
      the arrest of the Duc d'Enghien. The famous Commissioner Comminges,
      accompanied by an inspector and a detachment of gendarmes d'Elite, found
      Villeneuve and Burban Malabre in the house of a man named Dubuisson, in
      the Rue Jean Robert.
    </p>
    <p>
      This Dubuisson and his wife had sheltered some of the principal persons
      proscribed by the police. The Messieurs de Polignac and M. de Riviere had
      lodged with them. When the police came to arrest Villeneuve and Burban
      Malabre the people with whom they lodged declared that they had gone away
      in the morning. The officers, however, searched the house, and discovered
      a secret door within a closet. They called, and receiving no answer, the
      gendarmerie had recourse to one of those expedients which were,
      unfortunately, too familiar to them. They fired a pistol through the door.
      Villeneuve, who went by the name of Joyau, was wounded in the arm, which
      obliged him and his companion to come from the place of their concealment,
      and they were then made prisoners.
    </p>
    <p>
      Moreau was not treated with the degree of rigour observed towards the
      other prisoners. Indeed, it would not have been safe so to treat him, for
      even in his prison he received the homage and respect of all the military,
      not excepting even those who were his guards. Many of these soldiers had
      served under him, and it could not be forgotten how much he was beloved by
      the troops he had commanded. He did not possess that irresistible charm
      which in Bonaparte excited attachment, but his mildness of temper and
      excellent character inspired love and respect. It was the general opinion
      in Paris that a single word from Moreau to the soldiers in whose custody
      he was placed would in a moment have converted the gaoler-guard into a
      guard of honour, ready to execute all that might be required for the
      safety of the conqueror of Hohenlinden. Perhaps the respect with which he
      was treated and the indulgence of daily seeing his wife and child were but
      artful calculations for keeping him within the limits of his usual
      character. Besides, Moreau was so confident of the injustice of the charge
      brought against him that he was calm and resigned, and showed no
      disposition to rouse the anger of an enemy who would have been happy to
      have some real accusation against him. To these causes combined I always
      attributed the resignation; and I may say the indifference, of Moreau
      while he was in prison and on his trial.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the legal preparations for the trial were ended the prisoners of the
      Temple were permitted to communicate with each other, and, viewing their
      fate with that indifference which youth, misfortune, and courage inspired,
      they amused themselves with some of those games which usually serve for
      boyish recreation. While they were thus engaged the order arrived for
      their removal to the Conciergerie. The firmness of all remained unshaken,
      and they made their preparations for departure as if they were going about
      any ordinary business. This fortitude was particularly remarkable in
      Georges, in whose manner a change had taken place which was remarked by
      all his companions in misfortune.
    </p>
    <p>
      For some time past the agents of Government throughout France had been
      instructed to solicit the First Consul to grant for the people what the
      people did not want, but what Bonaparte wished to take while he appeared
      to yield to the general will, namely, unlimited sovereign authority, free
      from any subterfuge of denomination. The opportunity of the great
      conspiracy just discovered, and in which Bonaparte had not incurred a
      moment's danger, as he did at the time of the infernal machine, was not
      suffered to escape; that opportunity was, on the contrary, eagerly seized
      by the authorities of every rank, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, and
      a torrent of addresses, congratulations, and thanksgivings inundated the
      Tuileries. Most of the authors of these addressee did not confine
      themselves to mere congratulations; they entreated Bonaparte to
      consolidate his work, the true meaning of which was that it was time he
      should make himself Emperor and establish hereditary succession. Those who
      on other occasions had shown an officious readiness to execute Bonaparte's
      commands did not now fear to risk his displeasure by opposing the opinion
      he had expressed in the Council of State on the discussion of the question
      of the Consulate for life. Bonaparte then said, "Hereditary succession is
      absurd. It is irreconcilable with the principle of the sovereignty of the
      people, and impossible in France."
    </p>
    <p>
      In this scene of the grand drama Bonaparte played his part with his
      accustomed talent, keeping himself in the background and leaving to others
      the task of preparing the catastrophe. The Senate, who took the lead in
      the way of insinuation, did not fail, while congratulating the First
      Consul on his escape from the plots of foreigners, or, as they were
      officially styled, the daggers of England, to conjure him not to delay the
      completion of his work. Six days after the death of the Duc d'Enghien the
      Senate first expressed this wish. Either because Bonaparte began to repent
      of a useless crime, and felt the ill effect it must produce on the public
      mind, or because he found the language of the Senate somewhat vague, he
      left the address nearly a month unanswered, and then only replied by the
      request that the intention of the address might be more completely
      expressed. These negotiations between the Senate and the Head of the
      Government were not immediately published. Bonaparte did not like
      publicity except for what had arrived at a result; but to attain the
      result which was the object of his ambition it was necessary that the
      project which he was maturing should be introduced in the Tribunate, and
      the tribune Curee had the honour to be the first to propose officially, on
      the 30th of April 1804, the conversion of the Consular Republic into an
      Empire, and the elevation of Bonaparte to the title of Emperor; with the
      rights of hereditary succession.
    </p>
    <p>
      If any doubts could exist respecting the complaisant part which Curee
      acted on this occasion one circumstance would suffice to remove them; that
      is, that ten days before the development of his proposition Bonaparte had
      caused the question of founding the Empire and establishing hereditary
      succession in his family to be secretly discussed in the Council of State.
      I learned from one of the Councillors of State all that passed on that
      occasion, and I may remark that Cambacérès showed himself particularly
      eager in the Council of State, as well as afterwards in the Senate, to
      become the exalted subject of him who had been his first colleague in the
      Consulate.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the middle of April, the Council of State being assembled as for an
      ordinary sitting, the First Consul, who was frequently present at the
      sittings, did not appear. Cambacérès arrived and took the Presidency in
      his quality of Second Consul, and it was remarked that his air was more
      solemn than usual, though he at all times affected gravity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The partisans of hereditary succession were the majority, and resolved to
      present an address to the First Consul. Those of the Councillors who
      opposed this determined on their part to send a counter-address; and to
      avoid this clashing of opinions Bonaparte signified his wish that each
      member of the Council should send him his opinion individually, with his
      signature affixed. By a singular accident it happened to be Berlier's task
      to present to the First Consul the separate opinions of the Council. Out
      of the twenty-seven Councillors present only seven opposed the question.
      Bonaparte received them all most graciously, and told them, among other
      things, that he wished for hereditary power only for the benefit of
      France; that the citizens would never be his subjects, and that the French
      people would never be his people. Such were the preliminaries to the
      official proposition of Curee to the Tribunate, and upon reflection it was
      decided that, as all opposition would be useless and perhaps dangerous to
      the opposing party, the minority should join the majority. This was
      accordingly done.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Tribunate having adopted the proposition of Curee, there was no longer
      any motive for concealing the overtures of the Senate. Its address to the
      First Consul was therefore published forty days after its date: the pear
      was then ripe. This period is so important that I must not omit putting
      together the most remarkable facts which either came within my own
      observation, or which I have learned since respecting the foundation of
      the Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte had a long time before spoken to me of the title of Emperor as
      being the most appropriate for the new sovereignty which he wished to
      found in France. This, he observed, was not restoring the old system
      entirely, and he dwelt much on its being the title which Caesar had borne.
      He often said, "One may be the Emperor of a republic, but not the King of
      a republic, those two terms are incongruous."
    </p>
    <p>
      In its first address the Senate had taken as a test the documents it had
      received from the Government in relation to the intrigues of Drake, who
      had been sent from England to Munich. That text afforded the opportunity
      for a vague expression of what the Senate termed the necessities of
      France. To give greater solemnity to the affair the Senate proceeded in a
      body to the Tuileries, and one thing which gave a peculiar character to
      the preconcerted advances of the Senate was that Cambacérès, the Second
      Consul, fulfilled his functions of President on this occasion, and
      delivered the address to the First Consul.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, the First Consul thought the address of the Senate, which, I have
      been informed, was drawn up by Francois de Neufchateau, was not expressed
      with sufficient clearness; he therefore, after suffering a little interval
      to elapse, sent a message to the Senate signed by himself, in which he
      said, "Your address has been the object of my earnest consideration." And
      though the address contained no mention of hereditary succession, he
      added, "You consider the hereditary succession of the supreme magistracy
      necessary to defend the French people against the plots of our enemies and
      the agitation arising from rival ambition. At the same time several of our
      institutions appear to you to require improvement so as to ensure the
      triumph of equality and public liberty, and to offer to the nation and the
      Government the double guarantee they require." From the subsequent
      passages of the message it will be sufficient to extract the following:
      "We have been constantly guided by this great truth: that the sovereignty
      dwells with the French people, and that it is for their interest,
      happiness, and glory that the Supreme Magistracy, the Senate, the Council
      of State, the Legislative Body, the Electoral Colleges, and the different
      branches of the Government, are and must be instituted." The omission of
      the Tribunate in this enumeration is somewhat remarkable. It announced a
      promise which was speedily realised.
    </p>
    <p>
      The will of Bonaparte being thus expressed in his message to the&mdash;Senate,
      that body, which was created to preserve the institutions consecrated by
      the Constitution of the year VIII., had no alternative but to submit to
      the intentions manifested by the First Consul. The reply to the message
      was, therefore, merely a counterpart of the message itself. It positively
      declared that hereditary government was essential to the happiness, the
      glory, and the prosperity of France, and that that government could be
      confided only to Bonaparte and his family. While the Senate so
      complaisantly played its part in this well-get-up piece, yet, the better
      to impose on the credulity of the multitude, its reply, like Bonaparte's
      message, resounded with the words liberty and equality. Indeed, it was
      impudently asserted in that reply that Bonaparte's accession to hereditary
      power would be a certain guarantee for the liberty of the press, a liberty
      which Bonaparte held in the greatest horror, and without which all other
      liberty is but a vain illusion.
    </p>
    <p>
      By this reply of the Senate the most important step was performed. There
      now remained merely ceremonies to regulate and formulas to fill up. These
      various arrangements occasioned a delay of a fortnight. On the 18th of May
      the First Consul was greeted for the first time by the appellation of Sire
      by his former colleague, Cambacérès, who at the head of the Senate went to
      present to Bonaparte the organic 'Senatus-consulte' containing the
      foundation of the Empire. Napoleon was at St. Cloud, whither the Senate
      proceeded in state. After the speech of Cambacérès, in which the old
      designation of Majesty was for the first time revived, the EMPEROR
      replied:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   All that can contribute to the welfare of the country is essentially
   connected with my happiness. I accept the title which you believe
   to be conducive to the glory of the nation. I submit to the
   sanction of the people the law of hereditary succession. I hope
   that France will never repent the honours she may confer on my
   family. At all events, my spirit will not be with my posterity when
   they cease to merit the confidence and love of the great nation.
</pre>
    <p>
      Cambacérès next went to congratulate the Empress, and then was realised to
      Josephine the prediction which I had made to her three years before at
      Malmaison.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In the original motion as prepared by Curee, the Imperial dignity
   was to be declared hereditary in the family of Napoleon. Previous to
   being formerly read before the Tribunate, the First Consul sent for
   the document, and when it was returned it was found that the word
   family was altered to descendants. Fabre, the President of the
   Tribunate, who received the altered document from Maret, seeing the
   effect the alteration would have on the brothers of Napoleon, and
   finding that Maret affected to crest the change as immaterial, took
   on himself to restore the original form, and in that shape it was
   read by the unconscious Curee to the Tribunals. On this curious,
   passage see Miot de Melito, tome ii, p. 179. As finally settled the
   descent of the crown in default of Napoleon's children was limited
   to Joseph and Louis and their descendants, but the power of adoption
   was given to Napoleon. The draft of the 'Senates-consulte' was
   heard by the Council of State in silence, and Napoleon tried in vain
   to get even the most talkative of the members now to speak. The
   Senate were not unanimous in rendering the 'Senatus-consulte'. The
   three votes given against it were said to have been Gregoire, the
   former constitutional Bishop of Blois, Carat, who as Minister of
   Justice had read to Louis XVI. the sentence of death, and
   Lanjuinais, one of the very few survivors of the Girondists, Thiers
   says there was only one dissentient voice. For the fury of the
   brothers of Napoleon, who saw the destruction of all their ambitions
   hopes in any measure for the descent of the crown except in the
   family, see Miot, tome ii. p.. 172, where Joseph is described as
   cursing the ambition of his brother, and desiring his death as a
   benefit for France and his family.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's first act as Emperor, on the very day of his elevation to the
      Imperial throne, was the nomination of Joseph to the dignity of Grand
      Elector, with the title of Imperial Highness. Louis was raised to the
      dignity of Constable, with the same title, and Cambacérès and Lebrun were
      created Arch-Chancellor and Arch-Treasurer of the Empire. On the same day
      Bonaparte wrote the following letter to Cambacérès, the first which he
      signed as Emperor, and merely with the name of Napoleon:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   CITIZEN CONSUL CAMBACERES&mdash;Your title has changed; but your
   functions and my confidence remain the same. In the high dignity
   with which you are now invested you will continue to manifest, as
   you have hitherto done in that of Consul, that wisdom and that
   distinguished talent which entitle you to so important a share in
   all the good which I may have effected. I have, therefore, only to
   desire the continuance of the sentiments you cherish towards the
   State and me.

   Given at the Palace of St. Cloud, 28th Floréal, an XII.
   (18th May 1804).
                       (Signed) NAPOLEON.

   By the Emperor.
   H. B. MARET.
</pre>
    <p>
      I have quoted this first letter of the Emperor because it is
      characteristic of Bonaparte's art in managing transitions. It was to the
      Citizen Consul that the Emperor addressed himself, and it was dated
      according to the Republican calendar. That calendar, together with the
      delusive inscription on the coin, were all that now remained of the
      Republic. Next day the Emperor came to Paris to hold a grand levee at the
      Tuileries, for he was not the man to postpone the gratification that
      vanity derived from his new dignity and title. The assembly was more
      numerous and brilliant than on any former occasion. Bessières having
      addressed the Emperor on the part of the Guards, the Emperor replied in
      the following terms: "I know the sentiments the Guards cherish towards me.
      I repose perfect confidence in their courage and fidelity. I constantly
      see, with renewed pleasure, companions in arms who have escaped so many
      dangers, and are covered with so many honourable wounds. I experience a
      sentiment of satisfaction when I look at the Guards, and think that there
      has not, for the last fifteen years, in any of the four quarters of the
      world, been a battle in which some of them have not taken part."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the same day all the generals and colonels in Paris were presented to
      the Emperor by Louis Bonaparte, who had already begun to exercise his
      functions of Constable. In a few days everything assumed a new aspect; but
      in spite of the admiration which was openly expressed the Parisians
      secretly ridiculed the new courtiers. This greatly displeased Bonaparte,
      who was very charitably informed of it in order to check his prepossession
      in favour of the men of the old Court, such as the Comte de Segur, and at
      a later period Comte Louis de Narbonne.
    </p>
    <p>
      To give all possible solemnity to his accession Napoleon ordered that the
      Senate itself should proclaim in Paris the organic 'Senates-consulte',
      which entirely changed the Constitution of the State. By one of those
      anomalies which I have frequently had occasion to remark, the Emperor
      fixed for this ceremony Sunday, the 30th Floral. That day was a festival
      in all Paris, while the unfortunate prisoners were languishing in the
      dungeons of the Temple.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day after Bonaparte's accession the old formulae were restored. The
      Emperor determined that the French Princes and Princesses should receive
      the title of Imperial Highness; that his sisters should take the same
      title; that the grand dignitaries of the Empire should be called Serene
      Highnesses; that the Princes and titularies of the grand dignitaries
      should be addressed by the title of Monseigneur; that M. Maret, the
      Secretary of State, should have the rank of Minister; that the ministers
      should retain the title of Excellency, to which should be added that of
      Monseigneur in the petitions addressed to them; and that the title of
      Excellency should be given to the President of the Senate.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the same time Napoleon appointed the first Marshals of the Empire, and
      determined that they should be called Monsieur le Marechal when addressed
      verbally, and Monseigneur in writing. The following are the names of these
      sons of the Republic transformed into props of the Empire: Berthier,
      Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, Bernadotte, Soult, Brune,
      Lannes, Mortier, Ney, Davoust, and Besaieres. The title of Marshal of the
      Empire was also granted to the generals Kellerman, Lefebvre, Perignon, and
      Serrurier, as having served as commander-in-chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reader cannot have failed to observe that the name of Lucien has not
      been mentioned among the individuals of Bonaparte's family on whom
      dignities were conferred. The fact is, the two brothers were no longer on
      good terms with each other. Not, as it has been alleged, because Lucien
      wished to play the part of a Republican, but because he would not submit
      to the imperious will of Napoleon in a circumstance in which the latter
      counted on his brother's docility to serve the interests of his policy. In
      the conferences which preceded the great change in the form of government
      it was not Lucien but Joseph who, probably for the sake of sounding
      opinion, affected an opposition, which was by some mistaken for
      Republicanism. With regard to Lucien, as he had really rendered great
      services to Napoleon on the 19th Brumaire at St. Cloud, and as he himself
      exaggerated the value of those services, he saw no reward worthy of his
      ambition but a throne independent of his brother. It is certain that when
      at Madrid he had aspired to win the good graces of a Spanish Infanta, and
      on that subject reports were circulated with which I have nothing to do,
      because I never had any opportunity of ascertaining their truth. All I
      know is that, Lucien's first wife being dead, Bonaparte, wished him to
      marry a German Princess, by way of forming the first great alliance in the
      family. Lucien, however, refused to comply with Napoleon's wishes, and he
      secretly married the wife of an agent, named, I believe, Joubertou, who
      for the sake of convenience was sent to the West Indies, where he: died
      shortly after. When Bonaparte heard of this marriage from the priest by
      whom it had been clandestinely performed, he fell into a furious passion,
      and resolved not to confer on Lucien the title of French Prince, on
      account of what he termed his unequal match. Lucien, therefore, obtained
      no other dignity than that of Senator.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[According to Lucien himself, Napoleon wished him to marry the
   Queen of Etruria Maria-Louise, daughter of Charles IV. of Spain, who
   had married, 1795 Louie de Bourbon, Prince of Parma, son of the Duke
   of Parma, to whom Napoleon had given Tuscany in 1801 as the Kingdom
   of, Etruria. Her husband had died in May 1808, and she governed in
   the name of her son. Lucien, whose first wife, Anne Christine
   Boyer, had died in 1801, had married his second wife, Alexandrine
   Laurence de Bleschamps, who had married, but who had divorced, a M.
   Jonberthon. When Lucien had been ambassador in Spain in 1801,
   charged among other things with obtaining Elba, the Queen, he says,
   wished Napoleon should marry an Infanta,&mdash;Donna Isabella, her
   youngest daughter, afterwards Queen of Naples, an overture to which
   Napoleon seems not to have made any answer. As for Lucien, he
   objected to his brother that the Queen was ugly, and laughed at
   Napoleon's representations as to her being "propre": but at last he
   acknowledged his marriage with Madame Jouberthon. This made a
   complete break between the brothers, and on hearing of the execution
   of the Duc d'Enghien, Lucien said to his wife, "Alexandrine, let us
   go; he has tasted blood." He went to Italy, and in 1810 tried to go
   to the United States. Taken prisoner by the English, he was
   detained first at Malta, and then in England, at Ludlow Castle and
   at Thorngrove, till 1814, when he went to Rome. The Pope, who ever
   showed a kindly feeling towards the Bonapartes, made the
   ex-"Brutus" Bonaparte Prince de Canino and Duc de Musignano.
   In 1815 he joined Napoleon and on the final fall of the Empire
   he was interned at Rome till the death of his brother.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Jerome, who pursued an opposite line of conduct, was afterwards made a
      King. As to Lucien's Republicanism, it did not survive the 18th Brumaire,
      and he was always a warm partisan of hereditary succession.
    </p>
    <p>
      But I pass on to relate what I know respecting the almost incredible
      influence which, on the foundation of the Empire, Bonaparte exercised over
      the powers which did not yet dare to declare war against him. I studied
      Bonaparte's policy closely, and I came to this conclusion on the subject,
      that he was governed by ambition, by the passion of dominion, and that no
      relations, on a footing of equality, between himself and any other power,
      could be of long duration. The other States of Europe had only to choose
      one of two things&mdash;submission or war. As to secondary States, they
      might thenceforth be considered as fiefs of the French Government; and as
      they could not resist, Bonaparte easily accustomed them to bend to his
      yoke. Can there be a stronger proof of this arbitrary influence than what
      occurred at Carlsruhe, after the violation of the territory of Baden, by
      the arrest of the Duc d'Enghien? Far from venturing to make any
      observation on that violation, so contrary to the rights of nations, the
      Grand Duke of Baden was obliged to publish, in his own State, a decree
      evidently dictated by Bonaparte. The decree stated, that many individuals
      formerly belonging to the army of Condé having come to the neighbourhood
      of Carlsruhe, his Electoral Highness had felt it his duty to direct that
      no individual coming from Condé's army, nor indeed any French emigrant,
      should, unless he had permission previously to the place, make a longer
      sojourn than was allowed to foreign travellers. Such was already the
      influence which Bonaparte exercised over Germany, whose Princes, to use an
      expression which he employed in a later decree, were crushed by the grand
      measures of the Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      But to be just, without however justifying Bonaparte, I must acknowledge
      that the intrigues which England fomented in all parts of the Continent
      were calculated to excite his natural irritability to the utmost degree.
      The agents of England were spread over the whole of Europe, and they
      varied the rumours which they were commissioned to circulate, according to
      the chances of credit which the different places afforded. Their reports
      were generally false; but credulity gave ear to them, and speculators
      endeavoured, each according to his interest, to give them support. The
      headquarters of all this plotting was Munich, where Drake, who was sent
      from England, had the supreme direction. His correspondence, which was
      seized by the French Government, was at first placed amongst the documents
      to be produced on the trial of Georges, Moreau, and the other prisoners;
      but in the course of the preliminary proceedings the Grand Judge received
      directions to detach them, and make them the subject of a special report
      to the First Consul, in order that their publication beforehand might
      influence public opinion, and render it unfavourable to those who were
      doomed to be sacrificed. The instructions given by Drake to his agents
      render it impossible to doubt that England wished to overthrow the
      Government of Bonaparte. Drake wrote as follows to a man who was appointed
      to travel through France:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The principal object of your journey being the overthrow of the
   existing Government, one of the means of effecting it is to acquire
   a knowledge of the enemy's plans. For this purpose it is of the
   highest importance to begin, in the first place, by establishing
   communications with persons who may be depended upon in the
   different Government offices in order to obtain exact information of
   all plans with respect to foreign or internal affairs. The
   knowledge of these plans will supply the best means of defeating
   them; and failure is the way to bring the Government into complete
   discredit&mdash;the first and most important step towards the end
   proposed. Try to gain over trustworthy agents in the different
   Government departments. Endeavour, also, to learn what passes in
   the secret committee, which is supposed to be established at St
   Cloud, and composed of the friends of the First Consul. Be careful
   to furnish information of the various projects which Bonaparte may
   entertain relative to Turkey and Ireland. Likewise send
   intelligence respecting the movements of troops, respecting vessels
   and ship-building, and all military preparations.
</pre>
    <p>
      Drake, in his instructions, also recommended that the subversion of
      Bonaparte's Government should, for the time, be the only object in view,
      and that nothing should be said about the King's intentions until certain
      information could be obtained respecting his views; but most of his
      letters and instructions were anterior to 1804. The whole bearing of the
      seized documents proved what Bonaparte could not be ignorant of, namely,
      that England was his constant enemy; but after examining them, I was of
      opinion that they contained nothing which could justify the belief that
      the Government of Great Britain authorised any attempt at assassination.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the First Consul received the report of the Grand Judge relative to
      Drake's plots' against his Government he transmitted a copy of it to the
      Senate, and it was in reply to this communication that the Senate made
      those first overtures which Bonaparte thought vague, but which,
      nevertheless, led to the formation of the Empire. Notwithstanding this
      important circumstance, I have not hitherto mentioned Drake, because his
      intrigues for Bonaparte's overthrow appeared to me to be more immediately
      connected with the preliminaries of the trial of Georges and Moreau, which
      I shall notice in my next chapter.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[These were not plots for assassination. Bonaparte, in the same
   way, had his secret agents in every country of Europe, without
   excepting England. Alison (chap. xxxvii. par. 89) says on this
   matter of Drake that, though the English agents were certainly
   attempting a counter-revolution, they had no idea of encouraging the
   assassination of Napoleon, while "England was no match for the
   French police agents in a transaction of this description, for the
   publication of Regular revealed the mortifying fact that the whole
   correspondence both of Drake and Spencer Smith had been regularly
   transmitted, as fast as it took place, to the police of Paris, and
   that their principal corresponded in that city, M. Mehu de la
   Tonche, was himself an agent of the police, employed to tempt the
   British envoys into this perilous enterprise."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At the same time that Bonaparte communicated to the Senate the report of
      the Grand Judge, the Minister for Foreign Affairs addressed the following
      circular letter to the members of the Diplomatic Body:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The First Consul has commanded me to forward to your Excellency a
   copy of a report which has been presented to him, respecting a
   conspiracy formed in France by Mr. Drake, his Britannic Majesty's
   Minister at the Court of Munich, which, by its object as well as its
   date, is evidently connected with the infamous plot now in the
   course of investigation.

   The printed copy of Mr. Drake's letters and authentic documents is
   annexed to the report. The originals will be immediately sent, by
   order of the First Consul, to the Elector of Bavaria.

   Such a prostitution of the most honourable function which can be
   intrusted to a man is unexampled in the history of civilised
   nations. It will astonish and afflict Europe as an unheard of
   crime, which hitherto the most perverse Governments have not dared
   to meditate. The First Consul is too well acquainted with
   sentiments of the Diplomatic Body accredited to him not to be fully
   convinced that every one of its members will behold, with profound
   regret, the profanation of the sacred character of Ambassador,
   basely transformed into a minister of plots, snares, and corruption.
</pre>
    <p>
      All the ambassadors, ministers, plenipotentiaries, envoys, ordinary or
      extraordinary, whatever might be their denomination, addressed answers to
      the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which they expressed horror and
      indignation at the conduct of England and Drake's machinations. These
      answers were returned only five days after the Duc d'Enghien's death; and
      here one cannot help admiring the adroitness of Bonaparte, who thus
      compelled all the representatives of the European Governments to give
      official testimonies of regard for his person and Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0061" id="link2HCH0061">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXYI.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Trial of Moreau, Georges, and others&mdash;Public interest excited by
   Moreau&mdash;Arraignment of the prisoners&mdash;Moreau's letter to Bonaparte&mdash;
   Violence of the President of the Court towards the prisoners&mdash;
   Lajolais and Rolland&mdash;Examinations intended to criminate Moreau&mdash;
   Remarkable observations&mdash;Speech written by M. Garat&mdash;Bonaparte's
   opinion of Garat's eloquence&mdash;General Lecourbe and Moreau's son&mdash;
   Respect shown to Moreau by the military&mdash;Different sentiments
   excited by Georges and Moreau&mdash;Thoriot and 'Tui-roi'&mdash;Georges'
   answers to the interrogatories&mdash;He refuses an offer of pardon&mdash;
   Coster St. Victor&mdash;Napoleon and an actress&mdash;Captain Wright&mdash;
   M. de Riviere and the medal of the Comte d'Artois&mdash;Generous struggle
   between MM. de Polignac&mdash;Sentence on the prisoners&mdash;Bonaparte's
   remark&mdash;Pardons and executions.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 28th of May, about ten days after Napoleon had been declared
      Emperor, the trials of Moreau and others commenced. No similar event that
      has since occurred can convey an idea of the fermentation which then
      prevailed in Paris. The indignation excited by Moreau's arrest was openly
      manifested, and braved the observation of the police. Endeavours had been
      successfully made to mislead public opinion with respect to Georges and
      some others among the accused, who were looked upon as assassins in the
      pay of England, at least by that numerous portion of the public who lent
      implicit faith to declarations presented to them as official. But the case
      was different with regard to those individuals who were particularly the
      objects of public interest,&mdash;viz. MM. de Polignac, de Riviere,
      Charles d'Hozier, and, above all, Moreau. The name of Moreau towered above
      all the rest, and with respect to him the Government found itself not a
      little perplexed. It was necessary on the one hand to surround him with a
      guard sufficiently imposing, to repress the eagerness of the people and of
      his friends, and yet on the other hand care was required that this guard
      should not be so strong as to admit of the possibility of making it a
      rallying-point, should the voice of a chief so honoured by the army appeal
      to it for defence. A rising of the populace in favour of Moreau was
      considered as a very possible event,&mdash;some hoped for it, others
      dreaded it. When I reflect on the state of feeling which then prevailed, I
      am certain that a movement in his favour would infallibly have taken place
      had judges more complying than even those who presided at the trial
      condemned Moreau to capital punishment.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is impossible to form an idea of the crowd that choked up the avenues
      of the Palace of Justice on the day the trials commenced. This crowd
      continued during the twelve days the proceedings lasted, and was
      exceedingly great on the day the sentence was pronounced. Persons of the
      highest class were anxious to be present.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was one of the first in the Hall, being determined to watch the course
      of these solemn proceedings. The Court being assembled, the President
      ordered the prisoners to be brought in. They entered in a file, and ranged
      themselves on the benches each between two gendarmes. They appeared
      composed and collected, and resignation was depicted on the countenances
      of all except Bouvet de Lozier, who did not dare to raise his eyes to his
      companions in misfortune, whom his weakness, rather than his will, had
      betrayed. I did not recognise him until the President proceeded to call
      over the prisoners, and to put the usual questions respecting their names,
      professions, and places of abode. Of the forty-nine prisoners, among whom
      were several females, only two were personally known to me; namely,
      Moreau, whose presence on the prisoner's bench seemed to wring every
      heart, and Georges, whom I had seen at the Tuileries in the First Consul's
      cabinet.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first sitting of the Court was occupied with the reading of the act of
      accusation or indictment, and the voices of the ushers, commanding
      silence, could scarce suppress the buzz which pervaded the Court at the
      mention of Moreau's name. All eyes were turned towards the conqueror of
      Hohenlinden, and while the Procureur Imperial read over the long
      indictment and invoked the vengeance of the law on an attempt against the
      head of the Republic, it was easy to perceive how he tortured his
      ingenuity to fasten apparent guilt on the laurels of Moreau. The good
      sense of the public discerned proofs of his innocence in the very
      circumstances brought forward against him. I shall never forget the effect
      produced&mdash;so contrary to what was anticipated by the prosecutors&mdash;by
      the reading of a letter addressed by Moreau from his prison in the Temple
      to the First Consul, when the judges appointed to interrogate him sought
      to make his past conduct the subject of accusation, on account of M. de
      Klinglin's papers having fallen into his hands. He was reproached with
      having too long delayed transmitting these documents to the Directory; and
      it was curious to see the Emperor Napoleon become the avenger of pretended
      offences committed against the Directory which he had overthrown.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the letter here alluded to Moreau said to Bonaparte, then First Consul&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "In the short campaign of the year V. (from the 20th to the 23d of
   March 1797) we took the papers belonging to the staff of the enemy's
   army, and a number of documents were brought to me which General
   Desaix, then wounded, amused himself by perusing. It appeared from
   this correspondence that General Pichegru had maintained
   communications with the French Princes. This discovery was very
   painful, and particularly to me, and we agreed to say nothing of the
   matter. Pichegru, as a member of the Legislative Body, could do but
   little to injure the public cause, since peace was established. I
   nevertheless took every precaution for protecting the army against
   the ill effects of a system of espionage. . . . The events of
   the 18th Fructidor occasioned so much anxiety that two officers, who
   knew of the existence of the correspondence, prevailed on me to
   communicate it to the Government. . . . I felt that, as a
   public functionary, I could no longer remain silent. . . .
   During the two last campaigns in Germany, and since the peace,
   distant overtures have been made to me, with the view of drawing me
   into connection with the French Princes. This appeared so absurd
   that I took no notice of these overtures. As to the present
   conspiracy, I can assure you I have been far from taking any share
   in it. I repeat to you, General, that whatever proposition to that
   effect was made me, I rejected it, and regarded it as the height of
   madness. When it was represented to me that the invasion of England
   would offer a favourable opportunity for effecting a change in the
   French Government, I invariably answered that the Senate was the
   authority to which the whole of France would naturally cling in the
   time of trouble, and that I would be the first to place myself under
   its orders. To such overtures made to a private individual, who
   wished to preserve no connection either with the army, of whom
   nine-tenths have served under me, or any constituted authority, the
   only possible answer was a refusal. Betrayal of confidence I
   disdained. Such a step, which is always base, becomes doubly odious
   when the treachery is committed against those to whom we owe
   gratitude, or have been bound by old friendship.

   "This, General, is all I have to tell you respecting my relations
   with Pichegru, and it must convince you that very false and hasty
   inferences have been drawn from conduct which, though perhaps
   imprudent, was far from being criminal."
</pre>
    <p>
      Moreau fulfilled his duty as a public functionary by communicating to the
      Directory the papers which unfolded a plot against the Government, and
      which the chances of war had thrown into his hands. He fulfilled his duty
      as a man of honour by not voluntarily incurring the infamy which can never
      be wiped from the character of an informer. Bonaparte in Moreau's
      situation would have acted the same part, for I never knew a man express
      stronger indignation than himself against informers, until he began to
      consider everything a virtue which served his ambition, and everything a
      crime which opposed it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The two facts which most forcibly obtruded themselves on my attention
      during the trial were the inveterate violence of the President of the
      Court towards the prisoners and the innocence of Moreau.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It is strange that Bourrienne does not acknowledge that he was
   charged by Napoleon with the duty of attending this trial of Moreau,
   and of sending in a daily report of the proceedings.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      But, in spite of the most insidious examinations which can be conceived,
      Moreau never once fell into the least contradiction. If my memory fail me
      not, it was on the fourth day that he was examined by Thuriot, one of the
      judges. The result, clear as day to all present, was, that Moreau was a
      total stranger to all the plots, all the intrigues which had been set on
      foot in London. In fact, during the whole course of the trial, to which I
      listened with as much attention as interest, I did not discover the shadow
      of a circumstance which could in the least commit him, or which had the
      least reference to him. Scarcely one of the hundred and thirty-nine
      witnesses who were heard for the prosecution knew him, and he himself
      declared on the fourth sitting, which took place on the 31st of May, that
      there was not an individual among the accused whom he knew,&mdash;not one
      whom he had ever seen. In the course of the long proceedings,
      notwithstanding the manifest efforts of Thuriot to extort false admissions
      and force contradictions, no fact of any consequence was elicited to the
      prejudice of Moreau. His appearance was as calm as his conscience; and as
      he sat on the bench he had the appearance of one led by curiosity to be
      present at this interesting trial, rather than of an accused person, to
      whom the proceedings might end in condemnation and death. But for the fall
      of Moreau in the ranks of the enemy,&mdash;but for the foreign cockade
      which disgraced the cap of the conqueror of Hohenlinden, his complete
      innocence would long since have been put beyond doubt, and it would have
      been acknowledged that the most infamous machinations were employed for
      his destruction. It is evident that Lajolais, who had passed from London
      to Paris, and from Paris to London, had been acting the part of an
      intriguer rather than of a conspirator; and that the object of his
      missions was not so much to reconcile Moreau and Pichegru as to make
      Pichegru the instrument of implicating Moreau. Those who supposed Lajolais
      to be in the pay of the British Government were egregiously imposed on.
      Lajolais was only in the pay of the secret police; he was condemned to
      death, as was expected, but he received his pardon, as was agreed upon.
      Here was one of the disclosures which Pichegru might have made; hence the
      necessity of getting him out of the way before the trial. As to the
      evidence of the man named Rolland, it was clear to everybody that Moreau
      was right when he said to the President, "In my opinion, Rolland is either
      a creature of the police, or he has given his evidence under the influence
      of fear." Rolland made two declarations the first contained nothing at
      all; the second was in answer to the following observations: "You see you
      stand in a terrible situation; you must either be held to be an accomplice
      in the conspiracy, or you must be taken as evidence. If you say nothing,
      you will be considered in the light of an accomplice; if you confess, you
      will be saved." This single circumstance may serve to give an idea of the
      way the trials were conducted so as to criminate Moreau. On his part the
      general repelled the attacks, of which he was the object, with calm
      composure and modest confidence, though flashes of just indignation would
      occasionally burst from him. I recollect the effect he produced upon the
      Court and the auditors at one of the sittings, when the President had
      accused him of the design of making himself Dictator. He exclaimed, "I
      Dictator! What, make myself Dictator at the head of the partisans of the
      Bourbons! Point out my partisans! My partisans would naturally be the
      soldiers of France, of whom I have commanded nine-tenths, and saved more
      than fifty thousand. These are the partisans I should look to! All my
      aides de camp, all the officers of my acquaintance, have been arrested;
      not the shadow of a suspicion could be found against any of them, and they
      have been set at liberty. Why, then, attribute to me the madness of aiming
      to get myself made Dictator by the aid of the adherents of the old French
      Princes, of persons who have fought in their cause since 1792? You allege
      that these men, in the space of four-and-twenty hours, formed the project
      of raising me to the Dictatorship! It is madness to think of it! My
      fortune and my pay have been alluded to; I began the world with nothing; I
      might have had by this time fifty millions; I have merely a house and a
      bit of ground; as to my pay, it is forty thousand francs. Surely that sum
      will not be compared with my services."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the trial Moreau delivered a defence, which I knew had been written
      by his friend Garat, whose eloquence I well remember was always disliked
      by Bonaparte. Of this I had a proof on the occasion of a grand ceremony
      which took place in the Place des Victoires, on laying the first stone of
      a monument which was to have been erected to the memory of Desaix, but
      which was never executed. The First Consul returned home in very
      ill-humour, and said to me, "Bourrienne, what a brute that Garat is! What
      a stringer of words! I have been obliged to listen to him for
      three-quarters of an hour. There are people who never know when to hold
      their tongues!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Whatever might be the character of Garat's eloquence or Bonaparte's
      opinion of it, his conduct was noble on the occasion of Moreau's trial;
      for he might be sure Bonaparte would bear him a grudge for lending the aid
      of his pen to the only man whose military glory, though not equal to that
      of the First Consul, might entitle him to be looked upon as his rival in
      fame. At one of the sittings a circumstance occurred which produced an
      almost electrical effect. I think I still see General Lecourbe, the worthy
      friend of Moreau, entering unexpectedly into the Court, leading a little
      boy. Raising the child in his arms, he exclaimed aloud, and with
      considerable emotion, "Soldiers, behold the son of your general!"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This action of Lecourbe, together with the part played in this
   trial by his brother, one of the judges, was most unfortunate, not
   only for Lecourbe but for France, which consequently lost the
   services of its best general of mountain warfare. His campaigns of
   Switzerland in 1799 on the St. Gothard against Suwarrow are well
   known. Naturally disgraced for the part he took with Moreau, he was
   not again employed till the Cent Jours, when he did good service,
   although he had disapproved of the defection of Ney from the
   Royalist cause. He died in 1816; his brother, the judge, had a most
   furious reception from Napoleon, who called him a prevaricating
   judge, and dismissed him from his office (Rémusat, tome ii. p.
   8).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At this unexpected movement all the military present spontaneously rose
      and presented arms; while a murmur of approbation from the spectators
      applauded the act. It is certain that had Moreau at that moment said but
      one word, such was the enthusiasm in his favour, the tribunal would have
      been broken up and the prisoners liberated. Moreau, however, was silent,
      and indeed appeared the only unconcerned person in Court. Throughout the
      whole course of the trial Moreau inspired so much respect that when he was
      asked a question and rose to reply the gendarmes appointed to guard him
      rose at the same time and stood uncovered while he spoke.
    </p>
    <p>
      Georges was far from exciting the interest inspired by Moreau. He was an
      object of curiosity rather than of interest. The difference of their
      previous conduct was in itself sufficient to occasion a great contrast in
      their situation before the Court. Moreau was full of confidence and
      Georges full of resignation. The latter regarded his fate with a fierce
      kind of resolution. He occasionally resumed the caustic tone which he
      seemed to have renounced when he harangued his associates before their
      departure from the Temple. With the most sarcastic bitterness he alluded
      to the name and vote of Thuriot, one of the most violent of the judges,
      often terming him 'Tue-roi';
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Thuriot and the President Hemart both voted for the death of the
   King. Merlin, the imperial Procureur-General, was one of the
   regicides.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and after pronouncing his name, or being forced to reply to his
      interrogatories, he would ask for a glass of brandy to wash his mouth.
    </p>
    <p>
      Georges had the manners and bearing of a rude soldier; but under his
      coarse exterior he concealed the soul of a hero. When the witnesses of his
      arrest had answered the questions of the President Hemart, this judge
      turned towards the accused, and inquired whether he had anything to say in
      reply.&mdash;"No."&mdash;"Do you admit the facts?"&mdash;"Yes." Here
      Georges busied himself in looking over the papers which lay before him,
      when Hemart warned him to desist, and attend to the questions. The
      following dialogue then commenced. "Do you confess having been arrested in
      the place designated by the witness?"&mdash;"I do not know the name of the
      place."&mdash;"Do you confess having been arrested?"&mdash;"Yes."&mdash;"Did
      you twice fire a pistol?"&mdash;"Yes."&mdash;"Did you kill a man?"&mdash;"Indeed
      I do not know."&mdash; "Had you a poniard?"&mdash;"Yes."&mdash;"And two
      pistols?"&mdash;"Yes."&mdash;"Who was in company with you?"&mdash;"I do
      not know the person."&mdash;"Where did you lodge in Paris?"&mdash;"Nowhere."&mdash;"At
      the time of your arrest did you not reside in the house of a fruiterer in
      the Rue de la Montagne St. Genevieve?"&mdash; "At the time of my arrest I
      was in a cabriolet. I lodged nowhere."&mdash; "Where did you sleep on the
      evening of your arrest?"&mdash;"Nowhere."&mdash;"What were you doing in
      Paris?"&mdash;"I was walking about."&mdash;"Whom have you seen in Paris?"&mdash;"I
      shall name no one; I know no one."
    </p>
    <p>
      From this short specimen of the manner in which Georges replied to the
      questions of the President we may judge of his unshaken firmness during
      the proceedings. In all that concerned himself he was perfectly open; but
      in regard to whatever tended to endanger his associates he maintained the
      most obstinate silence, notwithstanding every attempt to overcome his
      firmness.
    </p>
    <p>
      That I was not the only one who justly appreciated the noble character of
      Georges is rendered evident by the following circumstance. Having
      accompanied M. Carbonnet to the police, where he went to demand his
      papers, on the day of his removal to St. Pelagic, we were obliged to await
      the return of M. Real, who was absent. M. Desmarets and several other
      persons were also in attendance. M. Real had been at the Conciergerie,
      where he had seen Georges Cadoudal, and on his entrance observed to M.
      Desmarets and the others, sufficiently loud to be distinctly heard by M.
      Carbonnet and myself, "I have had an interview with Georges who is an
      extraordinary man. I told him that I was disposed to offer him a pardon if
      he would promise to renounce the conspiracy and accept of employment under
      Government. But to my arguments and persuasions he only replied, 'My
      comrades followed me to France, and I shall follow them, to death.'" In
      this he kept his word.
    </p>
    <p>
      Were we to judge these memorable proceedings from the official documents
      published in the Moniteur and other journals of that period, we should
      form a very erroneous opinion. Those falsities were even the object of a
      very serious complaint on the part of Cosier St. Victor, one of the
      accused.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the speech of M. Gauthier, the advocate of Coster St. Victor, the
      President inquired of the accused whether he had anything further to say
      in his defence, to which he replied, "I have only to add that the
      witnesses necessary to my exculpation have not yet appeared. I must
      besides express my surprise at the means which have been employed to lead
      astray public opinion, and to load with infamy not only the accused but
      also their intrepid defenders. I have read with pain in the journals of
      to-day that the proceedings&mdash;" Here the President interrupting,
      observed that "these were circumstances foreign to the case."&mdash;"Not
      in the least," replied Cosier St. Victor; "on the contrary, they bear very
      materially on the cause, since mangling and misrepresenting our defence is
      a practice assuredly calculated to ruin us in the estimation of the
      public. In the journals of to-day the speech of M. Gauthier is shamefully
      garbled, and I should be deficient in gratitude were I not here to bear
      testimony to the zeal and courage which he has displayed in my defence. I
      protest against the puerilities and absurdities which have been put into
      his mouth, and I entreat him not to relax in his generous efforts. It is
      not on his account that I make this observation; he does not require it at
      my hands; it is for 'myself, it is for the accused, whom such arts tend to
      injure in the estimation of the public."
    </p>
    <p>
      Coster St. Victor had something chivalrous in his language and manners
      which spoke greatly in his favour; he conveyed no bad idea of one of the
      Fiesco conspirators, or of those leaders of the Fronds who intermingled
      gallantry with their politics.
    </p>
    <p>
      An anecdote to this effect was current about the period of the trial.
      Coster St. Victor, it is related, being unable any longer to find a secure
      asylum in Paris, sought refuge for a single night in the house of a
      beautiful actress, formerly in the good graces of the First Consul; and it
      is added that Bonaparte, on the same night, having secretly arrived on a
      visit to the lady, found himself unexpectedly in the presence of Coster
      St. Victor, who might have taken his life; but that only an interchange of
      courtesy took place betwixt the rival gallants.
    </p>
    <p>
      This ridiculous story was doubtless intended to throw additional odium on
      the First Consul, if Cosier St. Victor should be condemned and not obtain
      a pardon, in which case malignity would not fail to attribute his
      execution to the vengeance of a jealous lover.
    </p>
    <p>
      I should blush to relate such stories, equally destitute of probability
      and truth, had they not obtained some credit at the time. Whilst I was
      with Bonaparte he never went abroad during the night; and it was not
      surely at a moment when the saying of Fouché, "The air is full of
      poniards," was fully explained that he would have risked such nocturnal
      adventures.
    </p>
    <p>
      Wright was heard in the sixth sitting, on the 2d of June, as the hundred
      and thirty-fourth witness in support of the prosecution. He, however,
      refused to answer any interrogatories put to him, declaring that, as a
      prisoner of war, he considered himself only amenable to his own
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Procureur-General requested the President to order the examinations of
      Captain Wright on the 21st of May' and at a later period to be read over
      to him; which being done, the witness replied, that it was omitted to be
      stated that on these occasions the questions had been accompanied with the
      threat of transferring him to a military tribunal, in order to be shot, if
      he did not betray the secrets of his country.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the course of the trial the most lively interest was felt for MM. de
      Polignac&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The eldest of the Polignacs, Armand (1771-1847), condemned to
   death, had that penalty remitted, but was imprisoned in Ham till
   permitted to escape m 1813. He became Duc de Richelieu in 1817.
   His younger brother, Jules (1780-1847) was also imprisoned and
   escaped. In 1814 he was one of the first to display the white flag
   in Paris. In 1829 he became Minister of Charles X. and was
   responsible for the ordinances which cost his master his throne in
   1830. Imprisoned, nominally for life, he was released in 1836, and
   after passing some time in England returned to France. The
   remission of the sentence of death on Prince Armand was obtained by
   the Empress Josephine. Time after time, urged on by Madame de
   Rémusat, she implored mercy from Napoleon, who at last consented to
   see the wife of the Prince. Unlike the Bourbon Louis XVIII., who
   could see Madame de Lavalette only to refuse the wretched woman's
   prayer for her husband, for Napoleon to grant the interview was to
   concede the pardon. The Prince escaped death, and his wife who had
   obtained the interview by applying to Madame de Rémusat, when she
   met her benefactress in the times of the Restoration, displayed a
   really grand forgetfulness of what had passed (see Rémusat, tome ii.
   chap. i.).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Charles d'Hozier, and de Riviere. So short a period had elapsed since the
      proscription of the nobility that, independently of every feeling of
      humanity, it was certainly impolitic to exhibit before the public the
      heirs of an illustrious name, endowed with that devoted heroism which
      could not fail to extort admiration even from those who condemned their
      opinions and principles.
    </p>
    <p>
      The prisoners were all young, and their situation create universal
      sympathy. The greatest number of them disdained to have recourse to a
      denial, and seemed less anxious for the preservation of their own lives
      than for the honour of the cause in which they had embarked, not with the
      view of assassination, as had been demonstrated, but for the purpose of
      ascertaining the true state of the public feeling, which had been
      represented by some factious intriguers as favourable to the Bourbons.
      Even when the sword of the law was suspended over their heads the faithful
      adherents of the Bourbons displayed on every occasion their attachment and
      fidelity to the royal cause. I recollect that the Court was dissolved in
      tears when the President adduced as a proof of the guilt of M. de Riviere
      his having worn a medal of the Comte d'Artois, which the prisoner
      requested to examine; and, on its being handed to him by an officer, M. de
      Riviere pressed it to his lips and his heart, then returning it, he said
      that he only wished to render homage to the Prince whom he loved.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Court was still more deeply affected on witnessing the generous
      fraternal struggle which took place during the last sitting between the
      two De Polignacs. The emotion was general when the eldest of the brothers,
      after having observed that his always going out alone and during the day
      did not look like a conspirator anxious for concealment, added these
      remarkable words which will remain indelibly engraven on my memory: "I
      have now only one wish, which is that, as the sword is suspended over our
      heads, and threatens to cut short the existence of several of the accused,
      you would, in consideration of his youth if not of his innocence, spare my
      brother, and shower down upon me the whole weight of your vengeance." It
      was during the last sitting but one, on Friday the 8th of June, that M.
      Armand de Polignac made the above affecting appeal in favour of his
      brother. The following day, before the fatal sentence was pronounced, M.
      Jules de Polignac addressed the judges, saying, "I was so deeply affected
      yesterday, while my brother was speaking, as not fully to have attended to
      what I read in my own defence: but being now perfectly tranquil, I
      entreat, gentlemen, that you will not regard what he urged in my behalf. I
      repeat, on the contrary, and with most justice, if one of us must fall a
      sacrifice, if there be yet time, save him, restore him to the tears of his
      wife; I have no tie like him, I can meet death unappalled;&mdash;too young
      to have tasted the pleasures of the world, I cannot regret their loss."&mdash;"No,
      no," exclaimed his brother, "you are still in the outset of your career;
      it is I who ought to fall."
    </p>
    <p>
      At eight in the morning the members of the Tribunal withdrew to the
      council-chamber. Since the commencement of the proceedings the crowd, far
      from diminishing, seemed each day to increase; this morning it was
      immense, and, though the sentence was not expected to be pronounced till a
      late hour, no one quitted the Court for fear of not being able to find a
      place when the Tribunal should resume its sitting.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sentence of death was passed upon Georges Caudoudal, Bouvet de Lozier,
      Rusillon, Rochelle, Armand de Polignac, Charles d'Hozier, De Riviere,
      Louis Ducorps, Picot, Lajolais, Roger, Coster St. Victor, Deville,
      Gaillard, Joyaub, Burban; Lemercier, Jean Cadudol, Lelan, and Merille;
      while Lies de Polignac, Leridant, General Moreau,&mdash;[General Moreau's
      sentence was remitted, and he was allowed to go to America.]&mdash;Rolland,
      and Hisay were only condemned to two years' imprisonment.
    </p>
    <p>
      This decree was heard with consternation by the assembly, and soon spread
      throughout Paris. I may well affirm it to have been a day of public
      mourning; even though it was Sunday every place of amusement was nearly
      deserted. To the horror inspired by a sentence of death passed so
      wantonly, and of which the greater number of the victims belonged to the
      most distinguished class of society, was joined the ridicule inspired by
      the condemnation of Moreau; of the absurdity of which no one seemed more
      sensible than Bonaparte himself, and respecting which he expressed himself
      in the most pointed terms. I am persuaded that every one who narrowly
      watched the proceedings of this celebrated trial must have been convinced
      that all means were resorted to in order that Moreau, once accused, should
      not appear entirely free from guilt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte is reported to have said, "Gentlemen, I have no control over
      your proceedings; it is your duty strictly to examine the evidence before
      presenting a report to me. But when it has once the sanction of your
      signatures, woe to you if an innocent man be condemned." This remark is in
      strict conformity with his usual language, and bears a striking similarity
      to the conversation I held with him on the following Thursday; but though
      this language might be appropriate from the lips of a sovereign whose
      ministers are responsible, it appears but a lame excuse in the mouth of
      Bonaparte, the possessor of absolute power.
    </p>
    <p>
      The condemned busied themselves in endeavouring to procure a repeal of
      their sentence, the greatest number of them yielded in this respect to the
      entreaties of their friends, who lost no time in taking the steps
      requisite to obtain the pardon of those in whom they were most interested.
      Moreau at first also determined to appeal; but he relinquished his purpose
      before the Court of Cessation commenced its sittings.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the decree of the special Tribunal was delivered, Murat,
      Governor of Paris, and brother-in-law to the Emperor, sought his presence
      and conjured him in the most urgent manner to pardon all the criminals,
      observing that such an act of clemency would redound greatly to his honour
      in the opinion of France and all Europe, that it would be said the Emperor
      pardoned the attempt against the life of the First Consul, that this act
      of mercy would shed more glory over the commencement of his reign than any
      security which could accrue from the execution of the prisoners. Such was
      the conduct of Murat; but he did not solicit, as has been reported, the
      pardon of any one in particular.
    </p>
    <p>
      Those who obtained the imperial pardon were Bouvet de Lozier, who expected
      it from the disclosures he had made; Rusillon, de Riviere, Rochelle,
      Armand de Polignac, d'Hozier, Lajolais, who had beforehand received a
      promise to that effect, and Armand Gaillard.
    </p>
    <p>
      The other ill-fated victims of a sanguinary police underwent their
      sentence on the 25th of June, two days after the promulgation of the
      pardon of their associates.
    </p>
    <p>
      Their courage and resignation never forsook them even for a moment, and
      Georges, knowing that it was rumoured he had obtained a pardon, entreated
      that he might die the first, in order that his companions in their last
      moments might be assured he had not survived them.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0062" id="link2HCH0062">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVII.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Clavier and Hemart&mdash;Singular Proposal of Corvisart-M. Desmaisons&mdash;
   Project of influencing the judges&mdash;Visit to the Tuileries&mdash;Rapp in
   attendance&mdash;Long conversation with the Emperor&mdash;His opinion on the
   trial of Moreau&mdash;English assassins and Mr. Fox&mdash;Complaints against
   the English Government&mdash;Bonaparte and Lacuee&mdash;Affectionate
   behaviour&mdash;Arrest of Pichegru&mdash;Method employed by the First Consul
   to discover his presence in Paris&mdash;Character of Moreau&mdash;Measures of
   Bonaparte regarding him&mdash;Lauriston sent to the Temple&mdash;Silence
   respecting the Duc d'Enghien&mdash;Napoleon's opinion of Moreau and
   Georges&mdash;Admiration of Georges&mdash;Offers of employment and dismissal&mdash;
   Recital of former vexations&mdash;Audience of the Empress&mdash;Melancholy
   forebodings&mdash;What Bonaparte said concerning himself&mdash;Marks of
   kindness.
</pre>
    <p>
      The judges composing the Tribunal which condemned Moreau were not all like
      Thuriot and Hemart. History has recorded an honourable contrast to the
      general meanness of the period in the reply given by M. Clavier, when
      urged by Hemart to vote for the condemnation of Moreau. "Ah, Monsieur, if
      we condemn him, how shall we be able to acquit ourselves?" I have,
      besides, the best reason for asserting that the judges were tampered with,
      from, a circumstance which occurred to myself.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte knew that I was intimately connected with M. Desmaisons, one of
      the members of the Tribunal, and brother in-law to Corvisart; he also knew
      that Desmaisons was inclined to believe in Moreau's innocence, and
      favourable to his acquittal. During the progress of the trial Corvisart
      arrived at my house one morning at a very early hour, in a state of such
      evident embarrassment that, before he had time to utter a word, I said to
      him, "What is the matter? Have you heard any bad news?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "No," replied Corvisart, "but I came by the Emperor's order. He wishes you
      to see my brother-in-law. 'He is,' said he to me, 'the senior judge, and a
      man of considerable eminence; his opinion will carry with it great weight,
      and I know that he is favourable to Moreau; he is in the wrong. Visit
      Bourrienne, said the Emperor, and concert with him respecting the best
      method of convincing Desmaisons of his error, for I repeat he is wrong, he
      is deceived.' This is the mission with which I am entrusted."
    </p>
    <p>
      "How," said I, with thorough astonishment, "how came you to be employed in
      this affair? Could you believe for one moment that I would tamper with a
      magistrate in order to induce him to exercise an unjust rigour?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "No, rest assured," replied Corvisart, "I merely visited you this morning
      in obedience to the order of the Emperor; but I knew beforehand in what
      manner you would regard the proposition with which I was charged. I knew
      your opinions and your character too well to entertain the smallest doubt
      in this respect, and I was convinced that I ran no risk in becoming the
      bearer of a commission which would be attended with no effect. Besides,
      had I refused to obey the Emperor, it would have proved prejudicial to
      your interest, and confirmed him in the opinion that you were favourable
      to the acquittal of Moreau. For myself," added Corvisart, "it is needless
      to affirm that I have no intention of attempting to influence the opinion
      of my brother-in-law; and if I had, you know him sufficiently well to be
      convinced in what light he would regard such a proceeding."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the object and result of Corvisart's visit, and I am thence led
      to believe that similar attempts must have been made to influence other
      members of the Tribunal.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["The judges had been pressed and acted on in a thousand ways by
   the hangers on of the Palace and especially by Real, the natural
   intermediary between justice and the Government. Ambition,
   servility, fear, every motive capable of influencing them, had been
   used: even their humane scruples were employed" (Lanfrey tome iii.
   p. 193, who goes on to say that the judges were urged to sentence
   Moreau to death in order that the Emperor might fully pardon him).]
</pre>
    <p>
      But however this may be, prudence led me to discontinue visiting M.
      Desmaisons, with whom I was in habits of the strictest friendship.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this period I paid a visit which occupies an important place in my
      recollections. On the 14th of June 1804, four days after the condemnation
      of Georges and his accomplices, I received a summons to attend the Emperor
      at St. Cloud. It was Thursday, and as I thought on the great events and
      tragic scenes about to be acted, I was rather uneasy respecting his
      intentions.
    </p>
    <p>
      But I was fortunate enough to find my friend Rapp in waiting, who said to
      me as I entered, "Be not alarmed; he is in the best of humours at present,
      and wishes to have some conversation with you."
    </p>
    <p>
      Rapp then announced me to the Emperor, and I was immediately admitted to
      his presence. After pinching my ear and asking his usual questions, such
      as, "What does the world say? How are your children? What are you about?
      etc.," he said to me, "By the by, have you attended the proceedings
      against Moreau?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire, I have not been absent during one of
      the sittings."&mdash;"Well, Bourrienne, are you of the opinion that Moreau
      is innocent?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire; at least I am certain that nothing has
      come out in the course of the trial tending to criminate him; I am even
      surprised how he came to be implicated in this conspiracy, since nothing
      has appeared against him which has the most remote connexion with the
      affair."&mdash;"I know your opinion on this subject; Duroc related to me
      the conversation you held with him at the Tuileries; experience has shown
      that you were correct; but how could I act otherwise? You know that Bouvet
      de Lozier hanged himself in prison, and was only saved by accident. Real
      hurried to the Temple in order to interrogate him, and in his first
      confessions he criminated Moreau, affirming that he had held repeated
      conferences with Pichegru. Real immediately reported to me this fact, and
      proposed that Moreau should be arrested, since the rumours against him
      seemed to be well founded; he had previously made the same proposition. I
      at first refused my sanction to this measure; but after the charge made
      against him by Bouvet de Lozier, how could I act otherwise than I did?
      Could I suffer such open conspiracies against the Government? Could I
      doubt the truth of Bouvet de Lozier's declaration, under the circumstances
      in which it was made? Could I foresee that he would deny his first
      declaration when brought before the Court? There was a chain of
      circumstances which human sagacity could not penetrate, and I consented to
      the arrest of Moreau when it was proved that he was in league with
      Pichegru. Has not England sent assassins?"&mdash;"Sire," said I, "permit
      me to call to your recollection the conversation you had in my presence
      with Mr. Fox, after which you said to me, 'Bourrienne, I am very happy at
      having heard from the mouth of a man of honour that the British Government
      is incapable of seeking my life; I always wish to esteem my enemies."&mdash;"Bah!
      you are a fool! Parbleu! I did not say that the English Minister sent over
      an assassin, and that he said to him, 'Here is gold and a poniard; go and
      kill the First Consul.' No, I did not believe that; but it cannot be
      denied that all those foreign conspirators against my Government were
      serving England, and receiving pay from that power. Have I agents in
      London to disturb the Government of Great Britain? I have waged with it
      honourable warfare; I have not attempted to awaken a remembrance of the
      Stuarts amongst their old partisans. Is not Wright, who landed Georges and
      his accomplices at Dieppe, a captain in the British navy? But rest assured
      that, with the exception of a few babblers, whom I can easily silence, the
      hearts of the French people are with me; everywhere public opinion has
      been declared in my favour, so that I have nothing to apprehend from
      giving the greatest publicity to these plots, and bringing the accused to
      a solemn trial. The greater number of those gentlemen wished me to bring
      the prisoners before a military commission, that summary judgment might be
      obtained; but I refused my consent to this measure. It might have been
      said that I dreaded public opinion; and I fear it not. People may talk as
      much as they please, well and good, I am not obliged to hear them; but I
      do not like those who are attached to my person to blame what I have
      done."
    </p>
    <p>
      As I could not wholly conceal an involuntary emotion, in which the Emperor
      saw something more than mere surprise, he paused, took me by the ear, and,
      smiling in the most affectionate manner, said, "I had no reference to you
      in what I said, but I have to complain of Lacuee. Could you believe that
      during the trial he went about clamouring in behalf of Moreau? He, my aide
      de camp&mdash;a man who owes everything to me! As for you, I have said
      that you acted very well in this affair."&mdash;"I know not, Sire, what
      has either been done or said by Lacuee,&mdash;whom I have not seen for a
      long time; what I said to Duroc is what history teaches in every page."&mdash;"By
      the by," resumed the Emperor, after a short silence, "do you know that it
      was I myself who discovered that Pichegru was in Paris. Everyone said to
      me, Pichegru is in Paris; Fouché, Real, harped on the same string, but
      could give me no proof of their assertion. 'What a fool you are,' said I
      to Real, when in an instant you may ascertain the fact. Pichegru has a
      brother, an aged ecclesiastic, who resides in Paris; let his dwelling be
      searched, and should he be absent, it will warrant a suspicion that
      Pichegru is here; if, on the contrary, his brother should be at home, let
      him be arrested: he is a simple-minded man, and in the first moments of
      agitation will betray the truth. Everything happened as I had foreseen,
      for no sooner was he arrested than, without waiting to be questioned, he
      inquired if it was a crime to have received his brother into his house.
      Thus every doubt was removed, and a miscreant in the house in which
      Pichegru lodged betrayed him to the police. What horrid degradation to
      betray a friend for the sake of gold."
    </p>
    <p>
      Then reverting to Moreau, the Emperor talked a great deal respecting that
      general. "Moreau," he said, "possesses many good qualities; his bravery is
      undoubted; but he has more courage than energy; he is indolent and
      effeminate. When with the army he lived like a pasha; he smoked, was
      almost constantly in bed, and gave himself up to the pleasures of the
      table. His dispositions are naturally good; but he is too indolent for
      study; he does not read, and since he has been tied to his wife's
      apronstrings is fit for nothing. He sees only with the eyes of his wife
      and her mother, who have had a hand in all these late plots; and then,
      Bourrienne, is it not very strange that it was by my advice that he
      entered into this union? I was told that Mademoiselle Hulot was a creole,
      and I believed that he would find in her a second Josephine; how greatly
      was I mistaken! It is these women who have estranged us from each other,
      and I regret that he should have acted so unworthily. You must remember my
      observing to you more than two years ago that Moreau would one day run his
      head against the gate of the Tuileries; that he has done so was no fault
      of mine, for you know how much I did to secure his attachment. You cannot
      have forgotten the reception I gave him at Malmaison. On the 18th Brumaire
      I conferred on him the charge of the Luxembourg, and in that situation he
      fully justified my choice. But since that period he has behaved towards me
      with the utmost ingratitude&mdash;entered into all the silly cabala
      against me, blamed all my measures, and turned into ridicule the Legion of
      Honour. Have not some of the intriguers put it into his head that I regard
      him with jealousy? You must be aware of that. You must also know as well
      as I how anxious the members of the Directory were to exalt the reputation
      of Moreau. Alarmed at my success in Italy, they wished to have in the
      armies a general to serve as a counterpoise to my renown. I have ascended
      the throne and he is the inmate of a prison! You are aware of the
      incessant clamouring raised against me by the whole family, at which I
      confess I was very much displeased; coming from those whom I had treated
      so well! Had he attached himself to me, I would doubtless have conferred
      on him the title of First Marshal of the Empire; but what could I do? He
      constantly depreciated my campaigns and my government. From discontent to
      revolt there is frequently only one step, especially when a man of a weak
      character becomes the tool of popular clubs; and therefore when I was
      first informed that Moreau was implicated in the conspiracy of Georges I
      believed him to be guilty, but hesitated to issue an order for his arrest
      till I had taken the opinion of my Council. The members having assembled,
      I ordered the different documents to be laid before them, with an
      injunction to examine them with the utmost care, since they related to an
      affair of importance, and I urged them candidly to inform me whether, in
      their opinion, any of the charges against Moreau were sufficiently strong
      to endanger his life. The fools! their reply was in the affirmative; I
      believe they were even unanimous! Then I had no alternative but to suffer
      the proceedings to take their course. It is unnecessary to affirm to you,
      Bourrienne, that Moreau never should have perished on a scaffold! Most
      assuredly I would have pardoned him; but with the sentence of death
      hanging over his head he could no longer have proved dangerous; and his
      name would have ceased to be a rallying-point for disaffected Republicans
      or imbecile Royalists. Had the Council expressed any doubts respecting his
      guilt I would have intimated to him that the suspicions against him were
      so strong as to render any further connection between us impossible; and
      that the best course he could pursue would be to leave France for three
      years, under the pretext of visiting some of the places rendered
      celebrated during the late wars; but that if he preferred a diplomatic
      mission I would make a suitable provision for his expenses; and the great
      innovator, Time, might effect great changes during the period of his
      absence. But my foolish Council affirmed to me that his guilt, as a
      principal, being evident, it was absolutely necessary to bring him to
      trial; and now his sentence is only that of a pickpocket. What think you I
      ought to do? Detain him? He might still prove a rallying-point. No. Let
      him sell his property and quit? Can I confine him in the Temple? It is
      full enough without him. Still, if this had been the only great error they
      had led me to commit&mdash;"
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sire, how greatly you have been deceived."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Oh yes, I have been so; but I cannot see everything with my own eyes."
    </p>
    <p>
      At this part of our conversation, of which I have suppressed my own share
      as much as possible, I conceived that the last words of Bonaparte alluded
      to the death of the Duc d'Enghien; and I fancied he was about to mention
      that event but he again spoke of Moreau.
    </p>
    <p>
      "He is very much mistaken," resumed the Emperor, "if he conceives I bore
      any ill-will towards him. After his arrest I sent Lauriston to the Temple,
      whom I chose because he was of an amiable and conciliating disposition; I
      charged him to tell Moreau to confess he had only seen Pichegru, and I
      would cause the proceedings against him to be suspended. Instead of
      receiving this act of generosity as he ought to have done, he replied to
      it with great haughtiness, so much was he elated that Pichegru had not
      been arrested; he afterwards, however, lowered his tone. He wrote to me a
      letter of excuse respecting his anterior conduct, which I caused to be
      produced on the trial. He was the author of his own ruin; besides, it
      would have required men of a different stamp from Moreau to conspire
      against me. Amoung, the conspirators, for example, was an individual whose
      fate I regret; this Georges in my hands might have achieved great things.
      I can duly appreciate the firmness of character he displayed, and to which
      I could have given a proper direction. I caused Real to intimate to him
      that, if he would attach himself to me, not only should he be pardoned,
      but that I would give him the command of a regiment. Perhaps I might even
      have made him my aide de camp. Complaints would have been made, but,
      parbleu, I should not have cared. Georges refused all my offers; he was as
      inflexible as iron. What could I do? he underwent his fate, for he was a
      dangerous man; circumstances rendered his death a matter of necessity.
      Examples of severity were called for, when England was pouring into France
      the whole offscouring of the emigration; but patience, patience! I have a
      long arm, and shall be able to reach them, when necessary. Moreau regarded
      Georges merely as a ruffian&mdash;I viewed him in a different light. You
      may remember the conversation I had with him at the Tuileries&mdash;you
      and Rapp were in an adjoining cabinet. I tried in vain to influence him&mdash;some
      of his associates were affected at the mention of country and of glory; he
      alone stood cold and unmoved. I addressed myself to his feelings, but in
      vain; he was insensible to everything I said. At that period Georges
      appeared to me little ambitious of power; his whole wishes seemed to
      centre in commanding the Vendeans. It was not till I had exhausted every
      means of conciliation that I assumed the tone and language of the first
      magistrate. I dismissed him with a strong injunction to live retired&mdash;to
      be peaceable and obedient&mdash;not to misinterpret the motives of my
      conduct towards himself&mdash;nor attribute to weakness what was merely
      the result of moderation and strength. 'Rest assured,' I added, 'and
      repeat to your associates, that while I hold the reins of authority there
      will be neither chance nor salvation for those who dare to conspire
      against me: How he conformed to this injunction the event has shown. Real
      told me that when Moreau and Georges found themselves in the presence of
      Pichegru they could not come to any understanding, because Georges would
      not act against the Bourbons. Well, he had a plan, but Moreau had none; he
      merely wished for my overthrow, without having formed any ulterior views
      whatever. This showed that he was destitute of even common sense. Apropos,
      Bourrienne, have you seen Corvisart?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire."&mdash;"Well!" "He
      delivered to me the message with which you entrusted him."&mdash;"And
      Desmaisons!&mdash;I wager that you have not spoken to him in conformity to
      my wishes."&mdash;"Sire, the estimation in which I hold Desmaisons
      deterred me from a course so injurious to him; for in what other light
      could he have considered what I should have said to him? I have never
      visited at his house since the commencement of the trial."&mdash;"Well!
      well! Be prudent and discreet, I shall not forget you." He then waved a
      very gracious salute with his hand, and withdrew into his cabinet.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor had detained me more than an hour. On leaving the
      audience-chamber I passed through the outer salon, where a number of
      individuals were waiting; and I perceived that an observance of etiquette
      was fast gaining ground, though the Emperor had not yet adopted the
      admirable institution of Court Chamberlains.
    </p>
    <p>
      I cannot deny that I was much gratified with my reception; besides I was
      beginning to be weary of an inactive life, and was anxious to obtain a
      place, of which I stood in great need, from the losses I had sustained and
      the unjust resumption which Bonaparte had made of his gifts. Being
      desirous to speak of Napoleon with the strictest impartiality, I prefer
      drawing my conclusions from those actions in which I had no personal
      concern. I shall therefore only relate here, even before giving an account
      of my visit to the Empress on leaving the audience-chamber, the former
      conduct of Napoleon towards myself and Madame de Bourrienne, which will
      justify the momentary alarm with which I was seized when summoned to the
      Tuileries, and the satisfaction I felt at my reception. I had a proof of
      what Rapp said of the Emperor being in good-humour, and was flattered by
      the confidential manner in which he spoke to me concerning some of the
      great political secrets of his Government. On seeing me come out Rapp
      observed, "You have had a long audience."&mdash;"Yes, not amiss;" and this
      circumstance procured for me a courtly salutation from all persons waiting
      in the antechamber.'
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall now relate how I spent the two preceding years. The month after I
      tendered my resignation to the First Consul, and which he refused to
      accept, the house at St. Cloud belonging to Madame Deville was offered to
      me; it was that in which the Duc d'Angouleme and the Duc de Berri were
      inoculated. I visited this mansion, thinking it might be suitable for my
      family; but, notwithstanding the beauty of its situation, it seemed far
      too splendid either for my taste or my fortune. Except the outer walls, it
      was in a very dilapidated state, and would require numerous and expensive
      repairs. Josephine, being informed that Madame de Bourrienne had set her
      face against the purchase, expressed a wish to see the mansion, and
      accompanied us for that purpose. She was so much delighted with it that
      she blamed my wife for starting any objections to my becoming, its
      possessor. "With regard to the expense," Josephine replied to her, "ah, we
      shall arrange that." On our return to Malmaison she spoke of it in such
      high terms that Bonaparte said to me, "Why don't you purchase it,
      Bourrienne, since the price is so reasonable?"
    </p>
    <p>
      The house was accordingly purchased. An outlay of 20,000 francs was
      immediately required to render it habitable. Furniture was also necessary
      for this large mansion, and orders for it were accordingly given. But no
      sooner were repairs begun than everything crumbled to pieces, which
      rendered many additional expenses necessary.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this period Bonaparte hurried forward the works at St. Cloud, to
      which place he immediately removed. My services being constantly required,
      I found it so fatiguing to go twice or thrice a day from Ruel to St. Cloud
      that I took possession of my new mansion, though it was still filled with
      workmen. Scarcely eight days had elapsed from this period when Bonaparte
      intimated that he no longer had occasion for my services. When my wife
      went to take leave Napoleon spoke to her in a flattering manner of my good
      qualities, my merit, and the utility of my labours, saying that he was
      himself the most unfortunate of the three, and that my loss could never be
      replaced. He then added, "I shall be absent for a month, but Bourrienne
      may be quite easy; let him remain in retirement, and on my return I shall
      reward his services, should I even create a place on purpose for him."
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame de Bourrienne then requested leave to retain the apartments
      appropriated to her in the Tuileries till after her accouchement, which
      was not far distant, to which he replied, "You may keep them as long as
      you please; for it will be some time before I again reside in Paris."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte set out on his journey, and shortly afterwards I went with my
      family to visit Madame de Coubertin, my cousin-german, who received us
      with her usual kindness. We passed the time of the First Consul's absence
      at her country seat, and only returned to St. Cloud on the day Bonaparte
      was expected.
    </p>
    <p>
      Scarcely a quarter of an hour had elapsed after his arrival when I
      received an intimation to give up, in twenty-four hours, the apartments in
      the Tuileries, which he had promised my wife should retain till after her
      confinement. He reclaimed at the same time the furniture of Ruel, which he
      presented to me two years before, when I purchased that small house on
      purpose to be near him.
    </p>
    <p>
      I addressed several memorials to him on this subject, stating that I had
      replaced the worn-out furniture with new and superior articles; but this
      he wholly disregarded, compelling me to give up everything, even to the
      greatest trifle. It may be right to say that on his return the Emperor
      found his table covered with information respecting my conduct in Paris,
      though I had not held the smallest communication with any one in the
      capital, nor once entered it during his absence.
    </p>
    <p>
      After my departure for Hamburg, Bonaparte took possession of my stables
      and coach-house, which he filled with horses. Even the very avenues and
      walks were converted into stabling. A handsome house at the entrance to
      the park was also appropriated to similar purposes; in fact, he spared
      nothing. Everything was done in the true military style; I neither had
      previous intimation of the proceedings nor received any remuneration for
      my loss. The Emperor seemed to regard the property as his own; but though
      he all but ordered me to make the purchase, he did not furnish the money
      that was paid for it. In this way it was occupied for more than four
      years.
    </p>
    <p>
      The recollection of those arbitrary and vexatious proceedings on the part
      of Bonaparte has led me farther than I intended. I shall therefore return
      to the imperial residence of St. Cloud. On leaving the audience-chamber,
      as already stated, I repaired to the apartments of the Empress, who,
      knowing that I was in the Palace, had intimated her wishes for my
      attendance. No command could have been more agreeable to me, for every one
      was certain of a gracious reception from Josephine. I do not recollect
      which of the ladies in waiting was in attendance when my name was
      announced; but she immediately retired, and left me alone with Josephine.
      Her recent elevation had not changed the usual amenity of her disposition.
      After some conversation respecting the change in her situation, I gave her
      an account of what had passed between the Emperor and myself.
    </p>
    <p>
      I faithfully related all that he had said of Moreau, observing that at one
      moment I imagined he was about to speak of the Duc d'Enghien, when he
      suddenly reverted to what he had been saying, and never made the slightest
      allusion to the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Bonaparte replied to me, "Napoleon has spoken the truth respecting
      Moreau. He was grossly deceived by those who believed they could best pay
      their court to him by calumniating that general. His silence on the
      subject of the Duc d'Enghien does not surprise me; he says as little
      respecting it as possible, and always in a vague manner, and with manifest
      repugnance. When you see Bonaparte again be silent on the subject, and
      should chance bring it forward, avoid every expression in the smallest
      degree indicative of reproach; he would not suffer it; you would ruin
      yourself for ever in his estimation, and the evil is, alas! without
      remedy. When you came to Malmaison I told you that I had vainly
      endeavoured to turn him from his fatal purpose, and how he had treated me.
      Since then he has experienced but little internal satisfaction; it is only
      in the presence of his courtiers that he affects a calm and tranquil
      deportment; but I perceive his sufferings are the greater from thus
      endeavouring to conceal them. By the by, I forgot to mention that he knew
      of the visit you paid me on the day after the catastrophe. I dreaded that
      your enemies, the greater number of whom are also mine, might have
      misrepresented that interview; but, fortunately, he paid little attention
      to it. He merely said, 'So you have seen Bourrienne? Does he sulk at me?
      Nevertheless I must do something for him.' He has again spoken in the same
      strain, and repeated nearly the same expressions three days ago; and since
      he has commanded your presence to-day, I have not a doubt but he has
      something in view for your advantage."&mdash;"May I presume to inquire
      what it is?"&mdash;"I do not yet know; but I would recommend to you, in
      the meantime, to be more strictly on your guard than ever; he is so
      suspicious, and so well informed of all that is done or said respecting
      himself. I have suffered so much since I last saw you; never can I forget
      the unkind manner in which he rejected my entreaties! For several days I
      laboured under a depression of spirits which greatly irritated him,
      because he clearly saw whence it proceeded. I am not dazzled by the title
      of Empress; I dread some evil will result from this step to him, to my
      children, and to myself. The miscreants ought to be satisfied; see to what
      they have driven us! This death embitters every moment of my life. I need
      not say to you, Bourrienne, that I speak this in confidence."&mdash;"You
      cannot doubt my prudence."&mdash;"No, certainly not, Bourrienne. I do not
      doubt it. My confidence in you is unbounded. Rest assured that I shall
      never forget what you have done for me, under various circumstances, and
      the devotedness you evinced to me on your return from Egypt.&mdash;Adieu,
      my friend. Let me see you soon again."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was on the 14th of June 1804 that I had this audience of the Emperor,
      and afterwards attended the Empress.
    </p>
    <p>
      On my return home I spent three hours in making notes of all that was said
      to me by these two personages; and the substance of these notes I have now
      given to the reader.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0063" id="link2HCH0063">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVIII.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Curious disclosures of Fouché&mdash;Remarkable words of Bonaparte
   respecting the protest of Louis XVIII&mdash;Secret document inserted in
   the Moniteur&mdash;Announcement from Bonaparte to Regnier&mdash;Fouché
   appointed Minister of Police&mdash;Error of Regnier respecting the
   conspiracy of Georges&mdash;Undeserved praise bestowed on Fouché&mdash;
   Indication of the return of the Bourbons&mdash;Variation between the
   words and conduct of Bonaparte&mdash;The iron crown&mdash;Celebration of the
   14th of July&mdash;Church festivals and loss of time&mdash;Grand ceremonial at
   the Invalides&mdash;Recollections of the 18th Brumaire&mdash;New oath of the
   Legion of Honour&mdash;General enthusiasm&mdash;Departure for Boulogne&mdash;Visits
   to Josephine at St. Cloud and Malmaison&mdash;Josephine and Madame de
   Rémusat&mdash;Pardons granted by the Emperor&mdash;Anniversary of the 14th of
   July&mdash;Departure for the camp of Boulogne&mdash;General error respecting
   Napoleon's designs&mdash;Caesar's Tower&mdash;Distribution of the crosses of
   the Legion of Honour&mdash;The military throne&mdash;Bonaparte's charlatanism
   &mdash;Intrepidity of two English sailors&mdash;The decennial prizes and the
   Polytechnic School&mdash;Meeting of the Emperor and Empress&mdash;First
   negotiation with the Holy Sea&mdash;The Prefect of Arras and Comte Louis
   de Narbonne&mdash;Change in the French Ministry.
</pre>
    <p>
      Louis XVIII., being at Warsaw when he was informed of the elevation of
      Napoleon to the Imperial dignity, addressed to the sovereigns of Europe a
      protest against that usurpation of his throne. Fouché, being the first who
      heard of this protest, immediately communicated the circumstance to the
      Emperor, observing that doubtless the copies would be multiplied and
      distributed amongst the enemies of his Government, in the Faubourg St.
      Germain, which might produce the worst effects, and that he therefore
      deemed it his duty to inform him that orders might be given to Regnier and
      Real to keep a strict watch over those engaged in distributing this
      document.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You may judge of my surprise," added Fouché, "you who know so well that
      formerly the very mention of the Bourbons rendered Bonaparte furious,
      when, after perusing the protest, he returned it to me, saying, 'Ah, ah,
      so the Comte de Lille makes his protest! Well, well, all in good time. I
      hold my right by the voice of the French nation, and while I wear a sword
      I will maintain it! The Bourbons ought to know that I do not fear them;
      let them, therefore, leave me in tranquillity. Did you say that the fools
      of the Faubourg St. Germain would multiply the copies of this protest of
      Comte de Lille? well, they shall read it at their ease. Send it to the
      Moniteur, Fouché; and let it be inserted to-morrow morning.'" This passed
      on the 30th of June, and the next day the protest of Louis XVIII. did
      actually appear in that paper.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché was wholly indifferent respecting the circulation of this protest;
      he merely wished to show the Emperor that he was better informed of
      passing events than Regnier, and to afford Napoleon another proof of the
      inexperience and inability of the Grand Judge in police; and Fouché was
      not long in receiving the reward which he expected from this step. In
      fact, ten days after the publication of the protest, the Emperor announced
      to Regnier the re-establishment of the Ministry of General Police.
    </p>
    <p>
      The formula, I Pray God to have you in His holy keeping, with which the
      letter to Regnier closed, was another step of Napoleon in the knowledge of
      ancient usages, with which he was not sufficiently familiar when he wrote
      Cambacérès on the day succeeding his elevation to the Imperial throne; at
      the same time it must be confessed that this formula assorted awkwardly
      with the month of "Messidor," and the "twelfth year of the Republic!"
    </p>
    <p>
      The errors which Regnier had committed in the affair of Georges were the
      cause which determined Bonaparte to re-establish the Ministry of Police,
      and to bestow it on a man who had created a belief in the necessity of
      that measure, by a monstrous accumulation of plots and intrigues. I am
      also certain that the Emperor was swayed by the probability of a war
      breaking out, which would force him to leave France; and that he
      considered Fouché as the most proper person to maintain the public
      tranquillity during his absence, and detect any cabala that might be
      formed in favour of the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period, when Bonaparte had given the finishing blow to the
      Republic, which had only been a shadow since the 19th Brumaire, it was not
      difficult to foresee that the Bourbons would one day remount the throne of
      their ancestors; and this presentiment was not, perhaps, without its
      influence in rendering the majority greater in favour of the foundation of
      the Empire than for the establishment of a Consulate for life. The
      reestablishment of the throne was a most important step in favour of the
      Bourbons, for that was the thing most difficult to be done. But Bonaparte
      undertook the task; and, as if by the aid of a magic rod, the ancient
      order of things was restored in the twinkling of an eye. The distinctions
      of rank&mdash;orders&mdash;titles, the noblesse&mdash;decorations&mdash;all
      the baubles of vanity&mdash;in short, all the burlesque tattooing which
      the vulgar regard as an indispensable attribute of royalty, reappeared in
      an instant. The question no longer regarded the form of government, but
      the individual who should be placed at its head. By restoring the ancient
      order of things, the Republicans had themselves decided the question, and
      it could no longer be doubted that when an occasion presented itself the
      majority of the nation would prefer the ancient royal family, to whom
      France owed her civilisation, her greatness, and her power, and who had
      exalted her to such a high degree of glory and prosperity.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not one of the least singular traits in Napoleon's character that
      during the first year of his reign he retained the fete of the 14th of
      July. It was not indeed strictly a Republican fate, but it recalled the
      recollection of two great popular triumphs,&mdash;the taking of the
      Bastille and the first Federation. This year the 14th of July fell on a
      Saturday, and the Emperor ordered its celebration to be delayed till the
      following day, because it was Sunday; which was in conformity with the
      sentiments he delivered respecting the Concordat. "What renders me," he
      said, "most hostile to the re-establishment of the Catholic worship is the
      number of festivals formerly observed. A saint's day is a day of
      indolence, and I wish not for that; the people must labour in order to
      live. I consent to four holidays in the year, but no more; if the
      gentlemen from Rome are not satisfied with this, they may take their
      departure."
    </p>
    <p>
      The loss of time seemed to him so great a calamity that he seldom failed
      to order an indispensable solemnity to be held on the succeeding holiday.
      Thus he postponed the Corpus Christi to the following Sunday.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Sunday, the 15th of July 1804, the Emperor appeared for the first time
      before the Parisians surrounded by all the pomp of royalty. The members of
      the Legion of Honour, then in Paris, took the oath prescribed by the new
      Constitution, and on this occasion the Emperor and Empress appeared
      attended for the first time by a separate and numerous retinue.
    </p>
    <p>
      The carriages in the train of the Empress crossed the garden of the
      Tuileries, hitherto exclusively appropriated to the public; then followed
      the cavalcade of the Emperor, who appeared on horseback, surrounded by his
      principal generals, whom he had created Marshals of the Empire. M. de
      Segur, who held the office of Grand Master of Ceremonies, had the
      direction of the ceremonial to be observed on this occasion, and with, the
      Governor received the Emperor on the threshold of the Hotel des Invalides.
      They conducted the Empress to a tribune prepared for her reception,
      opposite the Imperial throne which Napoleon alone occupied, to the right
      of the altar. I was present at this ceremony, notwithstanding the
      repugnance I have to such brilliant exhibitions; but as Duroc had two days
      before presented me with tickets, I deemed it prudent to attend on the
      occasion, lest the keen eye of Bonaparte should have remarked my absence
      if Duroc had acted by his order.
    </p>
    <p>
      I spent about an hour contemplating the proud and sometimes almost
      ludicrous demeanour of the new grandees of the Empire; I marked the
      manoeuvring of the clergy, who, with Cardinal Belloy at their head,
      proceeded to receive the Emperor on his entrance into the church. What a
      singular train of ideas was called up to my mind when I beheld my former
      comrade at the school of Brienne seated upon an elevated throne,
      surrounded by his brilliant staff, the great dignitaries of his Empire&mdash;his
      Ministers and Marshals! I involuntarily recurred to the 19th Brumaire, and
      all this splendid scene vanished; when I thought of Bonaparte stammering
      to such a degree that I was obliged to pull the skirt of his coat to
      induce him to withdraw.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was neither a feeling of animosity nor of jealousy which called up such
      reflections; at no period of our career would I have exchanged my
      situation for his; but whoever can reflect, whoever has witnessed the
      unexpected elevation of a former equal, may perhaps be able to conceive
      the strange thoughts that assailed my mind, for the first time, on this
      occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the religious part of the ceremony terminated, the church assumed, in
      some measure, the appearance of a profane temple. The congregation
      displayed more devotion to the Emperor than towards the God of the
      Christians,&mdash;more enthusiasm than fervour. The mass had been heard
      with little attention; but when M. de Lacepede, Grand Chancellor of the
      Legion of Honour, after pronouncing a flattering discourse, finished the
      call of the Grand Officers of the Legion, Bonaparte covered, as did the
      ancient kings of France when they held a bed of justice. A profound
      silence, a sort of religious awe, then reigned throughout the assembly,
      and Napoleon, who did not now stammer as in the Council of the Five
      Hundred, said in a firm voice:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Commanders, officers, legionaries, citizens, soldiers; swear upon your
      honour to devote yourselves to the service of the Empire&mdash;to the
      preservation of the integrity of the French territory&mdash;to the defence
      of the Emperor, of the laws of the Republic, and of the property which
      they have made sacred&mdash;to combat by all the means which justice,
      reason, and the laws authorise every attempt to reestablish the feudal
      system; in short, swear to concur with all your might in maintaining
      liberty and equality, which are the bases of all our institutions. Do you
      swear?"
    </p>
    <p>
      Each member of the Legion of Honour exclaimed, "I swear;" adding, "Vive
      l'Empereur!" with an enthusiasm it is impossible to describe, and in which
      all present joined.
    </p>
    <p>
      What, after all, was this new oath? It only differed from that taken by
      the Legion of Honour, under the Consulate, in putting the defence of the
      Emperor before that of the laws of the Republic; and this was not merely a
      form. It was, besides, sufficiently laughable and somewhat audacious, to
      make them swear to support equality at the moment so many titles and
      monarchical distinctions had been re-established.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of July, three days after this ceremony, the Emperor left
      Paris to visit the camp at Boulogne. He was not accompanied by the Empress
      on this journey, which was merely to examine the progress of the military
      operations. Availing myself of the invitation Josephine had given me, I
      presented myself at St. Cloud a few days after the departure of Napoleon;
      as she did not expect my visit, I found her surrounded by four or five of
      the ladies in waiting, occupied in examining some of the elegant
      productions of the famous Leroi and Madame Despeaux; for amidst the host
      of painful feelings experienced by Josephine she was too much of a woman
      not to devote some attention to the toilet.
    </p>
    <p>
      On my introduction they were discussing the serious question of the
      costume to be worn by the Empress on her journey to Belgium to meet
      Napoleon at the Palace of Lacken, near Brussels. Notwithstanding those
      discussions respecting the form of hats, the colour and shape of dresses,
      etc., Josephine received me in her usual gracious manner. But not being
      able to converse with me, she said, without giving it an appearance of
      invitation but in a manner sufficiently evident to be understood, that she
      intended to pass the following morning at Malmaison.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shortened my visit, and at noon next day repaired to that delightful
      abode, which always created in my mind deep emotion. Not an alley, not a
      grove but teemed with interesting recollections; all recalled to me the
      period when I was the confidant of Bonaparte. But the time was past when
      he minutely calculated how much a residence at Malmaison would cost, and
      concluded by saying that an income of 30,000 livres would be necessary.
    </p>
    <p>
      When I arrived Madame Bonaparte was in the garden with Madame de Rémusat,
      who was her favourite from the similarity of disposition which existed
      between them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame de Rémusat was the daughter of the Minister Vergennes, and sister
      to Madame de Nansouty, whom I had sometimes seen with Josephine, but not
      so frequently as her elder sister. I found the ladies in the avenue which
      leads to Ruel, and saluted Josephine by inquiring respecting the health of
      Her Majesty. Never can I forget the tone in which she replied: "Ah!
      Bourrienne, I entreat that you will suffer me, at least here, to forget
      that I am an Empress." As she had not a thought concealed from Madame de
      Rémusat except some domestic vexations, of which probably I was the only
      confidant, we conversed with the same freedom as if alone, and it is easy
      to define that the subject of our discourse regarded Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      After having spoken of her intended journey to Belgium, Josephine said to
      me, "What a pity, Bourrienne, that the past cannot be recalled! He
      departed in the happiest disposition: he has bestowed some pardons and I
      am satisfied that but for those accursed politics he would have pardoned a
      far greater number. I would have said much more, but I endeavoured to
      conceal my chagrin because the slightest contradiction only renders him
      the more obstinate. Now, when in the midst of his army, he will forget
      everything. How much have I been afflicted that I was not able to obtain a
      favourable answer to all the petitions which were addressed to me. That
      good Madame de Monteason came from Romainville to St. Cloud to solicit the
      pardon of MM. de Riviere and de Polignac; we succeeded in gaining an
      audience for Madame de Polignac; . . . how beautiful she is! Bonaparte was
      greatly affected on beholding her; he said to her, 'Madame, since it was
      only my life your husband menaced, I may pardon him.' You know Napoleon,
      Bourrienne; you know that he is not naturally cruel; it is his counsellors
      and flatterers who have induced him to commit so many villainous actions.
      Rapp has behaved extremely well; he went to the Emperor, and would not
      leave him till he had obtained the pardon of another of the condemned,
      whose name I do not recollect. How much these Polignacs have interested
      me! There will be then at least some families who will owe him gratitude!
      Strive, if it be possible, to throw a veil over the past; I am
      sufficiently miserable in my anticipations of the future. Rest assured, my
      dear Bourrienne, that I shall not fail to exert myself during our stay in
      Belgium in your behalf, and inform you of the result. Adieu!"
    </p>
    <p>
      During the festival in celebration of the 14th of July, which I have
      already alluded to, the Emperor before leaving the Hotel des Invalides had
      announced that he would go in person to distribute the decorations of the
      Legion of Honour to the army assembled in the camp of Boulogne. He was not
      long before he fulfilled his promise. He left St. Cloud on the 18th and
      travelled with such rapidity that the next morning, whilst every one was
      busy with preparations for his reception, he was already at that port, in
      the midst of the labourers, examining the works. He seemed to multiply
      himself by his inconceivable activity, and one might say that he was
      present everywhere.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the Emperor's departure it was generally believed at Paris that the
      distribution of the crosses at the camp of Boulogne was only a pretext,
      and that Bonaparte had at length gone to carry into execution the project
      of an invasion of England, which every body supposed he contemplated. It
      was, indeed, a pretext. The Emperor wished to excite more and more the
      enthusiasm of the army&mdash;to show himself to the military invested in
      his new dignity, to be present at some grand manoeuvres, and dispose the
      army to obey the first signal he might give. How indeed, on beholding such
      great preparations, so many transports created, as it were, by
      enchantment, could any one have supposed that he did not really intend to
      attempt a descent on England? People almost fancied him already in London;
      it was known that all the army corps echelloned on the coast from Maples
      to Ostend were ready to embark. Napoleon's arrival in the midst of his
      troops inspired them, if possible, with a new impulse. The French ports on
      the Channel had for a long period been converted into dockyards and
      arsenals, where works were carried on with that inconceivable activity
      which Napoleon knew so well how to inspire. An almost incredible degree of
      emulation prevailed amongst the commanders of the different camps, and it
      descended from rank to rank to the common soldiers and even to the
      labourers.
    </p>
    <p>
      As every one was eager to take advantage of the slightest effects of
      chance, and exercised his ingenuity in converting them into prognostics of
      good fortune for the Emperor, those who had access to him did not fail to
      call his attention to some remains of a Roman camp which had been
      discovered at the Tour d'Ordre, where the Emperor's tent was pitched. This
      was considered an evident proof that the French Caesar occupied the camp
      which the Roman Caesar had formerly constructed to menace Great Britain.
      To give additional force to this allusion, the Tour d'Ordre resumed the
      name of Caesar's Tower. Some medals of William the Conqueror, found in
      another spot, where, perhaps, they had been buried for the purpose of
      being dug up, could not fail to satisfy the most incredulous that Napoleon
      must conquer England.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not far from Caesar's Tower that 80,000 men of the camps of
      Boulogne and Montreuil, under the command of Marshal Soult, were assembled
      in a vast plain to witness the distribution of the crosses of the Legion
      of Honour impressed with the Imperial effigy. This plain, which I saw with
      Bonaparte in our first journey to the coast, before our departure to
      Egypt, was circular and hollow; and in the centre was a little hill. This
      hill formed the Imperial throne of Bonaparte in the midst of his soldiers.
      There he stationed himself with his staff and around this centre of glory
      the regiments were drawn up in lines and looked like so many diverging
      rays. From this throne, which had been erected by the hand of nature,
      Bonaparte delivered in a loud voice the same form of oath which he had
      pronounced at the Hotel des Invalides a few days before. It was the signal
      for a general burst of enthusiasm, and Rapp, alluding to this ceremony,
      told me that he never saw the Emperor appear more pleased. How could he be
      otherwise? Fortune then seemed obedient to his wishes. A storm came on
      during this brilliant day, and it was apprehended that part of the
      flotilla would have suffered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte quitted the hill from which he had distributed the crosses and
      proceeded to the port to direct what measures should be taken, when upon
      his arrival the storm&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The following description of the incident when Napoleon nearly
   occasioned the destruction of the Boulogne flotilla was forwarded to
   the 'Revue Politique et Litteraire' from a private memoir. The
   writer, who was an eye-witness, says&mdash;

   One morning, when the Emperor was mounting his horse, he announced
   that he intended to hold a review of his naval forces, and gave the
   order that the vessels which lay in the harbour should alter their
   positions, as the review was to be held on the open sea. He started
   on his usual ride, giving orders that everything should be arranged
   on his return, the time of which he indicated. His wish was
   communicated to Admiral Bruix, who responded with imperturbable
   coolness that he was very sorry, but that the review could not take
   place that day. Consequently not a vessel was moved. On his return
   back from his ride the Emperor asked whether all was ready. He was
   told what the Admiral had said. Twice the answer had to be repeated
   to him before he could realise its nature, and then, violently
   stamping his foot on the ground, he sent for the Admiral. The
   Emperor met him halfway. With eyes burning with rage, he exclaimed
   in an excited voice, "Why have my orders not been executed?" With
   respectful firmness Admiral Bruix replied, "Sire, a terrible storm
   is brewing. Your Majesty may convince yourself of it; would you
   without need expose the lives of so many men?" The heaviness of the
   atmosphere and the sound of thunder in the distance more than
   justified the fears of the Admiral. "Sir, said the Emperor, getting
   more and more irritated, "I have given the orders once more; why
   have they not been executed? The consequences concern me alone.
   Obey!" 'Sire, I will not obey,' replied the Admiral. "You are
   insolent!" And the Emperor, who still held his riding-whip in his
   hand, advanced towards the admiral with a threatening gesture.
   Admiral Bruix stepped back and put his hand on the sheath of his
   sword and said, growing very pale, "sire, take care!" The whole
   suite stood paralysed with fear. The Emperor remained motionless
   for some time, his hand lifted up, his eyes fixed on the Admiral,
   who still retained his menacing attitude. At last the Emperor threw
   his whip on the floor. M. Bruix took his hand off his sword, and
   with uncovered head awaited in silence the result of the painful
   scene. Rear-Admiral Magon was then ordered to see that the
   Emperor's orders were instantly executed. "As for you, sir," said
   the Emperor, fixing his eyes on Admiral Bruix, you leave Boulogne
   within twenty-four hours and depart for Holland. Go!" M. Magon
   ordered the fatal movement of the fleet on which the Emperor had
   insisted. The first arrangements had scarcely been made when the
   sea became very high. The black sky was pierced by lightning, the
   thunder rolled and every moment the line of vessels was broken by
   the wind, and shortly after, that which the Admiral had foreseen
   came to pass, and the most frightful storm dispersed the vessels in
   each a way that it seamed impossible to save them. With bent head,
   arms crossed, and a sorrowful look in his face, the Emperor walked
   up and down on the beach, when suddenly the most terrible cries were
   heard. More than twenty gunboats filled with soldiers and sailors
   were being driven towards the shore, and the unfortunate men were
   vainly fighting against the furious waves, calling for help which
   nobody could give them. Deeply touched by the spectacle and the
   heart-rending cries and lamentations of the multitude which had
   assembled on the beach, the Emperor, seeing his generals and
   officers tremble with horror, attempted to set an example of
   devotion, and, in spite of all efforts to keep him back, he threw
   himself into a boat, saying, "Let me go! let me go! they must be
   brought out of this." In a moment the boat was filled with water.
   The waves poured over it again and again, and the Emperor was
   drenched. One wave larger than the others almost threw him
   overboard and his hat was carried sway. Inspired by so much
   courage, officers, soldiers, seamen, and citizens tried to succour
   the drowning, some in boats, some swimming. But, alas! only a small
   number could be saved of the unfortunate men. The following day
   more than 200 bodies were thrown ashore, and with them the hat of
   the conqueror of Marengo. That sad day was one of desolation for
   Boulogne and for the camp. The Emperor groaned under the burden of
   an accident which he had to attribute solely to his own obstinacy.
   Agents were despatched to all parts of the town to subdue with gold
   the murmurs which were ready to break out into a tumult.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      &mdash;ceased as if by enchantment. The flotilla entered the port safe and
      sound and he went back to the camp, where the sports and amusements
      prepared for the soldiers commenced, and in the evening the brilliant
      fireworks which were let off rose in a luminous column, which was
      distinctly seen from the English coast.&mdash;[It appears that Napoleon
      was so well able to cover up this fiasco that not even Bourrienne ever
      heard the true story. D.W.]
    </p>
    <p>
      When he reviewed the troops he asked the officers, and often the soldiers,
      in what battles they had been engaged, and to those who had received
      serious wounds he gave the cross. Here, I think, I may appropriately
      mention a singular piece of charlatanism to which the Emperor had
      recourse, and which powerfully contributed to augment the enthusiasm of
      his troops. He would say to one of his aides de camp, "Ascertain from the
      colonel of such a regiment whether he has in his corps a man who has
      served in the campaigns of Italy or the campaigns of Egypt. Ascertain his
      name, where he was born, the particulars of his family, and what he has
      done. Learn his number in the ranks, and to what company he belongs, and
      furnish me with the information."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day of the review Bonaparte, at a single glance, could perceive the
      man who had been described to him. He would go up to him as if he
      recognised him, address him by his name, and say, "Oh! so you are here!
      You are a brave fellow&mdash;I saw you at Aboukir&mdash;how is your old
      father? What! have you not got the Cross? Stay, I will give it you." Then
      the delighted soldiers would say to each other, "You see the Emperor knows
      us all; he knows our families; he knows where we have served." What a
      stimulus was this to soldiers, whom he succeeded in persuading that they
      would all some time or other become Marshals of the Empire!
    </p>
    <p>
      Lauriston told me, amongst other anecdotes relating to Napoleon's sojourn
      at the camp at Boulogne, a remarkable instance of intrepidity on the part
      of two English sailors. These men had been prisoners at Verdun, which was
      the most considerable depot of English prisoners in France at the rupture
      of the peace of Amiens. They effected their escape from Verdun, and
      arrived at Boulogne without having been discovered on the road,
      notwithstanding the vigilance with which all the English were watched.
      They remained at Boulogne for some time, destitute of money, and without
      being able to effect their escape. They had no hope of getting aboard a
      boat, on account of the strict watch that was kept upon vessels of every
      kind. These two sailors made a boat of little pieces of wood, which they
      put together as well as they could, having no other tools than their
      knives. They covered it with a piece of sail-cloth. It was only three or
      four feet wide, and not much longer, and was so light that a man could
      easily carry it on his shoulders,&mdash;so powerful a passion is the love
      of home and liberty! Sure of being shot if they were discovered, almost
      equally sure of being drowned if they effected their escape, they,
      nevertheless, resolved to attempt crossing the Channel in their fragile
      skiff. Perceiving an English frigate within sight of the coast, they
      pushed off and endeavoured to reach her. They had not gone a hundred
      toises from the shore when they were perceived by the custom-house
      officers, who set out in pursuit of them, and brought them back again. The
      news of this adventure spread through the camp, where the extraordinary
      courage of the two sailors was the subject of general remark. The
      circumstance reached the Emperor's ears. He wished to see the men, and
      they were conducted to his presence, along with their little boat.
      Napoleon, whose imagination was struck by everything extraordinary, could
      not conceal his surprise at so bold a project, undertaken with such feeble
      means of execution. "Is it really true," said the Emperor to them, "that
      you thought of crossing the sea in this?"&mdash;"Sire," said they, "if you
      doubt it, give us leave to go, and you shall see us depart."&mdash;"I
      will. You are bold and enterprising men&mdash;I admire courage wherever I
      meet it. But you shall not hazard your lives. You are at liberty; and more
      than that, I will cause you to be put on board an English ship. When you
      return to London tell how I esteem brave men, even when they are my
      enemies." Rapp, who with Lauriaton, Duroc, and many others were present at
      this scene, were not a little astonished at the Emperor's generosity. If
      the men had not been brought before him, they would have been shot as
      spies, instead of which they obtained their liberty, and Napoleon gave
      several pieces of gold to each. This circumstance was one of those which
      made the strongest impression on Napoleon, and he recollected it when at
      St. Helena, in one of his conversations with M. de Las Casas.
    </p>
    <p>
      No man was ever so fond of contrasts as Bonaparte. He liked, above
      everything, to direct the affairs of war whilst seated in his easy chair,
      in the cabinet of St. Cloud, and to dictate in the camp his decrees
      relative to civil administration. Thus, at the camp of Boulogne, he
      founded the decennial premiums, the first distribution of which he
      intended should take place five years afterwards, on the anniversary of
      the 18th Brumaire, which was an innocent compliment to the date of the
      foundation of the Consular Republic. This measure also seemed to promise
      to the Republican calendar a longevity which it did not attain. All these
      little circumstances passed unobserved; but Bonaparte had so often
      developed to me his theory of the art of deceiving mankind that I knew
      their true value. It was likewise at the camp of Boulogne that, by a
      decree emanating from his individual will, he destroyed the noblest
      institution of the Republic, the Polytechnic School, by converting it into
      a purely military academy. He knew that in that sanctuary of high study a
      Republican spirit was fostered; and whilst I was with him he had often
      told me it was necessary that all schools, colleges, and establishments
      for public instruction should be subject to military discipline. I
      frequently endeavoured to controvert this idea, but without success.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was arranged that Josephine and the Emperor should meet in Belgium. He
      proceeded thither from the camp of Boulogne, to the astonishment of those
      who believed that the moment for the invasion of England had at length
      arrived. He joined the Empress at the Palace of Lacken, which the Emperor
      had ordered to be repaired and newly furnished with great magnificence.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor continued his journey by the towns bordering on the Rhine. He
      stopped first in the town of Charlemagne, passed through the three
      bishoprics,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[There are two or three little circumstances in connection with
   this journey that seem worth inserting here:

   Mademoiselle Avrillion was the 'femme de chambre' of Josephine, and
   was constantly about her person from the time of the first
   Consulship to the death of the Empress in 1814. In all such matters
   as we shall quote from them, her memoirs seem worthy of credit.
   According to Mademoiselle, the Empress during her stay at Aix-la-
   Chapelle, drank the waters with much eagerness and some hope. As
   the theatre there was only supplied with some German singers who
   were not to Josephine's taste, she had part of a French operatic
   company sent to her from Paris. The amiable creole had always a
   most royal disregard of expense. When Bonaparte joined her, he
   renewed his old custom of visiting his wife now and then at her
   toilet, and according to Mademoiselle Avrillion, he took great
   interest in the subject of her dressing. She says, "It was a most
   extraordinary thing for us to see the man whose head was filled with
   such vast affairs enter into the most minute details of the female
   toilet and of what dresses, what robes, and what jewels the Empress
   should wear on such and such an occasion. One day he daubed her
   dress with ink because he did not like it, and wanted her to put on
   another. Whenever he looked into her wardrobe he was sure to throw
   everything topsy-turvy."

   This characteristic anecdote perfectly agrees with what we have
   heard from other persons. When the Neapolitan Princess di&mdash;&mdash;- was
   at the Tuileries as 'dame d'honneur' to Bonaparte's sister Caroline
   Murat, then Queen of Naples, on the grand occasion of the marriage
   with Maria Louisa, the, Princess, to her astonishment, saw the
   Emperor go up to a lady of the Court and address her thus: "This is
   the same gown you wore the day before yesterday! What's the meaning
   of this, madame? This is not right, madame!"

   Josephine never gave him a similar cause of complaint, but even when
   he was Emperor she often made him murmur at the profusion of her
   expenditure under this head. The next anecdote will give some idea
   of the quantity of dresses which she wore for a day or so, and then
   gave away to her attendants, who appear to have carried on a very
   active trade in them.

   "While we were at Mayence the Palace was literally besieged by Jews,
   who continually brought manufactured and other goods to show to the
   followers of the Court; and we had the greatest difficulty to avoid
   buying them. At last they proposed that we should barter with them;
   and when Her Majesty had given us dresses that were far too rich for
   us to wear ourselves, we exchanged them with the Jews for
   piecegoods. The robes we thus bartered did not long remain in the
   hands of the Jews, and there must have been a great demand for them
   among the belles of Mayence, for I remember a ball there at which
   the Empress might have seen all the ladies of a quadrille party
   dressed in her cast-off clothes.&mdash;I even saw German Princesses
   wearing them" (Memoires de Mademoiselle Avrillion).]
</pre>
    <p>
      &mdash;on his way Cologne and Coblentz, which the emigration had rendered
      so famous, and arrived at Mayence, where his sojourn was distinguished by
      the first attempt at negotiation with the Holy See, in order to induce the
      Pope to come to France to crown the new Emperor, and consolidate his power
      by supporting it with the sanction of the Church. This journey of Napoleon
      occupied three months, and he did not return to St. Cloud till October.
      Amongst the flattering addresses which the Emperor received in the course
      of his journey I cannot pass over unnoticed the speech of M. de la Chaise,
      Prefect of Arras, who said, "God made Bonaparte, and then rested." This
      occasioned Comte Louis de Narbonne, who was not yet attached to the
      Imperial system, to remark "That it would have been well had God rested a
      little sooner."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the Emperor's absence a partial change took place in the Ministry.
      M. de Champagny succeeded M. Chaptal as Minister of the Interior. At the
      camp of Boulogne the pacific Joseph found himself, by his brother's wish,
      transformed into a warrior, and placed in command of a regiment of
      dragoons, which was a subject of laughter with a great number of generals.
      I recollect that one day Lannes, speaking to me of the circumstance in his
      usual downright and energetic way, said, "He had better not place him
      under my orders, for upon the first fault I will put the scamp under
      arrest."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0064" id="link2HCH0064">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIX.
    </h2>

      1804.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   England deceived by Napoleon&mdash;Admirals Missiessy and Villeneuve&mdash;
   Command given to Lauriston&mdash;Napoleon's opinion of Madame de Stael&mdash;
   Her letters to Napoleon&mdash;Her enthusiasm converted into hatred&mdash;
   Bonaparte's opinion of the power of the Church&mdash;The Pope's arrival
   at Fontainebleau&mdash;Napoleon's first interview with Pius VII.&mdash;
   The Pope and the Emperor on a footing of equality&mdash;Honours rendered
   to the Pope&mdash;His apartments at the Tuileries&mdash;His visit to the
   Imperial printing office&mdash;Paternal rebuke&mdash;Effect produced in
   England by the Pope's presence in Paris&mdash;Preparations for Napoleon's
   coronation&mdash;Votes in favour of hereditary succession&mdash;Convocation of
   the Legislative Body&mdash;The presidents of cantons&mdash;Anecdote related by
   Michot the actor&mdash;Comparisons&mdash;Influence of the Coronation on the
   trade of Paris&mdash;The insignia of Napoleon and the insignia of
   Charlemagne&mdash;The Pope's mule&mdash;Anecdote of the notary Raguideau&mdash;
   Distribution of eagles in the Champ de Mars&mdash;Remarkable coincidence.
</pre>
    <p>
      England was never so much deceived by Bonaparte as during the period of
      the encampment at Boulogne. The English really believed that an invasion
      was intended, and the Government exhausted itself in efforts for raising
      men and money to guard against the danger of being taken by surprise.
      Such, indeed, is the advantage always possessed by the assailant. He can
      choose the point on which he thinks it most convenient to act, while the
      party which stands on the defence, and is afraid of being attacked, is
      compelled to be prepared in every point. However, Napoleon, who was then
      in the full vigour of his genius and activity, had always his eyes fixed
      on objects remote from those which surrounded him, and which seemed to
      absorb his whole attention. Thus, during the journey of which I have
      spoken, the ostensible object of which was the organisation of the
      departments on the Rhine, he despatched two squadrons from Rochefort and
      Boulogne, one commanded by Missiessy, the other by Villeneuve&mdash;I
      shall not enter into any details about those squadrons; I shall merely
      mention with respect to them that, while the Emperor was still in Belgium,
      Lauriston paid me a sudden and unexpected visit. He was on his way to
      Toulon to take command of the troops which were to be embarked on
      Villeneuve's squadron, and he was not much pleased with the service to
      which he had been appointed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lauriston's visit was a piece of good fortune for me. We were always on
      friendly terms, and I received much information from him, particularly
      with respect to the manner in which the Emperor spent his time. "You can
      have no idea," said he, "how much the Emperor does, and the sort of
      enthusiasm which his presence excites in the army. But his anger at the
      contractors is greater than ever, and he has been very severe with some of
      them." These words of Lauriaton did not at all surprise me, for I well
      knew Napoleon's dislike to contractors, and all men who had mercantile
      transactions with the army. I have often heard him say that they were a
      curse and a leprosy to nations; that whatever power he might attain, he
      never would grant honours to any of them, and that of all aristocracies,
      theirs was to him the most insupportable. After his accession to the
      Empire the contractors were no longer the important persons they had been
      under the Directory, or even during the two first years of the Consulate.
      Bonaparte sometimes acted with them as he had before done with the Beya of
      Egypt, when he drew from them forced contributions.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Lauriston, one of Napoleon's aides de camp, who was with him at
   the Military School of Paris, and who had been commissioned in the
   artillery at the same time as Napoleon, considered that he should
   have had the post of Grand Ecuyer which Caulaincourt had obtained.
   He had complained angrily to the Emperor, and after a stormy
   interview was ordered to join the fleet of Villeneuve&mdash;In
   consequence he was at Trafalgar. On his return after Austerlitz
   his temporary disgrace was forgotten, and he was sent as governor to
   Venice. He became marshal under the Restoration.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I recollect another somewhat curious circumstance respecting the visit of
      Lauriston, who had left the Emperor and Empress at Aix-la-Chapelle.
      Lauriston was the best educated of the aides de camp, and Napoleon often
      conversed with him on such literary works as he chose to notice. "He sent
      for me one day," said Lauriston, "when I was on duty at the Palace of
      Lacken, and spoke to me of the decennial prizes, and the tragedy of
      'Carion de Nisas', and a novel by Madame de Stael, which he had just read,
      but which I had not seen, and was therefore rather embarrassed in replying
      to him. Respecting Madame de Stael and her Delphine, he said some
      remarkable things. 'I do not like women,' he observed, 'who make men of
      themselves, any more than I like effeminate men. There is a proper part
      for every one to play in the world. What does all this flight of
      imagination mean? What is the result of it? Nothing. It is all sentimental
      metaphysics and disorder of the mind. I cannot endure that woman; for one
      reason, that I cannot bear women who make a set at me, and God knows how
      often she has tried to cajole me!'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The words of Lauriston brought to my recollection the conversations I had
      often had with Bonaparte respecting Madame de Stael, of whose advances
      made to the First Consul, and even to the General of the Army of Italy, I
      had frequently been witness. Bonaparte knew nothing at first of Madame de
      Stael but that she was the daughter of M. Necker, a man for whom, as I
      have already shown, he had very little esteem. Madame de Stael had not
      been introduced to him, and knew nothing more of him than what fame had
      published respecting the young conqueror of Italy, when she addressed to
      him letters full of enthusiasm. Bonaparte read some passages of them to
      me, and, laughing, said, "What do you think, Bourrienne, of these
      extravagances. This woman is mad." I recollect that in one of her letters
      Madame de Stael, among other things, told him that they certainly were
      created for each other&mdash;that it was in consequence of an error in
      human institutions that the quiet and gentle Josephine was united to his
      fate&mdash;that nature seemed to have destined for the adoration of a hero
      such as he, a soul of fire like her own. These extravagances disgusted
      Bonaparte to a degree which I cannot describe. When he had finished
      reading these fine epistles he used to throw them into the fire, or tear
      them with marked ill-humour, and would say, "Well, here is a woman who
      pretends to genius&mdash;a maker of sentiments, and she presumes to
      compare herself to Josephine! Bourrienne, I shall not reply to such
      letters."
    </p>
    <p>
      I had, however, the opportunity of seeing what the perseverance of a woman
      of talent can effect. Notwithstanding Bonaparte's prejudices against
      Madame de Stael, which he never abandoned, she succeeded in getting
      herself introduced to him; and if anything could have disgusted him with
      flattery it would have been the admiration, or, to speak more properly,
      the worship, which she paid him; for she used to compare him to a god
      descended on earth,&mdash;a kind of comparison which the clergy, I
      thought, had reserved for their own use. But, unfortunately, to please
      Madame de Stael it would have been necessary that her god had been Plutua;
      for behind her eulogies lay a claim for two millions, which M. Necker
      considered still due to him on account of his good and worthy services.
      However, Bonaparte said on this occasion that whatever value he might set
      on the suffrage of Madame de Stael, he did not think fit to pay so dear
      for it with the money of the State. The conversion of Madame de Stael's
      enthusiasm into hatred is well known, as are also the petty vexations,
      unworthy of himself, with which the Emperor harassed her in her retreat at
      Coppet.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lauriston had arrived at Paris, where he made but a short stay, some days
      before Caffarelli, who was sent on a mission to Rome to sound the Papal
      Court, and to induce the Holy Father to come to Paris to consecrate
      Bonaparte at his coronation. I have already described the nature of
      Bonaparte's ideas on religion. His notions on the subject seemed to amount
      to a sort of vague feeling rather than to any belief founded on
      reflection. Nevertheless, he had a high opinion of the power of the
      Church; but not because he considered it dangerous to Governments,
      particularly to his own. Napoleon never could have conceived how it was
      possible that a sovereign wearing a crown and a sword could have the
      meanness to kneel to a Pope, or to humble his sceptre before the keys of
      St. Peter. His spirit was too great to admit of such a thought. On the
      contrary, he regarded the alliance between the Church and his power as a
      happy means of influencing the opinions of the people, and as an
      additional tie which was to attach them to a Government rendered
      legitimate by the solemn sanction of the Papal authority. Bonaparte was
      not deceived. In this, as well as in many other things, the perspicacity
      of his genius enabled him to comprehend all the importance of a
      consecration bestowed on him by the Pope; more especially as Louis XVIII.,
      without subjects, without territory, and wearing only an illusory crown,
      had not received that sacred unction by which the descendants of Hugh
      Capet become the eldest sons of the Church.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the Emperor was informed of the success of Caffarelli's
      mission, and that the Pope, in compliance with his desire, was about to
      repair to Paris to confirm in his hands the sceptre of Charlemagne,
      nothing was thought of but preparations for that great event, which had
      been preceded by the recognition of Napoleon as Emperor of the French on
      the part of all the States of Europe, with the exception of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the conclusion of the Concordat Bonaparte said to me, "I shall let the
      Republican generals exclaim as much as they like against the Mass. I know
      what I am about; I am working for posterity." He was now gathering the
      fruits of his Concordat. He ordered that the Pope should be everywhere
      treated in his journey through the French territory with the highest
      distinction, and he proceeded to Fontainebleau to receive his Holiness.
      This afforded an opportunity for Bonaparte to re-establish the example of
      those journeys of the old Court, during which changes of ministers used
      formerly to be made. The Palace of Fontainebleau, now become Imperial,
      like all the old royal chateaux, had been newly furnished with a luxury
      and taste corresponding to the progress of modern art. The Emperor was
      proceeding on the road to Nemours when courtiers informed him of the
      approach of Pius VII. Bonaparte's object was to avoid the ceremony which
      had been previously settled. He had therefore made the pretext of going on
      a hunting-party, and was in the way as it were by chance when the Pope's
      carriage was arriving. He alighted from horseback, and the Pope came out
      of his carriage. Rapp was with the Emperor, and I think I yet hear him
      describing, in his original manner and with his German accent, this grand
      interview, upon which, however, he for his part looked with very little
      respect. Rapp, in fact, was among the number of those who, notwithstanding
      his attachment to the Emperor, preserved independence of character, and he
      knew he had no reason to dissemble with me. "Fancy to yourself," said he,
      "the amusing comedy that was played." After the Emperor and the Pope had
      well embraced they went into the same carriage; and, in order that they
      might be upon a footing of equality, they were to enter at the same time
      by opposite doors. All that was settled; but at breakfast the Emperor had
      calculated how he should manage, without appearing to assume anything, to
      get on the righthand side of the Pope, and everything turned out as he
      wished. "As to the Pope," said Rapp, "I must own that I never saw a man
      with a finer countenance or more respectable appearance than Pius VII."
    </p>
    <p>
      After the conference between the Pope and the Emperor at Fontainebleau,
      Pius VII. set off for Paris first. On the road the same honours were paid
      to him as to the Emperor. Apartments were prepared for him in the Pavilion
      de Flore in the Tuileries, and his bedchamber was arranged and furnished
      in the same manner as his chamber in the Palace of Monte-Cavallo, his
      usual residence in Rome. The Pope's presence in Paris was so extraordinary
      a circumstance that it was scarcely believed, though it had some time
      before been talked of. What, indeed, could be more singular than to see
      the Head of the Church in a capital where four years previously the altars
      had been overturned, and the few faithful who remained had been obliged to
      exercise their worship in secret!
    </p>
    <p>
      The Pope became the object of public respect and general curiosity. I was
      exceedingly anxious to see him, and my wish was gratified on the day when
      he went to visit the Imperial printing office, then situated where the
      Bank of France now is.
    </p>
    <p>
      A pamphlet, dedicated to the Pope, containing the "Pater Noster," in one
      hundred and fifty different languages, was struck off in the presence of
      his Holiness. During this visit to the printing office an ill-bred young
      man kept his hat on in the Pope's presence. Several persons, indignant at
      this indecorum, advanced to take off the young man's hat. A little
      confusion arose, and the Pope, observing the cause of it, stepped up to
      the young man and said to him, in a tone of kindness truly patriarchal,
      "Young man, uncover, that I may give thee my blessing. An old man's
      blessing never yet harmed any one." This little incident deeply affected
      all who witnessed it. The countenance and figure of Pope Pius VII.
      commanded respect. David's admirable portrait is a living likeness of him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Pope's arrival at Paris produced a great sensation in London, greater
      indeed there than anywhere else, notwithstanding the separation of the
      English Church from the Church of Rome. The English Ministry now spared no
      endeavours to influence public opinion by the circulation of libels
      against Bonaparte. The Cabinet of London found a twofold advantage in
      encouraging this system, which not merely excited irritation against the
      powerful enemy of England, but diverted from the British Government the
      clamour which some of its measures were calculated to create. Bonaparte's
      indignation against England was roused to the utmost extreme, and in truth
      this indignation was in some degree a national feeling in France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon had heard of the success of Caffarelli's negotiations previous to
      his return to Paris, after his journey to the Rhine. On arriving at St.
      Cloud he lost no time in ordering the preparations for his coronation.
      Everything aided the fulfilment of his wishes. On 28th November the Pope
      arrived at Paris, and two days after, viz. on the 1st of December, the
      Senate presented to the Emperor the votes of the people for the
      establishment of hereditary succession in his family: for as it was
      pretended that the assumption of the title of Emperor was no way
      prejudicial to the Republic, the question of hereditary succession only
      had been proposed for public sanction. Sixty thousand registers had been
      opened in different parts of France,&mdash;at the offices of the
      ministers, the prefects, the mayors of the communes, notaries, solicitors,
      etc. France at that time contained 108 departments, and there were
      3,574,898 voters. Of these only 2569 voted against hereditary succession.
      Bonaparte ordered a list of the persons who had voted against the question
      to be sent to him, and he often consulted it. They proved to be not
      Royalist, but for the most part staunch Republicans. To my knowledge many
      Royalists abstained from voting at all, not wishing to commit themselves
      uselessly, and still less to give their suffrages to the author of the Duc
      d'Enghien's death. For my part, I gave my vote in favour of hereditary
      succession in Bonaparte's family; my situation, as may well be imagined,
      did not allow me to do otherwise.
    </p>
    <p>
      Since the month of October the Legislative Body had been convoked to
      attend the Emperor's coronation. Many deputies arrived, and with them a
      swarm of those presidents of cantons who occupied a conspicuous place in
      the annals of ridicule at the close of the year 1804. They became the
      objects of all sorts of witticisms and jests. The obligation of wearing
      swords made their appearance very grotesque. As many droll, stories were
      told of them as were ten years afterwards related of those who were styled
      the voltigeurs of Louis XIV. One of these anecdotes was so exceedingly
      ludicrous that, though it was probably a mere invention, yet I cannot
      refrain from relating it. A certain number of these presidents were one
      day selected to be presented to the Pope; and as most of them were very
      poor they found it necessary to combine economy with the etiquette
      necessary to be observed under the new order of things. To save the
      expense of hiring carriages they therefore proceeded to the Pavilion de
      Flore on foot, taking the precaution of putting on gaiters to preserve
      their white silk stockings from the mud which covered the streets, for it
      was then the month of December. On arriving at the Tuileries one of the
      party put his gaiters into his pocket. It happened that the Pope delivered
      such an affecting address that all present were moved to tears, and the
      unfortunate president who had disposed of his gaiters in the way just
      mentioned drew them out instead of his handkerchief and smeared his face
      over with mud. The Pope is said to have been much amused at this mistake.
      If this anecdote should be thought too puerile to be repeated here, I may
      observe that it afforded no small merriment to Bonaparte, who made Michot
      the actor relate it to the Empress at Paris one evening after a Court
      performance.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon had now attained the avowed object of his ambition; but his
      ambition receded before him like a boundless horizon. On the 1st of
      December; the day on which the Senate presented to the Emperor the result
      of the votes for hereditary succession, Francois de Neufchateau delivered
      an address to him, in which there was no want of adulatory expressions. As
      President of the Senate he had had some practice in that style of
      speechmaking; and he only substituted the eulogy of the Monarchical
      Government for that of the Republican Government 'a sempre bene', as the
      Italians say.
    </p>
    <p>
      If I wished to make comparisons I could here indulge in some curious ones.
      Is it not extraordinary that Fontainebleau should have witnessed, at the
      interval of nearly ten years, Napoleon's first interview with the Pope,
      and his last farewell to his army, and that the Senate, who had previously
      given such ready support to Bonaparte, should in 1814 have pronounced his
      abdication at Fontainebleau.
    </p>
    <p>
      The preparations for the Coronation proved very advantageous to the
      trading classes of Paris. Great numbers of foreigners and people from the
      provinces visited the capital, and the return of luxury and the revival of
      old customs gave occupation to a variety of tradespeople who could get no
      employment under the Directory or Consulate, such as saddlers,
      carriage-makers, lacemen, embroiderers, and others. By these positive
      interests were created more partisans of the Empire than by opinion and
      reflection; and it is but just to say that trade had not been so active
      for a dozen years before. The Imperial crown jewels were exhibited to the
      public at Biennais the jeweller's. The crown was of a light form, and,
      with its leaves of gold, it less resembled the crown of France than the
      antique crown of the Caesars. These things were afterwards placed in the
      public treasury, together with the imperial insignia of Charlemagne, which
      Bonaparte had ordered to be brought from Aix-la-Chapelle. But while
      Bonaparte was thus priding himself in his crown and his imagined
      resemblance to Charlemagne, Mr. Pitt, lately recalled to the Ministry, was
      concluding at Stockholm a treaty with Sweden, and agreeing to pay a
      subsidy to that power to enable it to maintain hostilities against France.
      This treaty was concluded on the 3d of December, the day after the
      Coronation.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The details of the preparation for the Coronation caused many
   stormy scenes between Napoleon and his family. The Princesses, his
   sisters and sisters-in-law, were especially shocked at having to
   carry the train of the Imperial mantle of Josephine, and even when
   Josephine was actually moving from the altar to the throne the
   Princesses evinced their reluctance so plainly that Josephine could
   not advance and an altercation took place which had to be stopped by
   Napoleon himself. Joseph was quite willing himself give up
   appearing in a mantle with a train, but he wished to prevent his
   wife bearing the mantle of the Empress; and he opposed his brother
   on so many points that Napoleon ended by calling on him to either
   give up his position and retire from all politics, or else to fully
   accept the imperial regime. How the economical Camberceres used up
   the ermine he could not wear will be seen in Junot tome iii. p.
   196. Josephine herself was in the greatest anxiety as to whether
   the wish of the Bonaparte family that she should be divorced would
   carry the day with her husband. When she had gained her cause for
   the time and after the Pope had engaged to crown her, she seems to
   have most cleverly managed to get the Pope informed that she was
   only united to Napoleon by a civil marriage. The Pope insisted on
   a religious marriage. Napoleon was angry, but could not recede, and
   the religions rite was performed by Cardinal Fesch the day, or two
   days, before the Coronation. The certificate of the marriage was
   carefully guarded from Napoleon by Josephine, and even placed beyond
   his reach at the time of the divorce. Such at least seems to be the
   most probable account of this mysterious and doubtful matter.

   The fact that Cardinal Fesch maintained that the religious rite had
   been duly performed, thirteen of the Cardinals (not, however
   including Fesch) were so convinced of the legality of the marriage
   that they refused to appear at the ceremony of marriage with Marie
   Louise, thus drawing down the wrath of the Emperor, and becoming the
   "Cardinals Noirs," from being forbidden; to wear their own robes,
   seems to leave no doubt that the religious rite had been performed.
   The marriage was only pronounced to be invalid in 1809 by the local
   canonical bodies, not by the authority of the pope.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It cannot be expected that I should enter into a detail of the ceremony
      which took place on the 2d of December. The glitter of gold, the waving
      plumes, and richly-caparisoned horses of the Imperial procession; the mule
      which preceded the Pope's cortege, and occasioned so much merriment to the
      Parisians, have already been described over and over again. I may,
      however, relate an anecdote connected with the Coronation, told me by
      Josephine, and which is exceedingly characteristic of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Bonaparte was paying his addresses to Madame de BEAUHARNAIS, neither
      the one nor the other kept a carriage; and therefore Bonaparte frequently
      accompanied her when she walked out. One day they went together to the
      notary Raguideau, one of the shortest men I think I ever saw in my life,
      Madame de Beauharnais placed great confidence, in him, and went there on
      purpose to acquaint him of her intention to marry the young general of
      artillery,&mdash;the protege of Barras. Josephine went alone into, the
      notary's cabinet, while Bonaparte waited for her in an adjoining room. The
      door of Raguideau's cabinet did not shut close, and Bonaparte plainly
      heard him dissuading Madame de Beauharnais from her projected marriage.
      "You are going to take a very wrong step," said he, "and you will be sorry
      for it, Can you be so mad as to marry a young man who has nothing but his
      cloak and his sword?" Bonaparte, Josephine told me, had never mentioned
      this to her, and she never supposed that he had heard what fell from
      Raguideau. "Only think, Bourrienne," continued she, "what was my
      astonishment when, dressed in the Imperial robes on the Coronation day, he
      desired that Raguideau might be sent for, saying that he wished to see him
      immediately; and when Raguideau appeared; he said to him, 'Well, sir! have
      I nothing but my cloak and my sword now?'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Though Bonaparte had related to me almost all the circumstances of his
      life, as they occurred to his memory, he never once mentioned this affair
      of Raguideau, which he only seemed to have suddenly recollected on his
      Coronation day.
    </p>
    <p>
      The day after the Coronation all the troops in Paris were assembled in the
      Champ de Mars the Imperial eagles might be distributed to each regiment,
      in lieu of the national flags. I had stayed away from the Coronation in
      the church of Notre Dame, but I wished to see the military fete in the
      Champ de Mars because I took real pleasure in seeing Bonaparte amongst his
      soldiers. A throne was erected in front of the Military School, which,
      though now transformed into a barrack, must have recalled, to Bonaparte's
      mind some singular recollections of his boyhood. At a given signal all the
      columns closed and approached the throne. Then Bonaparte, rising, gave
      orders for the distribution of the eagles, and delivered the following
      address to the deputations of the different corps of the army:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "Soldiers, Soldiers! behold your colours. These eagles will always
   be your rallying-point! They will always be where your Emperor may
   think them necessary for the defence of his throne and of his
   people. Swear to sacrifice your lives to defend them, and by your
   courage to keep them constantly in the path of victory.&mdash;Swear!"
</pre>
    <p>
      It would be impossible to describe the acclamations which followed this
      address; there is something so seductive in popular enthusiasm that even
      indifferent persons cannot help yielding to its influence. And yet the
      least reflection would have shown how shamefully Napoleon forswore the
      declaration he made to the Senate, when the organic 'Senatus-consulte' for
      the foundation of the Empire was presented to him at St: Cloud: On that
      occasion he said; "The French people shall never be MY people!" And yet
      the day after his Coronation his eagles were to be carried wherever they
      might be necessary for the defence of his people.
    </p>
    <p>
      By a singular coincidence, while on the 2d of December 1804 Bonaparte was
      receiving from the head of the Church the Imperial crown of France, Louis
      XVIII., who was then at Colmar, prompted as it were by an inexplicable
      presentiment, drew up and signed a declaration to the French people, in
      which he declared that he then, swore never to break the sacred bond which
      united his destiny to theirs, never to renounce the inheritance of his
      ancestors, or to relinquish his rights.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0065" id="link2HCH0065">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXX.
    </h2>

      1805

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   My appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary at Hamburg&mdash;My interview
   with Bonaparte at Malmaison&mdash;Bonaparte's designs respecting Italy&mdash;
   His wish to revisit Brienne&mdash;Instructions for my residence in
   Hamburg&mdash;Regeneration of European society&mdash;Bonaparte's plan of
   making himself the oldest sovereign in Europe&mdash;Amedee Jaubert's
   mission&mdash;Commission from the Emperor to the Empress&mdash;My conversation
   with Madame Bonaparte.
</pre>
    <p>
      I must now mention an event which concerns myself personally, namely, my
      appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary, to the Dukes of Brunswick and
      Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and to the Hanse towns.
    </p>
    <p>
      This appointment took place on the 22d of March 1806. Josephine, who had
      kindly promised to apprise me of what the Emperor intended to do for me,
      as soon as she herself should know his intentions, sent a messenger to
      acquaint me with my appointment, and to tell me that the Emperor wished to
      see me. I had not visited Josephine since her departure for Belgium. The
      pomp and ceremonies of the Coronation had, I may say, dazzled me, and
      deterred me from presenting myself at the Imperial Palace, where I should
      have been annoyed by the etiquette which had been observed since the
      Coronation. I cannot describe what a disagreeable impression this parade
      always produced on me. I could not all at once forget the time when I used
      without ceremony to go into Bonaparte's chamber and wake him at the
      appointed hour. As to Bonaparte I had not seen him since he sent for me
      after the condemnation of Georges, when I saw that my candour relative to
      Moreau was not displeasing to him. Moreau had since quitted France without
      Napoleon's subjecting him to the application of the odious law which has
      only been repealed since the return of the Bourbons, and by virtue of
      which he was condemned to the confiscation of his property. Moreau sold
      his estate of Gros Bois to Berthier, and proceeded to Cadiz, whence he
      embarked for America. I shall not again have occasion to speak of him
      until the period of the intrigues into which he was drawn by the same
      influence which ruined him in France.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the day when I received the kind message from Josephine
      I had an official invitation to proceed the next day to Malmaison, where
      the Emperor then was. I was much pleased at the idea of seeing him there
      rather than at the Tuileries, or even at St. Cloud. Our former intimacy at
      Malmaison made me feel more at my ease respecting an interview of which my
      knowledge of Bonaparte's character led me to entertain some apprehension.
      Was I to be received by my old comrade of Brienne, or by His Imperial
      Majesty? I was received by my old college companion.
    </p>
    <p>
      On my arrival at Malmaison I was ushered into the tentroom leading to the
      library. How I was astonished at the good-natured familiarity with which
      he received me! This extraordinary man displayed, if I may employ the
      term, a coquetry towards me which surprised me, notwithstanding my past
      knowledge of his character. He came up to me with a smile on his lips,
      took my hand (which he had never done since he was Consul), pressed it
      affectionately, and it was impossible that I could look upon him as the
      Emperor of France and the future King of Italy. Yet I was too well aware
      of his fits of pride to allow his familiarity to lead me beyond the bounds
      of affectionate respect. "My dear Bourrienne," said he, "can you suppose
      that the elevated rank I have attained has altered my feelings towards
      you? No. I do not attach importance to the glitter of Imperial pomp; all
      that is meant for the people; but I must still be valued according to my
      deserts. I have been very well satisfied with your services, and I have
      appointed you to a situation where I shall have occasion for them. I know
      that I can rely upon you." He then asked with great warmth of friendship
      what I was about, and inquired after my family, etc. In short, I never saw
      him display less reserve or more familiarity and unaffected simplicity;
      which he did the more readily, perhaps, because his greatness was now
      incontestable.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You know," added Napoleon, "that I set out in a week for Italy. I shall
      make myself King; but that is only a stepping-stone. I have greater
      designs respecting Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It must be a kingdom comprising all the Transalpine States, from Venice
      to the Maritime Alps. The union of Italy with France can only be
      temporary; but it is necessary, in order to accustom the nations of Italy
      to live under common laws. The Genoese, the Piedmontese, the Venetians,
      the Milanese, the inhabitants of Tuscany, the Romans, and the Neapolitans,
      hate each other. None of them will acknowledge the superiority of the
      other, and yet Rome is, from the recollections connected with it, the
      natural capital of Italy. To make it so, however, it is necessary that the
      power of the Pope should be confined within limits purely spiritual. I
      cannot now think of this; but I will reflect upon it hereafter. At present
      I have only vague ideas on the subject, but they will be matured in time,
      and then all depends on circumstances. What was it told me, when we were
      walking like two idle fellows, as we were, in the streets of Paris, that I
      should one day be master of France&mdash;my wish&mdash;merely a vague
      wish. Circumstances have done the rest. It is therefore wise to look into
      the future, and that I do. With respect to Italy, as it will be impossible
      with one effort to unite her so as to form a single power, subject to
      uniform laws, I will begin by making her French. All these little States
      will insensibly become accustomed to the same laws, and when manners shall
      be assimilated and enmities extinguished, then there will be an Italy, and
      I will give her independence. But for that I must have twenty years, and
      who can count on the future? Bourrienne, I feel pleasure in telling you
      all this. It was locked up in my mind. With you I think aloud."
    </p>
    <p>
      I do not believe that I have altered two words of what Bonaparte said to
      me respecting Italy, so perfect, I may now say without vanity, was my
      memory then, and so confirmed was my habit of fixing in it all that he
      said to me. After having informed me of his vague projects Bonaparte, with
      one of those transitions so common to him, said, "By the by, Bourrienne, I
      have something to tell you. Madame de Brienne has begged that I will pass
      through Brienne, and I promised that I will. I will not conceal from you
      that I shall feel great pleasure in again beholding the spot which for six
      years was the scene of our boyish sports and studies." Taking advantage of
      the Emperor's good humour I ventured to tell him what happiness it would
      give me if it were possible that I could share with him the revival of all
      recollections which were mutually dear to us. But Napoleon, after a
      moment's pause, said with extreme kindness, "Hark ye, Bourrienne, in your
      situation and mine this cannot be. It is more than two years since we
      parted. What would be said of so sudden a reconciliation? I tell you
      frankly that I have regretted you, and the circumstances in which I have
      frequently been placed have often made me wish to recall you. At Boulogne
      I was quite resolved upon it. Rapp, perhaps, has informed you of it. He
      liked you, and he assured me that he would be delighted at your return.
      But if upon reflection I changed my mind it was because, as I have often
      told you, I will not have it said that I stand in need of any one. No. Go
      to Hamburg. I have formed some projects respecting Germany in which you
      can be useful to me. It is there I will give a mortal blow to England. I
      will deprive her of the Continent,&mdash;besides, I have some ideas not
      yet matured which extend much farther. There is not sufficient unanimity
      amongst the nations of Europe. European society must be regenerated&mdash;a
      superior power must control the other powers, and compel them to live in
      peace with each other; and France is well situated for that purpose. For
      details you will receive instructions from Talleyrand; but I recommend
      you, above all things, to keep a strict watch on the emigrants. Woe to
      them if they become too dangerous! I know that there are still agitators,&mdash;among
      them all the 'Marquis de Versailles', the courtiers of the old school. But
      they are moths who will burn themselves in the candle. You have been an
      emigrant yourself, Bourrienne; you feel a partiality for them, and you
      know that I have allowed upwards of two hundred of them to return upon
      your recommendation. But the case is altered. Those who are abroad are
      hardened. They do not wish to return home. Watch them closely. That is the
      only particular direction I give you. You are to be Minister from France
      to Hamburg; but your place will be an independent one; besides your
      correspondence with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, I authorise you to
      write to me personally, whenever you have anything particular to
      communicate. You will likewise correspond with Fouché."
    </p>
    <p>
      Here the Emperor remained silent for a moment, and I was preparing to
      retire, but he detained me, saying in the kindest manner, "What, are you
      going already, Bourrienne? Are you in a hurry? Let us chat a little
      longer. God knows, when we may see each other again!" Then after two or
      three moments' silence he said, "The more I reflect on our situation, on
      our former intimacy, and our subsequent separation, the more I see the
      necessity of your going to Hamburg. Go, then, my dear fellow, I advise
      you. Trust me. When do you think of setting out?" "In May."&mdash;"In May?
      . . . Ah, I shall be in Milan then, for I wish to stop at Turin. I like
      the Piedmontese; they are the best soldiers in Italy."&mdash;"Sire, the
      King of Italy will be the junior of the Emperor of France!"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I alluded to a conversation which I had with Napoleon when we
   first went to the Tuileries. He spoke to me about his projects of
   royalty, and I stated the difficulties which I thought he would
   experience in getting himself acknowledged by the old reigning
   families of Europe. "If it comes to that," he replied. "I will
   dethrone them all, and then I shall be the oldest sovereign among
   them."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      &mdash;"Ah! so you recollect what I said one day at the Tuileries; but, my
      dear fellow, I have yet a devilish long way to go before I gain my point."&mdash;"At
      the rate, Sire, at which you are going you will not be long in reaching
      it."&mdash;"Longer than you imagine. I see all the obstacles in my way;
      but they do not alarm me. England is everywhere, and the struggle is
      between her and me. I see how it will be. The whole of Europe will be our
      instruments; sometimes serving one, sometimes the other, but at bottom the
      dispute is wholly between England and France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A propos," said the Emperor, changing the subject, for all who knew him
      are aware that this 'a propos' was his favourite, and, indeed, his only
      mode of transition; a propos, Bourrienne, you surely must have heard of
      the departure of Jaubert,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Amedee Jaubart had been with Napoleon in Egypt, and was appointed
   to the cabinet of the Consul as secretary interpreter of Oriental
   languages. He was sent on several missions to the East, and brought
   back, is 1818, goats from Thibet, naturalising in France the
   manufacture of cashmeres. He became a peer of France under the
   Monarchy of July.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and his mission. What is said on the subject?"&mdash;"Sire, I have only
      heard it slightly alluded to. His father, however, to whom he said nothing
      respecting the object of his journey, knowing I was intimate with Jaubert,
      came to me to ascertain whether I could allay his anxiety respecting a
      journey of the duration of which he could form no idea. The precipitate
      departure of his son had filled him with apprehension I told him the
      truth, viz., that Jaubert had said no more to me on the subject than to
      him."&mdash;"Then you do not know where he is gone?"&mdash;"I beg your
      pardon, Sire; I know very well."&mdash;"How, the devil!" said Bonaparte,
      suddenly turning on me a look of astonishment. "No one, I, declare, has
      ever told me; but I guessed it. Having received a letter from Jaubert
      dated Leipsic, I recollected what your Majesty had often told me of your
      views respecting Persia and India. I have not forgotten our conversation
      in Egypt, nor the great projects which you enfolded to me to relieve the
      solitude and sometimes the weariness of the cabinet of Cairo. Besides, I
      long since knew your opinion of Amedee, of his fidelity, his ability, and
      his courage. I felt convinced, therefore, that he had a mission to the
      Shah of Persia."&mdash;"You guessed right; but I beg of you, Bourrienne,
      say nothing of this to any person whatever. Secrecy on this point is of
      great importance. The English would do him an ill turn, for they are well
      aware that my views are directed against their possessions and their
      influence in the East."&mdash;"I think, Sire, that my answer to Amedee's
      worthy father is a sufficient guarantee for my discretion. Besides, it was
      a mere supposition on my part, and I could have stated nothing with
      certainty before your Majesty had the kindness to inform me of the fact.
      Instead of going to Hamburg, if your Majesty pleases, I will join Jaubert,
      accompany him to Persia, and undertake half his mission."&mdash; "How!
      would you go with him?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire; I am much attached to him. He is
      an excellent man, and I am sure that he would not be sorry to have me with
      him."&mdash;"But . . . Stop, Bourrienne, . . . this, perhaps, would not be
      a bad idea. You know a little of the East. You are accustomed to the
      climate. You could assist Jaubert. . . . But. . . . No! Daubert must be
      already far off&mdash;I, fear you could not overtake him. And besides you
      have a numerous family. You will be more useful to me in Germany. All
      things considered, go to Hamburg&mdash;you know the country, and, what is
      better you speak the language."
    </p>
    <p>
      I could see that Bonaparte still had something to say to me. As we were
      walking up and down the room he stopped; and looking at me with an
      expression of sadness, he said, "Bourrienne, you must, before I proceed to
      Italy, do me a service. You sometimes visit my wife, and it is right; it
      is fit you should. You have been too long one of the family not to
      continue your friendship with her. Go to her.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This employment of Bourrienne to remonstrate with Josephine is a
   complete answer to the charge sometimes made that Napoleon, while
   scolding, really encouraged the foolish expenses of his wife, as
   keeping her under his control. Josephine was incorrigible. "On the
   very day of her death," says Madame de Rémusat "she wished to put on
   a very pretty dressing-gown because she thought the Emperor of
   Russia would perhaps come to see her. She died all covered with
   ribbons and rose-colored satin." "One would not, sure, be frightful
   when one's dead!" As for Josephine's great fault&mdash;her failure to
   give Napoleon an heir&mdash;he did not always wish for one. In 1802, on
   his brother Jerome jokingly advising Josephine to give the Consul a
   little Caesar. Napoleon broke out, "Yea, that he may end in the
   same manner as that of Alexander? Believe me, Messieurs, that at
   the present time it is better not to have children: I mean when one
   is condemned to rule nations." The fate of the King of Rome shows
   that the exclamation was only too true!]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      "Endeavour once more to make her sensible of her mad extravagance. Every
      day I discover new instances of it, and it distresses me. When I speak to
      her&mdash;on the subject I am vexed; I get angry&mdash;she weeps. I
      forgive her, I pay her bills&mdash;she makes fair promises; but the same
      thing occurs over and over again. If she had only borne me a child! It is
      the torment of my life not to have a child. I plainly perceive that my
      power will never be firmly established until I have one. If I die without
      an heir, not one of my brothers is capable of supplying my place. All is
      begun, but nothing is ended. God knows what will happen! Go and see
      Josephine, and do not forget my injunctions.."
    </p>
    <p>
      Then he resumed the gaiety which he had exhibited at intervals during our
      conversation, far clouds driven by the wind do not traverse the horizon
      with such rapidity as different ideas and sensations succeeded each other
      in Napoleon's mind. He dismissed me with his usual nod of the head, and
      seeing him in such good humour I said on departing, "well, Sire, you are
      going to hear the old bell of Brienne. I have no doubt it will please you
      better than the bells of Ruel." He replied, "That's true&mdash;you are
      right. Adieu!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Such are my recollections of this conversation, which lasted for more than
      an hour and a half. We walked about all the time, for Bonaparte was
      indefatigable in audiences of this sort, and would, I believe, have walked
      and talked for a whole day without being aware of it. I left him, and,
      according to his desire, went to see Madame Bonaparte, which indeed I had
      intended to do before he requested it.
    </p>
    <p>
      I found Josephine with Madame de la Rochefoucauld, who had long been in
      her suite, and who a short time before had obtained the title of lady of
      honour to the Empress. Madame de la Rochefoucauld was a very amiable
      woman, of mild disposition, and was a favourite with Josephine. When I
      told the Empress that I had just left the Emperor, she, thinking that I
      would not speak freely before a third person, made a sign to Madame de la
      Rochefoucauld to retire. I had no trouble in introducing the conversation
      on the subject concerning which Napoleon had directed me to speak to
      Josephine, for; after the interchange of a few indifferent remarks, she
      herself told me of a violent scene, which had occurred between her and the
      Emperor two days before. "When I wrote to you yesterday," said she, "to
      announce your appointment, and to tell you that Bonaparte would recall
      you, I hoped that you would come to see me on quitting him, but I did not
      think that he would have sent for you so soon. Ah! how I wish that you
      were still with him, Bourrienne; you could make him hear reason. I know
      not who takes pleasure in bearing tales to him; but really I think there
      are persons busy everywhere in finding out my debts, and telling him of
      them."
    </p>
    <p>
      These complaints, so gently uttered by Josephine rendered less difficult
      the preparatory mission with which I commenced the exercise of my
      diplomatic functions. I acquainted Madame Bonaparte with all that the
      Emperor had said to me. I reminded her of the affair of the 1,200,000
      francs which we had settled with half that sum. I even dropped some
      allusions to the promises she had made.
    </p>
    <p>
      "How can I help it?" Said she. "Is it my fault?" Josephine uttered these
      words in a tone of sincerity which was at once affecting and ludicrous.
      "All sorts of beautiful things are brought to me," she continued; "they
      are praised up; I buy them&mdash;I am not asked for the money, and all of
      a sudden, when I have got none, they come upon me with demands for
      payment. This reaches Napoleon's ears, and he gets angry. When I have
      money, Bourrienne you know how I employ it. I give it principally to the
      unfortunate who solicit my assistance, and to poor emigrants. But I will
      try to be more economical in future. Tell him so if you see him again, But
      is it not my duty to bestow as much in charity as I can?"&mdash;"Yes,
      Madame; but permit me to say that nothing requires greater discernment
      than the distribution of charity. If you had always sat upon a throne you
      might have always supposed that your bounty always fall into the hands of
      the deserving; but you cannot be ignorant that it oftener falls to the lot
      of intrigue than to the meritorious needy. I cannot disguise from you that
      the Emperor was very earnest when he spoke on this subject; and he desired
      me to tell you so."&mdash;"Did he reproach me with nothing else?"&mdash;"No
      Madame. You know the influence you have over him with respect to
      everything but what relates to politics. Allow a faithful and sincere
      friend to prevail upon you seriously not to vex him on this point."&mdash;"Bourrienne,
      I give you my word. Adieu! my friend."
    </p>
    <p>
      In communicating to Josephine what the Emperor had said to me I took care
      not to touch a chord which would have awakened feelings far more painful
      to her than even the Emperor's harsh reproof on account of her
      extravagance. Poor Josephine! how I should have afflicted her had I
      uttered a word of Bonaparte's regret at not having a child. She always had
      a presentiment of the fate that one day awaited her. Besides, Josephine
      told the truth in assuring me that it was not her fault that, she spent as
      she did; at least all the time I was with both of them, order and economy
      were no more compatible with her than moderation and&mdash;patience with
      Napoleon. The sight of the least waste put him beside himself, and that
      was a sensation his wife hardly ever spared him. He saw with irritation
      the eagerness of his family to gain riches; the more he gave, the more
      insatiable they appeared, with the exception of Louis, whose inclinations
      were always upright, and his tastes moderate. As for the other members of
      his family, they annoyed him so much by their importunity that one day he
      said, "Really to listen to them it would be thought that I had wasted the
      heritage of our father."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0066" id="link2HCH0066">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXI.
    </h2>

      1805

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Napoleon and Voltaire&mdash;Demands of the Holy See&mdash;Coolness between the
   pope and the Emperor&mdash;Napoleon's departure for Italy&mdash;Last interview
   between the Pope and the Emperor at Turin&mdash;Alessandria&mdash;The field of
   Marengo&mdash;The last Doge of Genoa&mdash;Bonaparte's arrival at Milan&mdash;Union
   of Genoa to the French Empire&mdash;Error in the Memorial of St. Helen&mdash;
   Bonaparte and Madam Grassini&mdash;Symptoms of dissatisfaction on the
   part of Austria and Russia&mdash;Napoleon's departure from Milan&mdash;
   Monument to commemorate the battle of Marengo&mdash;Napoleon's arrival in
   Paris and departure for Boulogne&mdash;Unfortunate result of a naval
   engagement&mdash;My visit to Fouché's country seat&mdash;Sieyès, Barras, the
   Bourbons, and Bonaparte&mdash;Observations respecting Josephine.
</pre>
    <p>
      Voltaire says that it is very well to kiss the feet of Popes provided
      their hands are tied. Notwithstanding the slight estimation in which
      Bonaparte held Voltaire, he probably, without being aware of this
      irreverent satire, put it into practice. The Court of Rome gave him the
      opportunity of doing so shortly after his Coronation. The Pope, or rather
      the Cardinals, his advisers' conceiving that so great an instance of
      complaisance as the journey of His Holiness to Paris ought not to go for
      nothing; demanded a compensation, which, had they been better acquainted
      with Bonaparte's character and policy, they would never have dreamed of
      soliciting. The Holy see demanded the restitution of Avignon, Bologna, and
      some parts of the Italian territory which had formerly been subject to the
      Pope's dominion. It may be imagined how such demands were received by
      Napoleon, particularly after he had obtained all he wanted from the Pope.
      It was, it must be confessed, a great mistake of the Court of Rome, whose
      policy is usually so artful and adroit, not to make this demand till after
      the Coronation. Had it been made the condition of the Pope's journey to
      France perhaps Bonaparte would have consented to give up, not Avignon,
      certainly, but the Italian territories, with the intention of taking them
      back again. Be this as it may, these tardy claims, which were peremptorily
      rejected, created an extreme coolness between Napoleon and Pius VII. The
      public did not immediately perceive it, but there is in the public an
      instinct of reason which the most able politicians never can impose upon;
      and all eyes were opened when it was known that the Pope, after having
      crowned Napoleon as Emperor of France, refused to crown him as sovereign
      of the regenerated kingdom of Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April to take possession of the Iron
      Crown at Milan. The Pope remained some time longer in the French capital.
      The prolonged presence of His Holiness was not without its influence on
      the religious feelings of the people, so great was the respect inspired by
      the benign countenance and mild manners of the Pope. When the period of
      his persecutions arrived it would have been well for Bonaparte had Pius
      VII. never been seen in Paris, for it was impossible to view in any other
      light than as a victim the man whose truly evangelic meekness had been
      duly appreciated.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte did not evince great impatience to seize the Crown of Italy,
      which he well knew could not escape him. He stayed a considerable time at
      Turin, where he resided in the Stupinis Palace, which may be called the
      St. Cloud of the Kings of Sardinia. The Emperor cajoled the Piedmontese.
      General Menou, who was made Governor of Piedmont, remained there till
      Napoleon founded the general government of the Transalpine departments in
      favour of his brother-in-law, the Prince Borghese, of whom he would have,
      found it difficult to make anything else than a Roman Prince. Napoleon was
      still at Turin when the Pope passed through that city on his return to
      Rome. Napoleon had a final interview with His Holiness to whom he now
      affected to show the greatest personal deference. From Turin Bonaparte
      proceeded to Alessandria, where he commenced those immense works on which
      such vast sums were expended. He had many times spoken to me of his
      projects respecting Alessandria, as I have already observed, all his great
      measures as Emperor were merely the execution of projects conceived at a
      time when his future elevation could have been only a dream of the
      imagination. He one day said to Berthier, in my presence, during our
      sojurn at Milan after the battle of Marengo, "With Alessandria in my
      possession I should always be master of Italy. It might be made the
      strongest fortress in the world; it is capable of containing a garrison of
      40,000 men, with provisions for six months. Should insurrection take
      place, should Austria send a formidable force here, the French troops
      might retire to Alessandria, and stand a six months' siege. Six months
      would be more than sufficient, wherever I might be, to enable me to fall
      upon Italy, rout the Austrians, and raise the siege of Alessandria!"
    </p>
    <p>
      As he was so near the field of Marengo the Emperor did not fail to visit
      it, and to add to this solemnity he reviewed on the field all the corps of
      French troops which were in Italy. Rapp told me afterwards that the
      Emperor had taken with him from Paris the dress and the hat which he wore
      on the day of that memorable battle, with the intention of wearing them on
      the field where it was fought. He afterwards proceeded by the way of Casal
      to Milan.
    </p>
    <p>
      There the most brilliant reception he had yet experienced awaited him. His
      sojourn at Milan was not distinguished by outward demonstrations of
      enthusiasm alone. M. Durszzo, the last Doge of Genoa, added another gem to
      the Crown of Italy by supplicating the Emperor in the name of the
      Republic, of which he was the representative, to permit Genoa to exchange
      her independence for the honour of becoming a department of France. This
      offer, as may be guessed, was merely a plan contrived beforehand. It was
      accepted with an air of protecting kindness, and at the same moment that
      the country of Andrea Doria was effaced from the list of nations its last
      Doge was included among the number of French Senators. Genoa, which
      formerly prided herself in her surname, the Superb, became the chief
      station of the twenty-seventh military division. The Emperor went to take
      possession of the city in person, and slept in the Doria Palace, in the
      bed where Charles V. had lain. He left M. le Brun at Genoa as
      Governor-General.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Milan the Emperor occupied the Palace of Monza. The old Iron Crown of
      the Kings of Lombardy was brought from the dust in which it had been
      buried, and the new Coronation took place in the cathedral at Milan, the
      largest in Italy, with the exception of St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleon
      received the crown from the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placed
      it on his head, exclaiming, "Dieu me l'a donnee, gare a qui la touche."
      This became the motto of the Order of the Iron Crown, which the Emperor
      founded in commemoration of his being crowned King of Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon was crowned in the month of May 1805: and here I cannot avoid
      correcting some gross and inconceivable errors into which Napoleon must
      have voluntarily fallen at St. Helena. The Memorial states "that the
      celebrated singer Madame Grasaini attracted his attention at the time of
      the Coronation." Napoleon alleges that Madame Grassini on that occasion
      said to him, "When I was in the prime of my beauty and talent all I wished
      was that you would bestow a single look upon me. That wish was not
      fulfilled, and now you notice me when I am no longer worthy your
      attention."
    </p>
    <p>
      I confess I am at a loss to conceive what could induce Napoleon to invent
      such a story. He might have recollected his acquaintance with Madame
      Grassini at Milan before the battle of Marengo. It was in 1800, and not in
      1805, that I was first introduced to her, and I know that I several times
      took tea with her and Bonaparte in the General's apartments I remember
      also another circumstance, which is, that on the night when I awoke
      Bonaparte to announce to him the capitulation of Genoa, Madame Grassini
      also awoke. Napoleon was charmed with Madame Grasaini's delicious voice,
      and if his imperious duties had permitted it he would have listened with
      ecstasy to her singing for hours together. Whilst Napoleon was at Milan,
      priding himself on his double sovereignty, some schemes were set on foot
      at Vienna and St. Petersburg which I shall hereafter have occasion to
      notice. The Emperor, indeed, gave cause for just complaint by the fact of
      annexing Genoa to the Empire within four months after his solemn
      declaration to the Legislative Body, in which he pledged himself in the
      face of France and Europe not to seek any aggrandisement of territory. The
      pretext of a voluntary offer on the part of Genoa was too absurd to
      deceive any one. The rapid progress of Napoleon's ambition could not
      escape the observation of the Cabinet of Vienna, which began to allow
      increased symptoms of hostility. The change which was effected in the form
      of the Government of the Cisalpine Republic was likewise an act calculated
      to excite remonstrance on the part of all the powers who were not entirely
      subject to the yoke of France. He disguised the taking of Genoa under the
      name of a gift, and the possession of Italy under the appearance of a mere
      change of denomination. Notwithstanding these flagrant outrages the
      exclusive apologists of Napoleon have always asserted that he did not wish
      for war, and he himself maintained that assertion at St. Helena. It is
      said that he was always attacked, and hence a conclusion is drawn in
      favour of his love of peace. I acknowledge Bonaparte would never have
      fired a single musket-shot if all the powers of Europe had submitted to be
      pillaged by him one after the other without opposition. It was in fact
      declaring war against them to place them under the necessity of breaking a
      peace, during the continuance of which he was augmenting his power, and
      gratifying his ambition, as if in defiance of Europe. In this way Napoleon
      commenced all the wars in which he was engaged, with the exception of that
      which followed the peace of Marengo, and which terminated in Moreau's
      triumph at Hohenlinden. As there was no liberty of the press in France he
      found it easy to deceive the nation. He was in fact attacked, and thus he
      enjoyed the pleasure of undertaking his great military expeditions without
      being responsible in the event of failure.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the Emperor's stay in the capital of the new kingdom of Italy he
      received the first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria and
      Russia. That dissatisfaction was not of recent date. When I entered on my
      functions at Hamburg I learned some curious details (which I will relate
      in their proper place) respecting the secret negotiations which had been
      carried on for a considerable time previously to the commencement of
      hostilities. Even Prussia was no stranger to the dissatisfaction of
      Austria and Russia; I do not mean the King, but the Cabinet of Berlin,
      which was then under the control of Chancellor Hardenberg; for the King of
      Prussia had always personally declared himself in favour of the exact
      observance of treaties, even when their conditions were not honourable. Be
      that as it may, the Cabinet of Berlin, although dissatisfied in 1806 with
      the rapid progress of Napoleon's ambition, was nevertheless constrained to
      conceal its discontent, owing to the presence of the French troops in
      Hanover.
    </p>
    <p>
      On returning from Milan the Emperor ordered the erection, of a monument on
      the Great St. Bernard in commemoration of the victory of Marengo. M. Denon
      who accompanied Napoleon, told me that he made a useless search to
      discover the body of Desaix, which Bonaparte wished to be buried beneath
      the monument and that it was at length found by General Savary. It is
      therefore certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on the summit
      of the Alps.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June and instantly set off
      for the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more believed that the project
      of invading England would be accomplished. This idea obtained the greater
      credit because Bonaparte caused some experiments for embarkation to be
      made, in his presence. These experiments, however, led to no result. About
      this period a fatal event but too effectually contributed to strengthen
      the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A French squadron consisting
      of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleet commanded by Admiral
      Calder, who had only nine vessels under his command, and in an engagement,
      which there was every reason to expect would terminate in our favour, we
      had the misfortune to lose two ships. The invasion of England was as
      little the object of this as of the previous journey to Boulogne; all
      Napoleon had in view was to stimulate the enthusiasm of the troops, and to
      hold out those threats against England when conceived necessary for
      diverting attention from the real motive of his hostile preparations,
      which was to invade Germany and repulse the Russian troops, who had begun
      their march towards Austria. Such was the true object of Napoleons last
      journey to Boulogne.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had been some time at Hamburg when these events took place, and it was
      curious to observe the effect they produced. But I must not forget one
      circumstance in which I am personally concerned, and which brings me back
      to the time when I was in Paris. My new title of Minister Plenipotentiary
      obliged me to see a little more of society than during the period when
      prudence required me to live as it were in retirement. I had received
      sincere congratulations from Duroc, Rape, and Lauriston, the three friends
      who had shown the greatest readiness to serve my interests with the
      Emperor; and I had frequent occasion to see M. Talleyrand, as my functions
      belonged to his department. The Emperor, on my farewell audience, having
      informed me that I was to correspond directly with the Minister of the
      General Police, I called on Fouché, who invited me to spend some days at
      his estate of Pont-Carre. I accepted the invitation because I wanted to
      confer with him, and I spent Sunday and Monday, the 28th and 29th of
      April, at Pont-Carre.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché, like the Emperor, frequently revealed what he intended to conceal;
      but he had such a reputation for cunning that this sort of indiscretion
      was attended by no inconvenience to him. He was supposed to be such a
      constant dissembler that those who did not know him well looked upon the
      truth when he spoke it merely as an artful snare laid to entrap them. I,
      however, knew that celebrated person too well to confound his cunning with
      his indiscretion. The best way to get out of him more than he was aware of
      was to let him talk on without interruption. There were very few visitors
      at Pont-Carre, and during the two days I spent there I had several
      conversations with Fouché. He told me a great deal about the events of
      1804, and he congratulated himself on having advised Napoleon to declare
      himself Emperor&mdash;"I have no preference," says Fouché, "for one form
      of government more than another. Forms signify nothing. The first object
      of the Revolution was not the overthrow of the Bourbons, but merely the
      reform of abuses and the destruction of prejudices. However, when it was
      discovered that Louis XVI. had neither firmness to refuse what he did not
      wish to grant, nor good faith to grant what his weakness had led him to
      promise, it was evident that the Bourbons could no longer reign over
      France and things were carried to such a length that we were under the
      necessity of condemning Louis XVI. and resorting to energetic measures.
      You know all that passed up to the 18th Brumaire, and after. We all
      perceived that a Republic could not exist in France; the question,
      therefore, was to ensure the perpetual removal of the Bourbons; and I
      believed the only means for so doing was to transfer the inheritance of
      their throne to another family. Some time before the 18th Brumaire I had a
      conversation with Sieyès and Barras, in which it was proposed, in case of
      the Directory being threatened, to recall the Duke of Orleans; and I could
      see very well that Barras favoured that suggestion, although he alluded to
      it merely as a report that was circulated about, and recommended me to pay
      attention to it. Sieyès said nothing, and I settled the question by
      observing, that if any such thing had been agitated I must have been
      informed of it through the reports of my agents. I added, that the
      restoration of the throne to a collateral branch of the Bourbons would be
      an impolitic act, and would but temporarily change the position of those
      who had brought about the Revolution. I rendered an account of this
      interview with Barras to General Bonaparte the first time I had an
      opportunity of conversing with him after your return from Egypt. I sounded
      him; and I was perfectly convinced that in the state of decrepitude into
      which the Directory had fallen he was just the man we wanted. I therefore
      adopted such measures with the police as tended to promote his elevation
      to the First Magistracy. He soon showed himself ungrateful, and instead of
      giving me all his confidence he tried to outwit me. He put into the hands
      of a number of persons various matters of police which were worse than
      useless. Most of their agents, who were my creatures, obeyed my
      instructions in their reports; and it often happened that the First Consul
      thought he had discovered, through the medium of others, information that
      came from me, and of the falsehood of which I easily convinced him. I
      confess I was at fault on the 3d Nivoise; but are there any human means of
      preventing two men, who have no accomplices, from bringing a plot to
      execution? You saw the First Consul on his return from the opera; you
      heard all his declamations. I felt assured that the infernal machine was
      the work of the Royalists. I told the Emperor this, and he was, I am sure,
      convinced of it; but he, nevertheless, proscribes a number of men on the
      mere pretence of their old opinions. Do you suppose I am ignorant of what
      he said of me and of my vote at the National Convention? Most assuredly it
      ill becomes him to reproach the Conventionists. It was that vote which
      placed the crown upon his head. But for the situation in which we were
      placed by that event, which circumstances had rendered inevitable, what
      should we have cared for the chance of seeing the Bourbons return? You
      must have remarked that the Republicans, who were not Conventionists, were
      in general more averse than we to the proceedings of the 18th Brumaire,
      as, for example, Bernadotte and Moreau. I know positively that Moreau was
      averse to the Consulate; and that it was only from irresolution that he
      accepted the custody of the Directory. I know also that he excused himself
      to his prisoners for the duty which had devolved upon him. They themselves
      told me this."
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché entered further into many details respecting his conduct, and the
      motives which had urged him to do what he did in favour of the First
      Consul. My memory does not enable me to report all he told me, but I
      distinctly recollect that the impression made on my mind by what fell from
      him was, that he had acted merely with a view to his own interests. He did
      not conceal his satisfaction at having outwitted Regnier, and obliged
      Bonaparte to recall him, that he set in motion every spring calculated to
      unite the conspirators, or rather to convert the discontented into
      conspirators, is evident from the following remarks which fell from him:
      "With the information I possessed, had I remained in office it is probable
      that I might have prevented the conspiracy, but Bonaparte would still have
      had to fear the rivalry of Moreau. He would not have been Emperor; and we
      should still have had to dread the return of the Bourbons, of which, thank
      God, there is now no fear."
    </p>
    <p>
      During my stay at Pont-Carry I said but little to Fouché about my long
      audience with the Emperor. However, I thought I might inform him that I
      was authorised to correspond directly with his Majesty. I thought it
      useless to conceal this fact, since he would soon learn it through his
      agents. I also said a few words about Bonaparte's regret at not having
      children. My object was to learn Fouché's opinion on this subject, and it
      was not without a feeling of indignation that I heard him say, "It is to
      be hoped the Empress will soon die. Her death will remove many
      difficulties. Sooner or later he must take a wife who will bear him a
      child; for as long as he has no direct heir there is every chance that his
      death will be the signal for a Revolution. His brothers are perfectly
      incapable of filling his place, and a new party would rise up in favour of
      the Bourbons; which must be prevented above all things. At present they
      are not dangerous, though they still have active and devoted agents.
      Altona is full of them, and you will be surrounded by them. I beg of you
      to keep a watchful eye upon them, and render me a strict account of all
      their movements, and even of their most trivial actions. As they have
      recourse to all sorts of disguises, you cannot be too vigilant; therefore
      it will be advisable, in the first place, to establish a good system of
      espionage; but have a care of the spies who serve both sides, for they
      swarm in Germany."
    </p>
    <p>
      This is all I recollect of my conversations with Fouché at Pont-Carre. I
      returned to Paris to make preparations for my journey to Hamburg.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXII.
    </h2>

      1805.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Capitulation of Sublingen&mdash;Preparations for war&mdash;Utility of
   commercial information&mdash;My instructions&mdash;Inspection of the emigrants
   and the journals&mdash;A pamphlet by Kotzebue&mdash;Offers from the Emperor of
   Russia to Moreau&mdash;Portrait of Gustavus Adolphus by one of his
   ministers&mdash;Fouché's denunciations&mdash;Duels at Hamburg&mdash;M. de Gimel
   &mdash;The Hamburg Correspondent&mdash;Letter from Bernadotte.
</pre>
    <p>
      I left Paris on the 20th of May 1805. On the 5th of June following I
      delivered my credentials to the Senate of Hamburg, which was represented
      by the Syndic Doormann and the Senator Schutte. M. Reinhart, my
      predecessor, left Hamburg on the 12th of June.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reigning Dukes of Mecklenburg-Schwerin and Brunswick, to whom I had
      announced my arrival as accredited Minister to them, wrote me letters
      recognising me in that character. General Walmoden had just signed the
      capitulation of Sublingen with Marshal Mortier, who had the command in
      Hanover. The English Government refused to ratify this, because it
      stipulated that the troops should be prisoners of war. Bonaparte had two
      motives for relaxing this hard condition. He wished to keep Hanover as a
      compensation for Malta, and to assure the means of embarrassing and
      attacking Prussia, which he now began to distrust. By advancing upon
      Prussia he would secure his left, so that when convenient he might march
      northward. Mortier, therefore, received orders to reduce the conditions of
      the capitulation to the surrender of the arms, baggage, artillery, and
      horses. England, which was making great efforts to resist the invasion
      with which she thought herself threatened, expended considerable sums for
      the transport of the troops from Hanover to England. Her precipitation was
      indescribable, and she paid the most exorbitant charges for the hire of
      ships. Several houses in Hamburg made fortunes on this occasion.
      Experience has long since proved that it is not at their source that
      secret transactions are most readily known. The intelligence of an event
      frequently resounds at a distance, while the event itself is almost
      entirely unknown in the place of its occurrence. The direct influence of
      political events on commercial speculations renders merchants exceedingly
      attentive to what is going on. All who are engaged in commercial pursuits
      form a corporation united by the strongest of all bonds, common interest;
      and commercial correspondence frequently presents a fertile field for
      observation, and affords much valuable information, which often escapes
      the inquiries of Government agents.
    </p>
    <p>
      I resolved to form a connection with some of the mercantile houses which
      maintained extensive and frequent communications with the Northern States.
      I knew that by obtaining their confidence I might gain a knowledge of all
      that was going on in Russia, Sweden, England, and Austria. Among the
      subjects upon which it was desirable to obtain information I included
      negotations, treaties, military measures&mdash;such as recruiting troops
      beyond the amount settled for the peace establishment, movements of
      troops, the formation of camps and magazines, financial operations, the
      fitting-out of ships, and many other things, which, though not important
      in themselves, frequently lead to the knowledge of what is important.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was not inclined to place reliance on all public reports and gossiping
      stories circulated on the Exchange without close investigation; for I
      wished to avoid transmitting home as truths what might frequently be mere
      stock-jobbing inventions. I was instructed to keep watch on the emigrants,
      who were exceedingly numerous in Hamburg and its neighbourhood,
      Mecklenburg, Hanover, Brunswick, and Holstein; but I must observe that my
      inspection was to extend only to those who were known to be actually
      engaged in intrigues and plots.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was also to keep watch on the state of the public mind, and on the
      journals which frequently give it a wrong direction, and to point out
      those articles in the journals which I thought censurable. At first I
      merely made verbal representations and complaints, but I could not always
      confine myself to this course. I received such distinct and positive
      orders that, in spite of myself, inspection was speedily converted into
      oppression. Complaints against the journals filled one-fourth of my
      despatches.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the Emperor wished to be made acquainted with all that was printed
      against him, I sent to Paris, in May 1805, and consequently a very few
      days after my arrival in Hamburg, a pamphlet by the celebrated Kotzebue,
      entitled 'Recollections of my Journey to Naples and Rome'. This
      publication, which was printed at Berlin, was full of indecorous attacks
      and odious allusions on the Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was informed at that time, through a certain channel, that the Emperor
      Alexander had solicited General Moreau to enter his service, and take the
      command of the Russian infantry. He offered him 12,000 roubles to defray
      his travelling expenses. At a subsequent period Moreau unfortunately
      accepted these offers, and died in the enemy's ranks.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of June M. Bouligny arrived at Hamburg. He was appointed to
      supersede M. d'Ocariz at Stockholm. The latter minister had left Hamburg
      on the 11th of June for Constantinople, where he did not expect to stay
      three months. I had several long conversations with him before his
      departure, and he did not appear to be satisfied with his destination. We
      frequently spoke of the King of Sweden, whose conduct M. d'Ocariz blamed.
      He was, he said, a young madman, who, without reflecting on the change of
      time and circumstances, wished to play the part of Gustavus Adolphus, to
      whom he bore no resemblance but in name. M. d'Ocariz spoke of the King of
      Sweden's camp in a tone of derision. That Prince had returned to the King
      of Prussia the cordon of the Black Eagle because the order had been given
      to the First Consul. I understood that Frederick William was very much
      offended at this proceeding, which was as indecorous and absurd as the
      return of the Golden Fleece by Louis XVII. to the King of Spain was
      dignified and proper. Gustavus Adolphus was brave, enterprising, and
      chivalrous, but inconsiderate and irascible. He called Bonaparte Monsieur
      Napoleon. His follies and reverses in Hanover were without doubt the cause
      of his abdication. On the 31st of October 1805 he published a declaration
      of war against France in language highly insulting to the Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché overwhelmed me with letters. If I had attended to all his
      instructions I should have left nobody unmolested. He asked me for
      information respecting a man named Lazoret, of the department of Gard, a
      girl, named Rosine Zimbenni, having informed the police that he had been
      killed in a duel at Hamburg. I replied that I knew but of four Frenchmen
      who had been killed in that way; one, named Clement, was killed by
      Tarasson; a second, named Duparc, killed by Lezardi; a third, named
      Sadremont, killed by Revel; and a fourth, whose name I did not know,
      killed by Lafond. This latter had just arrived at Hamburg when he was
      killed, but he was not the man sought for.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lafond was a native of Brabant, and had served in the British army. He
      insulted the Frenchman because he wore the national cockade&mdash;A duel
      was the consequence, and the offended party fell. M. Reinhart, my
      predecessor wished to punish Lafond, but the Austrian Minister having
      claimed him as the subject of his sovereign, he was not molested. Lafond
      took refuge in Antwerp, where he became a player.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the first months which succeeded my arrival in Hamburg I received
      orders for the arrest of many persons, almost all of whom were designated
      as dangerous and ill disposed men. When I was convinced that the
      accusation was groundless I postponed the arrest. The matter was then
      forgotten, and nobody complained.
    </p>
    <p>
      A title, or a rank in foreign service, was a safeguard against the Paris
      inquisition. Of this the following is an instance. Count Gimel, of whom I
      shall hereafter have occasion to speak more at length, set out about this
      time for Carlsbad. Count Grote the Prussian Minister, frequently spoke to
      me of him. On my expressing apprehension that M. de Gimel might be
      arrested, as there was a strong prejudice against him, M. Grote replied,
      "Oh! there is no fear of that. He will return to Hamburg with the rauk of
      an English colonel."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th of July there appeared in the Correspondent an article
      exceedingly insulting to France. It had been inserted by order of Baron
      Novozilzow, who was at Berlin, and who had become very hostile to France,
      though it was said he had been sent from St. Petersburg on a specific
      mission to Napoleon. The article in question was transmitted from Berlin
      by an extraordinary courier, and Novozilzow in his note to the Senate said
      it might be stated that the article was inserted at the request of His
      Britannic Majesty. The Russian Minister at Berlin, M. Alopaeus, despatched
      also an 'estafette' to the Russian charge d'affaires at Hamburg, with
      orders to apply for the insertion of the article, which accordingly
      appeared. In obedience to the Emperor's instructions, I complained of it,
      and the Senate replied that it never opposed the insertion of an official
      note sent by any Government; that insults would redound against those from
      whom they came; that the reply of the French Government would be
      published; and that the Senate had never deviated from this mode of
      proceeding.
    </p>
    <p>
      I observed to the Senate that I did not understand why the Correspondent
      should make itself the trumpet of M. Novozilzow; to which the Syndic
      replied, that two great powers, which might do them much harm, had
      required the insertion of the article, and that it could not be refused.
    </p>
    <p>
      The hatred felt by the foreign Princes, which the death of the Duc
      d'Enghien had considerably increased; gave encouragement to the
      publication of everything hostile to Napoleon. This was candidly avowed to
      me by the Ministers and foreigners of rank whom I saw in Hamburg. The King
      of Sweden was most violent in manifesting the indignation which was
      generally excited by the death of the Duc d'Enghien. M. Wetterstadt, who
      had succeeded M. La Gerbielske in the Cabinet of Stockholm, sent to the
      Swedish Minister at Hamburg a long letter exceedingly insulting to
      Napoleon. It was in reply to an article inserted in the 'Moniteur'
      respecting the return of the Black Eagle to the King of Prussia. M.
      Peyron, the Swedish Minister at Hamburg, who was very far from approving
      all that his master did, transmitted to Stockholm some very energetic
      remarks on the ill effect which would be produced by the insertion of the
      article in the 'Correspondent'. The article was then a little modified,
      and M. Peyron received formal orders to get it inserted. However; on my
      representations the Senate agreed to suppress it, and it did not appear.
    </p>
    <p>
      Marshal Bernadotte, who had the command of the French troops in Hanover,
      kept up a friendly correspondence with me unconnected with the duties of
      our respective functions.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the occupation of Hanover Mr. Taylor, the English Minister at Cassel,
      was obliged to leave that place; but he soon returned in spite of the
      opposition of France. On this subject the marshal furnished me with the
      following particulars:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I have just received, my dear Bourrienne, information which leaves
   no doubt of what has taken place at Cassel with respect to Mr.
   Taylor. That Minister has been received in spite of the
   representations of M. Bignon, which, however, had previously been
   merely verbal. I know that the Elector wrote to London to request
   that Mr. Taylor should not return. In answer to this the English
   Government sent him back. Our Minister has done everything he could
   to obtain his dismissal; but the pecuniary interests of the Elector
   have triumphed over every other consideration. He would not risk
   quarrelling with the Court from which he expects to receive more
   than 12,000,000 francs. The British Government has been written to
   a second time, but without effect. The Elector himself, in a
   private letter, has requested the King of England to recall Mr.
   Taylor, but it is very probable that the Cabinet of London will
   evade this request.

   Under these circumstances our troops have approached nearer to
   Cassel. Hitherto the whole district of Gottingen had been exempt
   from quartering troops. New arrangements, tendered necessary by the
   scarcity of forage, have obliged me to send a squadron of 'chasseurs
   de cheval' to Munden, a little town four leagues from Cassel. This
   movement excited some alarm in the Elector, who expressed a wish to
   see things restored to the same footing as before. He has requested
   M. Bignon to write to me, and to assure me again that he will be
   delighted to become acquainted with me at the waters of Nemidorff,
   where he intends to spend some time. But on this subject I shall
   not alter the determination I have already mentioned to you.
   &mdash;Yours, etc.,
                       (Signed) BERNADOTTE.
   STADE, 10th Thermidor (29th July, 1805).
</pre>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIII.
    </h2>

      1805.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Treaty of alliance between England and Russia&mdash;Certainty of an
   approaching war&mdash;M. Forshmann, the Russian Minister&mdash;Duroc's mission
   to Berlin&mdash;New project of the King of Sweden&mdash;Secret mission to the
   Baltic&mdash;Animosity against France&mdash;Fall of the exchange between
   Hamburg and Paris&mdash;Destruction of the first Austrian army&mdash;Taking of
   Ulm&mdash;The Emperor's displeasure at the remark of a soldier&mdash;Battle of
   Trafalgar&mdash;Duroc's position at the Court of Prussia&mdash;Armaments in
   Russia&mdash;Libel upon Napoleon in the Hamburg 'Corespondent'&mdash;
   Embarrassment of the Syndic and Burgomaster of Hamburg&mdash;The conduct
   of the Russian Minister censured by the Swedish and English
   Ministers.
</pre>
    <p>
      At the beginning of August 1805 a treaty of alliance between Russia and
      England was spoken of. Some persons of consequence, who had the means of
      knowing all that was going on in the political world, had read this
      treaty, the principal points of which were communicated to me.
    </p>
    <p>
      Article 1st stated that the object of the alliance was to restore the
      balance of Europe. By art. 2d the Emperor of Russia was to place 36,000
      men at the disposal of England. Art. 3d stipulated that neither of the two
      powers would consent to treat with France, nor to lay down arms until the
      King of Sardinia should either be restored to his dominions or receive an
      equivalent indemnity in the northeast of Italy. By art. 4th Malta was to
      be evacuated by the English, and occupied by the Russians. By art. 5th the
      two powers were to guarantee the independence of the Republic of the
      Ionian Isles, and England was to pledge herself to assist Russia in her
      war against Persia. If this plan of a treaty, of the existence of which I
      was informed on unquestionable authority, had been brought to any result
      it is impossible to calculate what might have been its consequences.
    </p>
    <p>
      At that time an immediate Continental war was confidently expected by
      every person in the north of Europe; and it is very certain that, had not
      Napoleon taken the hint in time and renounced his absurd schemes at
      Boulogne, France would have stood in a dangerous situation.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Forshmann, the Russian charge d'affaires, was intriguing to excite the
      north of Europe against France. He repeatedly received orders to obtain
      the insertion of irritating articles in the 'Correspondent'. He was an
      active, intriguing, and spiteful little man, and a declared enemy of
      France; but fortunately his stupidity and vanity rendered him less
      dangerous than he wished to be. He was universally detested, and he would
      have lost all credit but that the extensive trade carried on between
      Russia and Hamburg forced the inhabitants and magistrates of that city to
      bear with a man who might have done them, individually, considerable
      injury.
    </p>
    <p>
      The recollection of Duroc's successful mission to Berlin during the
      Consulate induced Napoleon to believe that that general might appease the
      King of Prussia, who complained seriously of the violation of the
      territory of Anspach, which Bernadotte, in consequence of the orders he
      received, had not been able to respect. Duroc remained about six weeks in
      Berlin.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following letter from Duroc will show that the facility of passing
      through Hesse seemed to excuse the second violation of the Prussian
      territory; but there was a great difference between a petty Prince of
      Hesse and the King of Prussia.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I send you, my dear Bourrienne, two despatches, which I have
   received for you. M. de Talleyrand, who sends them, desires me to
   request that you will transmit General Victor's by a sure
   conveyance.

   I do not yet know whether I shall stay long in Berlin. By the last
   accounts I received the Emperor is still in Paris, and numerous
   forces are assembling on the Rhine. The hopes of peace are
   vanishing every day, and Austria does everything to promote war.

   I have received accounts from Marshal Bernadotte. He has effected
   his passage through Hesse. Marshal Bernadotte was much pleased with
   the courtesy he experienced from the Elector.
</pre>
    <p>
      The junction of the corps commanded by Bernadotte with the army of the
      Emperor was very important, and Napoleon therefore directed the Marshal to
      come up with him as speedily as possible, and by the shortest road. It was
      necessary he should arrive in time for the battle of Austerlitz. Gustavus,
      King of Sweden, who was always engaged in some enterprise, wished to raise
      an army composed of Swedes, Prussians, and English; and certainly a
      vigorous attack in the north would have prevented Bernadotte from quitting
      the banks of the Elbe and the Weser, and reinforcing the Grand Army which
      was marching on Vienna. But the King of Sweden's coalition produced no
      other result than the siege of the little fortress of Hameln.
    </p>
    <p>
      Prussia would not come to a rupture with France, the King of Sweden was
      abandoned, and Bonaparte's resentment against him increased. This abortive
      project of Gustavus contributed not a little to alienate the affections of
      his subjects, who feared that they might be the victims of the revenge
      excited by the extravagant plans of their King, and the insults he had
      heaped upon Napoleon, particularly since the death of the Duc d'Enghien.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th of September 1805 I received a letter from the Minister of
      Police soliciting information about Swedish Pomerania.
    </p>
    <p>
      Astonished at not obtaining from the commercial Consuls at Lübeck and
      Stettin any accounts of the movements of the Russians, I had sent to those
      ports, four days before the receipt of the Police Minister's letter, a
      confidential agent, to observe the Baltic: though we were only 64 leagues
      from Stralsund the most uncertain and contradictory accounts came to hand.
      It was, however, certain that a landing of the Russians was expected at
      Stralsund, or at Travemtinde, the port of Lübeck, at the mouth of the
      little river Trave. I was positively informed that Russia had freighted a
      considerable number of vessels for those ports.
    </p>
    <p>
      The hatred of the French continued to increase in the north of Europe.
      About the end of September there appeared at Kiel, in Denmark, a libellous
      pamphlet, which was bought and read with inconceivable avidity. This
      pamphlet, which was very ably written, was the production of some fanatic
      who openly preached a crusade against France. The author regarded the
      blood of millions of men as a trifling sacrifice for the great object of
      humiliating France and bringing her back to the limits of the old
      monarchy. This pamphlet was circulated extensively in the German
      departments united to France, in Holland, and in Switzerland. The number
      of incendiary publications which everywhere abounded indicated but too
      plainly that if the nations of the north should be driven back towards the
      Arctic regions they would in their turn repulse their conquerors towards
      the south; and no man of common sense could doubt that if the French
      eagles were planted in foreign capitals, foreign standards would one day
      wave over Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 30th of September 1805 I received, by an 'estafette', intelligence
      of the landing at Stralsund of 6000 Swedes, who had arrived from Stockholm
      in two ships of war.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the end of September the Hamburg exchange on Paris fell alarmingly.
      The loss was twenty per cent. The fall stopped at seventeen below par. The
      speculation for this fall of the exchange had been made with equal
      imprudence and animosity by the house of Osy and Company.
    </p>
    <p>
      The head of that house, a Dutch emigrant, who had been settled at Hamburg
      about six years, seized every opportunity of manifesting his hatred of
      France. An agent of that rich house at Rotterdam was also very hostile to
      us, a circumstance which shows that if many persons sacrifice their
      political opinions to their interests there are others who endanger their
      interests for the triumph of their opinions.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23d of October 1805 I received official intelligence of the total
      destruction of the first Austrian army: General Barbou, who was in
      Hanover, also informed me of that event in the following terms: "The first
      Austrian army has ceased to exist." He alluded to the brilliant affair of
      Ulm. I immediately despatched twelve estafettes to different parts; among
      other places to Stralsund and Husum. I thought that these prodigies, which
      must have been almost incredible to those who were unacquainted with
      Napoleon's military genius, might arrest the progress of the Russian
      troops, and produces some change in the movements of the enemy's forces. A
      second edition of the 'Correspondent' was published with this
      intelligence, and 6000 copies were sold at four times the usual price.
    </p>
    <p>
      I need not detain the reader with the details of the capitulation of Ulm,
      which have already been published, but I may relate the following
      anecdote, which is not generally known. A French general passing before
      the ranks of his men said to them, "Well, comrades, we have prisoners
      enough here."&mdash;"yes indeed," replied one of the soldiers, "we never
      saw so many . . . collected together before." It was stated at the time,
      and I believe it, that the Emperor was much displeased when he heard of
      this, and remarked that it was "atrocious to insult brave men to whom the
      fate of arms had proved unfavourable."
    </p>
    <p>
      In reading the history of this period we find that in whatever place
      Napoleon happened to be, there was the central point of action. The
      affairs of Europe were arranged at his headquarters in the same manner as
      if he had been in Paris. Everything depended on his good or bad fortune.
      Espionage, seduction, false promises, exactions,&mdash;all were put in
      force to promote the success of his projects; but his despotism, which
      excited dissatisfaction in France, and his continual aggressions, which
      threatened the independence of foreign States, rendered him more and more
      unpopular everywhere.
    </p>
    <p>
      The battle of Trafalgar took place while Napoleon was marching on Vienna,
      and on the day after the capitulation of Ulm. The southern coast of Spain
      then witnessed an engagement between thirty-one French and about an equal
      number of English ships, and in spite of this equality of force the French
      fleet was destroyed.&mdash;[The actual forces present were 27 English
      ships of the line and 38 Franco-Spanish ships of the line; see James'
      Naval History, vol. iii. p. 459.]
    </p>
    <p>
      This great battle afforded another proof of our naval inferiority. Admires
      Calder first gave us the lesson which Nelson completed, but which cost the
      latter his life. According to the reports which Duroc transmitted to me,
      courage gave momentary hope to the French; but they were at length forced
      to yield to the superior naval tactics of the enemy. The battle of
      Trafalgar paralysed our naval force, and banished all hope of any attempt
      against England.
    </p>
    <p>
      The favour which the King, of Prussia had shown to Duroc was withdrawn
      when his Majesty received intelligence of the march of Bernadotte's troops
      through the Margravate of Anspach. All accounts concurred respecting the
      just umbrage which that violation of territory occasioned to the King of
      Prussia. The agents whom I had in that quarter overwhelmed me with reports
      of the excesses committed by the French in passing through the Margravate.
      A letter I received from Duroc contains the following remarks on this
      subject:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The corps of Marshal Bernadotte has passed through Anapach and by
   some misunderstanding this has been regarded at Berlin as an insult
   to the King, a violence committed upon his neutrality. How can it
   be supposed, especially under present circumstances, that the
   Emperor could have any intention of insulting or committing violence
   upon his friend? Besides, the reports have been exaggerated, and
   have been made by persons who wish to favour our enemies rather than
   us. However, I am perfectly aware that Marshal Bernadotte's 70,000
   men are not 70,000 virgins. Be this as it may, the business might
   have been fatal, and will, at all events, be very injurious to us.
   Laforeat and I are treated very harshly, though we do not deserve
   it. All the idle stories that have been got up here must have
   reached you. Probably Prussia will not forget that France was, and
   still may be, the only power interested in her glory and
   aggrandisement.
</pre>
    <p>
      At the end of October the King of Prussia, far from thinking of war, but
      in case of its occurrence wishing to check its disasters as far as
      possible, proposed to establish a line of neutrality. This was the first
      idea of the Confederation of the North. Duroc, fearing lest the Russians
      should enter Hamburg, advised me, as a friend, to adopt precautions. But I
      was on the spot; I knew all the movement the little detached corps, and I
      was under no apprehension.
    </p>
    <p>
      The editor of the Hamburg 'Correspondent' sent me every evening a proof of
      the number which was to appear next day,&mdash;a favour which was granted
      only to the French Minister. On the 20th of November I received the proof
      as usual, and saw nothing objectionable in it. How great, therefore, was
      my astonishment when next morning I read in the same journal an article
      personally insulting to the Emperor, and in which the legitimate
      sovereigns of Europe were called upon to undertake a crusade against the
      usurper etc. I immediately sent for M. Doormann, first Syndic of the
      Senate of Hamburg. When he appeared his mortified look sufficiently
      informed me that he knew what I had to say to him. I reproached him
      sharply, and asked him how, after all I had told him of the Emperor's
      susceptibility, he could permit the insertion of such an article. I
      observed to him that this indecorous diatribe had no official character,
      since it had no signature; and that, therefore, he had acted in direct
      opposition to a decree of the Senate, which prohibited the insertion in
      the journals of any articles which were not signed. I told him plainly
      that his imprudence might be attended with serious consequences. M.
      Doormann did not attempt to justify himaelt but merely explained to me how
      the thing had happened.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 20th of November, in the evening, M. Forshmann, the Russian charge
      d'affaires who had in the course of the day arrived from the Russian
      headquarters presented to the editor of the Correspondent the article in
      question. The editor, after reading the article, which he thought
      exceedingly indecorous, observed to M. Forshmann that his paper was
      already made up, which was the fact, for I had seen a proof. M. Forshmann,
      however, insisted on the insertion of the article. The editor then told
      him that he could not admit it without the approbation of the Syndic
      Censor. M. Forshmann immediately waited upon M. Doormann, and when the
      latter begged that he would not insist on the insertion of the article, M.
      Forshmann produced a letter written in French, which, among other things,
      contained the following: "You will get the enclosed article inserted in
      the Correspondent without suffering a single word to be altered. Should
      the censor refuse, you must apply to the directing Burgomaster, and, in
      case of his refusal, to General Tolstoy, who will devise some means of
      rendering the Senate more complying, and forcing it to observe an
      impartial deference."
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Doorman, thinking he could not take upon himself to allow the insertion
      of the article, went, accompanied by M. Forshmann, to wait upon M. Von
      Graffen, the directing Burgomaster. MM. Doorman and Von Graffen earnestly
      pointed out the impropriety of inserting the article; but M. Forshmann
      referred to his order, and added that the compliance of the Senate on this
      point was the only means of avoiding great mischief. The Burgomaster and
      the Syndic, finding themselves thus forced to admit the article, entreated
      that the following passage at least might be suppressed: "I know a certain
      chief, who, in defiance of all laws divine and human,&mdash;in contempt of
      the hatred he inspires in Europe, as well as among those whom he has
      reduced to be his subjects, keeps possession of a usurped throne by
      violence and crime. His insatiable ambition would subject all Europe to
      his rule. But the time is come for avenging the rights of nations . . . ."
      M. Forshmann again referred to his orders, and with some degree of
      violence insisted on the insertion of the article in its complete form.
      The Burgomaster then authorised the editor of the Correspondent to print
      the article that night, and M. Forshmann, having obtained that authority,
      carried the article to the office at half-past eleven o'clock.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the account given me by M. Doormann. I observed that I did not
      understand how the imaginary apprehension of any violence on the part of
      Russia should have induced him to admit so insolent an attack upon the
      most powerful sovereign in Europe, whose arms would soon dictate laws to
      Germany. The Syndic did not dissemble his fear of the Emperor's
      resentment, while at the same time he expressed a hope that the Emperor
      would take into consideration the extreme difficulty of a small power
      maintaining neutrality in the extraordinary circumstances in which Hamburg
      was placed, and that the articles might be said to have been presented
      almost at the point of the Cossacks' spears. M. Doormann added that a
      refusal, which world have brought Russian troops to Hamburg, might have
      been attended by very unpleasant consequences to me, and might have
      committed the Senate in a very different way. I begged of him, once for
      all, to set aside in these affairs all consideration of my personal
      danger: and the Syndic, after a conversation of more than two hours,
      departed more uneasy in his mind than when he arrived, and conjuring me to
      give a faithful report of the facts as they had happened.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Doormann was a very worthy man, and I gave a favourable representation
      of his excuses and of the readiness which he had always evinced to keep
      out of the Correspondent articles hostile to France; as, for example, the
      commencement of a proclamation of the Emperor of Germany to his subjects,
      and a complete proclamation of the King of Sweden. As it happened, the
      good Syndic escaped with nothing worse than a fright; I was myself
      astonished at the success of my intercession. I learned from the Minister
      for Foreign Affairs that the Emperor was furiously indignant on reading
      the article, in which the French army was outraged as well as he. Indeed,
      he paid but little attention to insults directed against himself
      personally. Their eternal repetition had inured him to them; but at the
      idea of his army being insulted he was violently enraged, and uttered the
      most terrible threats.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is worthy of remark that the Swedish and English Ministers, as soon as
      they read the article, waited upon the editor of the Correspondent, and
      expressed their astonishment that such a libel should have been published.
      "Victorious armies," said they, "should be answered by cannonballs and not
      by insults as gross as they are ridiculous." This opinion was shared by
      all the foreigners at that time in Hamburg.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIV.
    </h2>

      1805

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Difficulties of my situation at Hamburg&mdash;Toil and responsibility&mdash;
   Supervision of the emigrants&mdash;Foreign Ministers&mdash;Journals&mdash;Packet
   from Strasburg&mdash;Bonaparte fond of narrating Giulio, an extempore
   recitation of a story composed by the Emperor.
</pre>
    <p>
      The brief detail I have given in the two or three preceding chapters of
      the events which occurred previously to and during the campaign of
      Austerlitz, with the letters of Duroc and Bernadotte, may afford the
      reader some idea of my situation during the early part of my residence in
      Hamburg. Events succeeded each other with such incredible rapidity as to
      render my labour excessive. My occupations were different, but not less
      laborious, than those which I formerly performed when near the Emperor;
      and, besides, I was now loaded with a responsibility which did not attach
      to me as the private secretary of General Bonaparte and the First Consul.
      I had, in fact, to maintain a constant watch over the emigrants in Altona,
      which was no easy matter&mdash;to correspond daily with the Minister for
      Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Police&mdash;to confer with the
      foreign Ministers accredited at Hamburg&mdash;to maintain active relations
      with the commanders of the French army&mdash;to interrogate my secret
      agents, and keep a strict surveillance over their proceedings; it was,
      besides, necessary to be unceasingly on the watch for scurrilous articles
      against Napoleon in the Hamburg 'Corespondent'. I shall frequently have
      occasion to speak of all these things, and especially of the most marked
      emigrants, in a manner less irregular, because what I have hitherto said
      may, in some sort, be considered merely as a summary of all the facts
      relating to the occurrences which daily passed before my eyes.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the midst of these multifarious and weighty occupations I received a
      packet with the Strasburg postmark at the time the Empress was in that
      city. This packet had not the usual form of a diplomatic despatch, and the
      superscription announced that it came from the residence of Josephine. My
      readers, I venture to presume, will not experience less gratification than
      I did on a perusal of its contents, which will be found at the end of this
      chapter; but before satisfying the curiosity to which I have perhaps given
      birth, I may here relate that one of the peculiarities of Bonaparte was a
      fondness of extempore narration; and it appears he had not discontinued
      the practice even after he became Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      In fact, Bonaparte, during the first year after his elevation to the
      Imperial throne, usually passed those evenings in the apartments of the
      Empress which he could steal from public business. Throwing himself on a
      sofa, he would remain absorbed in gloomy silence, which no one dared to
      interrupt. Sometimes, however, on the contrary, he would give the reins to
      his vivid imagination and his love of the marvelous, or, to speak more
      correctly, his desire to produce effect, which was perhaps one of his
      strongest passions, and would relate little romances, which were always of
      a fearful description and in unison with the natural turn of his ideas.
      During those recitals the ladies-in-waiting were always present, to one of
      whom I am indebted for the following story, which she had written nearly
      in the words of Napoleon. "Never," said this lady in her letter to me,
      "did the Emperor appear more extraordinary. Led away by the subject, he
      paced the salon with hasty strides; the intonations of his voice varied
      according to the characters of the personages he brought on the scene; he
      seemed to multiply himself in order to play the different parts, and no
      person needed to feign the terror which he really inspired, and which he
      loved to see depicted in the countenances of those who surrounded him." In
      this tale I have made no alterations, as can be attested by those who, to
      my knowledge, have a copy of it. It is curious to compare the impassioned
      portions of it with the style of Napoleon in some of the letters addressed
      to Josephine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VOLUME III. &mdash; 1805-1814
    </h2>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER I.
    </h2>

      1805.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Abolition of the Republican calendar&mdash;Warlike preparations in
   Austria&mdash;Plan for re-organizing the National Guard&mdash;Napoleon in
   Strasburg&mdash;General Mack&mdash;Proclamation&mdash;Captain Bernard's
   reconnoitering mission&mdash;The Emperor's pretended anger and real
   satisfaction&mdash;Information respecting Ragusa communicated by Bernard
   &mdash;Rapid and deserved promotion&mdash;General Bernard's
   retirement to the United States of America.
</pre>
    <p>
      I had been three months at Hamburg when I learned that the Emperor had at
      last resolved to abolish the only remaining memorial of the Republic,
      namely, the revolutionary calendar. That calendar was indeed an absurd
      innovation, for the new denominations of the months were not applicable in
      all places, even in France; the corn of Provence did not wait to be opened
      by the sun of the month of Messidor. On the 9th of September a
      'Senates-consulte' decreed that on the 1st of January following the months
      and days should resume their own names. I read with much interest
      Laplace's report to the Senate, and must confess I was very glad to see
      the Gregorian calendar again acknowledged by law, as it had already been
      acknowledged in fact. Frenchmen in foreign countries experienced
      particular inconvenience from the adoption of a system different from all
      the rest of the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      A few days after the revival of the old calendar the Emperor departed for
      the army. When at Hamburg it may well be supposed that I was anxious to
      obtain news, and I received plenty from the interior of Germany and from
      some friends in Paris. This correspondence enables me to present to my
      readers a comprehensive and accurate picture of the state of public
      affairs up to the time when Napoleon took the field. I have already
      mentioned how artfully he always made it appear that he was anxious for
      peace, and that he was always the party attacked; his, conduct previous to
      the first conquest of Vienna affords a striking example of this artifice.
      It was pretty evident that the transformation of the Cisalpine Republic
      into the kingdom of Italy, and the union of Genoa to France were
      infractions of treaties; yet the Emperor, nevertheless, pretended that all
      the infractions were committed by Austria. The truth is, that Austria was
      raising levies as secretly as possible, and collecting her troops on the
      frontiers of Bavaria. An Austrian corps even penetrated into some
      provinces of the Electorate; all this afforded Napoleon a pretext for
      going to the aid of his allies.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the memorable sitting preceding his departure the Emperor presented a
      project of a 'Senatus-consulte' relative to the re-organisation of the
      National Guard. The Minister for Foreign Affairs read an explanation of
      the reciprocal conduct of France and Austria since the peace of Luneville,
      in which the offences of France were concealed with wonderful skill.
      Before the sitting broke up the Emperor addressed the members, stating
      that he was about to leave the capital to place himself at the head of the
      army to afford prompt succour to his allies, and defend the dearest
      interests of his people. He boasted of his wish to preserve peace, which
      Austria and Russia, as he alleged, had, through the influence of England,
      been induced to disturb.
    </p>
    <p>
      This address produced a very powerful impression in Hamburg. For my part,
      I recognised in it Napoleon's usual boasting strain; but on this occasion
      events seemed bent on justifying it. The Emperor may certainly have
      performed more scientific campaigns than that of Austerlitz, but never any
      more glorious in results. Everything seemed to partake of the marvellous,
      and I have often thought of the secret joy which Bonaparte must have felt
      on seeing himself at last an the point of commencing a great war in
      Germany, for which he had so often expressed an ardent desire. He
      proceeded first to Strasburg, whither Josephine accompanied him.
    </p>
    <p>
      All the reports that I received agreed with the statements of my private
      correspondence in describing the incredible enthusiasm which prevailed in
      the army on learning that it was to march into Germany. For the first time
      Napoleon had recourse to an expeditious mode of transport, and 20,000
      carriages conveyed his army, as if by enchantment, from the shores of the
      Channel to the banks of the Rhine. The idea of an active campaign fired
      the ambition of the junior part of the army. All dreamed of glory, and of
      speedy promotion, and all hoped to distinguish themselves before the eyes
      of a chief who was idolised by his troops. Thus during his short stay at
      Strasburg the Emperor might with reason prophesy the success which crowned
      his efforts under the walls of Vienna.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rapp, who accompanied him, informed me that on leaving Strasburg he
      observed, in the presence of several persons, "It will be said that I made
      Mack's plan of campaign for him. The Caudine Forks are at Ulm."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This allusion to the Caudine Forks was always in Napoleon's mouth
   when he saw an enemy's army concentrated on a point, and foresaw its
   defeat&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Experience proved that Bonaparte was not deceived; but I ought on this
      occasion to contradict a calumnious report circulated at that time, and
      since maliciously repeated. It has been said that there existed an
      understanding between Mack and Bonaparte, and that the general was bought
      over to deliver up the gates of Ulm. I have received positive proof that
      this assertion is a scandalous falsehood; and the only thing that could
      give it weight was Napoleon's intercession after the campaign that Mack
      might not be put on his trial. In this intercession Napoleon was actuated
      only by humanity.
    </p>
    <p>
      On taking the field Napoleon placed himself at the head of the Bavarians,
      with whom be opposed the enemy's army before the arrival of his own
      troops. As soon as they were assembled he published the following
      proclamation, which still further excited the ardour of the troops.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SOLDIERS&mdash;The war of the third coalition is commenced. The Austrian
   army has passed the Inn, violated treaties, attacked and driven our
   ally from his capital. You yourselves have been obliged to hasten,
   by forced marches, to the defence of our frontiers. But you have
   now passed the Rhine; and we will not stop till we have secured the
   independence of the Germanic body, succoured our allies, and humbled
   the pride of our unjust assailants. We will not again make peace
   without a sufficient guarantee! Our generosity shall not again
   wrong our policy. Soldiers, your Emperor is among you! You are but
   the advanced guard of the great people. If it be necessary they
   will all rise at my call to confound and dissolve this new league,
   which has been created by the malice and the gold of England.
   But, soldiers, we shall have forced marches to make, fatigues and
   privations of every kind to endure. Still, whatever obstacles may
   be opposed to us, we will conquer them; and we will never rest until
   we have planted our eagles on the territory of our enemies!
</pre>
    <p>
      In the confidential notes of his diplomatic agents, in his speeches, and
      in his proclamations, Napoleon always described himself as the attacked
      party, and perhaps his very earnestness in so doing sufficed to reveal the
      truth to all those who had learned to read his thoughts differently from
      what his words expressed them.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the commencement of the campaign of Austerlitz a circumstance occurred
      from which is to be dated the fortune of a very meritorious man. While the
      Emperor was at Strasburg he asked General Marescot, the commander-in-chief
      of the engineers, whether he could recommend from his corps a brave,
      prudent, and intelligent young officer, capable of being entrusted with an
      important reconnoitering mission. The officer selected by General Marescot
      was a captain in the engineers, named Bernard, who had been educated in
      the Polytechnic School. He set off on his mission, advanced almost to
      Vienna, and returned to the headquarters of the Emperor at the
      capitulation of Ulm.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte interrogated him himself, and was well satisfied with his
      replies; but, not content with answering verbally the questions put by
      Napoleon, Captain Bernard had drawn up a report of what he observed, and
      the different routes which might be taken. Among other things he observed
      that it would be a great advantage to direct the whole army upon Vienna,
      without regard to the fortified places; for that, once master of the
      capital of Austria, the Emperor might dictate laws to all the Austrian
      monarchy. "I was present," said Rapp to me, "at this young officer's
      interview with the Emperor. After reading the report, would you believe
      that the Emperor flew into a furious passion? 'How!' cried he, 'you are
      very bold, very presumptuous! A young officer to take the liberty of
      tracing out a plan of campaign for me! Begone, and await my orders.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      This, and some other circumstances which I shall have to add respecting
      Captain Bernard, completely reveal Napoleon's character. Rapp told me that
      as soon as the young officer had left the Emperor all at once changed his
      tone. "That," said he, "is a clever young man; he has taken a proper view
      of things. I shall not expose him to the chance of being shot. Perhaps I
      shall sometime want his services. Tell Berthier to despatch an order for
      his departure for Elyria."
    </p>
    <p>
      This order was despatched, and Captain Bernard, who, like his comrades,
      was ardently looking forward to the approaching campaign, regarded as a
      punishment what was, on the Emperor's part, a precaution to preserve a
      young man whose merit he appreciated. At the close of the campaign, when
      the Emperor promoted those officers who had distinguished themselves,
      Bernard, who was thought to be in disgrace, was not included in Berthier's
      list among the captains of engineers whom he recommended to the rank of
      chef de bataillon; but Napoleon himself inscribed Bernard's name before
      all the rest. However, the Emperor forgot him for some time; and it was
      only an accidental circumstance that brought him to his recollection. I
      never had any personal acquaintance with Bernard, but I learned from Rapp,
      how he afterwards became his colleague as aide de camp to the Emperor; a
      circumstance which I shall now relate, though it refers to a later period.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the Emperor left Paris for the campaign of 1812 he wished to gain
      precise information respecting Ragusa and Elyria. He sent for Marmont, but
      was not satisfied with his answers. He then interrogated several other
      generals, but the result of his inquiries always was, "This is all very
      well; but it is not what I want. I do not know Ragusa." He then sent for
      General Dejean, who had succeeded M. de Marescot as first inspector of the
      Engineers.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Have you any one among your officers," he asked, "who is well acquainted
      with Ragusa?" Dejean, after a little reflection, replied, "Sire, there is
      a chef de bataillon who has been a long time forgotten, but who knows
      Elyria perfectly."&mdash;"What's his name?"&mdash;"Bernard."&mdash;"Ah!
      stop . . . Bernard! I remember that name. Where is he?"&mdash;"At Antwerp,
      Sire, employed on the fortifications."&mdash;"Let a telegraphic despatch
      be immediately, transmitted,&mdash;[by semaphore arms.]&mdash;desiring him
      to mount his horse and come with all speed to Paris."
    </p>
    <p>
      The promptitude with which the Emperor's orders were always executed is
      well known. A few days after Captain Bernard was in the Emperor's cabinet
      in Paris. Napoleon received him very graciously. The first thing he said
      was, "Talk to me about Ragusa." This was a favourite mode of interrogation
      with him in similar cases, and I have heard him say that it was a sure way
      of drawing out all that a man had observed in any country that he had
      visited. Be that as it may, he was perfectly satisfied with M. Bernard's
      information respecting Elyria; and when the chef de bataillon had finished
      speaking Napoleon said, "Colonel Bernard, I am now acquainted with
      Ragusa." The Emperor afterwards conversed familiarly with him, entered
      into details respecting the system of fortification adopted at Antwerp,
      referred to the plan of the works, criticised it, and showed how he would,
      if he besieged the town, render the means of defence unavailing. The new
      Colonel explained so well how he would defend the town against the
      Emperor's attack that Bonaparte was delighted, and immediately bestowed
      upon, the young officer a mark of distinction which, as far as I know, he
      never granted but upon that single occasion. The Emperor was going to
      preside at the Council of State, and desired Colonel Bernard to accompany
      him, and many times during the sittings be asked him for his opinion upon
      the points which were under discussion. On leaving the Council Napoleon
      said, "Bernard, you are in future my aide de camp." After the campaign he
      was made General of Brigade, soon after General of Division, and now he is
      acknowledged to be one of the ablest engineer officers in existence.
      Clarke's silly conduct deprived France of this distinguished man, who
      refused the brilliant offers of several sovereigns of Europe for the sake
      of retiring to the United States of America, where he commands the
      Engineers, and has constructed fortifications on the coast of the Floridas
      which are considered by engineers to be masterpieces of military art.
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II.
    </h2>

      1805.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Rapidity of Napoleon's victories&mdash;Murat at Wertingen&mdash;Conquest of
   Ney's duchy&mdash;The French army before Ulm&mdash;The Prince of Liechtenstein
   at the Imperial headquarters&mdash;His interview with Napoleon described
   by Rapp&mdash;Capitulation of Ulm signed by Berthier and Mack&mdash;Napoleon
   before and after a victory&mdash;His address to the captive generals&mdash;
   The Emperor's proclamation&mdash;Ten thousand prisoners taken by Murat&mdash;
   Battle of Caldiero in Italy&mdash;Letter from Duroc&mdash;Attempts to retard
   the Emperor's progress&mdash;Fruitless mission of M. de Giulay&mdash;The first
   French eagles taken by the Russians&mdash;Bold adventure of Lannes and
   Murat&mdash;The French enter Vienna&mdash;Savary's mission to the Emperor
   Alexander.
</pre>
    <p>
      To convey an idea of the brilliant campaign of 1805 from an abstract of
      the reports and letters I received at Hamburg I should, like the
      almanac-makers, be obliged to note down a victory for every day. Was not
      the rapidity of the Emperor's first operations a thing hitherto
      unprecedented? He departed from Paris on the 24th of September, and
      hostilities commenced on the 2d of October. On the 6th and 7th the French
      passed the Danube, and turned the enemy's army. On the 8th Murat, at the
      battle of Wertingen, on the Danube, took 2000 Austrian prisoners, amongst
      whom, besides other general officers, was Count Auffemberg. Next day the
      Austrians fell back upon Gunsburg, retreating before our victorious
      legions, who, pursuing their triumphal course, entered Augsburg on the
      10th, and Munich on the 12th. When I received my despatches I could have
      fancied I was reading a fabulous narrative. Two days after the French
      entered Munich&mdash;that is to say, on the 14th&mdash;an Austrian corps
      of 6000 men surrendered to Marshal Soult at Memingen, whilst Ney
      conquered, sword in hand, his future Duchy of Elchingen. Finally, on the
      17th of October, came the famous capitulation of General Mack at Ulm,' and
      on the same day hostilities commenced in Italy between the French and
      Austrians, the former commanded by Massena and the latter by Prince
      Charles.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Prince Maurice Liechtenstein was sent by General Mack as a flag
   of truce to the Imperial headquarters before Ulm. He was, according
   to custom, led blindfold on horseback. Rapp, who was present,
   together with several of Napoleon's aides de camp, afterwards spoke
   to me of the Prince's interview with the Emperor. I think he told
   me that Berthier was present likewise. "Picture to yourself," said
   Rapp, "the astonishment, or rather confusion, of the poor Prince
   when the bandage was removed from his eyes. He knew nothing of what
   had been going on, and did not even suspect that the Emperor had yet
   joined the army. When he understood that he was in the presence of
   Napoleon he could not suppress an exclamation of surprise, which did
   not escape the Emperor, and he ingenuously acknowledged that General
   Mack had no idea he was before the walls of Ulm." Prince
   Liechtenstein proposed to capitulate on condition that the garrison
   of Ulm should be allowed to return into Austria. This proposal, in
   the situation in which the garrison stood, Rapp said, made the
   Emperor smile. "How can you expect," said Napoleon, "that I can
   accede to such a proposition? What shall I gain by it? Eight days.
   In eight days you will be in my power without any condition. Do you
   suppose I am not acquainted with everything? . . You expect the
   Russians? . . . At the nearest they are in Bohemia. Were I to
   allow you to march out, what security can I have that you will not
   join them, and afterwards fight against me? Your generals have
   deceived me often enough, and I will no longer be duped. At Marengo
   I was weak enough to allow the troops of Melas to march out of
   Alessandria. He promised to treat for peace. What happened? Two
   months after Moreau had to fight with the garrison of Alessandria.
   Besides, this war is not an ordinary war. After the conduct of your
   Government I am not bound to keep any terms with it. I have no
   faith in its promises. You have attacked me. If I should agree to
   what you ask, Mack would pledge his word, I know. But, even relying
   on his good faith, would be he able to keep his promise? As far as
   regards himself&mdash;yes; but as regards his army&mdash;no. If the Archduke
   Ferdinand were still with you I could rely upon his word, because he
   would be responsible for the conditions, and he would not disgrace
   himself; but I know he has quitted Ulm and passed the Danube. I
   know how to reach him, however."

   Rapp said it was impossible to imagine the embarrassment of Prince
   Liechtenstein whilst the Emperor was speaking. He, however,
   somewhat regained his self-possession, and observed that, unless the
   conditions which he proposed were granted the army would not
   capitulate. "If that be the case," said Napoleon. "you may as well
   go back to Mack, for I will never grant such conditions. Are you
   jesting with me? Stay; here is the capitulation of Memingen&mdash;show
   it to your General&mdash;let him surrender on the same conditions&mdash;I will
   consent to no others. Your officers may return to Austria, but the
   soldiers must be prisoners. Tell him to be speedy, for I have no
   time to lose. The more he delays the worse he will render his own
   condition and yours. To-morrow I shall have here the corps to which
   Memingen capitulated, and then we shall see what is to be done.
   Make Mack clearly understand that he has no alternative but to
   conform to my will."

   The imperious tones which Napoleon employed towards his enemies
   almost always succeeded, and it produced the accustomed effect upon
   Mack. On the same day that Prince Liechtenstein had been at our
   headquarters Mack wrote to the Emperor, stating that he would not
   have treated with any other on such terms; but that he yielded to
   the ascendency of Napoleon's fortune; and on the following day
   Berthier was sent into Ulm, from whence he returned with the
   capitulation signed. Thus Napoleon was not mistaken respecting the
   Caudine Forks of the Austrian army. The garrison of Ulm marched out
   with what are called the honours of war, and were led prisoners into
   France.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon, who was so violently irritated by any obstacle which opposed
      him, and who treated with so much hauteur everybody who ventured to resist
      his inflexible will, was no longer the same man when, as a conqueror, he
      received the vanquished generals at Ulm. He condoled with them on their
      misfortune; and this, I can affirm, was not the result of a feeling of
      pride concealed beneath a feigned generosity. Although he profited by
      their defeat he pitied them sincerely. How frequently has he observed to
      me, "How much to be pitied is a general on the day after a lost battle."
      He had himself experienced this misfortune when he was obliged to raise
      the siege of St. Jean d'Acre. At that moment he would, I believe, have
      strangled Djezzar; but if Djezzar had surrendered, he would have treated
      him with the same attention which he showed to Mack and the other generals
      of the garrison of Ulm. These generals were seventeen in number, and among
      them was Prince Liechtenstein. There were also General Klenau (Baron de
      Giulay), who had acquired considerable military reputation in the
      preceding wars, and General Fresnel, who stood in a more critical
      situation than his companions in misfortune, for he was a Frenchman, and
      an emigrant.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rapp told me that it was really painful to see these generals. They bowed
      respectfully to the Emperor, having Mack at their head. They preserved a
      mournful silence, and Napoleon was the first to speak, which he did in the
      following terms: "Gentlemen, I feel sorry that such brave men as you are
      should be the victims of the follies of a Cabinet which cherishes insane
      projects, and which does not hesitate to commit the dignity of the
      Austrian nation by trafficking with the services of its generals. Your
      names are known to me&mdash;they are honourably known wherever you have
      fought. Examine the conduct of those who have committed you. What could be
      more iniquitous than to attack me without a declaration of war? Is it not
      criminal to bring foreign invasion upon a country? Is it not betraying
      Europe to introduce Asiatic barbarities into her disputes? If good policy
      had been followed the Aulic Council, instead of attacking me, would have
      sought my alliance in order to drive back the Russians to the north. The
      alliance which your Cabinet has formed will appear monstrous in history.
      It is the alliance of dogs, shepherds, and wolves against sheep&mdash;such
      a scheme could never have been planned in the mind of a statesman. It is
      fortunate for you that I have not been defeated in the unjust struggle to
      which I have been provoked; if I had, the Cabinet of Vienna would have
      soon perceived its error, for which, perhaps, it will yet one day pay
      dearly."
    </p>
    <p>
      What a change fifteen days of success, crowned by the capture of Ulm, had
      made in affairs! At Hamburg I knew through my agents to what a degree of
      folly the hopes of Napoleon's enemies had risen before he began the
      campaign. The security of the Cabinet of Vienna was really inexplicable;
      not only did they not dream of the series of victories which made Napoleon
      master of all the Austrian monarchy, but the assistants of Drake and all
      the intriguers of that sort treated France already as a conquered country,
      and disposed of some of our provinces. In the excess of their folly, to
      only give one instance, they promised the town of Lyons to the King of
      Sardinia, to recompense him for the temporary occupation of Piedmont.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In the treaties and declarations (see Martens and Thiers, tome v.
   p. 355) there is rather a tendency to sell the skin of the bear
   before killing him.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      While Napoleon flattered his prisoners at the expense of their Government
      he wished to express satisfaction at the conduct of his own army, and with
      this view he published a remarkable proclamation, which in some measure
      presented an abstract of all that had taken place since the opening of the
      campaign.
    </p>
    <p>
      This proclamation was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SOLDIERS OF THE GRAND ARMY&mdash;In a fortnight we have finished an
   entire campaign. What we proposed to do has been done. We have
   driven the Austrian troops from Bavaria, and restored our ally to
   the sovereignty of his dominions.

   That army, which, with equal presumption and imprudence, marched
   upon our frontiers, is annihilated.

   But what does this signify to England? She has gained her object.
   We are no longer at Boulogne, and her subsidy will be neither more
   nor less.

   Of a hundred thousand men who composed that army, sixty thousand are
   prisoners. They will replace our conscripts in the labours of
   agriculture.

   Two hundred pieces of cannon, the whole park of artillery, ninety
   flags, and all their generals are in our power. Fifteen thousand
   men only have escaped.

   Soldiers! I announced to you the result of a great battle; but,
   thanks to the ill-devised schemes of the enemy, I was enabled to
   secure the wished-for result without incurring any danger, and, what
   is unexampled in the history of nations, that result has been gained
   at the sacrifice of scarcely fifteen hundred men killed and wounded.

   Soldiers! this success is due to your unlimited confidence in your
   Emperor, to your patience in enduring fatigues and privations of
   every kind, and to your singular courage and intrepidity.

   But we will not stop here. You are impatient to commence another
   campaign!

   The Russian army, which English gold has brought from the
   extremities of the universe, shall experience the same fate as that
   which we have just defeated.

   In the conflict in which we are about to engage the honour of the
   French infantry is especially concerned. We shall now see another
   decision of the question which has already been determined in
   Switzerland and Holland; namely, whether the French infantry is the
   first or the second in Europe.

   Among the Russians there are no generals in contending against whom
   I can acquire any glory. All I wish is to obtain the victory with
   the least possible bloodshed. My soldiers are, my children.
</pre>
    <p>
      This proclamation always appeared to me a masterpiece of military
      eloquence. While he lavished praises on his troops, he excited their
      emulation by hinting that the Russians were capable of disputing with them
      the first rank among the infantry of Europe, and he concluded his address
      by calling them his children.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second campaign, to which Napoleon alleged they so eagerly looked
      forward, speedily ensued, and hostilities were carried on with a degree of
      vigour which fired the enthusiasm of the army. Heaven knows what accounts
      were circulated of the Russians, who, as Bonaparte solemnly stated in his
      proclamation, had come from the extremity of the world. They were
      represented as half-naked savages, pillaging, destroying and burning
      wherever they went. It was even asserted that they were cannibals, and had
      been seen to eat children. In short, at that period was introduced the
      denomination of northern barbarians which has since been so generally
      applied to the Russians. Two days after the capitulation of Ulm Murat
      obtained the capitulation of Trochtelfingen from General Yarneck, and made
      10,000 prisoners, so that, without counting killed and wounded, the
      Austrian army had sustained a diminution of 50,000 men after a campaign of
      twenty days. On the 27th of October the French army crossed the Inn, and
      thus penetrated into the Austrian territory. Salzburg and Brannan were
      immediately taken. The army of Italy, under the command of Massena, was
      also obtaining great advantages. On the 30th of October, that is to say,
      the very day on which the Grand Army took the above-mentioned fortresses,
      the army of Italy, having crossed the Adige, fought a sanguinary battle at
      Caldiero, and took 5000 Austrian prisoners.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the extraordinary campaign, which has been distinguished by the name of
      "the Campaign of Austerlitz," the exploits of our troops succeeded each
      other with the rapidity of thought. I confess I was equally astonished and
      delighted when I received a note from Duroc, sent by an extraordinary
      courier, and commencing laconically with the words, "We are in Vienna; the
      Emperor is well."
    </p>
    <p>
      Duroc's letter was dated the 13th November, and the words, "We are in
      Vienna," seemed to me the result of a dream. The capital of Austria, which
      from time immemorial had not been occupied by foreigners&mdash;the city
      which Sobieski had saved from Ottoman violence, had become the prey of the
      Imperial eagle of France, which, after a lapse of three centuries, avenged
      the humiliations formerly imposed upon Francis I. by the 'Aquila Grifagna'
      of Charles V. Duroc had left the Emperor before the camp of Boulogne was
      raised; his mission to Berlin being terminated, he rejoined the Emperor at
      Lintz.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[As soon as Bonaparte became Emperor he constituted himself the
   avenger of all the insults given to the sovereigns, whom he styled
   his predecessors. All that related to the honour of France was
   sacred to him. Thus he removed the column of Rosbach from the
   Prussian territory.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Before I noticed the singular mission of M. Haugwitz to the Emperor
      Napoleon, and the result of that mission, which circumstances rendered
      diametrically the reverse of its object, I will relate what came to my
      knowledge respecting some other negotiations on the part of Austria, the
      evident intent of which was to retard Napoleon's progress, and thereby to
      dupe him. M. de Giulay, one of the generals included in the capitulation
      of Ulm, had returned home to acquaint his sovereign with the disastrous
      event. He did not conceal, either from the Emperor Francis or the Cabinet
      of Vienna, the destruction of the Austrian army, and the impossibility of
      arresting the rapid advance of the French. M. de Giulay was sent with a
      flag of truce to the headquarters of Napoleon, to assure him of the
      pacific intentions of the Emperor of Austria, and to solicit an armistice.
      The snare was too clumsy not to be immediately discovered by so crafty a
      man as Napoleon.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Metternich (tome ii. p. 346, compare French edition, tome ii.
   p. 287) says, "Let us hold always the sword in one hand and the
   olive branch in the other; always ready to negotiate, but only
   negotiating while advancing." Here is Napoleons system.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He had always pretended a love for peace, though he was overjoyed at the
      idea of continuing a war so successfully commenced, and he directed
      General Giulay to assure the Emperor of Austria that he was not less
      anxious for peace than he, and that he was ready to treat for it, but
      without suspending the course of his operations. Bonaparte, indeed, could
      not, without a degree of imprudence of which he was incapable, consent to
      an armistice; for M. de Giulay, though entrusted with powers from Austria,
      had received none from Russia. Russia, therefore, might disavow the
      armistice and arrive in time to defend Vienna, the occupation of which was
      so important to the French army. The Russians, indeed, were advancing to
      oppose us, and the corps of our army, commanded by Mortier on the left
      bank of the Danube, experienced in the first engagement a check at
      Dirnstein, which not a little vexed the Emperor. This was the first
      reverse of fortune we had sustained throughout the campaign. It was
      trivial, to be sure, but the capture by the Russians of three French
      eagles, the first that had fallen into the hands of the enemy, was very
      mortifying to Napoleon, and caused him to prolong for some days his staff
      at St. Folten, where he then was.
    </p>
    <p>
      The rapid occupation of Vienna was due to the successful temerity of
      Lannes and Murat, two men alike distinguished for courage and daring
      spirit. A bold artifice of these generals prevented the destruction of the
      Thabor bridge at Vienna, without which our army would have experienced
      considerable difficulty in penetrating into the Austrian capital. This act
      of courage and presence of mind, which had so great an influence on the
      events of the campaign, was described to me by Lannes, who told the story
      with an air of gaiety, unaccompanied by any self-complacency, and seemed
      rather pleased with the trick played upon the Austrians than proud of the
      brilliant action which had been performed. Bold enterprises were so
      natural to Lannes that he was frequently the only person who saw nothing
      extraordinary in his own exploits. Alas! what men were sacrificed to
      Napoleon's ambition!
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is the story of the Bridge of Thabor as I heard it from
      Lannes:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I was one day walking with Murat, on the right bank of the
   Danube, and we observed on the left bank, which was occupied by the
   Austrians, some works going on, the evident object of which was to
   blow up the bridge on the approach of our troops. The fools had the
   impudence to make these preparations under our very noses; but we
   gave them a good lesson. Having arranged our plan, we returned to
   give orders, and I entrusted the command of my column of grenadiers
   to an officer on whose courage and intelligence I could rely. I
   then returned to the bridge, accompanied by Murat and two or three
   other officers. We advanced, unconcernedly, and entered into
   conversation with the commander of a post in the middle of the
   bridge. We spoke to him about an armistice which was to be speedily
   concluded: While conversing with the Austrian officers we contrived
   to make them turn their eyes towards the left bank, and then,
   agreeably to the orders we had given, my column of grenadiers
   advanced on the bridge. The Austrian cannoneers, on the left bank,
   seeing their officers in the midst of us, did not dare to fire, and
   my column advanced at a quick step. Murat and I, at the head of it,
   gained the left bank. All the combustibles prepared for blowing up
   the bridge were thrown into the river, and my men took possession of
   the batteries erected for the defence of the bridge head. The poor
   devils of Austrian officers were perfectly astounded when I told
   them they were my prisoners.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Such, as well as I can recollect, was the account given by Lannes, who
      laughed immoderately in describing the consternation of the Austrian
      officers when they discovered the trick that had been played upon them.
      When Lannes performed this exploit he had little idea of the important
      consequences which would attend, it. He had not only secured to the
      remainder of the French army a sure and easy entrance to Vienna, but,
      without being aware of it, he created an insurmountable impediment to the
      junction of the Russian army with the Austrian corps, commanded by Prince
      Charles, who, being pressed by Massena, hastily advanced into the heart of
      the Hereditary States, where he fully expected a great battle would take
      place.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the corps of Murat and Lannes had taken possession of Vienna
      the Emperor ordered all the divisions of the army to march upon that
      capital.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The story to told in much the same way in Theirs (tome vi, p.
   260), Rupp (p. 57), and Savory (tome ii. p. 162), but as Erreurs
   (tome i. p. 814) points out, Bourrienne makes an odd mistake in
   believing the Thabor Bridge gave the French access to Vienna. The
   capital is on the right bank, and was already in their power. The
   possession of the bridge enabled them to pass over to the left bank,
   and to advance towards Austerlitz before the Archduke Charles,
   coming from Italy, could make his junction with the allied army.
   See plan 48 of Thiers' Atlas, or 58 of Alison's. The immediate
   result of the success of this rather doubtful artifice would have
   been the destruction of the corps of Kutusoff; but Murat in his turn
   was deceived by Bagration into belief in an armistice. In fact,
   both sides at this time fell into curious errors.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon established his headquarters at Schoenbrunn, where he planned his
      operations for compelling the corps of Prince Charles to retire to
      Hungary, and also for advancing his own forces to meet the Russians. Murat
      and Lannes always commanded the advanced guard during the forced marches
      ordered by Napoleon, which were executed in a way truly miraculous.
    </p>
    <p>
      To keep up the appearance of wishing to conclude peace as soon as
      reasonable propositions should be made to him, Napoleon sent for his
      Minister for foreign Affairs, who speedily arrived at Vienna, and General
      Savary was sent on a mission to the Emperor Alexander. The details of this
      mission I have learned only from the account of it given by the Duc de
      Rovigo in his apologetic Memoirs. In spite of the Duke's eagerness to
      induce a belief in Napoleon's pacific disposition, the very facts on which
      he supports his argument lead to the contrary conclusion. Napoleon wished
      to dictate his conditions before the issue of a battle the success of
      which might appear doubtful to the young Emperor of Russia, and these
      conditions were such as he might impose when victory should be declared in
      favour of our eagles. It must be clear to every reflecting person that by
      always proposing what he knew could not be honourably acceded to, he kept
      up the appearance of being a pacificator, while at the same time he
      ensured to himself the pleasure of carrying on the war.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0072" id="link2HCH0072">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER III.
    </h2>

      1805.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   My functions at Hamburg&mdash;The King of Sweden at Stralsund&mdash;
   My bulletin describing the situation of the Russian armies&mdash;Duroc's
   recall from Berlin&mdash;General Dumouriez&mdash;Recruiting of the English in
   Hanover&mdash;The daughter of M. de Marbeof and Napoleon&mdash;Treachery of
   the King of Naples&mdash;The Sun of Austerlitz&mdash;Prince Dolgiorouki
   Rapp's account of the battle of Austerlitz&mdash;Gerard's picture&mdash;
   Eugène's marriage.
</pre>
    <p>
      I must now relate how, in conformity with my instructions, I was employed
      in Hamburg in aiding the success of the French army. I had sent an agent
      to observe the Russian troops, which were advancing by forced marches to
      the banks of the Elbe. This agent transmitted to me from Gadbusch an
      account of the routes taken by the different columns. It was then supposed
      that they would march upon Holland by the way of Bremen and Oldenburg. On
      the receipt of thus intelligence the Electorate of Hanover was evacuated
      by the French, and General Barbou, who had commanded there concentrated
      his forces in Hamelin.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2d of November 1805 the King of Sweden arrived at Stralsund. I
      immediately intimated to our Government that this circumstance would
      probably give a new turn to the operations of the combined army, for
      hitherto the uncertainty of its movements and the successive counter-
      orders afforded no possibility of ascertaining any determined plan. The
      intention seemed to be, that all the Swedo-Russian troops should cross the
      Elbe at the same point; viz., Lauenburg, six miles from Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was not on the 5th of November a single Russian on the southern bank
      of the Elbe.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first column of the grand Russian army passed through Warsaw on the
      1st of November, and on the 2d the Grand-Duke Constantine was expected
      with the Guards. This column, which amounted to 6000 men, was the first
      that passed through Prussian Poland.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time we momentarily expected to see the Hanoverian army landed on
      the banks of the Weser or the Elbe, augmented by some thousands of
      English. Their design apparently was either to attack Holland, or to
      attempt some operation on the rear of our Grand Army.
    </p>
    <p>
      The French Government was very anxious to receive accurate accounts of the
      march of the Swedo-Russian troops through Hanover, and of the Russian army
      through Poland. My agents at Warsaw and Stralsund, who were exceedingly
      active and intelligent, enabled me to send off a bulletin describing the
      state of Hanover, the movements of the Russians and Swedes, together with
      information of the arrival of English troops in the Elbe, and a statement
      of the force of the combined army in Hanover, which consisted of 15,000
      Russians, 8000 Swedes, and 12,000 English; making in all 35,000 men.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was probably on account of this bulletin that Napoleon expressed to
      Duroc his satisfaction with my services. The Emperor on recalling Duroc
      from Berlin did not manifest the least apprehension respecting Prussia.
      Duroc wrote to me the following letter on the occasion of his recall:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MY DEAR BOURRIENNE&mdash;The Emperor having thought my services necessary
   to the army has recalled me. I yesterday had a farewell audience of
   the King and Queen, who treated me very graciously. His Majesty
   presented me with his portrait set in diamonds. The Emperor
   Alexander will probably depart to morrow, and the Archduke Anthony
   vary speedily. We cannot but hope that their presence here will
   facilitate a good understanding.
                    (Signed) DUROC.
</pre>
    <p>
      Whenever foreign armies were opposing France the hopes of the emigrants
      revived. They falsely imagined that the powers coalesced against Napoleon
      were labouring in their cause; and many of them entered the Russian and
      Austrian armies. Of this number was General Dumouriez. I received
      information that he had landed at Stade on the 21st of November; but
      whither he intended to proceed was not known. A man named St. Martin,
      whose wife lived with Dumouriez, and who had accompanied the general from
      England to Stade, came to Hamburg, where he observed great precautions for
      concealment, and bought two carriages, which were immediately forwarded to
      Stade. St, Martin himself immediately proceeded to the latter place. I was
      blamed for not having arrested this man; but he had a commission attesting
      that he was in the English service, and, as I have before mentioned; a
      foreign commission was a safeguard; and the only one which could not be
      violated in Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      In December 1805 the English recruiting in Hanover was kept up without
      interruption, and attended with extraordinary success. Sometimes a hundred
      men were raised in a day. The misery prevailing in Germany, which had been
      ravaged by the war, the hatred against the French, and the high bounty
      that was offered enabled the English to procure as many men as they
      wished.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Sweden, meditating on the stir he should make in Hanover, took
      with him a camp printing-press to publish the bulletins of the grand
      Swedish army.&mdash;The first of these bulletins announced to Europe that
      his Swedish Majesty was about to leave Stralsund; and that his army would
      take up its position partly between Nelsen and Haarburg, and partly
      between Domitz and the frontiers of Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the anecdotes of Napoleon connected with this campaign I find in my
      notes the following, which was related to me by Rapp. Some days before his
      entrance into Vienna Napoleon, who was riding on horseback along the road,
      dressed in his usual uniform of the chasseurs of the Guard, met an open
      carriage, in which were seated a lady and a priest. The lady was in tears,
      and Napoleon could not refrain from stopping to ask her what was the cause
      of her distress. "Sir," she replied, for she did not know the Emperor, "I
      have been pillaged at my estate, two leagues from hence, by a party of
      soldiers, who have murdered my gardener. I am going to seek your Emperor,
      who knows my family, to whom he was once under great obligations."&mdash;"What
      is your name?" inquired Napoleon.&mdash;"De Bunny," replied the lady. "I
      am the daughter of M de Marbeuf, formerly Governor of Corsica."&mdash;"Madame,"
      exclaimed Napoleon, "I am the Emperor. I am delighted to have the
      opportunity of serving you."&mdash;"You cannot conceive," continued Rapp,
      "the attention which the Emperor showed Madame de Bunny. He consoled her,
      pitied her, almost apologised for the misfortune she had sustained. 'Will
      you have the goodness, Madame,' said he, 'to go and wait for me at my
      head-quarters? I will join you speedily; every member of M. de Marbeuf's
      family has a claim on my respect.' The Emperor immediately gave her a
      picquet of chasseurs of his guard to escort her. He saw her again during
      the day, when he loaded her with attentions, and liberally indemnified her
      for the losses she had sustained."
    </p>
    <p>
      For some time previous to the battle of Austerlitz the different corps of
      the army intersected every part of Germany and Italy, all tending towards
      Vienna as a central point. At the beginning of November the corps
      commanded by Marshal Bernadotte arrived at Saltzburg at the moment when
      the Emperor had advanced his headquarters to Braunau, where there were
      numerous magazines of artillery and a vast quantity of provisions of every
      kind. The junction of the corps commanded by Bernadotte in Hanover with
      the Grand Army was a point of such high importance that Bonaparte had
      directed the Marshal to come up with him as speedily as possible, and to
      take the shortest road. This order obliged Bernadotte to pass through the
      territory of the two Margravates.
    </p>
    <p>
      At that time we were at peace with Naples. In September the Emperor had
      concluded with Ferdinand IV. a treaty of neutrality. This treaty enabled
      Carra St. Cyr, who occupied Naples, to evacuate that city and to join
      Massena in Upper Italy; both reached the Grand Army on the 28th of
      November. But no sooner had the troops commanded by Carra St. Cyr quitted
      the Neapolitan territory than the King of Naples, influenced by his
      Ministers, and above all by Queen Caroline, broke the treaty of
      neutrality, ordered hostile preparations against France, opened his ports
      to the enemies of the Emperor, and received into his States 12,000
      Russians and 8000 English. It was on the receipt of this news that
      Bonaparte, in one of his most violent bulletins, styled the Queen of
      Naples a second Fredegonda. The victory of Austerlitz having given
      powerful support to his threats, the fall of Naples was decided, and
      shortly after his brother Joseph was seated on the Neapolitan throne.
    </p>
    <p>
      At length came the grand day when, to use Napoleon's expression, the Sun
      of Austerlitz rose. All our forces were concentrated on one point, at
      about 40 leagues beyond Vienna. There remained nothing but the wreck of
      the Austrian army, the corps of Prince Charles being by scientific
      manoeuvres kept at a distance from the line of operations; but the
      Russians alone were superior to us in numbers, and their army was almost
      entirely composed of fresh troops. The most extraordinary illusion
      prevailed in the enemy's camp. The north of Europe has its Gascons as well
      as the south of France, and the junior portion of the Russian army at this
      period assumed an absurd braggadocio tone. On the very eve of the battle
      the Emperor Alexander sent one of his aides de camp, Prince Dolgorouki, as
      a flag of truce to Napoleon. The Prince could not repress his
      self-sufficiency even in the presence of the Emperor, and Rapp informed me
      that on dismissing him the Emperor said, "If you were on 'the heights of
      Montmartre,' I would answer such impertinence only by cannon-balls." This
      observation was very remarkable, inasmuch as subsequent events rendered it
      a prophecy.
    </p>
    <p>
      As to the battle itself, I can describe it almost as well as if I had
      witnessed it, for some time after I had the pleasure of seeing my friend
      Rapp, who was sent an a mission to Prussia. He gave me the following
      account:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "When we arrived at Austerlitz the Russians were not aware of the
   scientific plans which the Emperor had laid for drawing them upon
   the ground he had marked out; and seeing our advanced guards fall
   back before theirs they already considered themselves conquerors.
   They supposed that their Guard alone would secure an easy triumph.
   But the action commenced, and they experienced an energetic
   resistance on all points. At one o'clock the victory was yet
   uncertain, for they fought admirably. They wished to make a last
   effort by directing close masses against our centre. Their Imperial
   Guard deployed; their artillery, cavalry, and infantry marched upon
   a bridge which they attacked, and this movement, which was concealed
   by the rising and falling of the ground, was not observed by
   Napoleon. I was at that moment near the Emperor, awaiting his
   orders. We heard a well-maintained firing of musketry. The
   Russians were repulsing one of our brigades. The Emperor ordered me
   to take some of the Mamelukes, two squadrons of chasseurs, and one
   of grenadiers of the Guard, and to go and reconnoitre the state of
   things. I set off at full gallop, and soon discovered the disaster.
   The Russian cavalry had penetrated our squares, and was sabring our
   men. I perceived in the distance some masses of cavalry and
   infantry; which formed the reserve of the Russians. At that moment
   the enemy advanced to meet us, bringing with him four pieces of
   artillery, and ranged himself in order of battle. I had the brave
   Morland on my left, and General D'Allemagne on my right. 'Forward,
   my lads!' exclaimed I to my troop. 'See how your brothers and
   friends are being cut to pieces. Avenge them! avenge our flag!
   Forward!' These few words roused my men. We advanced as swiftly as
   our horses could carry us upon the artillery, which was taken. The
   enemy's cavalry, which awaited us firmly, was repulsed by the same
   shock, and fled in disorder, galloping as we did over the wrecks of
   our squares. The Russians rallied but a squadron of horse
   grenadiers came up to reinforce me, and thus enabled me to hold
   ground against the reserves of the Russian Guard. We charged again,
   and this charge was terrible. The brave Morland was killed by my
   side. It was downright butchery. We were opposed man to man, and
   were so mingled together that the infantry of neither one nor the
   other side could venture to fire for fear of killing its own men.
   At length the intrepidity of our troops overcame every obstacle, and
   the Russians fled in disorder, in sight of the two Emperors of
   Russia and Austria, who had stationed themselves on a height in
   order to witness the battle. They saw a desperate one," said Rapp,
   "and I trust they were satisfied. For my part, my dear friend, I
   never spent so glorious a day. What a reception the Emperor gave me
   when I returned to inform him that we had won the battle! My sword
   was broken, and a wound which I received on my head was bleeding
   copiously, so that I was covered with blood! He made me a General
   of Division. The Russians did not return to the charge; we had
   taken all their cannon and baggage, and Prince Repnin was among the
   prisoners."
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus it was that Rapp related to me this famous battle of which he was the
      hero, as Kellerman had been the hero of Marengo. What now remains of
      Austerlitz? The recollection, the glory, and the magnificent picture of
      Gerard, the idea of which was suggested to the Emperor by the sight of
      Rapp with the blood streaming from his wound.
    </p>
    <p>
      I cannot forbear relating here a few particulars which I learned from Rapp
      respecting his mission after the cure of his wound; and the marriage of
      Prince Eugène to the Princess Augusta of Bavaria. The friendship which
      Rapp cherished for me was of the most sincere kind. During my disgrace he
      did not even conceal it from Napoleon; and whoever knows anything of the
      Emperor's Court will acknowledge that that was a greater mark of courage
      than the carrying of a redoubt or making the most brilliant charge of
      cavalry. Rapp possessed courage of every kind, an excellent heart, and a
      downright frankness, which for a time brought him into disgrace with
      Napoleon. The only thing for which Rapp could be reproached was his
      extreme prejudice against the nobility, which I am convinced was the sole
      reason why he was not created a Duke. The Emperor made him a Count because
      he wished that all his aides de camp should have titles.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "He had been a fortnight at Schoenbrunn," said Rapp to me, "and I had
   not yet resumed my duties, when the Emperor sent for me. He asked
   me whether I was able to travel, and on my replying in the
   affirmative, he said, 'Go then, and give an account of the battle of
   Austerlitz to Marmont, and vex him for not having been at it.' I set
   off, and in conformity with the instructions I had received from the
   Emperor I proceeded to Gratz, where I found Marmont, who was indeed
   deeply mortified at not having had a share in the great battle.
   I told him, as the Emperor had directed me, that the negotiations
   were commenced, but that nothing was yet concluded, and that
   therefore, at all events, he must hold himself in readiness. I
   ascertained the situation of his army in Styria, and the amount of
   the enemy's force before him: The Emperor wished him to send a
   number of spies into Hungary, and to transmit to him a detailed
   report from their communications. I next proceeded to Laybach,
   where I found Massena at the head of the eighth corps, and I
   informed him that the Emperor wished him to march in all haste upon
   Vienna, in case he should hear of the rupture of the negotiations.
   I continued the itinerary marked out for me until I reached Venice,
   and thence till I met the troops of Carra St. Cyr, who had received
   orders to march back upon Naples as soon as the Emperor heard of the
   treachery of the King of Naples and the landing of the English and
   Russians. Having fulfilled these different missions I proceeded to
   Klagenfurth, where I saw Marshal Ney, and I afterwards rejoined the
   Emperor at Munich. There I had the pleasure of finding our friends
   assembled, and among them Josephine, still as affable and amiable as
   ever. How delighted I was when, an my arrival, I learned that the
   Emperor had adopted Eugène. I was present at his marriage with the
   Princess Augusta of Bavaria. As to me, you know I am not very fond
   of fetes, and the Emperor might have dispensed with my performing
   the duties of Chamberlain; Eugène had no idea of what was going on
   when the Emperor sent to desire his presence at Munich with all
   possible speed. He, too, remains unchanged; he is still our old
   comrade. At first he was not much pleased with the idea of a
   political marriage; but when he saw his bride he was quite
   enchanted; and no wonder, for I assure you she is a very charming
   woman."
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0073" id="link2HCH0073">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV.
    </h2>

      1805.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Depreciation of the Bank paper&mdash;Ouvrard&mdash;His great discretion&mdash;
   Bonaparte's opinion of the rich&mdash;Ouvrard's imprisonment&mdash;His
   partnership with the King of Spain&mdash;His connection with Waalenberghe
   and Desprez&mdash;Bonaparte's return to Paris after the campaign of
   Vienna&mdash;Hasty dismissal of M. Barbe Marbois.
</pre>
    <p>
      At the moment when the Emperor had reason to hope that the news of his
      extraordinary success would animate public spirit he was informed that
      considerable disquietude prevailed, and that the Bank of France was
      assailed by demands for the payment of its paper, which had fallen, more
      than 5 per cent. I was not ignorant of the cause of this decline. I had
      been made acquainted, through the commercial correspondence between
      Hamburg and Paris, with a great financial operation, planned by M.
      Ouvrard, in consequence of which he was to obtain piastres from Spanish
      America at a price much below the real value; and I had learned that he
      was obliged to support this enterprise by the funds which he and his
      partners previously employed in victualling the forces. A fresh investment
      of capital was therefore necessary for this service, which, when on a
      large scale, requires extensive advances, and the tardy payment of the
      Treasury at that period was well known.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was well acquainted with M. Ouvrard, and in what I am about to say I do
      not think there will be found anything offensive or disagreeable to him. I
      observed the greater number of the facts to which I shall refer in their
      origin, and the rest I learned from M. Ouvrard himself, who, when he
      visited Hamburg in 1808, communicated to me a variety of details
      respecting his immense transaction with the King of Spain. Among other
      things I recollect he told me that before the 18th Brumaire he was
      possessed of 60,000,000, without owing a franc to any person.
    </p>
    <p>
      This celebrated financier has been the object of great public attention.
      The prodigious variations of fortune which he has experienced, the
      activity of his life, the immense commercial operations in which he has
      been engaged; the extent and the boldness of his enterprises, render it
      necessary, in forming a judgment of M. Ouvrard, to examine his conduct
      with due care and deliberation. The son of a stationer, who was able
      merely through his own resources to play so remarkable a part, could be no
      ordinary man. It may be said of M. Ouvrard what Beaumarchais said of
      himself, that his life was really a combat. I have known him long, and I
      saw much of him in his relations with Josephine. He always appeared to me
      to possess great knowledge of the world, accompanied by honourable
      principles, and a high degree of generosity, which added greatly to the
      value of his prudence and discretion. No human power, no consideration,
      not even the ingratitude of those whom he had obliged, could induce him to
      disclose any sacrifice which he had made at the time when, under the
      Directory, the public revenue may be said to have been always at the
      disposal of the highest bidder, and when no business could be brought to a
      conclusion except by him who set about it with his hands full of money. To
      this security, with which M. Ouvrard impressed all official persons who
      rendered him services, I attribute the facility with which he obtained the
      direction of the numerous enterprises in which he engaged, and which
      produced so many changes in his fortune. The discretion of M. Ouvrard was
      not quite agreeable to the First Consul, who found it impossible to
      extract from him the information he wanted. He tried every method to
      obtain from him the names of persons to whom he had given those kind of
      subsidies which in vulgar language are called sops in the pan, and by
      ladies pin money. Often have I seen Bonaparte resort to every possible
      contrivance to gain his object. He would sometimes endeavour to alarm M.
      Ouvrard by menaces, and at other times to flatter him by promises, but he
      was in no instance successful.
    </p>
    <p>
      While we were at the Luxembourg, on, as I recollect, the 25th of January
      1800, Bonaparte said to me during breakfast, "Bourrienne, my resolution is
      taken. I shall have Ouvrard arrested."&mdash;"General, have you proofs
      against him?"&mdash;"Proofs, indeed! He is a money-dealer, a monopoliser;
      we must make him disgorge. All the contractors, the provision agents, are
      rogues. How have they made their fortunes? At the expense of the country,
      to be sure. I will not suffer such doings. They possess millions, they
      roll in an insolent luxury, while my soldiers have neither bread nor
      shoes! I will have no more of that! I intend to speak on the business
      to-day in the Council, and we shall see what can be done."
    </p>
    <p>
      I waited with impatience for his return from the Council to know what had
      passed. "Well, General?" said I "The order is given." On hearing this I
      became anxious about the fate of M. Ouvrard, who was thus to be treated
      more like a subject of the Grand Turk than a citizen of the Republic; but
      I soon learned that the order had not been executed because he could not
      be found.
    </p>
    <p>
      Next day I learned that a person, whom I shall not name, who was present
      at the Council, and who probably was under obligations to Ouvrard, wrote
      him a note in pencil to inform him of the vote for his arrest carried by
      the First Consul. This individual stepped out for a moment and despatched
      his servant with the note to Ouvrard. Having thus escaped the writ of
      arrest, Ouvrard, after a few days had passed over, reappeared, and
      surrendered himself prisoner. Bonaparte was at first furious on learning
      that he had got out of the way; but on hearing that Ouvrard had
      surrendered himself he said to me, "The fool! he does not know what is
      awaiting him! He wishes to make the public believe that he has nothing to
      fear; that his hands are clean. But he is playing a bad game; he will gain
      nothing in that way with me. All talking is nonsense. You may be sure,
      Bourrienne, that when a man has so much money he cannot have got it
      honestly, and then all those fellows are dangerous with their fortunes. In
      times of revolution no man ought to have more than 3,000,000 francs, and
      that is a great deal too much."
    </p>
    <p>
      Before going to prison Ouvrard took care to secure against all the
      searches of the police any of his papers which might have committed
      persons with whom he had dealings; and I believe that there were
      individuals connected with the police itself who had good reason for not
      regretting the opportunity which M. Ouvrard had taken for exercising this
      precaution. Seals, however, were put upon his papers; but on examining
      them none of the information Bonaparte so much desired to obtain was
      found. Nevertheless on one point his curiosity was satisfied, for on
      looking over the documents he found from some of them that Madame
      Bonaparte had been borrowing money from Ouvrard.
    </p>
    <p>
      As Ouvrard had a great number of friends they bestirred themselves to get
      some person of influence to speak to the First Consul in his favour. But
      this was a commission no one was willing to undertake; because, prejudiced
      as Bonaparte was, the least hint of the kind would have appeared to him to
      be dictated by private interest. Berthier was very earnestly urged to
      interfere, but he replied, "That is impossible. He would say that it was
      underhand work to get money for Madame Visconti."
    </p>
    <p>
      I do not recollect to what circumstance Ouvrard was indebted for his
      liberty, but it is certain that his captivity did not last long. Sometime
      after he had left his prison Bonaparte asked him for 12,000,000, which M.
      Ouvrard refused.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his accession to the Consulate Bonaparte found M. Ouvrard contractor
      for supplying the Spanish fleet under the command of Admiral Massaredo.
      This business introduced him to a correspondence with the famous Godoy,
      Prince of the Peace. The contract lasted three years, and M. Ouvrard
      gained by it a net profit of 15,000,000. The money was payable in
      piastres, at the rate of 3 francs and some centimes each, though the
      piastre was really worth 5 francs 40 centimes. But to recover it at this
      value it was necessary for M. Ouvrard to go and get the money in Mexico.
      This he was much inclined to do, but he apprehended some obstacle on the
      part of the First Consul, and, notwithstanding his habitual shrewdness, he
      became the victim of his over-precaution. On his application M. de
      Talleyrand undertook to ask the First Consul for authority to give him a
      passport. I was in the cabinet at the time, and I think I still hear the
      dry and decided "No," which was all the answer M. de Talleyrand obtained.
      When we were alone the First Consul said to me, "Do you not see,
      Bourrienne, this Ouvrard must have made a good thing of his business with
      the Prince of the Peace? But the fool! Why did he get Talleyrand to ask me
      for a passport? That is the very thing that raised my suspicion. Why did
      he not apply for a passport as every one else does? Have I the giving of
      them? He is an ass; so much the worse for him."
    </p>
    <p>
      I was sorry for Ouvrard's disappointment, and I own none the less so
      because he had intimated his willingness to give me a share in the
      business he was to transact its Spain; and which was likely to be very
      profitable. His brother went to Mexico in his stead.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1802 a dreadful scarcity afflicted France. M. Ouvrard took upon
      himself, in concert with Wanlerberghe, the task of importing foreign grain
      to prevent the troubles which might otherwise have been expected. In
      payment of the grain the foreign houses who sent it drew upon Ouvrard and
      Wanlerberghe for 26,000,000 francs in Treasury bills, which, according to
      the agreement with the Government, were to be paid. But when the bills of
      the foreign houses became due there was no money in the Treasury, and
      payment was refused. After six months had elapsed payment was offered, but
      on condition that the Government should retain half the profit of the
      commission! This Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe refused, upon which the Treasury
      thought it most economical to pay nothing, and the debt remained
      unsettled. Notwithstanding this transaction Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe
      engaged to victual the navy, which they supplied for six years and three
      months. After the completion of these different services the debt due to
      them amounted to 68,000,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      In consequence of the long delay of, payment by the Treasury the
      disbursements for supplies of grain amounted at least to more than
      40,000,000; and the difficulties which arose had a serious effect on the
      credit of the principal dealers with those persons who supplied them. The
      discredit spread and gradually reached the Treasury, the embarrassments of
      which augmented with the general alarm. Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Seguin
      were the persons whose capital and credit rendered them most capable of
      relieving the Treasury, and they agreed to advance for that purpose
      102,000,000, in return for which they were allowed bonds of the
      Receivers-General to the amount of 150,000,000. M. Desprez undertook to be
      the medium through which the 102,000,000 were to be paid into the
      Treasury, and the three partners transferred the bands to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Spain had concluded a treaty with France, by which she was bound to pay a
      subsidy of 72,000,000 francs, and 32,000,000 had become due without any
      payment being made: It was thought advisable that Ouvrard should be sent
      to Madrid to obtain a settlement, but he was afraid that his business in
      Paris would suffer during his absence, and especially the transaction in
      which he was engaged with Desprez. The Treasury satisfied him on this
      point by agreeing to sanction the bargain with Desprez, and Ouvrard
      proceeded to Madrid. It was on this occasion he entered into the immense
      speculation for trading with Spanish America.
    </p>
    <p>
      Spain wished to pay the 32,000,000 which were due to France as soon as
      possible, but her coffers were empty, and goodwill does not ensure
      ability; besides, in addition to the distress of the Government, there was
      a dreadful famine in Spain. In this state of things Ouvrard proposed to
      the Spanish Government to pay the debt due to France, to import a supply
      of corn, and to advance funds for the relief of the Spanish Treasury. For
      this he required two conditions. (1.) The exclusive right of trading with
      America. (2.) The right of bringing from America on his own account all
      the specie belonging to the Crown, with the power of making loans
      guaranteed and payable by the Spanish Treasuries.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the end of July 1805 the embarrassment which sometime before had
      begun to be felt in the finances of Europe was alarmingly augmented. Under
      these circumstances it was obviously the interest of Ouvrard to procure
      payment as soon as possible of the 32,000,000 which he had advanced for
      Spain to the French Treasury. He therefore redoubled his efforts to bring
      his negotiation to a favourable issue, and at last succeeded in getting a
      deed of partnership between himself and Charles IV. which contained the
      following stipulation:&mdash;"Ouvrard and Company are authorised to
      introduce into the ports of the New World every kind of merchandise and
      production necessary for the consumption of those countries, and to export
      from the Spanish Colonies, during the continuance of the war with England;
      all the productions and all specie derivable from them." This treaty was
      only to be in force during the war with England, and it was stipulated
      that the profits arising from the transactions of the Company should be
      equally divided between Charles IV. and the rest of the Company; that is
      to say, one-half to the King and the other half to his partners.
    </p>
    <p>
      The consequences of this extraordinary partnership between a King and a
      private individual remain to be stated. On the signing of the deed Ouvrard
      received drafts from the Treasury of Madrid to the extent of 52,500,000
      piastres; making 262,500,000 francs; but the piastres were to be brought
      from America, while the terms of the treaty required that the urgent wants
      of the Spanish Government should be immediately supplied, and, above all,
      the progress of the famine checked. To accomplish this object fresh
      advances to an enormous amount were necessary, for M. Ouvrard had to begin
      by furnishing 2,000,000 of quintals of grain at the rate of 26 francs the
      quintal. Besides all this, before he could realise a profit and be
      reimbursed for the advances he had made to the Treasury of Paris, he had
      to get the piastres conveyed from America to Europe. After some difficulty
      the English Government consented to facilitate the execution of the
      transaction by furnishing four frigates for the conveyance of the
      piastres.
    </p>
    <p>
      Ouvrard had scarcely completed the outline of his extraordinary enterprise
      when the Emperor suddenly broke up his camp at Boulogne to march to
      Germany. It will readily be conceived that Ouvrard's interests then
      imperatively required his presence at Madrid; but he was recalled to Paris
      by the Minister of the Treasury, who wished to adjust his accounts. The
      Emperor wanted money for the war on which he was entering, and to procure
      it for the Treasury Ouvrard was sent to Amsterdam to negotiate with the
      House of Hope. He succeeded, and Mr. David Parish became the Company's
      agent.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having concluded this business Ouvrard returned in all haste to Madrid;
      but in the midst of the most flattering hopes and most gigantic
      enterprises he suddenly found himself threatened with a dreadful crisis.
      M. Desprez, as has been stated, had, with the concurrence of the Treasury,
      been allowed to take upon himself all the risk of executing the treaty, by
      which 150,000,000 were to be advanced for the year 1804, and 400,000,000
      for the year 1805. Under the circumstances which had arisen the Minister
      of the Treasury considered himself entitled to call upon Ouvrard to place
      at his disposal 10,000,000 of the piastres which he had received from
      Spain. The Minister at the same time informed him that he had made
      arrangements on the faith of this advance, which he thought could not be
      refused at so urgent a moment.
    </p>
    <p>
      The embarrassment of the Treasury, and the well-known integrity of the
      Minister, M. de Barbe Marbois, induced Ouvrard to remit the 10,000,000
      piastres. But a few days after he had forwarded the money a Commissioner
      of the Treasury arrived at Madrid with a ministerial despatch, in which
      Ouvrard was requested to deliver to the Commissioner all the assets he
      could command, and to return immediately to Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Treasury was then in the greatest difficulty, and a general alarm
      prevailed. This serious financial distress was occasioned by the following
      circumstances. The Treasury had, by a circular, notified to the
      Receivers-General that Desprez was the holder of their bonds. They were
      also authorised to transmit to him all their disposable funds, to be
      placed to their credit in an account current. Perhaps the giving of this
      authority was a great error; but, be that as it may, Desprez, encouraged
      by the complaisance of the Treasury, desired the Receivers-General to
      transmit to him all the sums they could procure for payment of interest
      under 8 per cent., promising to allow them a higher rate of interest. As
      the credit of the house of Desprez stood high, it may be easily conceived
      that on such conditions the Receivers-General, who were besides secured by
      the authority of the Treasury, would enter eagerly into the proposed plan.
      In short, the Receivers-General soon transmitted very considerable sums.
      Chests of money arrived daily from every point of France. Intoxicated by
      this success, Desprez engaged in speculations which in his situation were
      extremely imprudent. He lent more than 50,000,000 to the merchants of
      Paris, which left him no command of specie. Being obliged to raise money,
      he deposited with the Bank the bonds of the Receivers-General which had
      been consigned to him, but which were already discharged by the sums
      transmitted to their credit in the account current. The Bank, wishing to
      be reimbursed for the money advanced to Desprez, applied to the
      Receivers-General whose bonds were held an security. This proceeding had
      become necessary on the part of the Bank, as Desprez, instead of making
      his payments in specie, sent in his acceptances. The Directors of the
      Bank, who conducted that establishment with great integrity and
      discretion, began to be alarmed, and required Desprez to explain the state
      of his affairs. The suspicions of the Directors became daily stronger, and
      were soon shared by the public. At last the Bank was obliged to stop
      payment, and its notes were soon at a discount of 12 per cent.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Minister of the Treasury, dismayed, as well may be supposed, at such a
      state of things during the Emperor's absence, convoked a Council, at which
      Joseph Bonaparte presided, and to which Desprez and Wanlerberghe were
      summoned. Ouvrard being informed of this financial convulsion made all
      possible haste from Madrid, and on his arrival at Paris sought assistance
      from Amsterdam. Hope's house offered to take 15,000,000 piastres at the
      rate of 3 francs 75 centimes each. Ouvrard having engaged to pay the
      Spanish Government only 3 francs, would very willingly have parted with
      them at that rate, but his hasty departure from Madrid, and the financial
      events at Paris, affected his relations with the Spanish Treasury, and
      rendered it impossible for him to afford any support to the Treasury of
      France; thus the alarm continued, until the news of the battle of
      Austerlitz and the consequent hope of peace tranquillised the public mind.
      The bankruptcy of Desprez was dreadful; it was followed by the failure of
      many houses, the credit of which was previously undoubted.
    </p>
    <p>
      To temper the exultation which victory was calculated to excite, the news
      of the desperate situation of the Treasury and the Bank reached the
      Emperor on the day after the battle of Austerlitz. The alarming accounts
      which he received hastened his return to France; and on the very evening
      on which he arrived in Paris he pronounced, while ascending the stairs of
      the Tuileries, the dismissal of M. de Barbs Marbois. This Minister had
      made numerous enemies by the strict discharge of his duty, and yet,
      notwithstanding his rigid probity, he sunk under the accusation of having
      endangered the safety of the State by weakness of character. At this
      period even Madame de Stael said, in a party where the firmness of M.
      Barbs Marbois was the topic of conversation&mdash;"What, he inflexible? He
      is only a reed bronzed!" But whatever may be the opinion entertained of
      the character of this Minister, it is certain that Napoleon's rage against
      him was unbounded. Such was the financial catastrophe which occurred
      during the campaign of Vienna; but all was not over with Ouvrard, and in
      so great a confusion of affairs it was not to be expected that the
      Imperial hand, which was not always the hand of justice, should not make
      itself somewhere felt.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the course of the month of February 1806 the Emperor issued two
      decrees, in which he declared Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Michel,
      contractors for the service of 1804, and Desprez their agent, debtors to
      the amount of 87,000,000, which they had misapplied in private
      speculations, and in transactions with Spain "for their personal
      interests." Who would not suppose from this phrase that Napoleon had taken
      no part whatever in the great financial operation between Spain and South
      America? He was, however, intimately acquainted with it, and was himself
      really and personally interested. But whenever any enterprise was
      unsuccessful he always wished to deny all connection with it. Possessed of
      title-deeds made up by himself&mdash;that is to say, his own decrees&mdash;the
      Emperor seized all the piastres and other property belonging to the
      Company, and derived from the transaction great pecuniary advantage,&mdash;though
      such advantage never could be regarded by a sovereign as any compensation
      for the dreadful state into which the public credit had been brought.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0074" id="link2HCH0074">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER V
    </h2>

      1805-1806.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Declaration of Louis XVIII.&mdash;Dumouriez watched&mdash;News of a spy&mdash;
   Remarkable trait of courage and presence of mind&mdash;Necessity of
   vigilance at Hamburg&mdash;The King of Sweden&mdash;His bulletins&mdash;Doctor Gall
   &mdash;Prussia covets Hamburg&mdash;Projects on Holland&mdash;Negotiations for
   peace&mdash;Mr. Fox at the head of the British Cabinet&mdash;Intended
   assassination of Napoleon&mdash;Propositions made through Lord Yarmouth
   &mdash;Proposed protection of the Hanse towns&mdash;Their state&mdash;
   Aggrandisement of the Imperial family&mdash;Neither peace nor war&mdash;
   Sebastiani's mission to Constantinople&mdash;Lord Lauderdale at Paris,
   and failure of the negotiations&mdash;Austria despoiled&mdash;Emigrant
   pensions&mdash;Dumouriez's intrigues&mdash;Prince of Mecklenburg-Schwerin&mdash;
   Loizeau.
</pre>
    <p>
      I have been somewhat diffuse respecting the vast enterprises of M.
      Ouvrard, and on the disastrous state of the finances during the campaign
      of Vienna. Now, if I may so express myself, I shall return to the Minister
      Plenipotentiary's cabinet, where several curious transactions occurred.
      The facts will not always be given in a connected series, because there
      was no more relation between the reports which I received on a great
      variety of subjects than there is in the pleading of the barristers who
      succeed each other in a court of justice.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2d of January 1806 I learned that many houses in Hamburg had
      received by post packets, each containing four copies of a declaration of
      Louis XVIII. Dumouriez had his carriage filled with copies of this
      declaration when he passed through Brunswick; and in that small town alone
      more than 3000 were distributed. The size of this declaration rendered its
      transmission by post very easy, even in France.
    </p>
    <p>
      All my letters from the Minister recommended that I should keep a strict
      watch over the motions of Dumouriez; but his name was now as seldom
      mentioned as if he had ceased to exist. The part he acted seemed to be
      limited to disseminating pamphlets more or less insignificant.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is difficult to conceive the great courage and presence of mind
      sometimes found in men so degraded as are the wretches who fill the office
      of spies. I had an agent amongst the Swedo-Russians, named Chefneux, whom
      I had always found extremely clever and correct. Having for a long time
      received no intelligence from him I became very anxious,&mdash;an anxiety
      which was not without foundation. He had, in fact, been arrested at
      Lauenburg, and conducted, bound, tied hand and foot, by some Cossacks to
      Luneburg. There was found on him a bulletin which he was about to transmit
      to me, and he only escaped certain death by having in his possession a
      letter of recommendation from a Hamburg merchant well known to M.
      Alopaeus, the Russian Minister in that city. This precaution, which I had
      taken before he set out, saved his life. M. Alopaeus replied to the
      merchant that, in consequence of his recommendation the spy should be sent
      back safe and sound, but that another time neither the recommended nor the
      recommender should escape so easily. Notwithstanding this, Chefneux would
      certainly have paid with his head for the dangerous business in which he
      was embarked but for the inconceivable coolness he displayed under the
      most trying circumstances. Though the bulletin which was found upon him
      was addressed to M. Schramm, merchant, they strongly suspected that it was
      intended for me. They demanded of the prisoner whether he knew me; to
      which he boldly replied that he had never seen me. They endeavoured, by
      every possible means, to extort a confession from him, but without
      success. His repeated denials, joined to the name of M. Schramm, created
      doubts in the minds of his interrogators; they hesitated lest they should
      condemn an innocent man. They, however, resolved to make a last effort to
      discover the truth, and Chefneux, condemned to be shot, was conducted to
      the plain of Luneburg. His eyes were bandaged, and he heard the command of
      preparation given to the platoon, which was to fire upon him; at that
      moment a man approaching him whispered in his ear, in a tone of friendship
      and compassion, "They are going to fire; but I am your friend; only
      acknowledge that you know M. de Bourrienne and you are safe."&mdash;"No,"
      replied Chefneux in a firm tone; "if I said so I should tell a falsehood."
      Immediately the bandage was removed from his eyes, and he was set at
      liberty. It would be difficult to cite a more extraordinary instance of
      presence of mind.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much as I execrate the system of espionage I am nevertheless compelled to
      admit that the Emperor was under the necessity of maintaining the most
      unremitting vigilance amidst the intrigues which were going forward in the
      neighbourhood of Hamburg, especially when the English, Swedes, and
      Russians were in arms, and there were the strongest grounds for suspecting
      the sincerity of Prussia.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of January 1806 the King of Sweden arrived before the gates of
      Hamburg. The Senate of that city, surrounded on all sides by English,
      Swedish, and Russian troops, determined to send a deputation to
      congratulate the Swedish monarch, who, however, hesitated so long about
      receiving this homage that fears were entertained lest his refusal should
      be followed by some act of aggression. At length, however, the deputies
      were admitted, and they returned sufficiently well satisfied with their
      reception.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Sweden then officially declared, "That all the arrangements
      entered into with relation to Hanover had no reference to hint, as the
      Swedish army was under the immediate command of its august sovereign."
    </p>
    <p>
      The King, with his 6000 men, seemed inclined to play the part of the
      restorer of Germany, and to make himself the Don Quixote of the treaty of
      Westphalia. He threatened the Senate of Hamburg with the whole weight of
      his anger, because on my application the colours which used to be
      suspended over the door of the house for receiving Austrian recruits had
      been removed. The poor Senate of Hamburg was kept in constant alarm by so
      dangerous a neighbour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Sweden had his headquarters at Boetzenburg, on the northern
      bank of the Elbe. In order to amuse himself he sent for Dr. Gall, who was
      at Hamburg, where he delivered lectures on his system of phrenology, which
      was rejected in the beginning by false science and prejudice, and
      afterwards adopted in consequence of arguments, in my opinion,
      unanswerable. I had the pleasure of living some time with Dr. Gall, and I
      owe to the intimacy which subsisted between us the honour he conferred on
      me by the dedication of one of his works. I said to him, when he departed
      for the headquarters of the King of Sweden, "My dear doctor, you will
      certainly discover the bump of vanity." The truth is, that had the doctor
      at that period been permitted to examine the heads of the sovereigns of
      Europe they would have afforded very curious craniological studies.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not the King of Sweden alone who gave uneasiness to Hamburg; the
      King of Prussia threatened to seize upon that city, and his Minister
      publicly declared that it would very soon belong to his master. The
      Hamburgers were deeply afflicted at this threat; in fact, next to the loss
      of their independence, their greatest misfortune would have been to fall
      under the dominion of Prussia, as the niggardly fiscal system of the
      Prussian Government at that time would have proved extremely detrimental
      to a commercial city. Hanover, being evacuated by the French troops, had
      become a kind of recruiting mart for the British army, where every man who
      presented himself was enrolled, to complete the Hanoverian legion which
      was then about to be embodied. The English scattered gold by handfuls. One
      hundred and fifty carriages, each with six horses, were employed in this
      service, which confirmed me in the belief I had previously entertained,
      that the English were to join with the Russians in an expedition against
      Holland. The aim of the Anglo-Russians was to make a diversion which might
      disconcert the movements of the French armies in Germany, the allies being
      at that time unacquainted with the peace concluded at Presburg. Not a
      moment was therefore to be lost in uniting the whole of our disposable
      force for the defence of Holland; but it is not of this expedition that I
      mean to speak at present. I only mention it to afford some idea of our
      situation at Hamburg, surrounded, as we then were, by Swedish, English,
      and Russian troops. At this period the Russian Minister at Hamburg, M.
      Forshmann, became completely insane; his conduct had been more injurious
      than advantageous to his Government. He was replaced by M. Alopcous, the
      Russian Minister at Berlin; and they could not have exchanged a fool for a
      more judicious and able diplomatist.
    </p>
    <p>
      I often received from the Minister of Marine letters said packets to
      transmit to the Isle of France,(Mauritius) of which the Emperor was
      extremely anxious to retain possession; and I had much trouble in finding
      any vessels prepared for that colony by which I could forward the
      Minister's communications. The death of Pitt and the appointment of Fox as
      his successor had created a hope of peace. It was universally known that
      Mr. Fox, in succeeding to his office, did not inherit the furious hatred
      of the deceased Minister against France and her Emperor. There moreover
      existed between Napoleon and Mr. Fox a reciprocal esteem, and the latter
      had shown himself really disposed to treat. The possibility of concluding
      a peace had always been maintained by that statesman when he was in
      opposition to Mr. Pitt; and Bonaparte himself might have been induced,
      from the high esteem he felt for Mr. Fox, to make concessions from which
      he would before have recoiled. But there were two obstacles, I may say
      almost insurmountable ones. The first was the conviction on the part of
      England that any peace which might be made would only be a truce, and that
      Bonaparte would never seriously relinquish his desire of universal
      dominion. On the other side, it was believed that Napoleon had formed the
      design of invading England. Had he been able to do so it would have been
      less with the view of striking a blow at her commerce and destroying her
      maritime power, than of annihilating the liberty of the press, which he
      had extinguished in his own dominions. The spectacle of a free people,
      separated only by six leagues of sea, was, according to him, a seductive
      example to the French, especially to those among them who bent unwillingly
      under his yoke.
    </p>
    <p>
      At an early period of Mr. Fox's ministry a Frenchman made the proposition
      to him of assassinating the Emperor, of which information was immediately
      transmitted to M. de Talleyrand. In this despatch the Minister said that,
      though the laws of England did not authorise the permanent detention of
      any individual not convicted of a crime, he had on this occasion taken it
      on himself to secure the miscreant till such time as the French Government
      could be put on its guard against his attempts. Mr. Fox said in his letter
      that he had at first done this individual "the honour to take him for a
      spy," a phrase which sufficiently indicated the disgust with which the
      British Minister viewed him.
    </p>
    <p>
      This information was the key which opened the door to new negotiations. M.
      de Talleyrand was ordered to express, in reply to the communication of Mr.
      Fox, that the Emperor was sensibly affected at the index it afforded of
      the principles by which the British Cabinet was actuated. Napoleon did not
      limit himself to this diplomatic courtesy; he deemed it a favourable
      occasion to create a belief that he was actuated by a sincere love of
      peace. He summoned to Paris Lord Yarmouth, one of the most distinguished
      amongst the English who had been so unjustly detained prisoners at Verdun
      on the rupture of the peace of Amiens. He gave his lordship instructions
      to propose to the British Government a new form of negotiations, offering
      to guarantee to England the Cape of Good Hope and Malta. Some have been
      inclined from this concession to praise the moderation of Bonaparte;
      others to blame him for offering to resign these two places, as if the
      Cape and Malta could be put in competition with the title of Emperor, the
      foundation of the Kingdom of Italy, the acquisition of Genoa and of all
      the Venetian States, the dethronement of the King of Naples and the gift
      of his kingdom to Joseph, and finally, the new partition of Germany. These
      transactions, of which Bonaparte said not a word, and from which he
      certainly had no intention of departing, were all long after the treaty of
      Amiens.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every day brought with it fresh proofs of insatiable ambition. In fact,
      Napoleon longed to obtain possession of the Hanse Towns. I was, however,
      in the first place, merely charged to make overtures to the Senates of
      each of these towns, and to point out the advantages they would derive
      from the protection of Napoleon in exchange for the small sacrifice of
      6,000,000 francs in his favour. I had on this subject numerous conferences
      with the magistrates: they thought the sum too great, representing, to me
      that the city was not so rich as formerly, because their commerce had been
      much curtailed by the war; in short, the Senate declared that, with the
      utmost goodwill, their circumstances would not permit them to accept the
      "generous proposal" of the Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was myself, indeed, at a loss to conceive how the absurdity of employing
      me to make such a proposition was overlooked, for I had, really no
      advantage to offer in return to the Hanse Towns. Against whom did
      Bonaparte propose to protect them? The truth is, Napoleon then wished to
      seize these towns by direct aggression, which, however, he was not able to
      accomplish until four years afterwards.
    </p>
    <p>
      During five years I witnessed the commercial importance of these cities,
      and especially of Hamburg. Its geographical situation, on a great river
      navigable by large vessels to the city, thirty leagues from the mouth of
      the Elbe; the complete independence it enjoyed; its municipal regulations
      and paternal government, were a few amongst the many causes which had
      raised Hamburg to its enviable height of prosperity. What, in fact, was
      the population of these remnants of the grand Hanseatic League of the
      Middle Ages? The population of Hamburg when I was there amounted to
      90,000, and that of its small surrounding territory to 25,000. Bremen had
      36,000 inhabitants, and 9000 in its territory; the city of Lübeck, which
      is smaller and its territory a little more extensive than that of Bremen,
      contained a population of 24,000 souls within and 16,000 without the
      walls. Thus the total population of the Hanse Towns amounted to only
      200,000 individuals; and yet this handful of men carried on an extensive
      commerce, and their ships ploughed every sea, from the shores of India to
      the frozen regions of Greenland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor arrived at Paris towards the end of January 1806. Having
      created kings in Germany he deemed the moment favourable for surrounding
      his throne with new princes. It was at this period that he created Murat,
      Grand Duke of Cleves and Berg; Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte-Corvo; M. de
      Talleyrand, Duke of Benevento; and his two former colleagues, Cambacérès
      and Lebrun, Dukes of Parma and Piacenza. He also gave to his sister
      Pauline, a short time after her second marriage with the Prince Borghese,
      the title of Duchess of Guastalla. Strange events! who could then have
      foreseen that the duchy of Cambacérès would become the refuge of a
      Princess of Austria, the widowed wife of Napoleon Bonaparte? In the midst
      of the prosperity of the Imperial family, when the eldest of the Emperor's
      brothers had ascended the throne of Naples, when Holland was on the eve of
      being offered to Louis, and Jerome had exchanged his legitimate wife for
      the illegitimate throne of Westphalia, the Imperial pillow was still far
      from being free from anxiety. Hostilities did not actually exist with the
      Continental powers; but this momentary state of repose lacked the
      tranquillity of peace. France was at war with Russia and England, and the
      aspect of the Continent presented great uncertainty, while the treaty of
      Vienna had only been executed in part. In the meantime Napoleon turned his
      eyes towards the East. General Sebastiani was sent to Constantinople. The
      measures be pursued and his judicious conduct justified the choice of the
      Emperor. He was adroit and conciliating, and peace with Turkey was the
      result of his mission. The negotiations with England did not terminate so
      happily, although, after the first overtures made to Lord Yarmouth, the
      Earl of Lauderdale had been sent to Paris by Mr. Fox. In fact, these
      negotiations wholly failed. The Emperor had drawn enormous sums from
      Austria, without counting the vases, statues, and pictures. With which he
      decorated the Louvre, and the bronze with which he clothed the column of
      the Place Vendome,&mdash;in my opinion the finest monument of his reign
      and the most beautiful one in Paris. As Austria was exhausted all the
      contributions imposed on her could not be paid in cash, and they gave the
      Emperor bills in payment. I received one for about 7,000,000 on Hamburg on
      account of the stipulations of the treaty of Presburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      The affairs of the Bourbon Princes became more and more unfavourable, and
      their finances, as well as their chances of success, were so much
      diminished that about this period it was notified to the emigrants in
      Brunswick that the pretender (Louis XVIII.) had no longer the means of
      continuing their pensions. This produced great consternation amongst those
      emigrants, many of whom had no other means of existence; and
      notwithstanding their devotion to the cause of royalty they found a
      pension very useful in strengthening their zeal.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[When Louis XVIII. returned to France, and Fouché was his Minister
   of Police, the King asked Fouché whether during his (the King's)
   exile, had not set spies over him, and who they were. Fouché
   hesitated to reply, but the King insisting he said: "If your Majesty
   presses for an answer, it was the Duc de Blacas to whom this matter
   was confided."&mdash;"And how much did you pay him?" said the King.
   "Deux cents mille livres de rents, Sire."&mdash;"Ah, so!" said the King,
   "then he has played fair; we went halves."&mdash;Henry Greville's Diary,
   p. 430.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Amongst those emigrants was one whose name will occupy a certain place in
      history; I mean Dumouriez, of whom I have already spoken, and who had for
      some time employed himself in distributing pamphlets. He was then at
      Stralsund; and it was believed that the King of Sweden would give him a
      command. The vagrant life of this general, who ran everywhere hegging
      employment from the enemies of his country without being able to obtain
      it, subjected him to general ridicule; in fact, he was everywhere
      despised.
    </p>
    <p>
      To determine the difficulties which had arisen with regard to Holland,
      which Dumouriez dreamed of conquering with an imaginary army, and being
      discontented besides with the Dutch for not rigorously excluding English
      vessels from their ports, the Emperor constituted the Batavian territory a
      kingdom under his brother Louis. When I notified to the States of the
      circle of Lower Saxony the accession of Louis Bonaparte to the throne of
      Holland, and the nomination of Cardinal Fesch as coadjutor and successor
      of the Arch-chancellor of the Germanic Empire, along with their official
      communications, the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was the only member of
      the circle who forebore to reply, and I understood he had applied to the
      Court of Russia to know "whether" and "how" he should reply. At the same
      time he made known to the Emperor the marriage of his daughter, the
      Princess Charlotte Frederica, with Prince Christian Frederick of Denmark.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period it would have been difficult to foresee the way in which
      this union would terminate. The Prince was young and handsome, and of an
      amiable disposition, which seemed to indicate that he would prove a good
      husband. As for the Princess, she was as beautiful as love; but she was
      heedless and giddy; in fact, she was a spoiled child. She adored her
      husband, and during several years their union proved happy. I had the
      honour of knowing them at the period when the Duke of Mecklenburg, with
      his family, sought refuge at Altona. Before leaving that town the Duchess
      of Mecklenburg, a Princess of Saxony, paid a visit to Madame de Bourrienne
      and loaded her with civilities. This Princess was perfectly amiable, and
      was therefore generally regretted when, two years afterwards, death
      snatched her from her family. Before leaving Altona the Duke of
      Mecklenburg gave some parties by way of bidding adieu to Holstein, where
      he had been so kindly received; and I can never forget the distinguished
      reception and many kindnesses Madame de Bourrienne and myself received
      from that illustrious family.
    </p>
    <p>
      It consisted of the hereditary Prince, so distinguished by his talents and
      acquirements (he was at that time the widower of a Grand Duchess of
      Russia, a sister of the Emperor Alexander), of Prince Gustavus, so amiable
      and graceful, and of Princess Charlotte and her husband, the Prince Royal
      of Denmark.
    </p>
    <p>
      This happy couple were far from foreseeing that in two years they would be
      separated for ever. The Princess was at this period in all the splendour
      of her beauty; several fetes were given on her account on the banks of the
      Elbe, at which the Prince always opened the ball with Madame de
      Bourrienne. Notwithstanding her amiability the Princess Charlotte was no
      favourite at the Danish Court. Intrigues were formed against her. I know
      not whether any foundation existed for the calumnies spread to her
      disadvantage, but the Court dames accused her of great levity of conduct,
      which, true or false, obliged her husband to separate from her; and at the
      commencement of 1809 he sent her to Altona, attended by a chamberlain and
      a maid of honour. On her arrival she was in despair; hers was not a silent
      grief, for she related her story to every one. This unfortunate woman
      really attracted pity, as she shed tears for her son, three years of age,
      whom she was doomed never again to behold. But her natural levity
      returned; she did not always maintain the reserve suitable to her rank,
      and some months afterwards was sent into Jutland, where I believe she
      still lives.
    </p>
    <p>
      The enemies of the French Government did not confine themselves to writing
      and publishing invectives against it. More than one wretch was ready to
      employ daggers against the Emperor. Among this number was a man named
      Louis Loizeau, recently arrived from London. He repaired to Altona, there
      to enjoy the singular privilege which that city afforded of sheltering all
      the ruffians, thieves, and bankrupts who fled from the justice of their
      own Governments. On the 17th of July Loizeau presented himself to Comte de
      Gimel, who resided at Altona, as the agent of the Comte de Lille. He
      offered to repair to Paris and assassinate the Emperor. Comte de Gimel
      rejected the proposal with indignation; and replied, that if he had no
      other means of serving the Bourbons than cowardly assassination he might
      go elsewhere and find confederates. This fact, which was communicated to
      me by a friend of M. de Gimel, determined me to arrest Loizeau. Not being
      warranted, however, to take this step at Altona, I employed a trusty agent
      to keep watch, and draw him into a quarrel the moment he should appear on
      the Hamburg side of a public walk which divides that city from Altona, and
      deliver him up to the nearest Hamburg guard-house. Loizeau fell into the
      snare; but finding that he was about to be conducted from the guardhouse
      to the prison of Hamburg, and that it was at my request he had been
      arrested, he hastily unloosed his cravat, and tore with his teeth the
      papers it contained, part of which he swallowed. He also endeavoured to
      tear some other papers which were concealed under his arm, but was
      prevented by the guard. Furious at this disappointment, he violently
      resisted the five soldiers who had him in custody, and was not secured
      until he had been slightly wounded. His first exclamation on entering
      prison was, "I am undone!" Loizeau was removed to Paris, and, though I am
      ignorant of the ultimate fate of this wretch, I am pretty certain that
      Fouché would take effectual means to prevent him from doing any further
      mischief.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI.
    </h2>

      1806.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Menaces of Prussia&mdash;Offer for restoring Hanover to England&mdash;Insolent
   ultimatum&mdash;Commencement of hostilities between France and Prussia&mdash;
   Battle of Auerstadt&mdash;Death of the Duke of Brunswick&mdash;Bernadotte in
   Hamburg&mdash;Davonet and Bernadotte&mdash;The Swedes at Lübeck&mdash;Major Amiel&mdash;
   Service rendered to the English Minister at Hamburg&mdash;My appointment
   of Minister for the King of Naples&mdash;New regulation of the German
   post-office&mdash;The Confederation of the North&mdash;Devices of the Hanse
   Towns&mdash;Occupation of Hamburg in the name of the Emperor&mdash;Decree of
   Berlin&mdash;The military governors of Hamburg&mdash;Brune, Michaud, and
   Bernadotte.
</pre>
    <p>
      The moment now approached when war was about to be renewed in Germany, and
      in proportion as the hopes of peace diminished Prussia redoubled her
      threats, which were inspired by the recollection of the deeds of the great
      Frederick. The idea of peace was hateful to Prussia. Her measures, which
      till now had been sufficiently moderate, suddenly assumed a menacing
      aspect on learning that the Minister of the King of England had declared
      in Parliament that France had consented to the restitution of Hanover. The
      French Ministry intimated to the Prussian Government that this was a
      preliminary step towards a general peace, and that a large indemnity would
      be granted in return. But the King of Prussia, who was well informed, and
      convinced that the House of Hanover clung to this ancient domain, which
      gave to England a certain preponderance in Germany, considered himself
      trifled with, and determined on war.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under these circumstances Lord Lauderdale was recalled from Paris by his
      Government. War continued with England, and was about to commence with
      Prussia. The Cabinet of Berlin sent an ultimatum which could scarcely be
      regarded in any other light than a defiance, and from the well-known
      character of Napoleon we may judge of his irritation at this ultimatum.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The severity with which Bonaparte treated the press may be
   inferred from the case of Palm the publisher. In 1808 Johann
   Phillip Palm, of Nuremberg, was shot by Napoleon's order for issuing
   a pamphlet against the rule of the French in Germany.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The Emperor, after his stay of eight months in Paris passed in abortive
      negotiations for peace, set out on the 25th of September for the Rhine.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hostilities commenced on the 10th of October 1806 between France and
      Prussia, and I demanded of the Senate that a stop should be put to the
      Prussians recruiting. The news of a great victory gained by the Emperor
      over the Prussians on the 14th of October reached Hamburg on the 19th,
      brought by some fugitives, who gave such exaggerated accounts of the loss
      of the French army that it was not until the arrival of the official
      despatches on the 28th of October that we knew whether to mourn or to
      rejoice at the victory of Jena.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duke of Brunswick, who was dangerously wounded at the battle of
      Auerstadt, arrived on the 29th of October at Altona.&mdash;[This Prince
      was in the seventy-second year of his age, and extremely infirm.]&mdash;His
      entrance into that city afforded a striking example of the vicissitudes of
      fortune. That Prince entered Altona on a wretched litter, borne by ten
      men, without officers, without domestics, followed by a troop of vagabonds
      and children, who were drawn together by curiosity. He was lodged in a
      wretched inn, and so much worn out by fatigue and the pain of his eyes
      that on the day after his arrival a report of his death very generally
      prevailed. Doctor Unzer was immediately sent for to attend the unfortunate
      Duke, who, during the few days that he survived his wounds, saw no one
      else except his wife, who arrived on the 1st of November. He expired on
      the 10th of the same month.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[For the mistimed but rather pathetic belief of the old dying Duke
   in the courtesy with which he and his States would be treated by the
   French, see Beugnot, tome 1. p. 80: "I feel sure that there is a
   courier of the Emperor's on the road to know how I am."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At this juncture Bernadotte returned to Hamburg. I asked him how I was to
      account for his conduct while he was with Davoust, who had left Nuremberg
      to attack the Prussian army; and whether it was true that he had refused
      to march with that general, and afterwards to aid him when he attacked the
      Prussians on the Weimar road. "The letters I received," observed I, "state
      that you took no part in the battle of Auerstadt; that I did not believe,
      but I suppose you saw the bulletin which I received a little after the
      battle, and which stated that Bonaparte said at Nuremberg, in the presence
      of several officers, 'Were I to bring him before a court-martial he would
      be shot. I shall say nothing to him about it, but I will take care he
      shall know what I think of his behaviour. He has too keen a sense of
      honour not to be aware that he acted disgracefully."&mdash;"I think him
      very likely," rejoined Bernadotte, "to have made these observations. He
      hates me because he knows I do not like him; but let him speak to me and
      he shall have his answer. If I am a Gascon, he is a greater one. I might
      have felt piqued at receiving something like orders from Davoust, but I
      did my duty."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The complaints of Bernadotte's conduct on the 14th of October
   1806. when he gave no assistance to Davoust in repulsing the main
   body of the Prussians at Aneratadt, are well known. Jomini says
   that Davoust proposed to Bernadotte to march with him, and even
   offered him the command of the two corps. Bernadotte refused, and
   marched away to Dornburg, where he was of no use, "his obstinacy,
   difficult to explain, nearly compromised both Davoust and the
   success of the battle;" See also Thiers (tome vii. p. 172), who
   attributes Bernadotte's conduct to a profound aversion for Davoust
   conceived on the most frivolous grounds. Bernadotte had frequently
   given cause of complaint to Napoleon in the two campaigns of 1806
   and 1806. In the movement on Vienna Napoleon considered he showed
   want of activity and of zeal. These complaints seem to have been
   made in good faith, for in a letter to Bernadotte's brother-in-law,
   Joseph, Napoleon suggests that health may have been the causes (Du
   Cases, tome i. p. 322). Bernadotte was equally unfortunate in
   putting in his appearance too late at Eylan (see Duc de Rovigo's
   Memoirs, tome ii. p. 48), and also incurred the displeasure of
   Napoleon at Wagram (see later on).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In the beginning of November the Swedes entered Lübeck; but on the 8th of
      that month the town was taken by assault, and the Swedes, as well as the
      rest of the corps which had escaped from Jena, were made prisoners.
    </p>
    <p>
      A troop of Prussians had advanced within four leagues of Hamburg, and that
      town had already prepared for a vigorous resistance, in case they should
      attempt an entrance, when Major Amiel attacked them at Zollenspieker and
      made some prisoners. Hamburg was, however, threatened with another danger,
      for Major Amiel expressed his intention of entering with all his
      prisoners, notwithstanding the acknowledged neutrality of the town. Amiel
      was a partisan leader in the true sense of the word; he fought rather on
      his own account than with the intention of contributing to the success of
      the operations of the army. His troop did not consist of more than forty
      men, but that was more than sufficient to spread terror and devastation in
      the surrounding villages. He was a bold fellow, and when, with his handful
      of men, he threw himself upon Hamburg, the worthy inhabitants thought he
      had 20,000 troops with him. He had pillaged every place through which he
      passed, and brought with him 300 prisoners, and a great many horses he had
      taken on his road. It was night when he presented himself at the gates of
      the city, which he entered alone, having left his men and booty at the
      last village. He proceeded to the French Embassy. I was not there at the
      time, but I was sent for, and about seven o'clock in the evening I had my
      first interview with the Major. He was the very, beau ideal of a bandit,
      and would have been an admirable model for a painter. I was not at all
      surprised to hear that on his arrival his wild appearance and huge
      mustachios had excited some degree of terror among those who were in the
      salon. He described his exploits on the march, and did not disguise his
      intention of bringing his troops into Hamburg next day. He talked of the
      Bank and of pillage. I tried for some time to divert him from this idea,
      but without effect, and at length said to him, "Sir, you know that this is
      not the way the Emperor wishes to be served. During the seven years that I
      have been about him, I have invariably heard him express his indignation
      against those who aggravate the misery which war naturally brings in her
      train. It is the express wish of the Emperor that no damage, no violence
      whatever, shall be committed on the city or territory of Hamburg." These
      few words produced a stronger effect than any entreaties I could have
      used, for the mere name of the Emperor made even the boldest tremble, and
      Major Amiel next thought of selling his booty. The Senate were so
      frightened at the prospect of having Amiel quartered upon them that to get
      rid of him they determined to purchase his booty at once, and even
      furnished him with guards for his prisoners. I did not learn till some
      time afterwards that among the horses Major Amiel had seized upon the road
      were those of the Countess Walmoden. Had I known this fact at the time I
      should certainly have taken care to have had them restored to her. Madame
      Walmoden was then a refugee at Hamburg, and between her and my family a
      close intimacy existed. On the very day, I believe, of the Major's
      departure the Senate wrote me a letter of thanks for the protection I
      afforded the town.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the commencement of the Prussian campaign, while anxiety was
      entertained respecting the designs of the Cabinet of Berlin, my task was
      not an easy one. I exerted all my efforts to acquaint the French
      Government with what was passing on the Spree. I announced the first
      intelligence of an unexpected movement which had taken place among the
      Prussian troops cantoned in the neighbourhood of Hamburg. They suddenly
      evacuated Lauenburg, Platzburg, Haarburg, Stade, Twisenfelth, and
      Cuxhaven. This extraordinary movement gave rise to a multitude of
      surmises. I was not wrong when I informed the French Government that,
      according to every probability, Prussia was about to declare hostilities
      against France, and to enter into an alliance with England.
    </p>
    <p>
      I much regretted that my situation did not allow me more frequent
      opportunities of meeting Mr. Thornton, the English Minister to the circle
      of Lower Saxony. However; I saw him sometimes, and had on two different
      occasions the opportunity of rendering him some service. Mr. Thornton had
      requested me to execute a little private business for him, the success of
      which depended on the Emperor. I made the necessary communication to the
      Minister for Foreign Affairs, adding in my letter that Mr. Thornton's
      conduct towards the French who had come in any way in contact with him had
      ever been just and liberal, and that I should receive great pleasure in
      being able to announce to him the success of his application. His request
      was granted.
    </p>
    <p>
      On another occasion Mr. Thornton applied to me for my services, and I had
      once more the pleasure of rendering them. He wished to procure some
      information respecting an Englishman named Baker, who had gone to
      Terracina, in the Campagna di Roma, for the benefit of sea-bathing. He was
      there arrested, without any cause assigned, by order of the commandant of
      the French troops in Terracina. The family of Mr. Baker, not having heard
      from him for some months, became very uneasy respecting him, for they had
      not the least idea of his arrest. His relations applied to Mr. Thornton,
      and that gentleman, notwithstanding the circumstances which, as I have
      stated, prevented our frequent intercourse, hesitated not a moment in
      requesting me to furnish him with some information respecting his
      countryman. I lost no time in writing to M. Alquier, our Ambassador at
      Rome, and soon enabled Mr. Thornton to ease the apprehension of Mr.
      Baker's friends.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had every opportunity of knowing what was passing in Italy, for I had
      just been invested with a new dignity. As the new King of Naples, Joseph,
      had no Minister in Lower Saxony, he wished that I should discharge the
      function of Minister Plenipotentiary for Naples. His Ministers accordingly
      received orders to correspond with me upon all business connected with his
      government and his subjects. The relations between Hamburg and Naples were
      nearly nil, and my new office made no great addition to my labours.
    </p>
    <p>
      I experienced, however, a little more difficulty in combining all the
      post-offices of Hamburg in the office of the Grand Duchy of Berg, thus
      detaching them from the offices of Latour and Taxis, so named after the
      German family who for a length of time had had the possession of them, and
      who were devoted to Austria.
    </p>
    <p>
      After some days of negotiation I obtained the suppression of these
      offices, and their union with the postoffice of the Grand Duc de Berg
      (Murat), who thus received letters from Italy, Hungary, Germany, Poland,
      part of Russia, and the letters from England for these countries.
    </p>
    <p>
      The affair of the post-offices gained for me the approbation of Napoleon.
      He expressed his satisfaction through the medium of a letter I received
      from Duroc, who at the same time recommended me to continue informing the
      Emperor of all that was doing in Germany with relation to the plans of the
      Confederation of the North. I therefore despatched to the Minister for
      Foreign Affairs a detailed letter, announcing that Baron Grote, the
      Prussian Minister at Hamburg, had set off on a visit to Bremen and Lübeck.
      Among those who accompanied him on this excursion was a person wholly
      devoted to me; and I knew that Baron Grote's object was to offer to these
      towns verbal propositions for their union with the Confederation of the
      North, which the King of Prussia wished to form as a counterpoise to the
      Confederation of the Rhine, just created by Napoleon. Baron Grote observed
      the strictest secrecy in all his movements. He showed, in confidence, to
      those to whom he addressed himself, a letter from M. Haugwitz, the
      Minister of the King of Prussia,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In July 1806, after Austerlitz, Napoleon had formed the
   "Confederation du Rhin." to include the smaller States of Germany,
   who threw off all connection with the German Empire, and formed a
   Confederation furnishing a considerable army. ]&mdash;

   &mdash;[The Emperor of Germany, Francis IL, had already in 1804, on
   Napoleon taking the title of Emperor, declared himself Hereditary
   Emperor of Austria. After the formation of the Rhenish
   Confederation and Napoleon's refusal to acknowledge the German
   Empire any longer, he released the States of the Holy Roman Empire
   from their allegiance, declared the Empire dissolved, and contented
   himself with the title of Emperor of Austria, as Francis I.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      who endeavoured to point out to the Hanse Towns how much the Confederation
      of the North would turn to their advantage, it being the only means of
      preserving their liberty, by establishing a formidable power. However, to
      the first communication only an evasive answer was returned. M. Van
      Sienen, the Syndic of Hamburg, was commissioned by the Senate to inform
      the Prussian Minister that the affair required the concurrence of the
      burghers, and that before he could submit it to them it would be necessary
      to know its basis and conditions. Meanwhile the Syndic Doormann proceeded
      to Lübeck, where there was also a deputy from Bremen. The project of the
      Confederation, however, never came to anything.
    </p>
    <p>
      I scrupulously discharged the duties of my functions, but I confess I
      often found it difficult to execute the orders I received, and more than
      once I took it upon myself to modify their severity. I loved the frank and
      generous character of the Hamburgers, and I could not help pity the fate
      of the Hanse Towns, heretofore so happy, and from which Bonaparte had
      exacted such immense sacrifices.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the principal gate of the Hanse Towns is inscribed the following motto,
      well expressing the pacific spirit of the people: 'Da nobis pacem, Domine,
      in diebus nostris'. The paternal and elected government, which did
      everything to secure the happiness of these towns, was led to believe that
      the sacrifices imposed on them would be recompensed by the preservation of
      their neutrality. No distrust was entertained, and hope was kept alive by
      the assurances given by Napoleon. He published in the Moniteur that the
      Hanse Towns could not be included in any particular Confederation. He thus
      strangled in its birth the Confederation of the North, to which those
      feeble States would otherwise have been obliged to consent. When in 1806
      Napoleon marched against Prussia, he detached Marshal Mortier from the
      Grand Army when it had passed the Rhine, and directed him to invade the
      Electorate of Hesse, and march on Hamburg. On the 19th of November the
      latter town was occupied by the French army in the name of the Emperor,
      amidst the utmost order and tranquillity.
    </p>
    <p>
      I must acknowledge that I was under much apprehension as to this event. At
      the intelligence of the approach of the French army consternation was
      great and universal in Hamburg, which was anxious to maintain its
      neutrality unimpaired. At the urgent request of the magistrates of the
      city I assumed functions more than diplomatic, and became, in some
      respects, the first magistrate of the town. I went to meet Marshal Mortier
      to endeavour to dissuade him from entering. I thought I should by this
      means better serve the interests of France than by favouring the
      occupation of a neutral town by our troops. But all my remonstrances were
      useless. Marshal Mortier had received formal orders from the Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      No preparations having been made at Hamburg for the reception of Marshal
      Mortier, he quartered himself and his whole staff upon me. The few troops
      he had with him were disposed of in my courtyard, so that the residence of
      a Minister of peace was all at once converted into headquarters. This
      state of things continued until a house was got ready for the Marshal.
    </p>
    <p>
      Marshal Mortier had to make very rigorous exactions, but my
      representations suspended for a while Napoleon's orders for taking
      possession of the Bank of Hamburg. I am here bound to bear testimony to
      the Marshal's honourable principles and integrity of character. The
      representations which I had sent to Marshal Mortier were transmitted by
      the latter to the Emperor at Berlin; and Mortier stated that he had
      suspended the execution of the orders until he should receive others. The
      Emperor approved of this. It was, indeed, a happy event for France and for
      Europe, even more so than for Hamburg. Those who suggested to the Emperor
      the idea of pillaging that fine establishment must have been profoundly
      ignorant of its importance. They thought only of the 90,000,000 of marks
      banco deposited in its cellars.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the famous decree of Berlin, dated 21st November 1806, Mortier was
      compelled to order the seizure of all English merchandise in the Hanse
      Towns, but he enforced the decree only so far as to preserve the
      appearance of having obeyed his orders.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mortier, on leaving Hamburg for Mecklenburg, was succeeded by General
      Michaud, who in his turn was succeeded by Marshal Brune in the beginning
      of 1807. I am very glad to take the present opportunity of correcting the
      misconceptions which arose through the execution of certain acts of
      Imperial tyranny. The truth is, Marshal Brune, during his government,
      constantly endeavoured to moderate, as far as he could, the severity of
      the orders he received. Bernadotte became Governor of Hamburg when the
      battle of Jena rendered Napoleon master of Prussia and the north of
      Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Prince of Ponte-Corvo lightened, as far as possible, the unjust
      burdens and vexations to which that unfortunate town was subject. He never
      refused his assistance to any measures which I adopted to oppose a system
      of ruin and persecution. He often protected Hamburg against exorbitant
      exactions, The Hanse Towns revived a little under his government, which
      continued longer than that of Mortier, Michaud, and Brune. The memory of
      Bernadotte will always be dear to the Hamburgers; and his name will never
      be pronounced without gratitude. His attention was especially directed to
      moderate the rigour of the custom-houses; and perhaps the effect which his
      conduct produced on public opinion may be considered as having, in some
      measure, led to the decision which, four years after, made him Hereditary
      Prince of Sweden.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII.
    </h2>

      1806.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Ukase of the Emperor of Russia&mdash;Duroc's mission to Weimar&mdash;
   Napoleon's views defeated&mdash;Triumphs of the French armies&mdash;Letters
   from Murat&mdash;False report respecting Murat&mdash;Resemblance between
   Moreau and M. Billand&mdash;Generous conduct of Napoleon&mdash;His interview
   with Madame Hatzfeld at Berlin&mdash;Letter from Bonaparte to Josephine&mdash;
   Blücher my prisoner&mdash;His character&mdash;His confidence in the future
   fate of Germany&mdash;Prince Paul of Wurtemberg taken prisoner&mdash;His wish
   to enter the French service&mdash;Distinguished emigrants at Altona&mdash;
   Deputation of the Senate to the Emperor at Berlin&mdash;The German
   Princes at Altona&mdash;Fauche-Boiel and the Comte de Gimel.
</pre>
    <p>
      In September 1806 it became very manifest that, as soon as war should
      break out between France and Prussia, Russia would not be slow in forming
      an alliance with the latter power. Peace had, however, been reestablished
      between Napoleon and Alexander by virtue of a treaty just signed at Paris.
      By that treaty Russia was to evacuate the Bouches du Cattaro,&mdash;[The
      Bouches do Cattaro, on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, had formed part
      of the Dalmatian possessions of Venice.]&mdash;a condition with which she
      was in no hurry to comply. I received a number of the Court Gazette of St.
      Petersburg, containing a ukase of the Emperor of Russia, in which
      Alexander pointed out the danger which again menaced Europe, showed the
      necessity of adopting precautions for general tranquillity and the
      security of his own Empire, and declared his determination of not only
      completing but augmenting his army. He therefore ordered a levy of four
      men out of every 500 inhabitants.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the commencement of hostilities Duroc was sent to the King of
      Prussia with the view of discovering whether there was any possibility of
      renewing negotiations; but affairs were already too much embarrassed. All
      Duroc's endeavours were in vain, and perhaps it was no longer in the power
      of the King of Prussia to avoid war with France. Besides, he had just
      grounds of offence against the Emperor. Although the latter had given him
      Hanover in exchange for the two Margravates, he had, nevertheless, offered
      to England the restoration of that province as one of the terms of the
      negotiations commenced with Mr. Fox. This underhand work was not unknown
      to the Berlin Cabinet, and Napoleon's duplicity rendered Duroc's mission
      useless. At this time the King of Prussia was at Weimar.
    </p>
    <p>
      Victory everywhere favoured the French arms. Prince Hohenlohe, who
      commanded a corps of the Prussian army, was forced to capitulate at
      Prentzlau. After this capitulation General Blücher took the command of the
      remains of the corps, to which he joined the troops whose absence from
      Prentzlau exempted them from the capitulation. These corps, added to those
      which Blücher had at Auerstadt, were then almost the only ramparts of the
      Prussian monarchy. Soult and Bernadotte received orders from Murat to
      pursue Blücher, who was using all his efforts to draw from Berlin the
      forces of those two generals. Blücher marched in the direction of Lübeck.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Murat pursued the wreck of the Prussian army which had escaped
      from Saxony by Magdeburg. Blücher was driven upon Lübeck. It was very
      important to the army at Berlin that this numerous corps should be
      destroyed, commanded as it was by a skillful and brave general, who drew
      from the centre of the military operations numerous troops, with which he
      might throw himself into Hanover, or Hesse, or even Holland, and by
      joining the English troops harass the rear of the Grand Army. The Grand
      Duke of Berg explained to me his plans and expectations, and soon after
      announced their fulfilment in several letters which contained, among other
      things, the particulars of the taking of Lübeck.
    </p>
    <p>
      In two of these letters Murat, who was probably deceived by his agents, or
      by some intriguer, informed me that General Moreau had passed through
      Paris on the 12th of October, and had arrived in Hamburg on the 28th of
      October. The proof which Murat possessed of this circumstance was a letter
      of Fauche-Borel, which he had intercepted. I recollect a curious
      circumstance which serves to show the necessity of mistrusting the vague
      intelligence furnished to persons in authority. A fortnight before I
      received Murat's first letter a person informed me that General Moreau was
      in Hamburg. I gave no credit to this intelligence, yet I endeavoured to
      ascertain whether it had any foundation, but without effect. Two days
      later I was assured that an individual had met General Moreau, that he had
      spoken to him, that he knew him well from having served under him&mdash;together
      with various other circumstances, the truth of which there appeared no
      reason to doubt. I immediately sent for the individual in question, who
      told me that he knew Moreau, that he had met him, that the General had
      inquired of him the way to the Jungfersteige (a promenade at Hamburg),
      that he had pointed it out to him, and then said, "Have I not the honour
      to speak to General Moreau?" upon which the General answered, "Yes, but
      say nothing about having seen me; I am here incognito." All this appeared
      to me so absurd that, pretending not to know Moreau, I asked the person to
      describe him to me. He described a person bearing little resemblance to
      Moreau, and added that he wore a braided French coat and the national
      cockade in his hat. I instantly perceived the whole was a mere scheme for
      getting a little money. I sent the fellow about his business. In a quarter
      of an hour after I had got rid of him M. la Chevardiere called on me, and
      introduced M. Billaud, the French Consul at Stettin. This gentleman wore a
      braided coat and the national cockade in his hat. He was the hero of the
      story I had heard from the informer. A slight personal resemblance between
      the Consul and the General had caused several persons to mistake them for
      each other.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the Prussian campaign nothing was talked of throughout Germany but
      Napoleon's generous conduct with respect to Prince Hatzfeld. I was
      fortunate enough to obtain a copy of a letter which the Emperor wrote to
      Josephine on the subject, and which I shall presently lay before the
      reader. In conformity with the inquisitorial system which too frequently
      characterised the Emperor's government, and which he extended to every
      country of which he had military possession, the first thing done on
      entering a town was to take possession of the post-office, and then,
      Heaven knows how little respect was shown to the privacy of
      correspondence. Among the letters thus seized at Berlin and delivered to
      Napoleon was one addressed to the King of Prussia by Prince Hatzfeld, who
      had imprudently remained in the Prussian capital. In this letter the
      Prince gave his Sovereign an account of all that had occurred in Berlin
      since he had been compelled to quit at; and at the same time he informed
      him of the force and situation of the corps of the French army. The
      Emperor, after reading this letter, ordered that the Prince should be
      arrested, and tried by a court-martial on the charge of being a spy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Court was summoned, and little doubt could be entertained as to its
      decision when Madame Hatzfeld repaired to Duroc, who on such occasions was
      always happy when he could facilitate communication with the Emperor. On
      that day Napoleon had been at a review. Duroc knew Madame Hatzfeld, whom
      he had several times seen on his visits to Berlin. When Napoleon returned
      from the review he was astonished to see Duroc at the palace at that hour,
      and inquired whether he had brought any news. Duroc answered in the
      affirmative, and followed the Emperor into his Cabinet, where he soon
      introduced Madame Hatzfeld. The remainder of the scene is described in
      Napoleon's letter. It may easily be perceived that this letter is an
      answer to one from Josephine reproaching him for the manner in which he
      spoke of women, and very probably of the beautiful and unfortunate Queen
      of Prussia, respecting whom he had expressed himself with too little
      respect in one of his bulletins. The following is Napoleon's letter:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I have received your letter, in which you seem to reproach me for
   speaking ill of women. It is true that I dislike female intriguers
   above all things. I am used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory
   women. I love them, and if they have spoiled me it is not my fault,
   but yours. However, you will see that I have done an act of
   kindness to one deserving woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld.
   When I showed her her husband's letter she stood weeping, and in a
   tone of mingled grief and ingenuousness said, "It is indeed his
   writing!" This went to my heart, and I said, "Well, madame, throw
   the letter into the fire, and then I shall have no proof against
   your husband." She burned the letter, and was restored to
   happiness. Her husband now is safe: two hours later, and he would
   have been lost. You see, therefore, that I like women who are
   simple, gentle, and amiable; because they alone resemble you.

   November 6, 1806, 9 o'clock P.M.
</pre>
    <p>
      When Marshal Bernadotte had driven Blücher into Lübeck and made him
      prisoner, he sent to inform me of the circumstance; but I was far from,
      expecting that the prisoner would be confided to my charge. Such, however,
      was the case. After his capitulation he was sent to Hamburg, where he had
      the whole city for his prison.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was curious to become acquainted with this celebrated man, and I saw him
      very frequently. I found that he was an enthusiastic Prussian patriot&mdash;a
      brave man, enterprising even to rashness, of limited education, and almost
      to an incredible degree devoted to pleasure, of which he took an ample
      share while he remained in Hamburg. He sat an enormous time at table, and,
      notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism, he rendered full justice to the
      wines of France. His passion for women was unbounded, and one of his most
      favourite sources of amusement was the gaming-table, at which he spent a
      considerable portion of his time. Blücher was of an extremely gay
      disposition; and considered merely as a companion he was very agreeable.
      The original style of his conversation pleased me much. His confidence in
      the deliverance of Germany remained unshaken in spite of the disasters of
      the Prussian army. He often said to me, "I place great reliance on the
      public spirit of Germany&mdash;on the enthusiasm which prevails in our
      universities. The events of war are daily changing, and even defeats con
      tribute to nourish in a people sentiments of honour and national glory.
      You may depend upon it that when a whole nation is determined to shake off
      a humiliating yoke it will succeed. There is no doubt but we shall end by
      having a landwehr very different from any militia to which the subdued
      spirit of the French people could give birth. England will always lend us
      the support of her navy and her subsidies, and we will renew alliances
      with Russia and Austria. I can pledge myself to the truth of a fact of
      which I have certain knowledge, and you may rely upon it; namely, that
      none of the allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of
      territorial aggrandisement. All they unanimously desire is to put an end
      to the system of aggrandisement which your Emperor has established and
      acts upon with such alarming rapidity. In our first war against France, at
      the commencement of your Revolution, we fought for questions respecting
      the rights of sovereigns, for which, I assure you, I care very little; but
      now the case is altered, the whole population of Prussia makes common
      cause with its Government. The people fight in defence of their homes, and
      reverses destroy our armies without changing the spirit of the nation. I
      rely confidently on the future because I foresee that fortune will not
      always favour your Emperor. It is impossible; but the time will come when
      all Europe, humbled by his exactions, and impatient of his depredations,
      will rise up against him. The more he enslaves nations, the more terrible
      will be the reaction when they break their chains. It cannot be denied
      that he is tormented with an insatiable desire of acquiring new
      territories. To the war of 1805 against Austria and Russia the present war
      has almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen. Prussia is occupied; but
      Russia still remains undefeated. I cannot foresee what will be the
      termination of the war; but, admitting that the issue should be favourable
      to you, it will end only to break out again speedily. If we continue firm,
      France, exhausted by her conquests, must in the end fall. You may be
      certain of it. You wish for peace. Recommend it! By so doing You will give
      strong proofs of love for your country."
    </p>
    <p>
      In this strain Blücher constantly spoke to me; and as I never thought it
      right to play the part of the public functionary in the drawing-room I
      replied to him with the reserve necessary in my situation. I could not
      tell him how much my anticipations frequently coincided with his; but I
      never hesitated to express to him how much I wished to see a reasonable
      peace concluded.
    </p>
    <p>
      Blücher's arrival at Hamburg was preceded by that of Prince Paul of
      Wutrtemberg, the second son of one of the two kings created by Napoleon,
      whose crowns were not yet a year old. This young Prince, who was imbued
      with the ideas of liberty and independence which then prevailed in
      Germany, had taken a headlong step. He had quitted Stuttgart to serve in
      the Prussian campaign without having asked his father's permission, which
      inconsiderate proceeding might have drawn Napoleon's anger upon the King
      of Wurtemberg. The King of Prussia advanced Prince Paul to the rank of
      general, but he was taken prisoner at the very commencement of
      hostilities. Prince Paul was not, as has been erroneously stated,
      conducted to Stuttgart by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg,
      where I received many visits from him. He did not yet possess very
      definite ideas as to what he wished; for after he was made prisoner he
      expressed to me his strong desire to enter the French service, and often
      asked me to solicit for him an interview with the Emperor. He obtained
      this interview, and remained for a long time in Paris, where I know he has
      frequently resided since the Restoration.
    </p>
    <p>
      The individuals whom I had to observe in Hamburg gave me much less trouble
      than our neighbours at Altona. The number of the latter had considerably
      augmented, since the events of the war had compelled a great number of
      emigrants who had taken refuge at Munster to leave that town. They all
      proceeded to Altona. Conquered countries became as dangerous to them as
      the land which they had forsaken. The most distinguished amongst the
      individuals assembled at Altona were Vicomte de Sesmaisons, the Bailly
      d'Hautefeuille, the Duchess of Luxembourg, the Marquis de Bonnard, the Duc
      d'Aumont (then Duc de Villequier), the wife of Marshal de Brogue and her
      daughter, Cardinal de Montmorency, Madame de Cosse, her two daughters and
      her son (and a priest), and the Bishop of Boulogne.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte stayed long enough at Berlin to permit of the arrival of a
      deputation from the French Senate to congratulate him on his first
      triumphs. I learned that in this instance the Senatorial deputation,
      departing from its accustomed complaisance, ventured not to confine itself
      to compliments and felicitations, but went so far as to interfere with the
      Emperor's plan of the campaign, to speak of the danger that might be
      incurred and finally to express a desire to in passing the Oder, see peace
      concluded. Napoleon received this communication with a very bad grace. He
      thought the Senators very bold to meddle with his affairs, treated the
      conscript fathers of France as if they had been inconsiderate youths,
      protested, according to custom, his sincere love of peace, and told the
      deputation that it was Prussia, backed by Russia, and not he, who wished
      for war!
    </p>
    <p>
      All the German Princes who had taken part against Napoleon fled to Altona
      after the battle of Jena with as much precipitation as the emigrants
      themselves. The Hereditary Prince of Weimar, the Duchess of Holstein,
      Prince Belmonte-Pignatelli, and a multitude of other persons distinguished
      for rank and fortune, arrived there almost simultaneously. Among the
      persons who took refuge in Altona were some intriguers, of whom
      Fauche-Borel was one. I remember receiving a report respecting a violent
      altercation which Fauche had the audacity to enter into with Comte de
      Gimel because he could not extort money from the Count in payment of his
      intrigues. Comte de Gimel had only funds for the payment of pensions, and,
      besides, he had too much sense to suppose there was any utility in the
      stupid pamphlets of Fauche-Borel, and therefore he dismissed him with a
      refusal. Fauche was insolent, which compelled Comte de Gimel to send him
      about his business as he deserved. This circumstance, which was first
      communicated to me in a report, has since been confirmed by a person who
      witnessed the scene. Fauche-Borel merely passed through Hamburg, and
      embarked for London on board the same ship which took Lord Morpeth back to
      England.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Louis Fauche-Borel (1762-1829), a Swiss who devoted himself to
   the cause of the Royalists. As Louis stepped on the shore of France
   in 1814, Fauche-Borel was ready to assist him from the boat, and was
   met with the gracious remark that he was always at hand when a
   service was required. His services were however left unrewarded]&mdash;
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII.
    </h2>

      1806.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Alarm of the city of Hamburg&mdash;The French at Bergdorf&mdash;Favourable
   orders issued by Bernadotte&mdash;Extortions in Prussia&mdash;False
   endorsements&mdash;Exactions of the Dutch&mdash;Napoleon's concern for his
   wounded troops&mdash;Duroc's mission to the King of Prussia&mdash;Rejection of
   the Emperor's demands&mdash;My negotiations at Hamburg&mdash;Displeasure of
   the King of Sweden&mdash;M. Netzel and M. Wetteratedt.
</pre>
    <p>
      At this critical moment Hamburg was menaced on all sides; the French even
      occupied a portion of its territory. The French troops, fortunately for
      the country, were attached to the corps commanded by the Prince de
      Ponte-Corvo. This military occupation alarmed the town of Hamburg, to
      which, indeed, it proved very injurious. I wrote to Marshal Bernadotte on
      the subject. The grounds on which the Senate appealed for the evacuation
      of their territory were such that Bernadotte could not but acknowledge
      their justice. The prolonged stay of the French troops in the bailiwick of
      Bergdorf, which had all the appearance of an occupation, might have led to
      the confiscation of all Hamburg property in England, to the laying an
      embargo on the vessels of the Republic, and consequently to the ruin of a
      great part of the trade of France and Holland, which was carried on under
      the flag of Hamburg. There was no longer any motive for occupying the
      bailiwick of Bergdorf when there were no Prussians in that quarter. It
      would have been an absurd misfortune that eighty men stationed in that
      bailiwick should, for the sake of a few louis and a few ells of English
      cloth, have occasioned the confiscation of Hamburg, French, and Dutch
      property to the amount of 80,000,000 francs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Marshal Bernadotte replied to me on the 16th of November, and said, "I
      hasten to inform you that I have given orders for the evacuation of the
      bailiwick of Bergdorf and all the Hamburg territory. If you could obtain
      from the Senate of Hamburg, by the 19th of this month, two or three
      thousand pairs of shoes, you would oblige me greatly. They shall be paid
      for in goods or in money."
    </p>
    <p>
      I obtained what Bernadotte required from the Senate, who knew his
      integrity, while they were aware that that quality was not the
      characteristic of all who commanded the French armies! What extortions
      took place during the occupation of Prussia! I will mention one of the
      means which, amongst others, was employed at Berlin to procure money.
      Bills of exchange were drawn, on which endorsements were forged, and these
      bills were presented to the bankers on whom they were purported to be
      drawn. One day some of these forged bills to a large amount were presented
      to Messrs. Mathiesen and Silleine of Hamburg, who, knowing the endorsement
      to be forged, refused to cash them. The persons who presented the bills
      carried their impudence so far as to send for the gendarmes, but the
      bankers persisted in their refusal. I was informed of this almost
      incredible scene, which had drawn together a great number of people.
      Indignant at such audacious robbery, I instantly proceeded to the spot and
      sent away the gendarmes, telling them it was not their duty to protect
      robbers, and that it was my business to listen to any just claims which
      might be advanced. Under Clarke's government at Berlin the inhabitants
      were subjected to all kinds of oppression and exaction. Amidst these
      exactions and infamous proceedings, which are not the indispensable
      consequences of war, the Dutch generals distinguished themselves by a
      degree of rapacity which brought to mind the period of the French
      Republican peculations in Italy. It certainly was not their new King who
      set the example of this conduct. His moderation was well known, and it was
      as much the result of his disposition as of his honest principles. Louis
      Bonaparte, who was a King in spite of himself, afforded an example of all
      that a good man could suffer upon a usurped throne.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the King of Prussia found himself defeated at every point he bitterly
      repented having undertaken a war which had delivered his States into
      Napoleon's power in less time than that in which Austria had fallen the
      preceding year. He wrote to the Emperor, soliciting a suspension of
      hostilities. Rapp was present when Napoleon received the King of Prussia's
      letter. "It is too late," said he; "but, no matter, I wish to stop the
      effusion of blood; I am ready to agree to anything which is not
      prejudicial to the honour or interests of the nation." Then calling Duroc,
      he gave him orders to visit the wounded, and see that they wanted for
      nothing. He added, "Visit every man on my behalf; give them all the
      consolation of which they stand in need; afterwards find the King of
      Prussia, and if he offers reasonable proposals let me know them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Negotiations were commenced, but Napoleon's conditions were of a nature
      which was considered inadmissible. Prussia still hoped for assistance from
      the Russian forces. Besides, the Emperor's demands extended to England,
      who at that moment had no reason to accede to the pretensions of France.
      The Emperor wished England to restore to France the colonies which she had
      captured since the commencement of the war, that Russia should restore to
      the Porte Moldavia and Wallachia, which she then occupied; in short, he
      acted upon the advice which some tragedy-king gives to his ambassador:
      "Demand everything, that you may obtain nothing." The Emperor's demands
      were, in fact, so extravagant that it was scarcely possible he himself
      could entertain the hope of their being accepted. Negotiations,
      alternately resumed and abandoned, were carried on with coldness on both
      sides until the moment when England prevailed on Russia to join Prussia
      against France; they then altogether ceased: and it was for the sake of
      appearing to wish for their renewal, on bases still more favourable to
      France, that Napoleon sent Duroc to the King of Prussia. Duroc found the
      King at Osterode, on the other side of the Vistula. The only answer he
      received from His Majesty was, "The time is passed;" which was very much
      like Napoleon's observation; "It is too late."
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst Duroc was on his mission to the King of Prussia I was myself
      negotiating at Hamburg. Bonaparte was very anxious to detach Sweden from
      the coalition, and to terminate the war with her by a separate treaty.
      Sweden, indeed, was likely to be very useful to him if Prussia, Russia,
      and England should collect a considerable mass of troops in the north.
      Denmark was already with us, and by gaining over Sweden also the union of
      those two powers might create a diversion, and give serious alarm to the
      coalition, which would be obliged to concentrate its principal force to
      oppose the attack of the grand army in Poland. The opinions of M. Peyron,
      the Swedish Minister at Hamburg, were decidedly opposed to the war in
      which his sovereign was engaged with France. I was sorry that this
      gentleman left Hamburg upon leave of absence for a year just at the moment
      I received my instructions from the Emperor upon this subject. M. Peyron
      was succeeded by M. Netzel, and I soon had the pleasure of perceiving that
      his opinions corresponded in every respect with those of his predecessor.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as he arrived M. Netzel sought an interview to speak to me on the
      subject of the Swedes, who had been taken prisoners on the Drave. He
      entreated me to allow the officers to return to Sweden on their parole. I
      was anxious to get Netzel's demand acceded to, and availed myself of that
      opportunity to lead him gradually to the subject of my instructions. I had
      good reason to be satisfied with the manner in which he received my first
      overtures. I said nothing to him of the justice of which he was not
      previously convinced. I saw he understood that his sovereign would have
      everything to gain by a reconciliation with France, and he told me that
      all Sweden demanded peace. Thus encouraged, I told him frankly that I was
      instructed to treat with him. M. Netzel assured me that M. de Wetterstedt,
      the King of Sweden's private secretary, with whom he was intimate, and
      from whom he showed me several letters, was of the same opinion on the
      subject as himself. He added, that he had permission to correspond with
      the King, and that he would; write the same evening to his sovereign and
      M.. de Wetterstedt to acquaint them with our conversation.
    </p>
    <p>
      It will be perceived, from what I have stated, that no negotiation was
      ever commenced under more favourable auspices; but who could foresee what
      turn the King of Sweden would take? That unlucky Prince took M. Netzel's
      letter in very ill part, and M. de Wetterstedt himself received peremptory
      orders to acquaint M. Netzel with his sovereign's displeasure at his
      having presumed to visit a French Minster, and, above all, to enter into a
      political conversation with him, although it was nothing more than
      conversation. The King did not confine himself to reproaches; M. Netzel
      came in great distress to inform me he had received orders to quit Hamburg
      immediately, without even awaiting the arrival of his successor. He
      regarded his disgrace as complete. I had the pleasure of seeing M. Netzel
      again in 1809 at Hamburg, where he was on a mission from King Charles
      XIII.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX.
    </h2>

      1806

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Continental system&mdash;General indignation excited by it&mdash;Sale of
   licences by the French Government&mdash;Custom-house system at Hamburg&mdash;
   My letter to the Emperor&mdash;Cause of the rupture with Russia&mdash;
   Bernadotte's visit to me&mdash;Trial by court-martial for the purchase of
   a sugar-loaf&mdash;Davoust and the captain "rapporteur"&mdash;Influence of the
   Continental system on Napoleon's fall.
</pre>
    <p>
      I have a few remarks to make on the famous Continental system, which was a
      subject of such engrossing interest. I had, perhaps, better opportunities
      than any other person of observing the fraud and estimating the fatal
      consequences of this system. It took its rise during the war in 1806, and
      was brought into existence by a decree; dated from Berlin. The project was
      conceived by weak counsellors, who; perceiving the Emperor's just
      indignation at the duplicity of England, her repugnance to enter, into
      negotiations with him, and her constant endeavours to raise enemies
      against France, prevailed upon him to issue the decree, which I could only
      regard as an act of madness and tyranny. It was not a decree, but fleets,
      that were wanting. Without a navy it was ridiculous to declare the British
      Isles in a state of blockade, whilst the English fleets were in fact
      blockading all the French ports. This declaration was, however, made in
      the Berlin Decree. This is what was called the Continental system! which,
      in plain terms, was nothing but a system of fraud and pillage.
    </p>
    <p>
      One can now scarcely conceive how Europe could for a single day endure
      that fiscal tyranny which extorted exorbitant prices for articles which
      the habits of three centuries had rendered indispensable to the poor as
      well as to the rich. So little of truth is there in the pretence that this
      system had for its sole and exclusive object to prevent the sale of
      English goods, that licences for their disposal were procured at a high
      price by whoever was rich enough to pay for them. The number and quality
      of the articles exported from France were extravagantly exaggerated. It
      was, indeed, necessary to take out some of the articles is compliance with
      the Emperor's wishes, but they were only thrown into the sea. And yet no
      one had the honesty to tell the Emperor that England sold on the continent
      but bought scarcely anything. The speculation in licences was carried to a
      scandalous extent only to enrich a few, and to satisfy the short-sighted
      views of the contrivers of the system.
    </p>
    <p>
      This system proves what is written in the annals of the human heart and
      mind, that the cupidity of the one is insatiable, and the errors of the
      other incorrigible. Of this I will cite an example, though it refers to a
      period posterior to the origin of the Continental system. In Hamburg, in
      1811, under Davoust's government, a poor man had well-nigh been shot for
      having introduced into the department of the Elbe a small loaf of sugar
      for the use of his family, while at the same moment Napoleon was perhaps
      signing a licence for the importation of a million of sugar-loaves.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[In this same year (1811) Murat, as King of Naples, not only
   winked at the infringement of the Continental system, but almost
   openly broke the law himself. His troops in Calabria and all round
   his immense line sea coast, carried on an active trade with Sicilian
   and English smugglers. This was so much the case that an officer
   never set out from Naples to join, without, being, requested by his
   wife, his relations or friends, to bring them some English muslins,
   some sugar and coffee, together with a few needles, pen-knives, and
   razors. Some of the Neapolitan officers embarked in really large
   commercial operations, going shares with the custom house people who
   were there to enforce the law, and making their soldiers load and
   unload the contraband vessels. The Comte de &mdash;&mdash;-, a French officer
   on Murat's staff, was very noble, but very poor, and excessively
   extravagant. After making several vain efforts to set him up in the
   world, the King told him one day he would give him the command of
   the troops round the Gulf of Salerno; adding that the devil was in
   it if he could not make a fortune in such a capital smuggling
   district, in a couple of years.&mdash;The Count took the hint, and did
   make a fortune.&mdash;Editor 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Smuggling on a small scale was punished with death, whilst the Government
      themselves carried it on extensively. The same cause filled the Treasury
      with money, and the prisons with victims:
    </p>
    <p>
      The custom-house laws of this period, which waged open war against
      rhubarb, and armed the coasts of the Continent against the introduction of
      senna, did not save the Continental system from destruction. Ridicule
      attended the installation of the odious prevotal courts. The president of
      the Prevotal Court at Hamburg, who was a Frenchman, delivered an address,
      in which he endeavoured to prove that in the time of the Ptolemies there
      had existed extraordinary fiscal tribunals, and that it was to those Egypt
      owed her prosperity. Terror was thus introduced by the most absurd folly.
      The ordinary customhouse officers, formerly so much abhorred in Hamburg,
      declared with reason that they would soon be regretted, and than the
      difference between them and the prevotal courts would soon be felt.
      Bonaparte's counsellors led him to commit the folly of requiring that a
      ship which had obtained a licence should export merchandise equivalent to
      that of the colonial produce to be imported under the authority of the
      licence. What was the consequence? The speculators bought at a low price
      old stores of silk-which change of fashion had made completely unsaleable,
      and as those articles were prohibited in England they were thrown into the
      sea without their loss being felt. The profits of the speculation made
      ample amends for the sacrifice. The Continental system was worthy only of
      the ages of ignorance and barbarism, and had it been admissible in theory,
      was impracticable in application.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Sydney Smith was struck with the, ridiculous side of the war of
   tariffs: "We are told that the Continent is to be reconquered by the
   want of rhubarb and plums." (Essays of Sydney Smith, p. 533, edition
   of 1861).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      It cannot be sufficiently stigmatised. They were not the friends of the
      Emperor who recommended a system calculated to rouse the indignation of
      Europe, and which could not fail to create reaction. To tyrannize over the
      human species, and to exact uniform admiration and submission, is to
      require an impossibility. It would seem that fate, which had still some
      splendid triumphs in store for Bonaparte, intended to prepare beforehand
      the causes which were to deprive him of all his triumphs at once, and
      plunge him into reverses even greater than the good fortune which had
      favoured his elevation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The prohibition of trade, the habitual severity in the execution of this
      odious system, made it operate like a Continental impost. I will give a
      proof of this, and I state nothing but what came under my own observation.
      The fiscal regulations were very rigidly enforced at Hamburg, and along
      the two lines of Cuxhaven and Travemunde. M. Eudel, the director of that
      department, performed his duty with zeal and disinterestedness. I feel
      gratified in rendering him this tribute. Enormous quantities of English
      merchandise and colonial produce were accumulated at Holstein, where they
      almost all arrived by way of Kiel and Hudsum, and were smuggled over the
      line at the expense of a premium of 33 and 40 per cent. Convinced of this
      fact by a thousand proofs, and weary of the vexations of the preventive
      system, I took upon myself to lay my opinions on the subject before the
      Emperor. He had given me permission to write to him personally, without
      any intermediate agency, upon everything that I might consider essential
      to his service. I sent an extraordinary courier to Fontainebleau, where he
      then was, and in my despatch I informed him that, notwithstanding his
      preventive guard, every prohibited article was smuggled in because the
      profits on the sale in Germany, Poland, Italy, and even France, into which
      the contrabrand goods found their way, were too considerable not to induce
      persons to incur all risks to obtain them. I advised him, at the very time
      he was about to unite the Hanse Towns to the French Empire, to permit
      merchandise to be imported subject to a duty of 33 per cent., which was
      about equal to the amount of the premium for insurance. The Emperor
      adopted my advice without hesitation, and in 1811 the regulation produced
      a revenue of upwards of 60,000,000 francs in Hamburg alone.
    </p>
    <p>
      This system, however, embroiled us with Sweden and Russia, who could not
      endure that Napoleon should enact a strict blockade from them, whilst he
      was himself distributing licences in abundance. Bernadotte, on his way to
      Sweden, passed through Hamburg in October 1810. He stayed with me three
      days, during which time he scarcely saw any person but myself. He asked my
      opinion as to what he should do in regard to the Continental system. I did
      not hesitate to declare to him, not as a French Minister, but as a private
      individual to his friend, that in his place, at the head of a poor nation,
      which could only subsist by the exchange of its territorial productions
      with England, I would open my ports, and give the Swedes gratuitously that
      general licence which Bonaparte sold in detail to intrigue and cupidity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Berlin decree could not fail to cause a reaction against the Emperor's
      fortune by raising up whole nations against him. The hurling of twenty
      kings from their thrones would have excited less hatred than this contempt
      for the wants of nations. This profound ignorance of the maxims of
      political economy caused general privation and misery, which in their turn
      occasioned general hostility. The system could only succeed in the
      impossible event of all the powers of Europe honestly endeavouring to
      carry it into effect. A single free port would have destroyed it. In order
      to ensure its complete success it was necessary to conquer and occupy all
      countries, and never to evacuate them. As a means of ruining England it
      was contemptible. It was necessary that all Europe should be compelled by
      force of arms to join this absurd coalition, and that the same force
      should be constantly employed to maintain it. Was this possible? The
      captain "rapporteur" of a court-martial allowed a poor peasant to escape
      the punishment due to the offence of having bought a loaf of sugar beyond
      the custom-house barrier. This officer was some time afterwards at a
      dinner given by Marshal Davoust; the latter said to him, "You have a very
      scrupulous conscience, sir; go to headquarters and you will find an order
      there for you." This order sent him eighty leagues from Hamburg. It is
      necessary to have witnessed, as I have, the numberless vexations and
      miseries occasioned by the unfortunate Continental system to understand
      the mischief its authors did in Europe, and how much that mischief
      contributed to Napoleon's fall.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The so-called Continental system was framed by Napoleon in
   revenge for the English very extended system of blockades, after
   Trafalgar had put it out of his power to attempt to keep the seas.
   By these decrees all ports occupied by the French were closed to the
   English, and all English goods were to be destroyed wherever found
   in any country occupied by the French. All States under French
   influence had to adopt this system. It must be remembered that
   Napoleon eventually held or enforced his system on all the
   coastlines of Europe, except that of Spain and Turkey; but as
   Bourrienne shows the plan of giving licences to break his own system
   was too lucrative to be resisted by him, or, still more, by his
   officers. For the working of the system in the occupied lands,
   Laffite the banker told Savary it was a grand idea, but
   impracticable (Savary, tome v. p. 110). The Emperor Alexander is
   reported to have said, after visiting England in 1814, that he
   believed the system would have reduced England if it had lasted
   another year. The English, who claimed the right of blockading any
   coast with but little regard to the effectiveness of the blockade,
   retaliated by orders in Council, the chief of which are dated 7th
   January 1807, and 11th November 1807, by which no ships of any power
   were allowed to trade between any French ports, or the ports of any
   country closed to England. Whatever the real merits of the system,
   and although it was the cause of war between the United States and
   England, its execution did most to damage France and Napoleon, and
   to band all Europe against it. It is curious that even in 1831 a
   treaty had to be made to settle the claims of the United States on
   France for unjust seizures under these decrees.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
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    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER X.
    </h2>

      1806-1807.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   New system of war&mdash;Winter quarters&mdash;The Emperor's Proclamation&mdash;
   Necessity of marching to meet the Russians&mdash;Distress in the Hanse
   Towns&mdash;Order for 50,000 cloaks&mdash;Seizure of Russian corn and timber&mdash;
   Murat's entrance into Warsaw&mdash;Re-establishment of Poland&mdash;Duroc's
   accident&mdash;M. de Talleyrand's carriage stopped by the mud&mdash;Napoleon's
   power of rousing the spirit of his troops&mdash;His mode of dictating&mdash;
   The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin&mdash;His visits to Hamburg&mdash;The Duke of
   Weimar&mdash;His letter and present&mdash;Journey of the Hereditary Prince of
   Denmark to Paris&mdash;Batter, the English spy&mdash;Traveling clerks&mdash;Louis
   Bonaparte and the Berlin decree&mdash;Creation of the Kingdom of Saxony&mdash;
   Veneration of Germany for the King of Saxony&mdash;The Emperor's
   uncertainty respecting Poland&mdash;Fetes and reviews at Warsaw&mdash;The
   French Government at the Emperor's head quarters&mdash;Ministerial
   portfolios sent to Warsaw.&mdash;Military preparations during the month
   of January&mdash;Difference of our situation daring the campaigns of
   Vienna and Prussia&mdash;News received and sent&mdash;Conduct of the Cabinet
   of Austria similar to that of the Cabinet of Berlin&mdash;Battle of
   Eylau&mdash;Unjust accusation against Bernadotte&mdash;Death of General
   d'Hautpoult&mdash;Te Deum chanted by the Russians&mdash;Gardanne's mission to
   Persia
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was not only beyond all comparison the greatest captain of
      modern times, but he may be said to have wrought a complete change in the
      art of war. Before his time the most able generals regulated the fighting
      season by the almanac. It was customary in Europe to brave the cannon's
      mouth only from the first fine days of spring to the last fine days of
      autumn; and the months of rain, snow, and frost were passed in what were
      called winter quarters. Pichegru, in Holland, had set the example of
      indifference to temperature. At Austerlitz, too, Bonaparte had braved the
      severity of winter; this answered his purpose well, and he adopted the
      same course in 1806. His military genius and activity seemed to increase,
      and, proud of his troops, he determined to commence a winter campaign in a
      climate more rigorous than any in which he had yet fought. The men,
      chained to his destiny, were now required to brave the northern blast, as
      they had formerly braved the vertical sun of Egypt. Napoleon, who, above
      all generals, was remarkable for the choice of his fields of battle, did
      not wish to wait tranquilly until the Russian army, which was advancing
      towards Germany, should come to measure its strength with him in the
      plains of conquered Prussia; he resolved to march to meet it, and to reach
      it before it should arose the Vistula; but before he left Berlin to
      explore and conqueror, Poland and the confines of Russia; he addressed a
      proclamation to his troops, in which he stated all that had hitherto been
      achieved by the French army, and at the same time announced his future
      intentions. It was especially advisable that he should march forward, for,
      had he waited until the Russians had passed the Vistula, there could
      probably have been no winter campaign, and he would have been obliged
      either to take up miserable winter quarters between the Vistula and the
      Oder, or to recross the Oder to combat the enemy in Prussia. Napoleon's
      military genius and indefatigable activity served him admirably on this
      occasion, and the proclamation just alluded to, which was dated from
      Berlin before his departure from Charlottenburg; proves that he did not
      act fortuitously, as he frequently did, but that his calculations were
      well-made.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Before leaving the capital of Prussia Bonaparte stole from the
   monument, of Frederick the Great his sword and military orders. He
   also plundered the galleries of Berlin and Potsdam of their best
   pictures and statues, thus continuing the system he had began is
   Italy. All those things he sent to Paris as trophies of victory and
   glory.&mdash;Editor of as 1836 edition.]
</pre>
    <p>
      A rapid and immense impulse given to great masses of men by the will of a
      single individual may produce transient lustre and dazzle the eyes of the
      multitude; but when, at a distance from the theatre of glory, we flee only
      the melancholy results which have been produced. The genius of conquest
      can only be regarded as the genius of destruction. What a sad picture was
      often presented to my eyes! I was continually doomed to hear complaints of
      the general distress, and to execute orders which augmented the immense
      sacrifices already made by the city of Hamburg. Thus, for example, the
      Emperor desired me to furnish him with 50,000 cloaks which I immediately
      did. I felt the importance of such an order with the approach of winter,
      and in a climate&mdash;the rigour of which our troops had not yet
      encountered. I also received orders to seize at Lübeck (Which town, as I
      have already stated, had been alternately taken and retaken try Blücher
      and Bernadotte) 400,000 lasts of corn,&mdash;[A last weighs 2000
      kilogrammes]&mdash;and to send them to Magdeburg. This corn belonged to
      Russia. Marshal Mortier, too, had seized some timber for building, which
      also belonged to Russia; and which was estimated at 1,400,000 francs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile our troops continued to advance with such rapidity that before
      the end of November Murat arrived at Warsaw, at the head of the advanced
      guard of the Grand Army, of which, he had the command. The Emperor's
      headquarters, were then at Posen, and, he received deputations from all
      parts soliciting the re-establishment and independence of the Kingdom of
      Poland.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rapp informed me that after receiving the deputation from Warsaw the
      Emperor said to him, "I love the Poles; their enthusiastic character
      pleases me; I should like to make them independent, but that is a
      difficult matter. Austria, Russia, and Prussia have all had a slice of the
      cake; when the match is once kindled who knows where, the conflagration
      may stop? My first duty, is towards France, which I must not sacrifice to
      Poland; we must refer this matter to the sovereign of all things&mdash;Time,
      he will presently show us what we must do." Had Sulkowsky lived Napoleon
      might have recollected what he had said to him in Egypt, and, in all
      probability he would have raised up a power, the dismemberment of which;
      towards the close of the last century, began to overturn the political
      equilibrium which had subsisted in Europe since the peace of Westphalia in
      1648.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was at the headquarters at Posen that Duroc rejoined the Emperor after
      his mission to the King of Prussia. His carriage overturned on the way,
      and he had the misfortune to break his collar-bone. All the letters I
      received were nothing but a succession of complaints on the bad state of
      the roads. Our troops were absolutely fighting in mud, and it was with
      extreme difficulty that the artillery and caissons of the army could be
      moved along. M. de Talleyrand had been summoned to headquarters by the
      Emperor, in the expectation of treating for peace, and I was informed that
      his carriage stuck in the mud and he was detained on his journey for
      twelve hours. A soldier having asked one of the persons in M. de
      Talleyrand's suite who the traveller was, was informed that he was the
      Minister for Foreign Affairs. "Ah! bah!" said the soldier, "why does he
      come with his diplomacy to such a devil of a country as this?"
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor entered Warsaw on the 1st of January 1807. Most of the reports
      which he had received previous to his entrance had concurred in describing
      the dissatisfaction of the troops, who for some time had had to contend
      with bad roads, bad weather, and all aorta of privations.' Bonaparte said
      to the generals who informed him that the enthusiasm of his troops had
      been succeeded by dejection and discontent, "Does their spirit fail them
      when they come in sight of the enemy?"&mdash;"No, Sire."&mdash; "I knew
      it; my troops are always the same." Then turning to Rapp he said, "I must
      rouse them;" and he dictated the following proclamation:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SOLDIERS&mdash;It is a year this very hour since you were on the field of
   Austerlitz, where the Russian battalions fled in disorder, or
   surrendered up their arms to their conquerors. Next day proposals,
   of peace were talked of; but they were deceptive. No sooner had the
   Russians escaped, by perhaps, blamable generosity from the disasters
   of the third coalition than they contrived a fourth. But the ally
   on whose tactics they founded their principal hope was no more. His
   capital, his fortresses; his magazines; his arsenals, 280 flags, and
   700 field-pieces have fallen into our power. The Oder, the Wartha,
   the deserts of Poland, and the inclemency of the season have not for
   a moment retarded your progress. You have braved all; surmounted
   all; every obstacle has fled at your approach. The Russians have in
   vain endeavoured to defend the capital of ancient and illustrious
   Poland. The French eagle hovers over the Vistula. The brave and
   unfortunate Poles, on beholding you, fancied they saw the legions of
   Sobieski, returning from their memorable expedition.

   Soldiers, we will not lay down our arms until a general peace has
   secured the power of our allies and restored to us our colonies and
   our freedom of trade. We have gained on the Elbe and the Oder,
   Pondicherry, our Indian establishments, the Cape of Good Hope, and
   the Spanish colonies. Why should the Russians have the right of
   opposing destiny and thwarting our just designs? They and we are
   still the soldiers who fought at Austerlitz.
</pre>
    <p>
      Rapp thus describes the entrance of the French into Warsaw, and adds a few
      anecdotes connected with that event:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "At length we entered the Polish capital. The King of Naples had
   preceded us, and had driven the Russians from the city. Napoleon
   was received with enthusiasm. The Poles thought that the moment of
   their regeneration had arrived, and that their wishes were
   fulfilled. It would be difficult to describe the joy thus evinced,
   and the respect with which they treated us. The French troops,
   however, were not quite so well pleased; they manifested the
   greatest repugnance to crossing the Vistula. The idea of want and
   bad weather had inspired them with the greatest aversion to Poland,
   and they were inexhaustible, in their jokes on the country."
</pre>
    <p>
      When Bonaparte dictated his proclamations&mdash;and how many have I not
      written from his dictation!&mdash;he was for the moment inspired, and he
      evinced all the excitement which distinguishes the Italian improvisatori.
      To follow him it was necessary to write with inconceivable rapidity. When
      I have read over to him what he has dictated I have often known him to
      smile triumphantly at the effect which he expected any particular phrase
      would produce. In general his proclamations turned on three distinct
      points&mdash;(1) Praising his soldiers for what they had done; (2)
      pointing out to them what they had yet to do; and (3) abusing his enemies.
      The proclamation to which I have just now alluded was circulated profusely
      through Germany, and it is impossible to conceive the effect it produced.
      on the whole army. The corps stationed in the rear burned too pass, by
      forced marches, the space which still separated them from headquarters;
      and those who were nearer the Emperor forgot their fatigues and privations
      and were only anxious to encounter the enemy. They frequently could not
      understand what Napoleon said in these proclamations; but no matter for
      that, they would have followed him cheerfully barefooted and without
      provisions. Such was the enthusiasm, or rather the fanaticism, which
      Napoleon could inspire among his troops when he thought proper to rouse
      them, as he termed it.
    </p>
    <p>
      When, on a former occasion, I spoke of the Duke of, Mecklenburg-Schwerin
      and his family, I forgot a circumstance respecting my intercourse with him
      which now occurs to my memory. When, on his expulsion from his States,
      after the battle of Jena, he took refuge in Altona, he requested, through
      the medium of his Minister at Hamburg, Count von Plessen, that I would
      give him permission occasionally to visit that city. This permission I
      granted without hesitation; but the Duke observed no precaution in his
      visits, and I made some friendly observations to him on the subject. I
      knew the object of his visits. It was a secret connection in Hamburg; but
      in consequence of my observations he removed the lady to Altona, and
      assured me that he adopted that determination to avoid committing me. He
      afterwards came very seldom to Hamburg; but as we were on the best
      understanding with Denmark I frequently saw his daughter, and son-in-law,
      who used to visit me at a house I had in Holstein, near Altona.
    </p>
    <p>
      There I likewise saw, almost every day, the Duke of Weimar, an excellent
      old man. I had the advantage of being on such terms of intimacy with him
      that my house was in some measure his. He also had lost his States. I was
      so happy as to contribute to their restitution, for my situation enabled
      me to exercise some influence on the political indulgences or severities
      of the Government. I entertained a sincere regard for the Duke of Weimar,
      and I greatly regretted his departure. No sooner had he arrived in Berlin
      than he wrote me a letter of, thanks, to which he added the present of a
      diamond, in token of his grateful remembrance of me. The Duke of
      Mecklenburg was not so fortunate as the Duke of Weimar, in spite of his
      alliance with the reigning family of Denmark. He was obliged to remain at
      Altona until the July following, for his States were restored only by the
      Treaty of Tilsit. As soon as it was known that the Emperor had returns to
      Paris the Duke's son, the Hereditary Prince, visited me in Hamburg, and
      asked me whether I thought he could present himself to the Emperor, for
      the purpose of expressing his own and his father's gratitude. He was a
      very well-educated young man. He set out, accompanied by M. Oertzen and
      Baron von Brandstaten. Some time afterwards I saw his name in the
      Moniteur, in one of the lists of presentations to Napoleon, the collection
      of which, during the Empire, might be regarded as a general register of
      the nobility of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is commonly said that we may accustom ourselves to anything, but to me
      this remark is subject to an exception; for, in spite of the necessity to
      which I was reduced of employing spies, I never could surmount the disgust
      I felt at them, especially when I saw men destined to fill a respectable
      rank in society degrade themselves to that infamous profession. It is
      impossible to conceive the artifices to which these men resort to gain the
      confidence of those whom they wish to betray. Of this the following
      example just now occurs to my mind.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of those wretches who are employed in certain circumstances, and by
      all parties, came to offer his services to me. His name was Butler, and he
      had been sent from England to the Continent as a spy upon the French
      Government. He immediately came to me, complaining of pretended enemies
      and unjust treatment. He told me he had the greatest wish to serve the
      Emperor, and that he would make any sacrifice to prove his fidelity. The
      real motive of his change of party was, as it is with all such men, merely
      the hope of a higher reward. Most extraordinary were the schemes he
      adopted to prevent his old employers from suspecting that he was serving
      new ones. To me he continually repeated how happy he was to be revenged on
      his enemies in London. He asked me to allow him to go to Paris to be
      examined by the Minister of Police. The better to keep up the deception he
      requested that on his arrival in Paris he might be confined in the Temple,
      and that there might be inserted in the French journals an announcement in
      the following terms:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "John Butler, commonly called Count Butler, has just been arrested
   and sent to Paris under a good escort by the French Minister at
   Hamburg."
</pre>
    <p>
      At the expiration of a few weeks Butler, having received his
      instruction's, set out for London, but by way of precaution he said it
      would be well to publish in the journals another announcement; which was
      as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "John Butler, who has been arrested in Hamburg as an English agent,
   and conveyed to Paris, is ordered to quit France and the territories
   occupied by the French armies and their allies, and not to appear
   there again until the general peace."
</pre>
    <p>
      In England Butler enjoyed the honours of French prosecution. He was
      regarded as a victim who deserved all the confidence of the enemies of
      France. He furnished Fouché with a considerable amount of information, and
      he was fortunate enough to escape being hanged.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the pretended necessity of employing secret agents,
      Bonaparte was unwilling that, even under that pretext, too many
      communications should be established between France and England: Fouché,
      nevertheless, actively directed the evolutions of his secret army. Ever
      ready to seize on anything that could give importance to the police and
      encourage the suspicions of the Emperor, Fouché wrote to me that the
      government had received certain&mdash;information that many Frenchmen
      traveling for commercial houses in France were at Manchester purchasing
      articles of English manufacture. This was true; but how was it to be
      prevented? These traveling clerks passed through Holland, where they
      easily procured a passage to England.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis Bonaparte, conceiving that the King of Holland ought to sacrifice
      the interests of his new subjects to the wishes of his brother, was at
      first very lenient as to the disastrous Continental system. But at this
      Napoleon soon manifested his displeasure, and about the end of the year
      1806 Louis was reduced to the necessity of ordering the strict observance
      of the blockade. The facility with which the travelers of French
      commercial houses passed from Holland to England gave rise to other alarms
      on the part of the French Government. It was said that since Frenchmen
      could so easily pass from the Continent to Great Britain, the agents of
      the English Cabinet might, by the same means, find their way to the
      Continent. Accordingly the consuls were directed to keep a watchful eye,
      not only upon individuals who evidently came from England, but upon those
      who might by any possibility come from that country. This plan was all
      very well, but how was it to be put into execution? . . . The Continent
      was, nevertheless, inundated with articles of English manufacture, for
      this simple reason, that, however powerful may be the will of a sovereign,
      it is still less powerful and less lasting than the wants of a people. The
      Continental system reminded me of the law created by an ancient
      legislator, who, for a crime which he conceived could not possibly be
      committed, condemned the person who should be guilty of it to throw a bull
      over Mount Taurus.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is not my present design to trace a picture of the state of Europe at
      the close of 1806. I will merely throw together a few facts which came to
      my knowledge at the time, and which I find in my correspondence. I have
      already mentioned that the Emperor arrived at Warsaw on the 1st of
      January. During his stay at Posen he had, by virtue of a treaty concluded
      with the Elector of Saxony, founded a new kingdom, and consequently
      extended his power in Germany, by the annexation of the new Kingdom of
      Saxony to the Confederation of the Rhine. By the terms of this treaty
      Saxony, so justly famed for her cavalry, was to furnish the Emperor with a
      contingent of 20,000 men and horses.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was quite a new spectacle to the Princes of Germany, all accustomed to
      old habits of etiquette, to see an upstart sovereign treat them as
      subjects, and even oblige them to consider themselves as such. Those
      famous Saxons, who had made Charlemagne tremble, threw themselves on the
      protection of the Emperor; and the alliance of the head of the House of
      Saxony was not a matter of indifference to Napoleon, for the new King was,
      on account of his age, his tastes, and his character, more revered than
      any other German Prince.
    </p>
    <p>
      From the moment of Napoleon's arrival at Warsaw until the commencement of
      hostilities against the Russians he was continually solicited to
      reestablish the throne of Poland, and to restore its chivalrous
      independence to the ancient empire of the Jagellons. A person who was at
      that time in Warsaw told me that the Emperor was in the greatest
      uncertainty as to what he should do respecting Poland. He was entreated to
      reestablish that ancient and heroic kingdom; but he came to no decision,
      preferring, according to custom, to submit to events, that he might appear
      to command them. At Warsaw, indeed, the Emperor passed a great part of his
      time in fetes and reviews, which, however, did not prevent him from
      watching, with his eagle eye, every department of the public service, both
      interior and exterior. He himself was in the capital of Poland, but his
      vast influence was present everywhere. I heard Duroc say, when we were
      conversing together about the campaign of Tilsit, that Napoleon's activity
      and intelligence were never more conspicuously developed.
    </p>
    <p>
      One very remarkable feature of the imperial wars was, that, with the
      exception of the interior police, of which Fouché was the soul, the whole
      government of France was at the headquarters of the Emperor. At Warsaw
      Napoleon's attention was not only occupied with the affairs of his army,
      but he directed the whole machinery of the French Government just the same
      as if he had been in Paris. Daily estafettes, and frequently the useless
      auditors of the Council of State, brought him reports more or less
      correct, and curious disclosures which were frequently the invention of
      the police. The portfolios of the Ministers arrived every week, with the
      exception of those of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister of
      the War Department; the former had first stopped at Mayence with the
      Empress, but had been called on to Warsaw; and the latter, Clarke, was,
      for the misfortune of Berlin, governor of that city. This state of things
      lasted during the ten months of the Emperor's absence from Paris. Louis
      XIV. said, "I am myself the State." Napoleon did not say this; but, in
      fact, under his reign the Government of France was always at his
      headquarters. This circumstance had well-nigh proved fatal to him, on the
      occasion of the extraordinary conspiracy of Malet, with some points of
      which I alone, perhaps, am thoroughly acquainted. The Emperor employed the
      month of January in military preparations for the approaching attack of
      the Russians, but at the same time he did not neglect the business of the
      cabinet: with him nothing was suffered to linger in arrear.
    </p>
    <p>
      While Napoleon was at Warsaw a battle was not the only thing to be thought
      about; affairs were much more complicated than during the campaign of
      Vienna. It was necessary, on the one hand, to observe Prussia, which was
      occupied; and on the other to anticipate the Russians, whose movements
      indicated that they were inclined to strike the first blow. In the
      preceding campaign Austria, before the taking of Vienna, was engaged
      alone. The case was different now: Austria had had only soldiers; and
      Prussia, as Blücher declared to me, was beginning to have citizens. There
      was no difficulty in returning from Vienna, but a great deal in returning
      from Warsaw, in case of failure, notwithstanding the creation of the
      Kingdom of Saxony, and the provisional government given to Prussia, and to
      the other States of Germany which we had conquered. None of these
      considerations escaped the penetration of Napoleon: nothing was omitted in
      the notes, letters, and official correspondence which came to me from all
      quarters. Receiving, as I did, accurate information from my own
      correspondents of all that was passing in Germany, it often happened that
      I transmitted to the Government the same news which it transmitted to me,
      not supposing that I previously knew it. Thus, for example, I thought I
      was apprising the Government of the arming of Austria, of which I received
      information from headquarters a few days after.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the Prussian campaign Austria played precisely the same waiting
      game which Prussia had played clueing the campaign of Austria. As Prussia
      had, before the battle of Austerlitz, awaited the success or defeat of the
      French to decide whether she should remain neutral or declare herself
      against France, so Austria, doubtless supposing that Russia would be more
      fortunate as the ally of Prussia than she had been as her ally, assembled
      a corps of 40,000 men in Bohemia. That corps was called an army of
      observation; but the nature of these armies of observation is well known;
      they belong to the class of armed neutralities, like the ingenious
      invention of sanitary cordons. The fact is, that the 40,000 men assembled
      in Bohemia were destined to aid and assist the Russians in case they
      should be successful (and who can blame the Austrian Government for
      wishing to wash away the shame of the Treaty of Presburg?). Napoleon had
      not a moment to lose, but this activity required no spur; he had hastened
      the battle of Austerlitz to anticipate Prussia, and he now found it
      necessary to anticipate Russia in order to keep Austria in a state of
      indecision.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor, therefore, left Warsaw about the end of January, and
      immediately gave orders for engaging the Russian army in the beginning of
      February; but, in spite of his desire of commencing the attack, he was
      anticipated. On the 8th of February, at seven in the morning, he was
      attacked by the Russians, who advanced during a terrible storm of snow,
      which fell in large flakes. They approached Preussich-Eylau, where the
      Emperor was, and the Imperial Guard stopped the Russian column. Nearly the
      whole French army was engaged in that battle-one of the most sanguinary
      ever fought in Europe. The corps commanded by Bernadotte was not engaged,
      in the contest; it had been stationed on the left at Mohrungen, whence it
      menaced Dantzic. The issue of the battle would have been very different
      had the four, divisions of infantry and the two of cavalry composing
      Bernadotte's corps arrived in time; but unfortunately the officer
      instructed to convey orders to Bernadotte to march without delay on
      Preussich-Eylau was taken by a body of Cossacks; Bernadotte, therefore,
      did not arrive. Bonaparte, who always liked to throw blame on some one if
      things did not turn out exactly as he wished, attributed the doubtful
      success of the day to the absence of Bernadotte; in this he was right; but
      to make his absence a reproach to that Marshal was a gross injustice.
      Bernadotte was accused of not having been willing to march on
      Preussich-Eylau, though, as it was alleged, General d'Hautpoult had
      informed him of the necessity of his presence. But how can that fact be
      ascertained, since General d'Hautpoult was killed on that same day? Who
      can assure us that that General had been able to communicate with the
      Marshal?
    </p>
    <p>
      Those who knew Bonaparte, his cunning, and the artful advantage he would
      sometimes take of words which he attributed to the dead, will easily solve
      the enigma. The battle of Eylau was terrible. Night came on&mdash;Bernadotte's
      corps was instantly, but in vain, expected; and after a great loss the
      French army had the melancholy honour of passing the night on the field of
      battle. Bernadotte at length arrived, but too late. He met the enemy, who
      were retreating without the fear of being molested towards Konigsberg, the
      only capital remaining to Prussia. The King of Prussia was then at Memel,
      a small port on the Baltic, thirty leagues from Konigsberg.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the battle of Eylau both sides remained stationary, and several days
      elapsed without anything remarkable taking place. The offers of peace made
      by the Emperor, with very little earnestness it is true, were disdainfully
      rejected, as if a victory disputed with Napoleon was to be regarded as a
      triumph. The battle of Eylau seemed to turn the heads of the Russians, who
      chanted Te Deum on the occasion. But while the Emperor was making
      preparations to advance, his diplomacy was taking effect in a distant
      quarter, and raising up against Russia an old and formidable enemy. Turkey
      declared war against her. This was a powerful diversion, and obliged
      Russia to strip her western frontiers to secure a line of defence on the
      south.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after General Gardanne set out on the famous embassy to Persia;
      for which the way had been paved by the success of the mission of my
      friend, Amedee Jaubert. This embassy was not merely one of those pompous
      legations such as Charlemagne, Louis XIV., and Louis XVI. received from
      the Empress Irene, the King of Siam, and Tippoo Saib. It was connected
      with ideas which Bonaparte had conceived at the very dawn of his power. It
      was, indeed, the light from the East which fast enabled him to see his
      greatness in perspective; and that light never ceased to fix his attention
      and dazzle his imagination. I know well that Gardanne's embassy was at
      first conceived on a much grander scale than that on which it was
      executed. Napoleon had resolved to send to the Shah of Persia 4000
      infantry, commanded by chosen and experienced officers, 10,000 muskets,
      and 50 pieces, of cannon; and I also know that orders were given for the
      execution of this design. The avowed object of the Emperor was to enable
      the Shah of Persia to make an important diversion, with 80,000 men, in,
      the eastern provinces of Russia. But there was likewise another, an old
      and constant object, which was always, uppermost in Napoleon's mind,
      namely the wish to strike at England in the very heart of her Asiatic
      possessions. Such was the principal motive of Gardanne's mission, but
      circumstances did not permit the Emperor, to, give, it, all the importance
      he desired. He contented himself with sending a few officers of engineers
      and artillery, to Persia, who, on their arrival, were astonished at the
      number of English they found there.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI.
    </h2>

      1807

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Abuse of military power&mdash;Defence of diplomatic rights&mdash;Marshal Brune
   &mdash;Army supplies&mdash;English cloth and leather&mdash;Arrest on a charge of
   libel&mdash;Dispatch from M. Talleyrand&mdash;A page of Napoleon's glory&mdash;
   Interview between the two Emperors at Tilsit,&mdash;Silesia restored to
   the Queen of Prussia&mdash;Unfortunate situation in Prussia&mdash;
   Impossibility of reestablishing Poland in 1807&mdash;Foundation of the
   Kingdom of Westphalia&mdash;The Duchy of Warsaw and the King of Saxony.
</pre>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the internal affairs of the towns over which my diplomatic
      jurisdiction extended soon gave me more employment than ever. The greatest
      misfortune of the Empire was, perhaps, the abuse of the right arrogated by
      the wearers of epaulettes. My situation gave me an opportunity of
      observing all the odious character of a military government. Another in my
      place could not have done all that I did. I say this confidently, for my
      situation was a distinct and independent one, as Bonaparte had told me:
      Being authorised to correspond directly with the Emperor; the military
      chiefs feared, if they did not yield to my just representations, that I
      would made private reports; this apprehension was wonderfully useful in
      enabling me to maintain the rights of the towns, which had adopted me as
      their first citizen.
    </p>
    <p>
      A circumstance occurred in which I had to defend the rights of the
      diplomatic and commercial agents against the pretensions of military
      power. Marshal Brune during his government at Hamburg, went to Bremman. to
      watch the strict execution of the illusive blockade against England. The
      Marshal acting no doubt, in conformity with the instructions of Clarke,
      then Minister of War and Governor of Berlin, wished to arrogate the right
      of deciding on the captures made by our cruisers.
    </p>
    <p>
      He attempted to prevent the Consul Lagau from selling the confiscated
      ships in order to sell them himself. Of this M. Lagau complained to me.
      The more I observed a disposition to encroach on the part of the military
      authorities, the more I conceived it necessary to maintain the rights of
      the consuls, and to favour their influence, without which they would have
      lost their consideration. To the complaints of M. Lagau I replied, "That
      to him alone belonged the right of deciding, in the first instance, on the
      fate of the ships; that he could not be deprived of that right without
      changing the law; that he was free to sell the confiscated Prussian ships;
      that Marshall Brune was at Bremen only for the execution of the decree
      respecting the blockade of England, and that he ought not to interfere in
      business unconnected with that decree." Lagau showed this letter to Brune,
      who then allowed him to do as he wished; but it was an affair of profit,
      and the Marshal for a long time owed me a grudge.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte was exceedingly disinterested, but he loved to be talked about.
      The more the Emperor endeavoured to throw accusations upon him, the more
      he was anxious to give publicity to all his actions. He sent to me an
      account of the brilliant affair of Braunsburg, in which a division of the
      first corps had been particularly distinguished. Along with this narrative
      he sent me a note in the following terms:&mdash;"I send you, my dear.
      Minister, an account of the affair of Braunsburg. You will, perhaps, think
      proper to publish it. In that case I shall be obliged by your getting it
      inserted in the Hamburg journals," I did so. The injustice of the Emperor,
      and the bad way in which he spoke of Bernadotte, obliged the latter,&mdash;for
      the sake of his own credit, to make the truth known to the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have already mentioned that I received an order from the Emperor to
      supply 50,000 cloaks for the army. With this order, which was not the only
      one I received of the same kind, some circumstances were connected which I
      may take the present opportunity of explaining.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor gave me so many orders for army clothing that all that could
      be supplied by the cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lübeck would have been
      insufficient for executing the commissions. I entered into a treaty with a
      house in Hamburg, which I authorised, in spite of the Berlin decree, to
      bring cloth and leather from England. Thus I procured these articles in a
      sure and cheap way. Our troops might have perished of cold had the
      Continental system and the absurd mass of inexecutable decrees relative to
      English merchandise been observed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Director of the Customs at Hamburg got angry, but I held firm: my
      cloths and my leather arrived; cloaks, coats; boots, all were promptly
      made, and our soldiers thus were sheltered from the severity of the
      season. To preserve peace with the Imperial Custom-house I wrote to M.
      Collie, then Director-General, that M. Eudel having wished to put in
      execution the law of the 10th Brumaire and complaints had been made on
      every side. Marshal Brune asked for my opinion on this matter, and I gave
      it to him. I declared to M. Collie that the full execution of the decree
      of 31st October 1796 was impracticable, injurious to France, and to the
      Hanseatic Towns, without doing harm to England. Indeed, what said article
      5 of this law? "All goods imported from foreign countries, whatever may be
      their origin, are to be considered as coming from English manufacturers."
      According to this article France was a foreign country for the Hanseatic
      Towns, and none of the objects enumerated in this article ought to enter
      Hamburg! But the town received from England a large quantity of fine
      cloths, buttons; ironmongery, toys, china; and from France only clocks,
      bronzes, jewellery, ribbons, bonnets, gauzes and gloves. "Let," said I to
      M. Eudel, "the Paris Duane be asked what that town alone exports in
      matters of this sort and it will be seen how important it is not to stop a
      trade all the more profitable to France, as the workmanship forms the
      greatest part of the price of the goods which make up this trade. What
      would happen if the importation of these goods were absolutely prohibited
      in Hamburg? The consignments would cease, and one of the most productive
      sources of trade for France, and especially for Paris would be cut off."
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time neither Hamburg nor its territory had any manufacture of
      cloth. All woollen stuffs were prohibited, according to M. Eudel, and
      still my duty was to furnish, and I had furnished, 50,000 cloaks for the
      Grand Army. In compliance with a recent Imperial decree I had to have made
      without delay 16,000 coats, 37,000 waistcoats, and the Emperor required of
      me 200,000 pairs of boots, besides the 40,000 pairs I had sent in. Yet M.
      Eudel said that tanned and worked leather ought not to enter Hamburg! If
      such a ridiculous application of the law of 1796 had been made it would
      have turned the decree of 21st November 1796 against France, without
      fulfilling its object.
    </p>
    <p>
      These reflections, to which I added other details, made the Government
      conclude that I was right, and I traded with England to the great
      advantage of the armies, which were well clothed and shod. What in the
      world can be more ridiculous than commercial laws carried out to one's own
      detriment?
    </p>
    <p>
      At the beginning of 1807 my occupations at Hamburg were divided between
      the furnishing of supplies for the army and the inspection of the
      emigrants, whom Fouché pretended to dread in order to give greater
      importance to his office.
    </p>
    <p>
      I never let slip an opportunity of mitigating the rigour of Fouché's
      orders, which, indeed, were sometimes so absurd that I did not attempt to
      execute them. Of this an instance occurs to my recollection. A printer at
      Hamburg had been arrested on the charge of having printed a libel in the
      German language. The man was detained in prison because, very much to his
      honour, he would not disclose the name of the writer of the pamphlet. I
      sent for him and questioned him. He told me, with every appearance of
      sincerity, that he had never but once seen the man who had brought him the
      manuscript. I was convinced of the truth of what he said, and I gave an
      order for his liberation. To avoid irritating the susceptibility of the
      Minister of Police I wrote to him the following few lines:&mdash;"The
      libel is the most miserable rhapsody imaginable. The author, probably with
      the view of selling his pamphlet in Holstein, predicts that Denmark will
      conquer every other nation and become the greatest kingdom in the world.
      This alone will suffice to prove to you how little clanger there is in
      rubbish written in the style of the Apocalypse."
    </p>
    <p>
      After the battle of Eylau I received a despatch from M. de Talleyrand, to
      which was added an account in French of that memorable battle, which was
      more fatal to the conqueror than to the other party,&mdash;I cannot say
      the conquered in speaking of the Russians, the more especially when I
      recollect the precautions which were then taken throughout Germany to make
      known the French before the Russian version. The Emperor was exceedingly
      anxious that every one should view that event as he himself viewed it.
      Other accounts than his might have produced an unfavourable impression in
      the north. I therefore had orders to publish that account. I caused 2000
      copies of it to be issued, which were more than sufficient for circulation
      in the Hanse Towns and their territories.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reader will perhaps complain that I have been almost silent with
      respect to the grand manoeuvres of the French army from the battle of
      Eylau to that of Friedland, where, at all events, our success was
      indisputable. There was no necessity for printing favourable versions of
      that event, and, besides, its immense results were soon felt throughout
      Europe. The interview at Tilsit is one of the culminating points of modern
      history, and the waters of the Niemen reflected the image of Napoleon at
      the height of his glory. The interview between the two Emperors at Tilsit,
      and the melancholy situation of the King of Prussia, are generally known.
      I was made acquainted with but few secret details relative to those
      events, for Rapp had gone to Dantzic, and it was he who most readily
      communicated to me all that the Emperor said and did, and all that was
      passing around him.&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Savory gives the following account of the interview between
   Napoleon and Alexander at Tilsit.

   "The Emperor Napoleon, whose courtesy was manifest in all his
   actions, ordered a large raft to be floated in the middle of the
   river, upon which was constructed a room well covered in and
   elegantly decorated having two doors on opposite aides, each of
   which opened into an antechamber. The work could not have been
   better executed in Paris. The roof was surmounted by two
   weathercocks: one displaying the eagle of Russia, and the other the
   eagle of France. The two outer doors were also surmounted by the
   eagles of the two countries.

   "The raft was precisely in the middle of the river, with the two
   doors of the salon facing the two opposite banks.

   "The two sovereigns appeared on the banks of the river, and embarked
   at the same moment But the Emperor Napoleon having a good boat,
   manned by marines of the Guard, arrived first on the raft, entered
   the room, and went to the opposite door, which he opened, and then
   stationed himself on the edge of the raft to receive the Emperor
   Alexander, who had not yet arrived, not having each good rowers as
   the Emperor Napoleon.

   "The two Emperors met in the most amicable way, et least to all
   appearance. They remained together for a considerable time, and
   then took leave of each other with as friendly an air as that with
   which they had met.

   "Next day the Emperor of Russia established himself at Tilsit with a
   battalion of his Guard. Orders were given for evacuating that part
   of the town where he and his battalion were to be quartered; and,
   though we were very much pressed for room, no encroachment on the
   space allotted to the Russians was thought of.

   "On the day the Emperor Alexander, entered Tilsit the whole army was
   under arms. The Imperial Guard was drawn out in two lines of three
   deep from the landing-place to the Emperor Napoleon's quarters, and
   from thence to the quarters of the Emperor of Russia. A salute of
   100 guns was fired the moment Alexander stepped ashore on the spot
   where the Emperor Napoleon was waiting to receive him. The latter
   carried his attention to his visitor so far as to send from his
   quarters the furniture for Alexander's bedchamber. Among the
   articles sent was a camp-bed belonging to the Emperor, which he
   presented to Alexander, who appeared much pleased with the gift.

   "This meeting; the first which history records of the same kind and
   of equal importance, attracted visitors to Tilsit from 100 leagues
   round. M. de Talleyrand arrived, and after the observance of the
   usual ceremonies business began to be discussed." (Memoirs of the
   Duc de Rovigo, tome iii. p. 117).

   "When," said Napoleon, "I was at Tilsit with the Emperor Alexander
   and the King of Prussia, I was the most ignorant of the three in
   military affairs. These two sovereigns, especially the King of
   Prussia, were completely 'au fait' as to the number of buttons there
   ought to be in front of a jacket, how many behind, and the manner in
   which the skirts ought to be cut. Not a tailor in the army knew
   better than King Frederick how many measures of cloth it took to
   make a jacket. In fact," continued he laughing, "I was nobody in
   comparison with them. They continually tormented me about matters
   belonging to tailors, of which I was entirely ignorant, although, in
   order not to affront them, I answered just as gravely as if the fate
   of an army depended upon the cut of a jacket. When I went to see
   the King of Prussia, instead of a library, I found that he had a
   large room, like an arsenal, furnished with shelves and pegs; on
   which were hung fifty or sixty jackets of different patterns. Every
   day he changed his fashion and put on a different one. He attached
   more importance to this than was necessary for the salvation of a
   kingdom." (O'Meara's Napoleon in Exile.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I, however, learned one circumstance peculiarly worthy of remark which
      occurred in the Emperor's apartments at Tilsit the first time he received
      a visit from the King of Prussia. That unfortunate monarch, who was
      accompanied by Queen Louisa, had taken refuge in a mill beyond the town.
      This was his sole habitation, whilst the Emperors occupied the two
      portions of the town, which is divided by the Niemen. The fact I am about
      to relate reached me indirectly through the medium of an offices of the
      Imperial Guard, who was on duty in Napoleon's apartments and was an
      eye-witness of it. When the Emperor Alexander visited Napoleon they
      continued for a long time in conversation on a balcony below, where as
      immense crowd hailed their meeting with enthusiastic shouts. Napoleon
      commenced the conversation, as he did the year preceding with the Emperor
      of Austria, by speaking of the uncertain fate of war. Whilst they were
      conversing the King of Prussia was announced. The King's emotion was
      visible, and may easily be imagined; for as hostilities were suspended,
      and his territory in possession of the French, his only hope was in the
      generosity of the conqueror. Napoleon himself, it is said, appeared moved
      by his situation, and invited him, together with the Queen, to dinner. On
      sitting down to table Napoleon with great gallantry told the beautiful
      Queen that he would restore to her Silesia, a province which she earnestly
      wished should be retained in the new arrangements which were necessarily
      about to take place.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Las Cases mentions that at the time of the treaty of Tilsit
   Napoleon wrote to the Empress Josephine as follows:

   "'The Queen of Prussia is really a charming woman. She is fond of
   coquetting with me; but do not be jealous: I am like oilcloth, along
   which everything of this sort elides without penetrating. It would
   cost me too dear to play the gallant'

   "On this subject an anecdote was related in the salon of Josephine.
   It was said that the Queen of Prussia one day had a beautiful rose
   in her hand, which the Emperor asked her to give him. The Queen
   hesitated for a few moments, and then presented it to him, saying,
   'Why should I so readily grant what you request, while you remain
   deaf to all my entreaties?' (She alluded to the fortress of
   Magdeburg, which she had earnestly solicited)." (Memorial de St.
   Helene).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The treaty of peace concluded at Tilsit between France and Russia, on the
      7th of July, and ratified two days after, produced no less striking a
      change in the geographical division of Europe than had been effected the
      year preceding by the Treaty of Presburg. The treaty contained no
      stipulation dishonourable to Russia, whose territory was preserved
      inviolate; but how was Prussia treated? Some historians, for the vain
      pleasure of flattering by posthumous praises the pretended moderation of
      Napoleon, have almost reproached him for having suffered some remnants of
      the monarchy of the great Frederick to survive. There is, nevertheless, a
      point on which Napoleon has been wrongfully condemned, at least with
      reference to the campaign of 1807. It has been said that he should at that
      period have re-established the kingdom of Poland; and certainly there is
      every reason to regret, for the interests of France and Europe, that it
      was not re-established. But when a desire, even founded on reason, is not
      carried into effect, should we conclude that the wished-for object ought
      to be achieved in defiance of all obstacles? At that time, that is to say,
      during the campaign of Tilsit, insurmountable obstacles existed.
    </p>
    <p>
      If, however, by the Treaty of Tilsit, the throne of Poland was not
      restored to serve as a barrier between old Europe and the Empire of the
      Czars, Napoleon founded a Kingdom of Westphalia, which he gave to the
      young 'ensigne de vaisseau' whom he had scolded as a schoolboy, and whom
      he now made a King, that he might have another crowned prefect under his
      control. The Kingdom of Westphalia was composed of the States of
      Hesse-Cassel, of a part of the provinces taken from Prussia by the
      moderation of the Emperor, and of the States of Paderborn, Fulda,
      Brunswick, and a part of the Electorate of Hanover. Napoleon, at the same
      time, though he did not like to do things by halves, to avoid touching the
      Russian and Austrian provinces of old Poland, planted on the banks of the
      Vistula the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which he gave to the King of Saxony,
      with the intention of increasing or destroying it afterwards as he might
      find convenient. Thus he allowed the Poles to hope better things for the
      future, and ensured to himself partisans in the north should the chances
      of fortune call him thither. Alexander, who was cajoled even more than his
      father had been by what I may call the political coquetry of Napoleon,
      consented to all these arrangements, acknowledged 'in globo' all the kings
      crowned by the Emperor, and accepted some provinces which had belonged to
      his despoiled ally, the King of Prussia, doubtless by way of consolation
      for not having been able to get more restored to Prussia. The two Emperors
      parted the best friends in the world; but the Continental system was still
      in existence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII.
    </h2>

      1807.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Effect produced at Altona by the Treaty of Tilsit&mdash;The Duke of
   Mecklenburg-Schwerin's departure from Hamburg&mdash;English squadron in
   the Sound&mdash;Bombardment of Copenhagen&mdash;Perfidy of England&mdash;Remark of
   Bonaparte to M. Lemercier&mdash;Prussia erased from the map&mdash;Napoleon's
   return to Paris&mdash;Suppression of the Tribunate&mdash;Confiscation of
   English merchandise&mdash;Nine millions gained to France&mdash;M. Caulaincourt
   Ambassador to Russia&mdash;Repugnance of England to the intervention of
   Russia&mdash;Affairs of Portugal&mdash;Junot appointed to command the army&mdash;
   The Prince Regent's departure for the Brazils&mdash;The Code Napoleon&mdash;
   Introduction of the French laws into Germany&mdash;Leniency of Hamburg
   Juries&mdash;The stolen cloak and the Syndic Doormann.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Treaty of Tilsit, as soon as it was known at Altona, spread
      consternation amongst the emigrants. As to the German Princes, who were
      awaiting the issue of events either at Altolna or Hamburg, when they
      learned that a definitive treaty of peace had been signed between France
      and Russia, and that two days after the Treaty of Tilsit the Prussian
      monarchy was placed at the mercy of Napoleon, every courier that arrived
      threw them into indescribable agitation. It depended on the Emperor's will
      whether they were to be or not to be. The Duke of Mecklenburg- Schwerin
      had not succeeded in getting himself re-established in his states, by an
      exceptional decision, like the Duke of Weimar; but at length he obtained
      the restitution of his territory at the request of the Emperor Alexander,
      and on the 28th of July he quitted Hamburg to return to his Duchy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Danish charge d'affaires communicated to me about the same time an
      official report from his Government. This report announced that on Monday,
      the 3d of August, a squadron consisting of twelve ships of the line and
      twelve frigates, commanded by Admiral Gambier, had passed the Sound. The
      rest of the squadron was seen in the Categat. At the same time the English
      troops which were in the island of Rugen had reembarked. We could not then
      conceive what enterprise this considerable force had been sent upon. But
      our uncertainty was soon at an end. M. Didelot, the French Ambassador at
      Copenhagen, arrived at Hamburg, at nine o'clock in the evening of the 12th
      of August. He had been fortunate enough to pass through the Great Belt,
      though in sight of the English, without being stopped. I forwarded his
      report to Paris by an extraordinary courier.
    </p>
    <p>
      The English had sent 20,000 men and twenty-seven vessels into the Baltic;
      Lord Cathcart commanded the troops. The coast of Zealand was blockaded by
      ninety vessels. Mr. Jackson, who had been sent by England to negotiate
      with Denmark, which she feared would be invaded by the French troops,
      supported the propositions he was charged to offer to Denmark by a
      reference to this powerful British force. Mr. Jackson's proposals had for
      their object nothing less than to induce the King of Denmark to place in
      the custody of England the whole of his ships and naval stores. They were,
      it is true, to be kept in deposit, but the condition contained the words,
      "until the conclusion of a general peace," which rendered the period of
      their restoration uncertain. They were to be detained until such
      precautions should be no longer necessary. A menace and its execution
      followed close upon this demand. After a noble but useless resistance, and
      a terrific bombardment, Copenhagen surrendered, and the Danish fleet was
      destroyed. It would be difficult to find in history a more infamous and
      revolting instance of the abuse of power against weakness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sometime after this event a pamphlet entitled "Germania" appeared, which I
      translated and sent to the Emperor. It was eloquently written, and
      expressed the indignation which the conduct of England had excited in the
      author as in every one else.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["That expedition," said Napoleon at St. Helena, "showed great
   energy on the part of your Ministers: but setting aside the
   violation of the laws of, nations which you committed&mdash;for in fact
   it was nothing but a robbery&mdash;I think that it was; injurious to your
   interests, as it made the Danish nation irreconcilable enemies to
   you, and in fact shut you out of the north for three years. When I
   heard of it I said, I am glad of it, as it will embroil England
   irrecoverably with the Northern Powers. The Danes being able to
   join me with sixteen sail of the line was of but little consequence.
   I had plenty of ships, and only wanted seamen, whom you did not
   take, and whom I obtained afterwards, while by the expedition your
   Ministers established their characters as faithless, and as persons
   with whom no engagements, no laws were binding." (Voice from St.
   Helena.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I have stated what were the principal consequences of the Treaty of
      Tilsit; it is more than probable that if the bombardment of Copenhagen had
      preceded the treaty the Emperor would have used Prussia even worse than he
      did. He might have erased her from the list of nations; but he did not do
      so, out of regard to the Emperor Alexander. The destruction of Prussia was
      no new project with Bonaparte. I remember an observation of his to M.
      Lemercier upon that subject when we first went to reside at Malmaison. M.
      Lemercier had been reading to the First Consul some poem in which
      Frederick the Great was spoken of. "You seem to admire him greatly," said
      Bonaparte to M. Lemercier; "what do you find in him so astonishing? He is
      not equal to Turenne."&mdash;"General," replied M. Lemercier, "it is not
      merely the warrior that I esteem in Frederick; it is impossible to refrain
      from admiring a man who was a philosopher even on the throne." To this the
      First Consul replied, in a half ill-humoured tone, "Certainly, Lemercier;
      but Frederick's philosophy shall not prevent me from erasing his kingdom
      from the map of Europe." The kingdom of Frederick the Great was not,
      however, obliterated from the map, because the Emperor of Russia would not
      basely abandon a faithful ally who had incurred with him the chances of
      fortune. Prussia then bitterly had to lament the tergiversations which had
      prevented her from declaring herself against France during the campaign of
      Austerlitz.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon returned to Paris about the end of July after an absence of ten
      months, the longest he had yet made since he had been at the head of the
      French Government, whether as Consul or Emperor. The interview at Tilsit,
      the Emperor Alexander's friendship, which was spoken of everywhere in
      terms of exaggeration, and the peace established on the Continent,
      conferred on Napoleon a moral influence in public opinion which he had not
      possessed since his coronation. Constant in his hatred of deliberative
      assemblies, which he had often termed collections of babblers,
      ideologists, and phrasemongers, Napoleon, on his return to Paris,
      suppressed the Tribunate, which had been an annoyance to him ever since
      the first day of his elevation. The Emperor, who was 'skillful above all
      men in speculating on the favourable disposition of opinion, availed
      himself at this conjuncture of the enthusiasm produced by his interview on
      the Niemen. He therefore discarded from the fundamental institutions of
      the government that which still retained the shadow of a popular
      character. But it was necessary that he should possess a Senate merely to
      vote men; a mute Legislative Body to vote money; that there should be no
      opposition in the one and no criticism in the other; no control over him
      of any description; the power of arbitrarily doing whatever he pleased; an
      enslaved press;&mdash;this was what Napoleon wished, and this he obtained.
      But the month of March 1814 resolved the question of absolute power!
    </p>
    <p>
      In the midst of these great affairs, and while Napoleon was dreaming of
      universal monarchy, I beheld in a less extensive sphere the inevitable
      consequences of the ambition of a single man. Pillage and robbery were
      carried on in all parts over which my diplomatic jurisdiction extended.
      Rapine seemed to be legally authorised, and was perpetrated with such
      fury, and at the same time with such ignorance, that the agents were
      frequently unacquainted with the value of the articles which they seized.
      Thus, for example, the Emperor ordered the seizure at Hamburg, Bremen, and
      Lübeck of all English merchandise, whatever might be its nature or origin.
      The Prince of Neufchatel (Berthier) wrote to me from the Emperor that I
      must procure 10,000,000 francs from the Hanse Towns. M. Daru, the
      Intendant-General, whose business it was to collect this sort of levy,
      which Napoleon had learned to make in Egypt, wrote to urge me to obtain a
      prompt and favourable decision. The unfortunate towns which I was thus
      enjoined to oppress had already suffered sufficiently. I had obtained, by
      means of negotiation, more than was demanded for the ransom of the English
      merchandise, which had been seized according to order. Before I received
      the letters of M. Darn and the Prince of Neufchatel I had obtained from
      Hamburg 16,000,000 instead of 10,000,000, besides nearly 3,000,000 from
      Bremen and Lübeck. Thus I furnished the Government with 9,000,000 more
      than had been required, and yet I had so managed that those enormous
      sacrifices were not overoppressive to those who made them. I fixed the
      value of the English merchandise because I knew that the high price at
      which it sold on the Continent would not only cover the proposed ransom
      but also leave a considerable profit. Such was the singular effect of the
      Continental system that when merchandise was confiscated, and when
      afterwards the permission to sell it freely was given, the price fetched
      at the sale was so large that the loss was covered, and even great
      advantage gained.
    </p>
    <p>
      Peace being concluded with Russia it was necessary to make choice of an
      Ambassador, not only to maintain the new relations of amity between
      Napoleon and Alexander, but likewise to urge on the promised intervention
      of Russia with England,&mdash;to bring about reconciliation and peace
      between the Cabinets of Paris and London. The Emperor confided this
      mission to Caulaincourt, with respect to whom there existed an unfounded
      prejudice relating to some circumstances which preceded the death of the
      Duc d'Enghien. This unfortunate and unjust impression had preceded
      Caulaincourt to St. Petersburg, and it was feared that he would not
      experience the reception due to the French Ambassador and to his own
      personal qualities. I knew at the time, from positive information, that
      after a short explanation with Alexander that monarch retained no
      suspicion unfavourable to our Ambassador, for whom he conceived and
      maintained great esteem and friendship.
    </p>
    <p>
      Caulaincourt's mission was not, in all respects, easy of fulfilment, for
      the invincible repugnance and reiterated refusal of England to enter into
      negotiations with France through the medium of Russia was one of the
      remarkable circumstances of the period of which I am speaking. I knew
      positively that England was determined never to allow Napoleon to possess
      himself of the whole of the Continent,&mdash;a project which he indicated
      too undisguisedly to admit of any doubt respecting it. For two years he
      had indeed advanced with rapid strides; but England was not discouraged.
      She was too well aware of the irritation of the sovereigns and the
      discontent of the people not be certain that when she desired it, her
      lever of gold would again raise up and arm the Continent against the
      encroaching power of Napoleon. He, on his part, perceiving that all his
      attempts were fruitless, and that England would listen to no proposals,
      devised fresh plans for raising up new enemies against England.
    </p>
    <p>
      It probably is not forgotten that in 1801 France compelled Portugal to
      make common cause with her against England. In 1807 the Emperor did again
      what the First Consul had done. By an inexplicable fatality Junot obtained
      the command of the troops which were marching against Portugal. I say
      against Portugal, for that was the fact, though France represented herself
      as a protector to deliver Portugal from the influence of England. Be that
      as it may, the choice which the Emperor made of a commander astonished
      everybody. Was Junot, a compound of vanity and mediocrity, the fit man to
      be entrusted with the command of an army in a distant country, and under
      circumstances in which great political and military talents were
      requisite? For my own part, knowing Junot's incapacity, I must acknowledge
      that his appointment astonished me. I remember one day, when I was
      speaking on the subject to Bernadotte, he showed me a letter he had
      received from Paris, in which it was said that the Emperor had sent Junot
      to Portugal only for the sake of depriving him of the government of Paris.
      Junot annoyed Napoleon by his bad conduct, his folly, and his incredible
      extravagance. He was alike devoid of dignity&mdash;either in feeling or
      conduct. Thus Portugal was twice the place of exile selected by Consular
      and Imperial caprice: first, when the First Consul wished to get rid of
      the familiarity of Lannes; and next, when the Emperor grew weary of the
      misconduct of a favourite.
    </p>
    <p>
      The invasion of Portugal presented no difficulty. It was an armed
      promenade and not a war; but how many events were connected with the
      occupation of that country! The Prince Regent of Portugal, unwilling to
      act dishonourably to England, to which he was allied by treaties; and
      unable to oppose the whole power of Napoleon, embarked for Brazil,
      declaring that all defence was useless. At the same time he recommended
      his subjects to receive the French troops in a friendly manner, and said
      that he consigned to Providence the consequences of an invasion which was
      without a motive. He was answered in the Emperor's name that, Portugal
      being the ally of England, we were only carrying on hostilities against,
      the latter country by invading his dominions.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was in the month of November that the code of French jurisprudence,
      upon which the most learned legislators had indefatigably laboured, was
      established as the law of the State, under the title of the Code Napoleon.
      Doubtless this legislative monument will redound to Napoleon's honour in
      history; but was it to be supposed that the same laws would be equally
      applicable throughout so vast an extent as that comprised within the
      French Empire? Impossible as this was, as soon as the Code Napoleon way
      promulgated I received orders to establish it in the Hanse Towns.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This great code of Civil Law was drawn up under Napoleon's orders
   and personal superintendence. Much had been prepared under the
   Convention, and the chief merits of it were due to the labours of
   such men as Tronchet; Partatis, Bigot de Preameneu, Maleville,
   Cambacérès, etc. But it was debated under and by Napoleon, who took
   a lively interest in it. It was first called the "Code Civil," but
   is 1807 was named "Code Napoleon," or eventually "Les Cinq Codes de
   Napoleon." When completed in 1810 it included five Codes&mdash;the Code
   Civil, decreed March 1803; Code de Procedure Civile, decreed April
   1806; Code de Commerce, decreed September 1807; Code d'Instruction
   Criminelle, decreed November 1808; and the Code Penal, decreed
   February 1810. It had to be retained by the Bourbons, and its
   principles have worked and are slowly working their way into the law
   of every nation. Napoleon was justly proud of this work. The
   Introduction of the Code into the conquered countries was, as
   Bourrienne says, made too quickly. Puymaigre, who was employed in
   the administration of Hamburg after Bourrienne left, says, "I shall
   always remember the astonishment of the Hamburgers when they were
   invaded by this cloud of French officials, who, under every form,
   made researches is their houses, and who came to apply the
   multiplied demands of the fiscal system. Like Proteus, the
   administration could take any shape. To only speak of my
   department, which certainly was not the least odious one, for it was
   opposed to the habits of the Hamburgers and annoyed all the
   industries, no idea can be formed of the despair of the inhabitants,
   subjected to perpetual visits, and exposed to be charged with
   contraventions of the law, of which they knew nothing.

   "Remembering their former laws, they used to offer to meet a charge
   of fraud by the proof of their oath, and could not imagine that such
   a guarantee could be repulsed. When they were independent they paid
   almost nothing, and such was the national spirit, that in urgent
   cases when money was wanted the senate taxed every citizen a certain
   proportion of his income, the tenth or twentieth. A donator
   presided over the recovery of this tax, which was done in a very
   strange manner. A box, covered with a carpet, received the offering
   of every citizen, without any person verifying the sum, and only on
   the simple moral guarantee of the honesty of the debtor, who himself
   judged the sum he ought to pay. When the receipt was finished the
   senate always obtained more than it had calculated on." (Puymaigre,
   pp, 181.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The long and frequent conversations I had on this subject with the
      Senators and the most able lawyers of the country soon convinced me of the
      immense difficulty I should have to encounter, and the danger of suddenly
      altering habits and customs which had been firmly established by time.
    </p>
    <p>
      The jury system gave tolerable satisfaction; but the severe punishments
      assigned to certain offences by the Code were disapproved of. Hence
      resulted the frequent and serious abuse of men being acquitted whose guilt
      was evident to the jury, who pronounced them not guilty rather than
      condemn them to a punishment which was thought too severe. Besides, their
      leniency had another ground, which was, that the people being ignorant of
      the new law were not aware of the penalties attached to particular
      offences. I remember that a man who was accused of stealing a cloak at
      Hamburg justified himself on the ground that he committed the offence in a
      fit of intoxication. M. Von Einingen, one of the jury, insisted that the
      prisoner was not guilty, because, as he said, the Syndic Doormann, when
      dining with him one day, having drunk more wine than usual, took away his
      cloak. This defence per Baccho was completely successful. An argument
      founded on the similarity between the conduct of the Syndic and the
      accused, could not but triumph, otherwise the little debauch of the former
      would have been condemned in the person of the latter. This trial, which
      terminated so whimsically, nevertheless proves that the best and the
      gravest institutions may become objects of ridicule when suddenly
      introduced into a country whose habits are not prepared to receive them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Romans very wisely reserved in the Capitol a place for the gods of the
      nations they conquered. They wished to annex provinces and kingdoms to
      their empire. Napoleon, on the contrary, wished to make his empire
      encroach upon other states, and to realise the impossible Utopia of ten
      different nations, all having different customs and languages, united into
      a single State. Could justice, that safeguard of human rights, be duly
      administered in the Hanse Towns when those towns were converted into
      French departments? In these new departments many judges had been
      appointed who did not understand a word of German, and who had no
      knowledge of law. The presidents of the tribunals of Lilbeck, Stade,
      Bremerlehe, and Minden were so utterly ignorant of the German language
      that it was necessary to explain to them all the pleadings in the
      council-chamber. Was it not absurd to establish such a judicial system,
      and above all, to appoint such men in a country so important to France as
      Hamburg and the Hanse Towns? Add to this the impertinence of some
      favourites who were sent from Paris to serve official and legal
      apprenticeships in the conquered provinces, and it may be easily conceived
      what was the attachment of the people to Napoleon the Great.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0082" id="link2HCH0082">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII.
    </h2>

      1807-1808.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Disturbed state of Spain&mdash;Godoy, Prince of the Peace&mdash;Reciprocal
   accusations between the King of Spain and his son&mdash;False promise of
   Napoleon&mdash;Dissatisfaction occasioned by the presence of the French
   troops&mdash;Abdication of Charles IV.&mdash;The Prince of the Peace made
   prisoner&mdash;Murat at Madrid&mdash;Important news transmitted by a
   commercial letter&mdash;Murat's ambition&mdash;His protection of Godoy&mdash;
   Charles IV, denies his voluntary abdication&mdash;The crown of Spain
   destined for Joseph&mdash;General disapprobation of Napoleon's conduct&mdash;
   The Bourbon cause apparently lost&mdash;Louis XVIII. after his departure
   from France&mdash;As Comte de Provence at Coblentz&mdash;He seeks refuge in
   Turin and Verona&mdash;Death of Louis XVII&mdash;Louis XVIII. refused an
   asylum in Austria, Saxony, and Prussia&mdash;His residence at Mittan and
   Warsaw&mdash;Alexander and Louis XVIII&mdash;The King's departure from Milan
   and arrival at Yarmouth&mdash;Determination of the King of England&mdash;M.
   Lemercier's prophecy to Bonaparte&mdash;Fouché's inquiries respecting
   Comte de Rechteren&mdash;Note from Josephine&mdash;New demands on the Hanse
   Towns&mdash;Order to raise 3000 sailors in Hamburg.
</pre>
    <p>
      The disorders of Spain, which commenced about the close of the year 1807,
      in a short time assumed a most complicated aspect. Though far from the
      theatre of events I obtained an intimate knowledge of all the important
      facts connected with the extraordinary transactions in the Peninsula.
      However, as this point of history is one of the most generally, though I
      cannot say the best, known, I shall omit in my notes and memoranda many
      things which would be but repetitions to the reading portion of the
      public. It is a remarkable fact that Bonaparte, who by turns cast his eyes
      on all the States of Europe, never directed his attention to Spain as long
      as his greatness was confined to mere projects. Whenever he spoke of his
      future destiny he alluded to Italy, Germany, the East, and the destruction
      of the English power; but never to Spain. Consequently, when he heard of
      the first symptoms of disorder in the Peninsula he paid but little
      attention to the business, and some time elapsed before he took any part
      in events which subsequently had so great an influence on his fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Godoy reigned in Spain under the name of the imbecile Charles IV. He was
      an object of execration to all who were not his creatures; and even those
      whose fate depended upon him viewed him with the most profound contempt.
      The hatred of a people is almost always the just reward of favourites.
      What sentiments, therefore, must have been inspired by a man who, to the
      knowledge of all Spain, owed the favour of the king only to the favours of
      the queen!
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Manuel Godoy, originally a private in the guards, became the
   paramour of Charles IV.'s Queen; then a grandee; and then the
   supreme ruler of the State.&mdash;Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Godoy's ascendancy over the royal family was boundless; his power was
      absolute: the treasures, of America were at his command, and he made the
      most infamous use of them. In short, he had made the Court of Madrid one
      of those places to which the indignant muse of Juvenal conducts the mother
      of Britanicus. There is no doubt that Godoy was one of the principal
      causes of all the misfortunes which have overwhelmed Spain under so many
      various forms.
    </p>
    <p>
      The hatred of the Spaniards against the Prince of the Peace was general.
      This hatred was shared by the Prince the Asturias,&mdash;[Afterwards
      Ferdinand VII.]&mdash;who openly declared himself the enemy of Godoy. The
      latter allied himself with France, from which he hoped to obtain powerful
      protection against his enemies. This alliance gave rise to great
      dissatisfaction in Spain, and caused France to be regarded with an
      unfavourable eye. The Prince of the Asturias was encouraged and supported
      by the complaints of the Spaniards, who wished to see the overthrow of
      Godoy's power. Charles IV., on his part, regarded all opposition to the
      Prince of the Peace as directed against himself, and in November 1807 he
      accused his son of wishing to dethrone him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Spain did not confine himself to verbal complaints. He, or
      rather the Prince of the Peace, acting in his name, arrested the warmest
      partisans of the Prince of the Asturias. The latter, understanding the
      sentiments of his father, wrote to Napoleon, soliciting his support. Thus
      the father and son, at open war, were appealing one against another for
      the support of him who wished only to get rid of them both, and to put one
      of his brothers in their place, that he might have one junior more in the
      college of European kings: but, as I have already mentioned, this new
      ambition was not premeditated; and if he gave the throne of Spain to his
      brother Joseph it was only on the refusal of his brother Louis (King of
      Holland) to accept it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor had promised to support Charles IV against his son; and, not
      wishing to take part in these family quarrels, he had not answered the
      first letters of the Prince of the Asturias. But finding that the
      intrigues of Madrid were taking a serious turn, he commenced provisionally
      by sending troops to Spain. This gave offence to the people, who were
      averse to the interference of France. In the provinces through which the
      French troops passed it was asked what was the object: of the invasion.
      Some attributed it to the Prince of the Peace, others to the Prince of the
      Asturias; but it excited general indignation, and troubles broke out at
      Madrid accompanied by all the violence peculiar to the Spanish character.
    </p>
    <p>
      In these fearful circumstances Godoy proposed that Charles IV. should
      remove to Seville, where he would be the better enabled to visit the
      factious with punishment. A proposition from Godoy to his master was, in
      fact, a command, and Charles IV. accordingly resolved to depart. The
      people now looked upon Godoy as a traitor. An insurrection broke out, the
      palace was surrounded, and the Prince of the Peace was on the point of
      being massacred in an upper apartment, where he had taken refuge.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[French troops had appeared in again some months before, on their
   way to Portugal, the conquest of which country by Junot was to be
   aided by Godoy and a Spanish force of 27,000 men, according to a
   treaty (more disgraceful to the Court of Spain than to Bonaparte)
   which had been ratified at Fontainebleau on the 27th of October
   1807. Charles IV. was little better than an idiot, and Godoy and
   the French made him believe that Bonaparte world give part, or the
   whole of Portugal, to Spain. At the time of Junot's march on Lisbon
   a reserve of 40,000 French troops were assembled at Bayonne&mdash;
   a pretty clear indication, though the factious infatuated Court of
   Madrid would not see it, that Bonaparte intended to seize the whole
   of the Peninsula.&mdash;Editor of 1838 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      One of the mob had the presence of mind to invoke in his favour the name
      of the Prince of the Asturias: this saved his life.
    </p>
    <p>
      Charles IV. did not preserve his crown; he was easily intimidated, and
      advantage was taken of a moment of alarm to demand that abdication which
      he had not spirit to refuse. He surrendered up his rights to his son, and
      thus was overthrown the insolent power of the Prince of the Peace; the
      favourite was made prisoner, and the Spaniards, who, like all ignorant
      people, are easily excited, manifested their joy on the occasion with
      barbarous enthusiasm. Meanwhile the unfortunate King, who had escaped from
      imaginary rather than real dangers, and who was at first content with
      having exchanged the right of reigning for the right of living, no sooner
      found himself in safety than he changed, his mind. He wrote to the Emperor
      protesting against his abdication, and appealed. to him as the arbiter of
      his future fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      During these internal dissensions the French army was continuing its march
      towards the Pyrenees. Those barriers were speedily crossed, and Murat
      entered Madrid in the beginning of April 1808. Before I received any
      despatch from our Government I learned that Murat's presence in Madrid,
      far from producing a good effect, had only increased the disorder. I
      obtained this information from a merchant of Lübeck who came to Hamburg on
      purpose to show me a letter he had received from his correspondent in
      Madrid. In this letter Spain was said to be a prey which Murat wished to
      appropriate to himself; and all that afterwards came to my knowledge
      served only to prove the accuracy of the writer's information. It was
      perfectly true that Murat wished to conquer Spain for himself, and it is
      not astonishing that the inhabitants of Madrid should have understood his
      designs, for he carried his indiscretion so far as openly to express his
      wish to become King of Spain. The Emperor was informed of this, and gave
      him to understand, in very significant terms, that the throne of Spain was
      not destined for him, but that he should not be forgotten in the disposal
      of other crowns.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, Napoleon's remonstrances were not sufficient to restrain the
      imprudence of Murat; and if he did not gain the crown of Spain for himself
      he powerfully contributed to make Charles IV. lose it. That monarch, whom
      old habits attached to the Prince of the Peace, solicited the Emperor to
      liberate his favourite, alleging that he and his family would be content
      to live in any place of security provided Godoy were with them. The
      unfortunate Charles seemed to be thoroughly disgusted with greatness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Both the King and Queen so earnestly implored Godoy's liberation that
      Murat, whose vanity was flattered by these royal solicitations, took the
      Prince of the Peace under his protection; but he at the same time declared
      that, in spite of the abdication of Charles IV., he would acknowledge none
      but that Prince as King of Spain until he should receive contrary orders
      from the Emperor. This declaration placed Murat in formal opposition to
      the Spanish people, who, through their hatred of Godoy, embraced the cause
      of the heir of the throne; in whose favour Charles IV. had abdicated.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been remarked that Napoleon stood in a perplexing situation in this
      conflict between the King and his son. This is not correct. King Charles,
      though he afterwards said that his abdication had been forced from him by
      violence and threats, had nevertheless tendered it. By this act Ferdinand
      was King, but Charles declared it was done against his will, and he
      retracted. The Emperor's recognition was wanting, and he, could give or
      withhold it as he pleased.
    </p>
    <p>
      In this state of things Napoleon arrived at Bayonne. Thither Ferdinand was
      also invited to go, under pretence of arranging with the Emperor the
      differences between his father and himself. It was some time before he
      could form his determination, but at length his ill-advised friends
      prevailed on him to set off, and he was caught in the snare. What happened
      to him, as well as to his father, who repaired to Bayonne with his
      inseparable friend the Prince of the Peace is well known. Napoleon, who
      had undertaken to be arbiter between the father and son, thought the best
      way of settling the difference was to give the disputed throne to his
      brother Joseph, thus verifying the fable of the "Two Lawyers and the
      Oyster." The insurrection in Madrid on the 2d of May accelerated the fate
      of Ferdinand, who was accused of being the author of it; at least this
      suspicion fell on his friends and adherents.
    </p>
    <p>
      Charles IV., it was said, would not return to Spain, and solicited an
      asylum in France. He signed a renunciation of his rights to the crown of
      Spain, which renunciation was also signed by the Infantas.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon now issued a decree, appointing "his dearly beloved brother
      Joseph Napoleon, King of Naples and Sicily, to the crowns of Spain and the
      Indies." By a subsequent decree, 15th of July, he appointed "his
      dearly-beloved cousin, Joachim Murat, Grand Duke of Berg, to the throne of
      Naples and Sicily, which remained vacant by the accession of Joseph
      Napoleon to the kingdoms of Spain and the Indies." Both these documents
      are signed Napoleon, and countersigned by the Minister Secretary of State,
      Maret.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Prince Royal of Sweden, who was at Hamburg at this time, and the
      Ministers of all the European power, loudly condemned the conduct of
      Napoleon with respect to Spain. I cannot say whether or not M. de
      Talleyrand advised the Emperor not to attempt the overthrow of a branch of
      the house of Bourbon; his good sense and elevated views might certainly
      have suggested that advice. But the general opinion was that, had he
      retained the portfolio of foreign affairs, the Spanish revolution would
      have terminated with more decorum and good faith than was exhibited in the
      tragi-comedy acted at Madrid and Bayonne.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the Treaty of Tilsit and the bonds of friendship which seemed likely
      to produce a permanent union between the Emperors of France and Russia,
      the cause of the Bourbons must have been considered irretrievably lost.
      Indeed, their only hope consisted in the imprudence and folly of him who
      had usurped their throne, and that hope they cherished. I will here relate
      what I had the opportunity of learning respecting the conduct of Louis
      XVIII. after his departure from France; this will naturally bring me to
      the end of November 1807, at which time I read in the Abeille du Nord
      published on the 9th of the same month, that the Comte de Lille and the
      Duc d'Angouleme had set off for England.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Comte de Provence, as Louis' title then went, left Paris on the 21st
      of June 1791. He constantly expressed his wish of keeping as near as
      possible to the frontiers of France. He at first took up his abode at
      Coblentz, and I knew from good authority that all the emigrants did not
      regard him with a favourable eye. They could not pardon the wise.
      principles he had professed at a period when there was yet time to
      prevent, by reasonable concession, the misfortunes which imprudent
      irritation brought upon France. When the emigrants, after the campaign of
      1792, passed the Rhine, the Comte de Provence resided in the little town
      of Ham on the Lippe, where he remained until he was persuaded that the
      people of Toulon had called him to Provence. As he could not, of course,
      pass through France, Monsieur repaired to the Court of his father-in-law,
      the King of Sardinia, hoping to embark at Genoa, and from thence to reach
      the coast of Provence. But the evacuation of Toulon, where the name of
      Bonaparte was for the first time sounded by the breath of fame, having
      taken place before he was able to leave Turin, Monsieur remained there
      four months, at the expiration of which time his father-in-law intimated
      to him the impossibility of his remaining longer in the Sardinian States.
      He was afterwards permitted to reside at Verona, where he heard of Louis
      XVI.'s death. After remaining two years in that city the Senate of Venice
      forbade his presence in the Venetian States. Thus forced to quit Italy the
      Comte repaired to the army of Condé.
    </p>
    <p>
      The cold and timid policy of the Austrian Cabinet afforded no asylum to
      the Comte de Provence, and he was obliged to pass through Germany; yet, as
      Louis XVIII. repeated over and over again, ever since the Restoration, "He
      never intended to shed French blood in Germany for the sake of serving
      foreign interests." Monsieur had, indeed, too much penetration not to see
      that his cause was a mere pretext for the powers at war with France. They
      felt but little for the misfortunes of the Prince, and merely wished to
      veil their ambition and their hatred of France under the false pretence of
      zeal for the House of Bourbon.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Dauphin died, Louis XVIII. took the title of King of France, and
      went to Prussia, where he obtained an asylum.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[His brother, Charles X., the youngest of the three grandsons of
   Louis XV. (Louis XVI., Louis XVIII. Charles X.), the Comte
   d'Artois, afterwards Charles X. emigrated in 1789, and went to
   Turin and Mantas for 1789 and 1790. In 1791 and 1792 he lived at
   Coblenta, Worms, Brussels, Vienna, and at Turin. From 1792 to 1812
   he lived at Ham on the Lippe at Westphalia at London, and for most
   of the time at Holyrood, Edinburgh. During this time he visited
   Russia and Germany, and showed himself on the coast of France. In
   1818 he went to Germany, and in 1814 entered France in rear of the
   allies. In risking his person in the daring schemes of the
   followers who were giving their lives for the cause of his family he
   displayed a circumspection which was characterised by them with
   natural warmth.

   "Sire, the cowardice of your brother has ruined all;" so Charette is
   said to have written to Louis XVIII.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      But the pretender to the crown of France had not yet drained his cup of
      misfortune. After the 18th Fructidor the Directory required the King of
      Prussia to send away Louis XVIII., and the Cabinet of Berlin, it must be
      granted, was not in a situation to oppose the desire of the French
      Government, whose wishes were commands. In vain Louis XVIII. sought an
      asylum in the King of Saxony's States. There only remained Russia that
      durst offer a last refuge to the descendant of Louis XIV. Paul I., who was
      always in extremes, and who at that time entertained a violent feeling of
      hatred towards France, earnestly offered Louis XVIII., a residence at
      Mittau. He treated him with the honours of a sovereign, and loaded him
      with marks of attention and respect. Three years had scarcely passed when
      Paul was seized with mad enthusiasm for the man who twelve years later,
      ravaged his ancient capital, and Louis XVIII. found himself expelled from
      that Prince's territory with a harshness equal to the kindness with which
      he had at first been received.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was during, his three, years' residence at Mittau that Louis XVIII.,
      who was then known by the title of Comte de Lille, wrote to the First
      Consul those letters which have been referred to in these Memoirs.
      Prussia, being again solicited, at length consented that Louis XVIII.
      should reside at Warsaw; but on the accession of Napoleon to the Empire
      the Prince quitted that residence in order to consult respecting his new
      situation with the only sovereign who had not deserted him in his
      misfortune, viz. the King of Sweden. They met at Colmar, and from that
      city was dated the protest which I have already noticed. Louis XVIII. did
      not stay long in the States of the King of Sweden. Russia was now on the
      point of joining her eagles with those of Austria to oppose the new eagles
      of imperial France. Alexander offered to the Comte de Lille the asylum
      which Paul had granted to him and afterwards withdrawn. Louis XVIII.
      accepted the offer, but after the peace of Tilsit, fearing lest Alexander
      might imitate the second act of his father as well as the first, he
      plainly saw that he must give up all intention of residing on the
      Continent; and it was then that I read in the 'Abeille du Nord' the
      article before alluded to. There is, however, one fact upon which I must
      insist, because I know it to be true, viz. that it was of his own free
      will that Louis XVIII. quitted Mittau; and if he was afraid that Alexander
      would imitate his father's conduct that fear was without foundation. The
      truth is, that Alexander was ignorant even of the King's intention to go
      away until he heard from Baron von Driesen, Governor of Mittau, that he
      had actually departed. Having now stated the truth on this point I have to
      correct another error, if indeed it be only an error, into which some
      writers have fallen. It has been falsely alleged that the King left Mittau
      for the purpose of fomenting fresh troubles in France. The friends of
      Louis XVIII., who advised him to leave Mittau, had great hopes from the
      last war. They cherished still greater hopes from the new wars which
      Bonaparte's ambition could not fail to excite, but they were not so
      ill-informed respecting the internal condition of France as to expect that
      disturbances would arise there, or even to believe in the possibility of
      fomenting them. The pear was not yet ripe for Louis XVIII.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 29th of November the contents of a letter which had arrived from
      London by way of Sweden were communicated to me. This letter was dated the
      3d of November, and contained some particulars respecting the Comte de
      Lille's arrival in England. That Prince had arrived at Yarmouth on the
      31st of October 1807, and it was stated that the King was obliged to wait
      some time in the port until certain difficulties respecting his landing
      and the continuance of his journey should be removed. It moreover appeared
      from this letter that the King of England thought proper to refuse the
      Comte de Lille permission to go to London or its neighbourhood. The palace
      of Holyrood in Edinburgh was assigned as his place of residence; and Mr.
      Ross, secretary to Mr. Canning, conveyed the determination of the King of
      England to Louis XVIII., at Yarmouth.
    </p>
    <p>
      The precaution of the English Ministry in not permitting the refugee King
      to go near London appeared to me remarkable, considering the relative
      position of the Governments of France and England, and I regarded it as a
      corroboration of what the Prince Wittgenstein had told me respecting Mr.
      Canning's inclination for an amicable arrangement. But the moment was
      approaching when the affairs of Spain were to raise an invincible obstacle
      to peace, to complicate more than ever the interests of the powers of
      Europe, and open to Napoleon that vast career of ambition which proved his
      ruin. He did not allow the hopes of the emigrants to remain chimerical,
      and the year 1814 witnessed the realization of the prophetic remark made
      by M. Lemereier, in a conversation with Bonaparte a few days before the
      foundation of the Empire: "If you get into the bed of the Bourbons,
      General, you will not lie in it ten year." Napoleon occupied it for nine
      years and nine months.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché, the grand investigator of the secrets of Europe, did not fail, on
      the first report of the agitations in Spain, to address to me question on
      question respecting the Comte de Rechteren, the Spanish Minister at
      Hamburg, who, however, had left that city, with the permission of his
      Court, four months after I had entered on my functions. This was going
      back very far to seek information respecting the affairs of the day. At
      the very moment when I transmitted a reply to Fouché which was not
      calculated to please him, because it afforded no ground for suspicion as
      to the personal conduct of M. de Rechteren, I received from the amiable
      Josephine a new mark of her remembrance. She sent me the following note:
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Milon, who is now in Hamburg, wishes me, my dear Bourrienne, to
      request that you will use your interest in his favour. I feel the more
      pleasure in making this request as it affords me an opportunity of
      renewing the assurance of my regard for you."
    </p>
    <p>
      Josephine's letter was dated from Fontainebleau, whither the Emperor used
      to make journeys in imitation of the old Court of France. During these
      excursions he sometimes partook of the pleasures of the chase, but merely
      for the sake of reviving an old custom, for in that exercise he found as
      little amusement as Montaigne did in the game of chess.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Fontainebleau, as everywhere else, his mind was engaged with the means
      of augmenting his greatness, but, unfortunately, the exactions he imposed
      on distant countries were calculated to alienate the affections of the
      people. Thus, for example, I received an order emanating from him, and
      transmitted to me by M. Daru, the Intendant-General of the army, that the
      pay of all the French troops stationed in the Hanse Towns should be
      defrayed by these towns. I lamented the necessity of making such a
      communication to the Senates of Bremen, Lübeck, and Hamburg; but my duty
      compelled me to do so, and I had long been accustomed to fulfil duties
      even more painful than this. I tried every possible means with the three
      States, not collectively but separately, to induce them to comply with the
      measure, in the hope that the assent of one would help me to obtain that
      of the two others. But, as if they, had been all agreed, I only received
      evasive expressions of regret.
    </p>
    <p>
      Knowing as I did, and I may say better than any one else, the hopes and
      designs of Bonaparte respecting the north of Germany, it was not without
      pain, nor even without alarm, that I saw him doing everything calculated
      to convert into enemies the inhabitants of a country which would always
      have remained quiet had it only been permitted to preserve its neutrality.
      Among the orders I received were often many which could only have been the
      result of the profoundest ignorance. For example, I was one day directed
      to press 3000 seamen in the Hanse Towns. Three thousand seamen out of a
      population of 200,000! It was as absurd as to think of raising 500,000
      sailors in France. This project being impossible, it was of course not
      executed; but I had some difficulty in persuading the Emperor that a sixth
      of the number demanded was the utmost the Hanse Towns could supply. Five
      hundred seamen were accordingly furnished, but to make up that number it
      was necessary to include many men who were totally unfit for war service.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0083" id="link2HCH0083">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER&mdash;XIV.
    </h2>

      1808.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Departure of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo&mdash;Prediction and superstition
   &mdash;Stoppage of letters addressed to the Spanish troops&mdash;La Romana and
   Romanillos&mdash;Illegible notifications&mdash;Eagerness of the German Princes
   to join the Confederation of the Rhine&mdash;Attack upon me on account of
   M. Hue&mdash;Bernadotte's successor in Hamburg&mdash;Exactions and tyrannical
   conduct of General Dupas&mdash;Disturbance in Hamburg&mdash;Plates broken in a
   fit of rage&mdash;My letter to Bernadotte&mdash;His reply&mdash;Bernadotte's return
   to Hamburg, and departure of Dupas for Lübeck&mdash;Noble conduct of the
   'aide de camp' Barrel.
</pre>
    <p>
      In the spring of 1808 a circumstance occurred which gave, me much
      uneasiness; it was the departure of Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte-Corvo, who
      received orders to repair to Copenhagen. He left Hamburg on the 8th of
      March, as he was to reach his destination on the 14th of the same month.
      The Danish charge d'affaires also received orders to join the Prince, and
      discharge the functions of King's commissary. It was during his government
      at Hamburg and his stay in Jutland that Bernadotte unconsciously paved his
      way to the throne of Sweden. I recollect that he had also his presages and
      his predestinations. In short, he believed in astrology, and I shall never
      forget the serious tone in which he one day said to me, "Would you
      believe, my dear friend, that it was predicted at Paris that I should be a
      King, but that I must cross the sea to reach my throne?" I could not help
      smiling with him at this weakness of mind, from which Bonaparte was not
      far removed. It certainly was not any supernatural influence which
      elevated Bernadotte to sovereign rank. That elevation was solely due to
      his excellent character. He had no other talisman than the wisdom of his
      government, and the promptitude which he always, showed to oppose unjust
      measures. This it was that united all opinions in his favour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bad state of the roads in the north prolonged Bernadotte's journey one
      day. He set out on the 8th of March; he was expected to arrive at
      Copenhagen on the 14th, but did not reach there till the 15th. He arrived
      precisely two hours before the death of Christian, King of Denmark, an
      event with which he made me acquainted by letter written two days after
      his arrival.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 6th of April following I received a second letter from Bernadotte,
      in which he desired me to order the Grand Ducal postmaster to keep back
      all letters addressed to the Spanish troops, who had been placed under his
      command, and of which the corps of Romana formed part. The postmaster was
      ordered to keep the letters until he received orders to forward them to
      their destinations. Bernadotte considered this step indispensable, to
      prevent the intrigues which he feared might be set on foot in order to
      shake the fidelity of the Spaniards he commanded. I saw from his despatch
      that he feared the plotting of Romanillos, who, however, was not a person
      to cause much apprehension. Romanillos was as commonplace a man as could
      well be conceived; and his speeches, as well as his writings, were too
      innocent to create any influence on public opinion.
    </p>
    <p>
      In addition to the functions with which the Emperor at first invested me,
      I had to discharge the duties of French Consul-General at Hamburg, and in
      that character I was obliged to present to the Minister for Foreign
      Affairs a very singular request, viz. that the judicial notifications,
      which as Consul-General I had to make known to the people of Hamburg,
      might be written in a more legible hand. Many of these notifications had
      been disregarded on account of the impossibility of reading them: With
      respect to one of them it was declared that it was impossible to discover
      whether the writing was German, French, or Chinese.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall not record all the acts of spoliation committed by second-rate
      ambitious aspirants who hoped to come in for their share in the division
      of the Continent: The Emperor's lieutenants regarded Europe as a
      twelfthcake, but none of them ventured to dispute the best bit with
      Napoleon. Long would be the litany were I to enregister all the fraud and
      treachery which they committed, either to augment their fortunes or to win
      the favour of the chief who wished to have kings for his subjects. The
      fact is, that all the Princes of Germany displayed the greatest eagerness
      to range themselves under the protection of Napoleon, by, joining the
      Confederation of the Rhine. I received from those Princes several letters
      which served to prove at once the influence of Napoleon in Germany and the
      facility with which men bend beneath the yoke of a new power. I must say
      that among the emigrants who remained faithful to their cause there were
      some who evinced more firmness of character than the foreign Princes. I
      may mention, for example, M. Hue, the 'valet de chambre' of Louis XVI. I
      do not intend to deny the high regard I entertained for that faithful
      servant of the martyred King; but the attentions which I congratulate
      myself on having shown to an excellent man should not have subjected me to
      false imputations.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have read the following statement in a publication:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "M. Hue retired to Hamburg, where he passed nine, months in perfect
   obscurity. He afterwards went to Holland, provided with a passport
   from Bourrienne, who was Napoleon's Minister, though in disgrace,
   and who, foreseeing what was to happen, sought to ingratiate himself
   in the favour of the Bourbons."
</pre>
    <p>
      The above passage contains a falsehood in almost every line. M. Hue wished
      to reside in Hamburg, but he did not wish to conceal himself. I invited
      him to visit me, and assured him that he might remain in Hamburg without
      apprehension, provided he acted prudently. He wished to go to Holland, and
      I took upon myself to give him a passport. I left M. Hue in the free
      management of his business, the nature of which I knew very well, and
      which was very honourable; he was deputed to pay the pensions which Louis
      XVIII. granted to the emigrants. As for myself, I had tendered my
      resignation of private secretary to Bonaparte; and even admitting I was in
      disgrace in that character, I was not so as Minister and Consul-General at
      Hamburg. My situation, which was of little consequence at the time I was
      appointed to it, was later on rendered exceedingly important by
      circumstances. It was, in fact, a sort of watch-tower of the Government,
      whence all the movements of northern Germany were observed; and during my
      residence in the Hanse Towns I continually experienced the truth of what
      Bonaparte said to me at my farewell audience&mdash;"Yours is a place
      independent and apart."
    </p>
    <p>
      It is absurd to say that the kindness I showed to M. Hue was an attempt to
      ingratiate myself with the Bourbons. My attentions to him were dictated
      solely by humanity, unaccompanied by any afterthought. Napoleon had given
      me his confidence, and by mitigating the verity of his orders I served him
      better than they who executed them in a way which could not fail to render
      the French Government odious. If I am accused of extending every possible
      indulgence to the unfortunate emigrants, I plead guilty; and, far from
      wishing to defend myself against the charge, I consider it honourable to
      me. But I defy any one of them to say that I betrayed in their favour the
      interests with which I was entrusted. They who urged Bonaparte to usurp
      the crown of France served, though perhaps unconsciously, the cause of the
      Bourbons. I, on the contrary, used all my endeavours to dissuade him from
      that measure, which I clearly saw must, in the end, lead to the
      restoration, though I do not pretend that I was sufficiently clear-sighted
      to guess that Napoleon's fall was so near at hand. The kindness I showed
      to M. Hue and his companions in misfortune was prompted by humanity, and
      not by mean speculation. As well might it be said that Bernadotte, who,
      like myself, neglected no opportunity of softening the rigour of the
      orders he was deputed to execute, was by this means working his way to the
      throne of Sweden.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte had proceeded to Denmark to take the command of the Spanish and
      French troops who had been removed from the Hanse Towns to occupy that
      kingdom, which was then threatened by the English. His departure was a
      great loss to me, for we had always agreed respecting the measures to be
      adopted, and I felt his absence the more sensibly when I was enabled to
      make a comparison between him and his successor. It is painful to me to
      detail the misconduct of those who injured the French name in Germany, but
      in fulfilment of the task I have undertaken, I am bound to tell the truth.
    </p>
    <p>
      In April 1808 General Dupas came to take the command of Hamburg, but only
      under the orders of Bernadotte, who retained the supreme command of the
      French troops in the Hanse Towns. By the appointment of General Dupas the
      Emperor cruelly thwarted the wishes and hopes of the inhabitants of Lower
      Saxony. That General said of the people of Hamburg, "As long as I see
      those . . . driving in their carriages I can get money from them." It is,
      however, only just to add, that his dreadful exactions were not made on
      his own account, but for the benefit of another man to whom he owed his
      all, and to whom he had in some measure devoted his existence.
    </p>
    <p>
      I will state some particulars respecting the way in which the generals who
      commanded the French troops at Hamburg were maintained. The Senate of
      Hamburg granted to the Marshals thirty friederichs a day for the expenses
      of their table exclusive of the hotel in which they were lodged by the
      city. The generals of division had only twenty friederichs. General Dupas
      wished to be provided for on the same footing as the Marshals. The Senate
      having, with reason, rejected this demand, Dupas required that he should
      be daily served with a breakfast and a dinner of thirty covers. This was
      an inconceivable burden, and Dupas cost the city more than any of his
      predecessors.
    </p>
    <p>
      I saw an account of his expenses, which during the twenty-one weeks he
      remained at Hamburg amounted to 122,000 marks, or about 183,000 francs.
      None but the most exquisite wines were drunk at the table of Dupas. Even
      his servants were treated with champagne, and the choicest fruits were
      brought from the fine hothouses of Berlin. The inhabitants were irritated
      at this extravagance, and Dupas accordingly experienced the resistance of
      the Senate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among other vexations there was one to which the people could not readily
      submit. In Hamburg, which had formerly been a fortified town, the custom
      was preserved of closing the gates at nightfall. On Sundays they were
      closed three-quarters of an hour later, to avoid interrupting the
      amusements of the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      While General Dupas was Governor of Hamburg an event occurred which
      occasioned considerable irritation in the public mind, and might have been
      attended by fatal consequences. From some whim or other the General
      ordered the gates to be closed at seven in the evening, and consequently
      while it was broad daylight, for it was in the middle of spring; no
      exception was made in favour of Sunday, and on that day a great number of
      the inhabitants who had been walking in the outskirts of the city
      presented themselves at the gate of Altona for admittance. To their
      surprise they found the gate closed, though it was a greater thoroughfare
      than any other gate in Hamburg. The number of persons, requiring
      admittance increased, and a considerable crowd soon collected. After
      useless entreaties had been addressed to the chief officer of the post the
      people were determined to send to the Commandant for the keys. The
      Commandant arrived, accompanied by the General. When they appeared it was
      supposed they had come for the purpose of opening the gates, and they were
      accordingly saluted with a general hurrah! which throughout almost all the
      north is the usual cry for expressing popular satisfaction. General Dupas
      not understanding the meaning of this hurrah! supposed it to be a signal
      for sedition, and instead of ordering the gates to be opened he commanded
      the military to fire upon the peaceful citizens, who only wanted to return
      to their homes. Several persons were killed, and others more or less
      seriously wounded. Fortunately, after this first discharge the fury of
      Dupas was appeased; but still he persisted in keeping the gates closed at
      night. Next day an order was posted about the city prohibiting the cry of
      hurrah! under pain of a severe punishment. It was also forbidden that more
      than three persona should collect together in the streets. Thus it was
      that certain persons imposed the French yoke upon towns and provinces
      which were previously happy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dupas was as much execrated in the Hanse Towns as Clarke had been in
      Berlin when he was governor of that capital during the campaign of 1807.
      Clarke had burdened the people of Berlin with every kind of oppression and
      exaction. He, as well as many others, manifested a ready obedience in
      executing the Imperial orders, however tyrannical they might be; and
      Heaven knows what epithets invariably accompanied the name of Clarke when
      pronounced by the lips of a Prussian.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dupas seemed to have taken Clarke as his model. An artillery officer, who
      was in Hamburg at the time of the disturbance I have just mentioned, told
      me that it was he who was directed to place two pieces of light-artillery
      before the gate of Altona. Having executed this order, he went to General
      Dupas, whom he found in a furious fit of passion, breaking and destroying
      everything within his reach. In the presence of the officer he broke more
      than two dozen plates which were on the table before him: these plates, of
      course, had cost him very little!
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day after the disturbance which had so fatal a termination I wrote
      to inform the Prince of Porte-Corvo of what had taken place; and in my
      letter I solicited the suppression of an extraordinary tribunal which had
      been created by General Dupas. He returned me an immediate answer,
      complying with my request. His letter was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   I have received your letter, my dear Minister: it forcibly conveys
   the expression of your right feeling, which revolts against
   oppression, severity, and the abase of power. I entirely concur in
   your view of the subject, and I am distressed whenever I see such
   acts of injustice committed. On an examination of the events which
   took place on the 19th it is impossible to deny that the officer who
   ordered the gates to be closed so soon was in the wrong; and next,
   it may be asked, why were not the gates opened instead of the
   military being ordered to fire on the people? But, on the other
   hand, did not the people evince decided obstinacy and
   insubordination? were they not to blame in throwing stones at the
   guard, forcing the palisades, and even refusing to listen to the
   voice of the magistrates? It is melancholy that they should have
   fallen into these excesses, from which, doubtless, they would have
   refrained had they listened to the civil chiefs, who ought to be
   their first directors. Finally, my dear Minister, the Senator who
   distributed money at the gate of Altona to appease the multitude
   would have done better had he advised them to wait patiently until
   the gates were opened; and he might, I think, have gone to the
   Commandant or the General to solicit that concession.

   Whenever an irritated mob resorts to violence there is no safety for
   any one. The protecting power mast then exert its utmost authority
   to stop mischief. The Senate of ancient Rome, so jealous of its
   prerogatives, assigned to a Dictator, in times of trouble, the power
   of life and death, and that magistrate knew no other code than his
   own will and the axe of his lictors. The ordinary laws did not
   resume their course until the people returned to submission.

   The event which took place in Hamburg produced a feeling of
   agitation of which evil-disposed persons might take advantage to
   stir up open insurrection. That feeling could only be repressed by
   a severe tribunal, which, however, is no longer necessary. General
   Dupas has, accordingly, received orders to dissolve it, and justice
   will resume her usual course.
                       J. BERNADOTTE
   DENSEL, 4th May, 1808.
</pre>
    <p>
      When Bernadotte returned to Hamburg he sent. Dupas to Lübeck. That city,
      which was poorer than Hamburg, suffered cruelly from the visitation of
      such a guest.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dupas levied all his exactions in kind, and indignantly spurned every
      offer of accepting money, the very idea of which, he said, shocked his
      delicacy of feeling. But his demands became so extravagant that the city
      of Lübeck was utterly unable to satisfy them. Besides his table, which was
      provided in the same style of profusion as at Hamburg, he required to be
      furnished with plate, linen, wood, and candles; in short, with the most
      trivial articles of household consumption.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Senate deputed to the incorruptible General Dupas M. Nolting, a
      venerable old man, who mildly represented to him the abuses which were
      everywhere committed in his name, and entreated that he would vouchsafe to
      accept twenty Louis a day to defray the expenses of his table alone. At
      this proposition General Dupes flew into a rage. To offer him money was an
      insult not to be endured! He furiously drove the terrified Senator out of
      the house, and at once ordered his 'aide de camp' Barrel to imprison him.
      M. de Barrel, startled at this extraordinary order, ventured to
      remonstrate with the General, but in vain; and, though against his heart,
      he was obliged to obey. The aide de camp accordingly waited upon the
      Senator Notting, and overcome by that feeling of respect which gray hairs
      involuntarily inspire in youth, instead of arresting him, he besought the
      old man not to leave his house until he should prevail on the General to
      retract his orders. It was not till the following day that M. de Barrel
      succeeded in getting these orders revoked&mdash;that is to say, he
      obtained M. Notting's release from confinement; for Dupas would not be
      satisfied until he heard that the Senator had suffered at least the
      commencement of the punishment to which his capricious fury had doomed
      him.
    </p>
    <p>
      In spite of his parade of disinterestedness General Dupas yielded so far
      as to accept the twenty Louis a day for the expense of his table which M.
      Notting had offered him on the part of the Senate of Lübeck; but it was
      not without murmurings, complaints, and menaces that he made this generous
      concession; and he exclaimed more than once, "These fellows have portioned
      out my allowance for me." Lübeck was not released from the presence of
      General Dupes until the month of March 1809, when he was summoned to
      command a division in the Emperor's new campaign against Austria. Strange
      as it may appear, it is nevertheless the fact, that, oppressive as had
      been his presence at Lübeck, the Hanse Towns soon had reason to regret
      him.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0084" id="link2HCH0084">
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XV.
    </h2>

      1808.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Promulgation of the Code of Commerce&mdash;Conquests by Status-consulte&mdash;
   Three events in one day&mdash;Recollections&mdash;Application of a line of
   Voltaire&mdash;Creation of the Imperial nobility&mdash;Restoration of the
   university&mdash;Aggrandisement of the kingdom of Italy at the expense of
   Rome&mdash;Cardinal Caprara'a departure from Paris&mdash;The interview at
   Erfurt.
</pre>
    <p>
      The year 1808 was fertile in remarkable events. Occupied as I was with my
      own duties, I yet employed my leisure hours in observing the course of
      those great acts by which Bonaparte seemed determined to mark every day of
      his life. At the commencement of 1808 I received one of the first copies
      of the Code of Commerce, promulgated on the 1st of January by the
      Emperor's order. This code appeared to me an act of mockery; at least it
      was extraordinary to publish a code respecting a subject which it was the
      effect of all the Imperial decrees to destroy. What trade could possibly
      exist under the Continental system, and the ruinous severity of the
      customs? The line was already extended widely enough when, by a
      'Senatus-consulte', it was still further widened. The Emperor, to whom all
      the Continent submitted, had recourse to no other formality for the
      purpose of annexing to the Empire the towns of Kehl, Cassel near Mayence,
      Wesel, and Flushing, with the territories depending on them.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[A resolution of the senate, or a "Senatus-consulte" was the means
   invented by Napoleon for altering the imperial Constitutions, and
   even the extent of the Empire. By one of these, dated 21st January
   1808, the towns of Kehl, Cassel, and Wesel, with Flushing, all
   already seized, were definitely united to France. The loss of
   Wesel, which helonged to Murat's Grand Duchy of Berg, was a very
   sore point with Murat.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      These conquests, gained by decrees and senatorial decisions, had at least
      the advantage of being effected without bloodshed. All these things were
      carefully communicated to me by the Ministers with whom I corresponded,
      for my situation at Hamburg had acquired such importance that it was
      necessary I should know everything.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period I observed among the news which I received from different
      places a singular coincidence of dates, worthy of being noted by the
      authors of ephemrides. On the same day-namely, the 1st of February Paris,
      Lisbon, and Rome were the scenes of events of different kinds, but, as
      they all happened on one day, affording a striking example of the rapidity
      of movement which marked the reign of Bonaparte. At Paris the niece of
      Josephine, Mademoiselle de Tascher, whom Napoleon had lately exalted to
      the rank of Princess, was married to the reigning Prince of Ahremberg,
      while at the same time Junot declared to Portugal that the house of
      Braganza had ceased to reign, and French troops were, under the command of
      General Miollis, occupying Rome. This occupation was the commencement of
      prolonged struggles, during which Pins VII. expiated the condescension he
      had shown in going to Paris to crown Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Looking over my notes, I see it was the day after these three events
      occurred that Bonaparte gave to his brother-in-law, Prince Borghese, the
      Governorship-General of the departments beyond the Alps which he had just
      founded; and of which he made the eighth Grand Dignitary of the Empire.
      General Menou, whom I had not seen since Egypt, was obliged by this
      appointment to leave Turin, where he had always remained. Bonaparte, not
      wishing to permit him to come to Paris, sent Menou to preside over the
      Junta of Tuscany, of which he soon afterwards made another
      General-Governorship, which he entrusted to the care of his sister Elisa.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Prince Camille Philippe Louis Borghese (1755-1832), an Italian,
   had married, 6th November 1808, Pauline Bonaparte, the sister of
   Napoleon, and the widow of General Leclerc. He had been made Prince
   and Duke of Guastalla when that duchy was given to his wife, 30th
   Marsh 1806. He separated from his wife after a few years. Indeed
   Pauline was impossible as a wife if half of the stories about her
   are true. It was she who, finding that a lady was surprised at her
   having sat naked while a statue of her was being modelled for
   Canova, believed she had satisfactorily explained matters by saying,
   "but there was a fire in the room."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      My correspondence relative to what passed in the south of France and of
      Europe presented to me, if I may so express myself, merely an anecdotal
      interest. Not so the news which came from the north. At Hamburg I was like
      the sentinel of an advanced post, always on the alert. I frequently
      informed the Government of what would take place before the event actually
      happened. I was one of the first to hear of the plans of Russia relative
      to Sweden. The courier whom I sent to Paris arrived there at the very
      moment when Russia made the declaration of war. About the end of February
      the Russian troops entered Swedish Finland, and occupied also the capital
      of that province, which had at all times been coveted by the Russian
      Government. It has been said that at the interview at Erfurt Bonaparte
      consented to the usurpation of that province by Alexander in return for
      the complaisance of the latter in acknowledging Joseph as King of Spain
      and the Indies.
    </p>
    <p>
      The removal of Joseph from the throne of Naples to the throne of Madrid
      belongs, indeed, to that period respecting which I am now throwing
      together a few recollections. Murat had succeeded Joseph at Naples, and
      this accession of the brother-in-law of Napoleon to one of the thrones of
      the House of Bourbon gave Bonaparte another junior in the college of
      kings, of which he would have infallibly become the senior if he had gone
      on as he began.
    </p>
    <p>
      I will relate a little circumstance which now occurs to me respecting the
      kings manufactured by Napoleon. I recollect that during the King of
      Etruria's stay in Paris&mdash;the First Consul went with that Prince to
      the Comedie Francaise, where Voltaire's 'OEdipus' was performed. This
      piece, I may observe, Bonaparte liked better than anything Voltaire ever
      wrote. I was in the theatre, but not in the First Consul's box, and I
      observed, as all present must have done, the eagerness with which the
      audience applied to Napoleon and the King of Etruria the line in which
      Philoctetes says&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "J'ai fait des souverains et n'ai pas voulu l'etre."

   ["I have made sovereigns, but have not wished to be one myself."]
</pre>
    <p>
      The application was so marked that it could not fail to become the subject
      of conversation between the First Consul and me. "You remarked it,
      Bourrienne?" . . . "Yes, General." . . "The fools! . . . They shall see!
      They shall see!" We did indeed see. Not content with making kings,
      Bonaparte, when his brow was encircled by a double crown, after creating
      princes at length realised the object he had long contemplated, namely, to
      found a new nobility endowed with hereditary rights. It was at the
      commencement of March 1808 that he accomplished this project; and I saw in
      the 'Moniteur' a long list of princes, dukes, counts, barons, and knights
      of the Empire; there were wanting only viscounts and marquises.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the same time that Bonaparte was founding a new nobility he determined
      to raise up the old edifice of the university, but on a new foundation.
      The education of youth had always been one of his ruling ideas, and I had
      an opportunity of observing how he was changed by the exercise of
      sovereign power when I received at Hamburg the statutes of the new elder
      daughter of the Emperor of the French, and compared them with the ideas
      which Bonaparte, when General and First Consul, had often expressed to me
      respecting the education which ought to be given youth. Though the sworn
      enemy of everything like liberty, Bonaparte had at first conceived a vast
      system of education, comprising above all the study of history, and those
      positive sciences, such as geology and astronomy, which give the utmost
      degree of development to the human mind. The Sovereign, however, shrunk
      from the first ideas of the man of genius, and his university, confided to
      the elegant suppleness of M. de Fontaines, was merely a school capable of
      producing educated subjects but not enlightened men.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before taking complete possession of Rome, and making it the second city
      of the Empire, the vaunted moderation of Bonaparte was confined to
      dismembering from it the legations of Ancona, Urbino, Macerata, and
      Camerino, which were divided into three departments; and added to the
      Kingdom of Italy. The patience of the Holy See could no longer hold out
      against this act of violence, and Cardinal Caprara, who had remained in
      Paris since the coronation, at last left that capital. Shortly afterwards
      the Grand Duchies of Parma and Piacenza were united to the French Empire,
      and annexed to the government of the departments beyond the Alps. These
      transactions were coincident with the events in Spain and Bayonne before
      mentioned.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the snare laid at Bayonne the Emperor entered Paris on the 14th of
      August, the eve of his birthday. Scarcely had he arrived in the capital
      when he experienced fresh anxiety in consequence of the conduct of Russia,
      which, as I have stated, had declared open war with Sweden, and did not
      conceal the intention of seizing Finland. But Bonaparte, desirous of
      actively carrying on the war in Spain, felt the necessity of removing his
      troops from Prussia to the Pyrenees. He then hastened the interview at
      Erfurt, where the two Emperors of France and Russia had agreed to meet. He
      hoped that this interview would insure the tranquillity of the Continent,
      while he should complete the subjection of Spain to the sceptre of Joseph.
      That Prince had been proclaimed on the 8th of June; and on the 21st of the
      same month he made his entry into Madrid, but having received, ten days
      after, information of the disaster at Baylen, he was obliged to leave the
      Spanish capital.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The important battle of Daylen, where the French, under General
   Dupont, were beaten by the Spaniards, was fought on the 19th of July
   1808.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's wishes must at this time have been limited to the tranquillity
      of the Continent, for the struggle between him and England was more
      desperate than ever. England had just sent troops to Portugal under the
      command of Sir Arthur Wellesley. There was no longer any hope of a
      reconciliation with Great Britain: The interview at Erfurt having been
      determined on, the Emperor, who had returned from Bayonne to Paris, again
      left the capital about the end of September, and arrived at Metz without
      stopping, except for the purpose of reviewing the regiments which were
      echeloned on his route, and which were on their march from the Grand Army
      to Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had heard some time previously of the interview which was about to take
      place, and which was so memorable in the life of Napoleon. It excited so
      much interest in Germany that the roads were covered with the equipages of
      the Princes who were going to Erfurt to witness the meeting. The French
      Emperor arrived there before Alexander, and went forward three leagues to
      meet him. Napoleon was on horseback, Alexander in a carriage. They
      embraced, it is said, in a manner expressive of the most cordial
      friendship. This interview was witnessed by most of the sovereign Princes
      of Germany. However, neither the King of Prussia nor the Emperor of
      Austria was present. The latter sovereign sent a letter to Napoleon, of
      which I obtained a copy. It was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SIRE, MY BROTHER,&mdash;My Ambassador in Paris informs me that your
   Majesty is about to proceed to Erfurt to meet the Emperor Alexander.
   I eagerly seize the opportunity of your approach to my frontier to
   renew those testimonials of friendship and esteem which I have
   pledged to you; and I send my Lieutenant-General, Baron Vincent, to
   convey to you the assurance of my unalterable sentiments. If the
   false accounts that have been circulated respecting the internal
   institutions which I have established in my monarchy should for a
   moment have excited your Majesty's doubts as to my intentions, I
   fatter myself that the explanations given on that subject by Count
   Metternich to your Minister will have entirely removed them. Baron
   Vincent is enabled to confirm to your Majesty all that has been said
   by Count Metternich on the subject, and to add any further
   explanations, you may wish for. I beg that your Majesty will grant
   him the same gracious reception he experienced at Paris and at
   Warsaw. The renewed marks of favour you may bestow on him will be
   an unequivocal pledge of the reciprocity of your sentiments, and
   will seal that confidence which will render our satisfaction mutual.

   Deign to accept the assurance of the unalterable affection and
   respect with which I am, Sire, my Brother, Your imperial and royal
   Majesty's faithful brother and friend,
                       (Signed) FRANCIS.
   PRESBURG, 8th September 1808.
</pre>
    <p>
      This letter appears to be a model of ambiguity, by which it is impossible
      Napoleon could have been imposed upon. However, as yet he had no suspicion
      of the hostility of Austria, which speedily became manifest; his grand
      object then was the Spanish business, and, as I have before observed, one
      of the secrets of Napoleon's genius was, that he did not apply himself to
      more than one thing at a time.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Erfurt Bonaparte attained the principal object he had promised himself
      by the meeting. Alexander recognized Joseph in his new character of King
      of Spain and the Indies. It has been said that as the price of this
      recognition Napoleon consented that Alexander should have Swedish Finland;
      but for the truth of this I cannot vouch. However, I remember that when,
      after the interview at Erfurt, Alexander had given-orders to his
      ambassador to Charles IV. to continue his functions under King Joseph, the
      Swedish charge d'affaires at Hamburg told me that confidential letters
      received by him from Erfurt led him to fear that the Emperor Alexander had
      communicated to Napoleon his designs on Finland, and that Napoleon had
      given his consent to the occupation. Be this as it may, as soon as the
      interview was over Napoleon returned to Paris, where he presided with much
      splendour at the opening of the Legislative Body, and set out in the month
      of November for Spain.
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVI.
    </h2>

      1808.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Spanish troops in Hamburg&mdash;Romana's siesta&mdash;His departure for
   Funen&mdash;Celebration of Napoleon's birthday&mdash;Romana's defection&mdash;
   English agents and the Dutch troops&mdash;Facility of communication
   between England and the Continent&mdash;Delay of couriers from Russia&mdash;
   Alarm and complaints&mdash;The people of Hamburg&mdash;Montesquieu and the
   Minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany&mdash;Invitations at six months&mdash;
   Napoleon's journey to Italy&mdash;Adoption of Eugène&mdash;Lucien's daughter
   and the Prince of the Asturias&mdash;M. Auguste de Stael's interview with
   Napoleon.
</pre>
    <p>
      Previous to the interview at Erfurt an event took place which created a
      strong interest in Hamburg and throughout Europe, an event which was
      planned and executed with inconceivable secrecy. I allude to the defection
      of the Marquis de la Romans, which I have not hitherto noticed, in order
      that I might not separate the different facts which came to my knowledge
      respecting that defection and the circumstances which accompanied it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marquis de la Romans had come to the Hanse Towns at the head of an
      army corps of 18,000 men, which the Emperor in the preceding campaign
      claimed in virtue of treaties previously concluded with the Spanish
      Government. The Spanish troops at first met with a good reception in the
      Hanse Towns. The difference of language, indeed, occasionally caused
      discord, but when better acquainted the inhabitants and their visitors
      became good friends. The Marquis de la Romans was a little swarthy man, of
      unprepossessing and rather common appearance; but he had a considerable
      share of talent and information. He had travelled in almost every part of
      Europe, and as he had been a close observer of all he saw his conversation
      was exceedingly agreeable and instructive.
    </p>
    <p>
      During his stay at Hamburg General Romans spent almost every evening at my
      house, and invariably fell asleep over a game at whist. Madame de
      Bourrienne was usually his partner, and I recollect he perpetually offered
      apologies for his involuntary breach of good manners. This, however, did
      not hinder him from being guilty of the same offence the next evening. I
      will presently explain the cause of this regular siesta.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the King of Spain's birthday the Marquis de la Romans gave a
      magnificent entertainment. The decorations of the ballroom consisted of
      military emblems. The Marquis did the honours with infinite grace, and
      paid particular attention to the French generals. He always spoke of the
      Emperor in very respectful terms, without any appearance of affectation,
      so that it was impossible to suspect him of harbouring disaffection. He
      played his part to the last with the utmost address. At Hamburg we had
      already received intelligence of the fatal result of the battle of the
      Sierra Morena, and of the capitulation of Dupont, which disgraced him at
      the very moment when the whole army marked him out as the man most likely
      next to receive the baton of Marshal of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the Marquis de la Romans departed for the Danish island of
      Funen, in compliance with the order which Marshal Bernadotte had
      transmitted to him. There, as at Hamburg, the Spaniards were well liked,
      for their general obliged them to observe the strictest discipline. Great
      preparations were made in Hamburg on the approach of Saint Napoleon's day,
      which was then celebrated with much solemnity in every town in which
      France had representatives. The Prince de Ponte-Corvo was at Travemunde, a
      small seaport near Lübeck, but that did not prevent him from giving
      directions for the festival of the 15th of August. The Marquis de la
      Romana, the better to deceive the Marshal, despatched a courier,
      requesting permission to visit Hamburg on the day of the fete in order to
      join his prayers to those of the French, and to receive, on the day of the
      fete, from the hands of the Prince, the grand order of the Legion of
      Honour, which he had solicited, and which Napoleon had granted him. Three
      days after Bernadotte received intelligence of the defection of de la
      Romana. The Marquis had contrived to assemble a great number of English
      vessels on the coast, and to escape with all his troops except a depot of
      600 men left at Altona. We afterwards heard that he experienced no
      interruption on his passage, and that he landed with his troops at
      Corunna. I now knew to what to attribute the drowsiness which always
      overcame the Marquis de la Romana when he sat down to take a hand at
      whist. The fact was, he sat up all night making preparations for the
      escape which he had long meditated, while to lull suspicion he showed
      himself everywhere during the day, as usual.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the defection of the Spanish troops I received letters from Government
      requiring me to augment my vigilance, and to seek out those persons who
      might be supposed to have been in the confidence of the Marquis de la
      Romans. I was informed that English agents, dispersed through the Hanse
      Towns, were endeavouring to foment discord and dissatisfaction among the
      King of Holland's troops. These manoeuvres were connected with the treason
      of the Spaniards and the arrival of Danican in Denmark. Insubordination
      had already broken out, but it was promptly repressed. Two Dutch soldiers
      were shot for striking their officers, but notwithstanding this severity
      desertion among the troops increased to an alarming degree. Indefatigable
      agents in the pay of the English Government laboured incessantly to seduce
      the soldiers of King Louis (of Holland) from their duty. Some of these
      agents being denounced to me were taken almost in the act, and positive
      proof being adduced of their guilt they were condemned to death.
    </p>
    <p>
      These indispensable examples of severity did not check the manoeuvres of
      England, though they served to cool the zeal of her agents. I used every
      endeavour to second the Prince of Ponte-Corvo in tracing out the persons
      employed by England. It was chiefly from the small island of Heligoland
      that they found their way to the Continent. This communication was
      facilitated by the numerous vessels scattered about the small islands
      which lie along that coast. Five or six pieces of gold defrayed the
      expense of the passage to or from Heligoland. Thus the Spanish news, which
      was printed and often fabricated at London, was profusely circulated in
      the north of Germany. Packets of papers addressed to merchants and
      well-known persons in the German towns were put into the post-offices of
      Embden, Kuipphausen, Varel, Oldenburg, Delmenhorst, and Bremen. Generally
      speaking, this part of the coast was not sufficiently well watched to
      prevent espionage and smuggling; with regard to smuggling, indeed, no
      power could have entirely prevented it. The Continental system had made it
      a necessity, so that a great part of the population depended on it for
      subsistence.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the beginning of December 1808 we remarked that the Russian courier who
      passed through Konigsberg and Berlin, was regularly detained four, five,
      and even six hours on his way to Hamburg. The trading portion of the
      population, always suspicious, became alarmed at this chance in the
      courier's hours, into which they inquired and soon discovered the cause.
      It was ascertained that two agents had been stationed by the postmaster of
      the Grand Duchy of Berg at Hamburg, in a village called Eschburg belonging
      to the province of Lauenburg. There the courier from Berlin was stopped,
      and his packets and letters opened. As soon as these facts were known in
      Hamburg there was a general consternation among the trading class-that is
      to say, the influential population of the city. Important and
      well-grounded complaints were made. Some letters had been suppressed,
      enclosures had been taken from one letter and put into another, and
      several bills of exchange had gone astray. The intelligence soon reached
      the ears of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo, and was confirmed by the official
      report of the commissioner for the Imperial and Royal Post-office, who
      complained of the delay of the courier, of the confusion of the packets,
      and of want of confidence in the Imperial Post-office. It was impolitic to
      place such agents in a village where there was not even a post-office, and
      where the letters were opened in an inn without any supervision. This
      examination of the letters, sometimes, perhaps, necessary, but often
      dangerous, and always extremely delicate, created additional alarm, on
      account of the persons to whom the business was entrusted. If the Emperor
      wished to be made acquainted with the correspondence of certain persons in
      the north it would have been natural to entrust the business to his agents
      and his commissioner at Hamburg, and not to two unknown individuals&mdash;another
      inconvenience attending black cabinets. At my suggestion the Prince of
      Ponte-Corvo gave orders for putting a stop to the clandestine business at
      Eschburg. The two agents were taken to Hamburg and their conduct inquired
      into. They were severely punished. They deserved this, however, less than
      those who had entrusted them with such an honourable mission; but leaders
      never make much scruple about abandoning their accomplices in the lower
      ranks.
    </p>
    <p>
      But for the pain of witnessing vexations of this sort, which I had not
      always power to prevent, especially after Bernadotte's removal, my
      residence at Hamburg would have been delightful. Those who have visited
      that town know the advantages it possesses from its charming situation on
      the Elbe, and above all, the delightful country which surrounds it like a
      garden, and extends to the distance of more than a league along the banks
      of the Eyder. The manners and customs of the inhabitants bear the stamp of
      peculiarity; they are fond of pursuing their occupations in the open air.
      The old men are often seen sitting round tables placed before their doors
      sipping tea, while the children play before them, and the young people are
      at their work. These groups have a very picturesque effect, and convey a
      gratifying idea of the happiness of the people. On seeing the worthy
      citizens of Hamburg assembled round their doors I could not help thinking
      of a beautiful remark of Montesquieu. When he went to Florence with a
      letter of recommendation to the Prime Minister of the Grand Duke of
      Tuscany he found him sitting at the threshold of his door, inhaling the
      fresh air and conversing with some friends. "I see," said Montesquieu,
      "that I am arrived among a happy people, since their Prime Minister can
      enjoy his leisure moments thus."
    </p>
    <p>
      A sort of patriarchal simplicity characterises the manners of the
      inhabitants of Hamburg. They do not visit each other much, and only by
      invitation; but on such occasions they display great luxury beneath their
      simple exterior. They are methodical and punctual to an extraordinary
      degree. Of this I recollect a curious instance. I was very intimate with
      Baron Woght, a man of talent and information, and exceedingly amiable
      manners. One day he called to make us a farewell visit as he intended to
      set out on the following day for Paris. On Madame de Bourrienne expressing
      a hope that he would not protract his absence beyond six months, the
      period he had fixed upon, he replied, "Be assured, madame, nothing shall
      prevent me getting home on the day I have appointed, for I have invited a
      party of friends to dine with me on the day after my return." The Baron
      returned at the appointed time, and none of his guests required to be
      reminded of his invitation at six months' date.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon so well knew the effect which his presence produced that after a
      conquest he loved to show himself to the people whose territories he added
      to the Empire. Duroc, who always accompanied him when he was not engaged
      on missions, gave me a curious account of Napoleon's journey in 1807 to
      Venice and the other Italian provinces, which, conformably with the treaty
      of Presburg, were annexed to the Kingdom of Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      In this journey to the Kingdom of Italy Napoleon had several important
      objects in view. He was planning great alliances; and he loaded Eugène
      with favours for the purpose of sounding him and preparing him for his
      mother's divorce. At the same time he intended to have an interview with
      his brother Lucien, because, wishing to dispose of the hand of his
      brother's daughter, he thought of making her marry the Prince of the
      Asturias (Ferdinand), who before the Spanish war, when the first
      dissensions between father and son had become manifest, had solicited an
      alliance with the Emperor in the hope of getting his support. This was
      shortly after the eldest son of Louis had died in Holland of croup. It has
      been wrongly believed that Napoleon had an affection for this child beyond
      that of an uncle for a nephew. I have already said the truth about this.
    </p>
    <p>
      However this may be, it is certain that Napoleon now seriously
      contemplated a divorce from Josephine. If there had been no other proof of
      this I, who from long habit knew how to read Napoleon's thoughts by his
      acts, found a sufficient one in the decree issued at Milan by which
      Napoleon adopted Eugène as his son and successor to the crown of Italy, in
      default of male and legitimate children directly descended from him.
      Lucien went to Mantua on his brother's invitation, and this was the last
      interview they had before the Cent Jours. Lucien consented to give his
      daughter to the Prince of the Asturias, but this marriage did not take
      place. I learned from Duroc to what a height the enmity of Lucien towards
      the Beauharnais family, an enmity which I have often had occasion to speak
      of, had been renewed on this occasion. Lucien could not pardon Josephine
      for the rebuff of the counsels which he had given her, and which she had
      rejected with such proper indignation. Lucien had besides another special
      reason for giving his daughter to the Prince of the Asturias. He
      particularly wished to prevent that Prince marrying Mademoiselle de
      Tascher, the niece of Josephine, a marriage for which M. de Beauharnais,
      then Ambassador of France at Madrid, was working with all his might.
      Lucien also, with his Republican stolidity, submitted without too much
      scruple to the idea of having a Bourbon King as son-in-law. It was also
      during this journey of Napoleon that he annexed Tuscany to the Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte returned to Paris on the 1st of January 1808. On his way he
      stopped for a short time at Chambery, where a young man had been waiting
      for him several days. This was Madame de Stael's son, who was then not
      more than seventeen years of age. M. Auguste de Stael lodged at the house
      of the postmaster of Chambery, and as the Emperor was expected in the
      course of the night, he gave orders that he should be called up on the
      arrival of the first courier. The couriers, who had been delayed on the
      road, did not arrive until six in the morning, and were almost immediately
      followed by the Emperor himself, so that M, de Stael was awakened by the
      cries of Vive l'Empereur! He had just time to dress himself hastily, and
      fly to meet Napoleon, to whom he delivered a letter, which he had prepared
      beforehand for the purpose of soliciting an audience. Lauriston, the aide
      de camp on duty, took the letter, it being his business to receive all the
      letters and petitions which were presented to Napoleon on his way. Before
      breakfast the Emperor opened the letters which Lauriston had laid on the
      table; he merely looked at the signatures, and then laid them aside. On
      opening M. de Stael's letter he said, "Ah! ah! what have we here? a letter
      from M. de Stael! . . . He wishes to see me: . . . What can he want? . . .
      Can there be anything in common between me and the refugees of Geneva?"&mdash;
      "Sire," observed Lauriston, "he is a very young man; and, as well as I
      could judge from the little I saw of him, there is something very
      prepossessing in his appearance."&mdash;"A very young man, say you? . . .
      Oh, then I will see him. . . . Rustan, tell him to come in." M. de Stael
      presented himself to Napoleon with modesty, but without any unbecoming
      timidity. When he had respectfully saluted the Emperor a conversation
      ensued between them, which Duroc described to me in nearly the following
      manner.
    </p>
    <p>
      As M. de Stael advanced towards the Emperor the latter said, "Whence do
      you come?"&mdash;"From Geneva, Sire."&mdash;"Where is your mother?"&mdash;"She
      is either in Vienna or will soon be there."&mdash;"At Vienna! . . . Well,
      that is where she ought to be; and I suppose she is happy. . . . She will
      now have a good opportunity of learning German."&mdash;"Sire, how can you
      imagine my mother is happy when she is absent from her country and her
      friends? If I were permitted to lay before your Majesty my mother's
      confidential letter you would see how unhappy she is in her exile."&mdash;
      "Ah, bah! your mother unhappy, indeed! . . . However, I do not mean to say
      she is altogether a bad woman. . . . She has talent&mdash;perhaps too
      much; and hers is an unbridled talent. She was educated amidst the chaos
      of the subverted monarchy and the Revolution; and out of these events she
      makes an amalgamation of her own! All this might become very dangerous.
      Her enthusiasm is likely to make proselytes. I must keep watch upon her.
      She does not like me; and for the interests of those whom she would
      endanger I must prohibit her coming to Paris."
    </p>
    <p>
      Young De Stael stated that his object in seeking the interview with the
      Emperor was to petition for his mother's return to Paris. Napoleon having
      listened without impatience to the reasons he urged in support of his
      request, said, "But supposing I were to permit your mother to return to
      Pairs, six months would not elapse before I should be obliged to send her
      to the Bicetre or to the Temple. This I should be sorry to do, because the
      affair would make a noise, and injure me in public opinion. Tell your
      mother that my determination is formed, that my decision is irrevocable.
      She shall never set foot in Paris as long as I live."&mdash; "Sire, I
      cannot believe that you would arbitrarily imprison my mother if she gave
      you no reason for such severity."&mdash;"She would give me a dozen! . . .
      I know her well."&mdash;"Sire, permit me to say that I am certain my
      mother would live in Paris in a way that would afford no ground of
      reproach; she would live retired, and would see only a very few friends.
      In spite of your Majesty's refusal I venture to entreat that you will give
      her a trial, were it only for six weeks or a month. Permit her, Sire, to
      pass that time in Paris, and I conjure you to come to no final decision
      beforehand."&mdash;"Do you think I am to be deceived by these fair
      promises? . . . I tell you it cannot be. She would serve as a rallying
      point for the Faubourg St. Germain. She see nobody, indeed! Could she make
      that sacrifice? She would visit and receive company. She would be guilty
      of a thousand follies. She would be saying things which she may consider
      as very good jokes, but which I should take seriously. My government is no
      joke: I wish this to be well known by everybody."&mdash; "Sire, will your
      Majesty permit me to repeat that my mother has no wish whatever to mingle
      in society? She would confine herself to the circle of a few friends, a
      list of whom she would give to your Majesty. You, Sire, who love France so
      well, may form some idea of the misery my mother suffers in her
      banishment. I conjure your Majesty to yield to my entreaties, and let us
      be included in the number of your faithful subjects."&mdash;"You!"&mdash;"Yes,
      Sire; or if your Majesty persist in your refusal, permit a son to inquire
      what can have raised your displeasure against his mother. Some say that it
      was my grandfather's last work; but I can assure your Majesty that my
      mother had nothing to do with that."&mdash; "Yes, certainly," added
      Napoleon, with more ill-humour than he had hitherto manifested. "Yes,
      certainly, that work is very objectionable. Your grandfather was an
      ideologist, a fool, an old lunatic. At sixty years of age to think of
      forming plans to overthrow my constitution! States would be well governed,
      truly, under such theorists, who judge of men from books and the world
      from the map."&mdash;"Sire, since my grandfather's plans are, in your
      Majesty's eyes, nothing but vain theories, I cannot conceive why they
      should so highly excite your displeasure. There is no political economist
      who has not traced out plans of constitutions."&mdash;"Oh! as to political
      economists, they are mere-visionaries, who are dreaming of plans of
      finance while they are unfit to fulfil the duties of a schoolmaster in the
      most insignificant village in the Empire. Your grandfather's work is that
      of an obstinate old man who died abusing all governments."&mdash;"Sire,
      may I presume to suppose, from the way in which you speak of it, that your
      Majesty judges from the report of malignant persons, and that you have not
      yourself read it."
    </p>
    <p>
      "That is a mistake. I have read it myself from beginning to end."&mdash;
      "Then your Majesty must have seen how my grandfather renders justice to
      your genius."&mdash;"Fine justice, truly! . . . He calls me the
      indispensable man, but, judging from his arguments, the best thing that
      could be done would be to cut my throat! Yes, I was indeed indispensable
      to repair the follies of your grandfather, and the mischief he did to
      France. It was he who overturned the monarchy and led Louis XVI. to the
      scaffold."&mdash;"Sire, you seem to forget that my grandfather's property
      was confiscated because he defended the King."&mdash;"Defended the King! A
      fine defence, truly! You might as well say that if I give a man poison and
      present him with an antidote when he is in the agonies of death I wish to
      save him! Yet that is the way your grandfather defended Louis XVI..... As
      to the confiscation you speak of, what does that prove? Nothing. Why, the
      property of Robespierre was confiscated! And let me tell you that
      Robespierre himself, Marat, and Danton did much less mischief to France
      than M. Necker. It was he who brought about the Revolution. You, Monsieur
      de Stael, did not see this; but I did. I witnessed all that passed in
      those days of terror and public calamity. But as long as I live those days
      shall never return. Your speculators trace their Utopian schemes upon
      paper; fools read and believe them. All are babbling about general
      happiness, and presently the people have not bread to eat; then comes a
      revolution. Such is usually the fruit of all these fine theories! Your
      grandfather was the cause of the saturnalia which desolated France. He is
      responsible for all the blood shed in the Revolution!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Duroc informed me that the Emperor uttered these last words in a tone of
      fury which made all present tremble for young De Stael. Fortunately the
      young man did not lose his self-possession in the conflict, while the
      agitated expression of his countenance evidently showed what was passing
      in his mind. He was sufficiently master of himself to reply to the Emperor
      in a calm though rather faltering voice: "Sire, permit me to hope that
      posterity will judge of my grandfather more favourably than your Majesty
      does. During his administration he was ranked by the side of Sully and
      Colbert; and let me repeat again that I trust posterity will render him
      justice."&mdash;"Posterity will, probably, say little about him."&mdash;
      "I venture to hope the contrary, Sire."
    </p>
    <p>
      Then, added Duroc, the Emperor turning to us said with a smile, "After
      all, gentlemen, it is not for me to say too much against the Revolution
      since I have gained a throne by it." Then again turning to M. de Stael he
      said, "The reign of anarchy is at au end. I must have subordination.
      Respect the sovereign authority, since it comes from God. You are young,
      and well educated, therefore; follow a better course, and avoid those bad
      principles which endanger the welfare of society."&mdash;"Sire, since your
      Majesty does me the honour to think me well educated, you ought not to
      condemn the principles of my grandfather and my mother, for it is in those
      principles that I have been brought up."&mdash;"Well, I advise you to keep
      right in politics, for I will not pardon any offences of the Necker kind.
      Every one should keep right in politics."
    </p>
    <p>
      This conversation, Duroc informed me, had continued the whole time of
      breakfast, and the Emperor rose just as he pronounced these last words:
      "Every one should keep right in politics." At that moment young De Stael
      again renewed his solicitations for his mother's recall from exile.
      Bonaparte then stepped up to him and pinched his ear with that air of
      familiarity which was customary to him when he was in good humour or
      wished to appear so.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You are young," said he; "if you had my age and experience you would
      judge of things more correctly. I am far from being displeased with your
      frankness. I like to see a son plead his mother's cause. Your mother has
      given you a difficult commission, and you have executed it cleverly. I am
      glad I have had this opportunity of conversing with you. I love to talk
      with young people when they are unassuming and not too fond of arguing.
      But in spite of that I will not hold out false hopes to you. Murat has
      already spoken to me on the subject, and I have told him, as I now tell
      you, that my will is irrevocable. If your mother were in prison I should
      not hesitate to liberate her, but nothing shall induce me to recall her
      from exile."&mdash;"But, Sire, is she not as unhappy in being banished
      from her country and her friends as if she were in prison?"&mdash; "Oh!
      these are your mother's romantic ideas. She is exceedingly unhappy, and
      much to be pitied, no doubt! . . . With the exception of Paris she has all
      Europe for her prison."&mdash;"But, Sire, her friends are in Paris."&mdash;"With
      her talents she may make friends anywhere. After all, I cannot understand
      why she should be so anxious to come to Paris. Why should she wish to
      place herself immediately within the reach of my tyranny? Can she not go
      to Rome, to Berlin, to Vienna, to Milan, or to London? Yes, let her go to
      London; that is the place for her. There she may libel me as much as she
      pleases. In short, she has my full liberty to be anywhere but in Paris.
      You see, Monsieur de Stael, that is the place of my residence, and there I
      will have only those who are attached to me. I know from experience that
      if I were to allow your mother to come to Paris she would spoil everybody
      about me. She would finish the spoiling of Garat. It was she who ruined
      the Tribunate. I know she would promise wonders; but she cannot refrain
      from meddling with politics."&mdash;"I can assure your Majesty that my
      mother does not now concern herself about politics. She devotes herself
      exclusively to the society of her friends and to literature."&mdash;"Ah,
      there it is! . . . Literature! Do you think I am to be imposed upon by
      that word? While discoursing on literature, morals, the fine arts, and
      such matters, it is easy to dabble in politics. Let women mind their
      knitting. If your mother were in Paris I should hear all sorts of reports
      about her. Things might, indeed, be falsely attributed to her; but, be
      that as it may, I will have nothing of the kind going on in the capital in
      which I reside. All things considered, advise your mother to go to London.
      That is the best place for her. As for your grandfather, I have not spoken
      too severely of him. M. Necker knew nothing of the art of government. I
      have learned something of the matter during the last twenty years."&mdash;"All
      the world, Sire, renders justice to your Majesty's genius, and there is no
      one but acknowledges that the finances of France are now more prosperous
      than ever they were before your reign. But permit me to observe that your
      Majesty must, doubtless, have seen some merit in the financial regulations
      of my grandfather, since you have adopted some of them in the admirable
      system you have established."&mdash;"That proves nothing; for two or three
      good ideas do not constitute a good system. Be that as it may, I say
      again, I will never allow your mother to return to Paris."&mdash;"But,
      Sire, if sacred interests should absolutely require her presence there for
      a few days would not&mdash;"&mdash;"How! Sacred interests! What do you
      mean?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire, if you do not allow her to return I shall be
      obliged to go there, unaided by her advice, in order to recover from your
      Majesty's Government the payment of a sacred debt."&mdash;"Ah! bah!
      Sacred! Are not all the debts of the State sacred?"&mdash;"Doubtless,
      Sire; but ours is attended with circumstances which give it a peculiar
      character."&mdash;"A peculiar character! Nonsense! Does not every State
      creditor say the same of his debt? Besides, I know nothing of your claim.
      It does not concern me, and I will not meddle with it. If you have the law
      on your side so much the better; but if you want favour I tell you I will
      not interfere. If I did, I should be rather against you than otherwise."&mdash;"Sire,
      my brother and myself had intended to settle in France, but how can we
      live in a country where our mother cannot visit us?"&mdash;"I do not care
      for that. I do not advise you to come here. Go to England. The English
      like wrangling politicians. Go there, for in France, I tell you candidly,
      that I should be rather against you than for you."
    </p>
    <p>
      "After this conversation," added Duroc, "the Emperor got into the carriage
      with me without stopping to look to the other petitions which had been
      presented to him. He preserved unbroken silence until he got nearly
      opposite the cascade, on the left of the road, a few leagues from
      Chambery. He appeared to be absorbed in reflection. At length he said, 'I
      fear I have been somewhat too harsh with this young man. . . . But no
      matter, it will prevent others from troubling me. These people calumniate
      everything I do. They do not understand me, Duroc; their place is not in
      France. How can Necker's family be for the Bourbons, whose first duty, if
      ever they returned to France, would be to hang them all.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      This conversation, related to me by Duroc, interested me so much that I
      noted it down on paper immediately after my interview.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0086" id="link2HCH0086">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVII.
    </h2>

      1808.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Republic of Batavia&mdash;The crown of Holland offered to Louis&mdash;
   Offer and refusal of the crown of Spain&mdash;Napoleon's attempt to get
   possession of Brabant&mdash;Napoleon before and after Erfart&mdash;
   A remarkable letter to Louis&mdash;Louis summoned to Paris&mdash;His honesty
   and courage&mdash;His bold language&mdash;Louis' return to Holland, and his
   letter to Napoleon&mdash;Harsh letter from Napoleon to Louis&mdash;Affray at
   Amsterdam&mdash;Napoleon's displeasure and last letter to his brother&mdash;
   Louis' abdication in favour of his son&mdash;Union of Holland to the
   French Empire&mdash;Protest of Louis against that measure&mdash;Letter from M.
   Otto to Louis.
</pre>
    <p>
      When Bonaparte was the chief of the French Republic he had no objection to
      the existence of a Batavian Republic in the north of France, and he
      equally tolerated the Cisalpine Republic in the south. But after the
      coronation all the Republics, which were grouped like satellites round the
      grand Republic, were converted into kingdoms subject to the Empire, if not
      avowedly, at least in fact. In this respect there was no difference
      between the Batavian and Cisalpine Republics. The latter having been
      metamorphosed into the Kingdom of Italy, it was necessary to find some
      pretext for transforming the former into the Kingdom of Holland. The
      government of the Republic of Batavia had been for some time past merely
      the shadow of a government, but still it preserved, even in its submission
      to France, those internal forms of freedom which console a nation for the
      loss of independence. The Emperor kept up such an extensive agency in
      Holland that he easily got up a deputation soliciting him to choose a king
      for the Batavian Republic. This submissive deputation came to Paris in
      1806 to solicit the Emperor, as a favour, to place Prince Louis on the
      throne of Holland. The address of the deputation, the answer of Napoleon,
      and the speech of Louis on being raised to the sovereign dignity, have all
      been published.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis became King of Holland much against his inclination, for he opposed
      the proposition as much as he dared, alleging as an objection the state of
      his health, to which certainly the climate of Holland was not favourable;
      but Bonaparte sternly replied to his remonstrance, "It is better to die a
      king than live a prince." He was then obliged to accept the crown. He went
      to Holland accompanied by Hortense, who, however, did mot stay long there.
      The new King wanted to make himself beloved by his subjects, and as they
      were an entirely commercial people the best way to win their affections
      was not to adopt Napoleon's rigid laws against commercial intercourse with
      England. Hence the first coolness between the two brothers, which ended in
      the abdication of Louis.
    </p>
    <p>
      I know not whether Napoleon recollected the motive assigned by Louis for
      at first refusing the crown of Holland, namely, the climate of the
      country, or whether he calculated upon greater submission in another of
      his brothers; but this is certain, that Joseph was not called from the
      throne of Naples to the throne of Spain until after the refusal of Louis.
      I have in my possession a copy of a letter written to him by Napoleon on
      the subject. It is without date of time or place, but its contents prove
      it to have been written in March or April 1808. It is as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   BROTHER:&mdash;The King of Spain, Charles IV., has just abdicated. The
   Spanish people loudly appeal to me. Certain of obtaining no solid
   peace with England unless I cause a great movement on the Continent,
   I have determined to place a French King on the throne of Spain.
   The climate of Holland does not agree with you; besides, Holland
   cannot rise from her rains. In the whirlwind of events, whether we
   have peace or not, there is no possibility of her maintaining
   herself. In this state of things I have thought of the throne of
   Spain for you. Give me your opinions categorically on this measure.
   If I were to name you King of Spain would you accept the offer? May
   I count on you? Answer me these two questions. Say, "I have
   received your letter of such a day, I answer Yes," and then I shall
   count on your doing what I wish; or say "No" if you decline my
   proposal. Let no one enter into your confidence, and mention to no
   one the object of this letter. The thing must be done before we
   confess having thought about it.

                  (signed) NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      Before finally seizing Holland Napoleon formed the project of separating
      Brabant and Zealand from it in exchange for other provinces, the
      possession of which was doubtful, but Louis successfully resisted this
      first act of usurpation. Bonaparte was, too intent on the great business
      in Spain to risk any commotion in the north, where the declaration of
      Russia against Sweden already sufficiently occupied him. He therefore did
      not insist upon, and even affected indifference to, the proposed
      augmentation of the territory of the Empire. This at least may be
      collected from another letter, dated St. Cloud, 17th August, written upon
      hearing from M. Alexandre de la Rochefoucauld, his Ambassador in Holland,
      and from his brother himself, the opposition of Louis to his project.
    </p>
    <p>
      The letter was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   BROTHER&mdash;I have received your letter relating to that of the Sieur
   de la Rochefoucauld. He was only authorised to make the proposals
   indirectly. Since the exchange does not please you, let us think no
   more about it. It was useless to make a parade of principles,
   though I never said that you ought not to consult the nation. The
   well-informed part of the Dutch people had already acknowledged
   their indifference to the loss of Brabant, which is connected with
   France rather than with Holland, and interspersed with expensive
   fortresses; it might have been advantageously exchanged for the
   northern provinces. But, once for all, since you do not like this
   arrangement, let no more be said about it. It was useless even to
   mention it to me, for the Sieur de la Rochefoucauld was instructed
   merely to hint the matter.
</pre>
    <p>
      Though ill-humour here evidently peeps out beneath affected condescension,
      yet the tone of this letter is singularly moderate,&mdash;I may even say
      kind, in comparison with other letters which Napoleon addressed to Louis.
      This letter, it is true, was written previously to the interview at
      Erfurt, when Napoleon, to avoid alarming Russia, made his ambition appear
      to slumber. But when he got his brother Joseph recognised, and when he had
      himself struck an important blow in the Peninsula, he began to change his
      tone to Louis. On the 20th of December he wrote a very remarkable letter,
      which exhibits the unreserved expression of that tyranny which he wished
      to exercise over all his family in order to make them the instruments of
      his despotism. He reproached Louis for not following his system of policy,
      telling him that he had forgotten he was a Frenchman, and that he wished
      to become a Dutchman. Among other things he said:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Your Majesty has done more: you took advantage of the moment when I
   was involved in the affairs of the Continent to renew the relations
   between Holland and England&mdash;to violate the laws of the blockade,
   which are the only means of effectually destroying the latter power.
   I expressed my dissatisfaction by forbidding you to come to France,
   and I have made you feel that even without the assistance of my
   armies, by merely closing the Rhine, the Weser, the Scheldt, and the
   Meuse against Holland, I should have placed her in a situation more
   critical than if I had declared war against her. Your Majesty
   implored my generosity, appealed to my feelings as brother, and
   promised to alter your conduct. I thought this warning would be
   sufficient. I raised my custom-house prohibitions, but your Majesty
   has returned to your old system.

   Your Majesty received all the American ships that presented
   themselves in the ports of Holland after having been expelled from
   those of France. I have been obliged a second time to prohibit
   trade with Holland. In this state of things we may consider
   ourselves really at war. In my speech to the Legislative Body I
   manifested my displeasure; for I will not conceal from you that my
   intention is to unite Holland with France. This will be the most
   severe blow I can aim against England, and will deliver me from the
   perpetual insults which the plotters of your Cabinet are constantly
   directing against me. The mouths of the Rhine and of the Meuse
   ought, indeed, to belong to me. The principle that the 'Thalweg'
   (towing-path) of the Rhine is the boundary of France is a
   fundamental principle. Your Majesty writes to me on the 17th that
   you are sure of being able to prevent all trade between Holland and
   England. I am of opinion that your Majesty promises more than
   you can fulfil. I shall, however, remove my custom-house
   prohibitions whenever the existing treaties may be executed. The
   following are my conditions:&mdash;First, The interdiction of all trade
   and communication with England. Second, The supply of a fleet of
   fourteen sail-of the line, seven frigates and seven brigs or
   corvettes, armed and manned. Third, An army of 25,000 men. Fourth,
   The suppression of the rank of marshals. Fifth, The abolition of
   all the privileges of nobility which are contrary to the
   constitution which I have given and guaranteed. Your Majesty may
   negotiate on these bases with the Duc de Cadore, through the medium
   of your Minister; but be assured that on the entrance of the first
   packetboat into Holland I will restore my prohibitions, and that the
   first Dutch officer who may presume to insult my flag shall be
   seized, and hanged at the mainyard. Your Majesty will find in me a
   brother if you prove yourself a Frenchman; but if you forget the
   sentiments which attach you to our common country you cannot think
   it extraordinary that I should lose sight of those which nature
   created between us. In short, the union of Holland and France will
   be of all things, most useful to France, to Holland, and the whole
   Continent, because it will be most injurious to England. This union
   must be effected willingly or by force. Holland has given me
   sufficient reason to declare war against her. However, I shall not
   scruple to consent to an arrangement which will secure to me the
   limit of the Rhine, and by which Holland will pledge herself to
   fulfil the conditions stipulated above.

     &mdash;[Much of the manner in which Napoleon treated occupied
     countries such as Holland is explained by the spirit of his
     answer when Beugnot complained to him of the harm done to the
     Grand Duchy of Berg by the monopoly of tobacco. "It is
     extraordinary that you should not have discovered the motive
     that makes me persist in the establishment of the monopoly of
     tobacco in the Grand Duchy. The question is not about your
     Grand Duchy but about France. I am very well aware that it is
     not to your benefit, and that you very possibly lose by it, but
     what does that signify if it be for the good of France? I tell
     you, then, that in every country where there is a monopoly of
     tobacco, but which is contiguous to one where the sale is free,
     a regular smuggling infiltration must be reckoned on, supplying
     the consumption for twenty or twenty-five miles into the
     country subject to the duty. That is what I intend to preserve
     France from. You must protect yourselves as well as you can
     from this infiltration. It is enough for me to drive it back
     more than twenty or twenty-five miles from my frontier."
     (Beugnot, vol. ii. p. 26).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Here the correspondence between the two brothers was suspended for a time;
      but Louis still continued exposed to new vexations on the part of
      Napoleon. About the end of 1809 the Emperor summoned all the sovereigns
      who might be called his vassals to Paris. Among the number was Louis, who,
      however, did not show himself very willing to quit his States. He called a
      council of his Ministers, who were of opinion that for the interest of
      Holland he ought to make this new sacrifice. He did so with resignation.
      Indeed, every day passed on the throne was a sacrifice made by Louis.
    </p>
    <p>
      He lived very quietly in Paris, and was closely watched by the police, for
      it was supposed that as he had come against his will he would not protract
      his stay so long as Napoleon wished. The system of espionage under which
      he found himself placed, added to the other circumstances of his
      situation, inspired him with a degree of energy of which he was not
      believed to be capable; and amidst the general silence of the servants of
      the Empire, and even of the Kings and Princes assembled in the capital, he
      ventured to say, "I have been deceived by promises which were never
      intended to be kept. Holland is tired of being the sport of France." The
      Emperor, who was unused to such language as this, was highly incensed at
      it. Louis had now no alternative but to yield to the incessant exactions
      of Napoleon or to see Holland united to France. He chose the latter,
      though not before he had exerted all his feeble power in behalf of the
      subjects whom Napoleon had consigned to him; but he would not be the
      accomplice of the man who had resolved to make those subjects the victims
      of his hatred against England. Who, indeed, could be so blind as not to
      see that the ruin of the Continent would be the triumph of British
      commerce?
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis was, however, permitted to return to his States to contemplate the
      stagnating effect of the Continental blockade on every branch of trade and
      industry formerly so active in Holland. Distressed at witnessing evils to
      which he could apply no remedy, he endeavoured by some prudent
      remonstrances to avert the utter, ruin with which Holland was threatened.
      On the 23d of March 1810 he wrote the following letter to Napoleon:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   If you wish to consolidate the present state of France, to obtain
   maritime peace, or to attack England with advantage, those objects
   are not to be obtained by measures like the blockading system, the
   destruction of a kingdom raised by yourself, or the enfeebling of
   your allies, and setting at defiance their most sacred rights and
   the first principles of the law of nations. You should, on the
   contrary, win their affections for France, and consolidate and
   reinforce your allies, making them like your brothers, in whom you
   may place confidence. The destruction of Holland, far from being
   the means of assailing England, will serve only to increase her
   strength, by all the industry and wealth which will fly to her for
   refuge. There are, in reality, only three ways of assailing
   England, namely, by detaching Ireland, getting possession of the
   East Indies, or by invasion. These two latter modes, which would be
   the most effectual, cannot be executed without naval force. But I
   am astonished that the first should have been so easily
   relinquished. That is a more secure mode of obtaining peace on good
   conditions than the system of injuring ourselves for the sake of
   committing a greater injury upon the enemy.

                    (Signed) LOUIS.
</pre>
    <p>
      Written remonstrances were no more to Napoleon's taste than verbal ones at
      a time when, as I was informed by my friends whom fortune chained to his
      destiny, no one presumed to address a word to him except in answer to his
      questions. Cambacérès, who alone had retained that privilege in public as
      his old colleague in the Consulate, lost it after Napoleon's marriage with
      the daughter of Imperial Austria. His brother's letter highly roused his
      displeasure. Two months after he received it, being on a journey in the
      north, he replied from Ostend by a letter which cannot be read without a
      feeling of pain, since it serves to show how weak are the most sacred ties
      of blood in comparison with the interests of an insatiable policy. This
      letter was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   BROTHER&mdash;In the situation in which we are placed it is best to speak
   candidly. I know your secret sentiments, and all that you can say
   to the contrary can avail nothing. Holland is certainly in a
   melancholy situation. I believe you are anxious to extricate her
   from her difficulties: it is you; and you alone, who can do this.

   When you conduct yourself in such a way as to induce the people of
   Holland to believe that you act under my influence, that all your
   measures and all your sentiments are conformable with mine, then you
   will be loved, you will be esteemed, and you will acquire the power
   requisite for re-establishing Holland: when to be my friend, and the
   friend of France, shall become a title of favour at your court,
   Holland will be in her natural situation. Since your return from
   Paris you have done nothing to effect this object. What will be the
   result of your conduct? Your subjects, bandied about between France
   and England, will throw themselves into the arms of France, and will
   demand to be united to her. You know my character, which is to
   pursue my object unimpeded by any consideration. What, therefore,
   do you expect me to do? I can dispense with Holland, but Holland
   cannot dispense with my protection. If, under the dominion of one
   of my brothers, but looking to me alone for her welfare, she does
   not find in her sovereign my image, all confidence in your
   government is at an end; your sceptre is broken. Love France, love
   my glory&mdash;that is the only way to serve Holland: if you had acted as
   you ought to have done that country, having becoming a part of my
   Empire, would have been the more dear to me since I had given her a
   sovereign whom I almost regarded as my son. In placing you on the
   throne of Holland I thought I had placed a French citizen there.
   You have followed a course diametrically opposite to what I
   expected. I have been forced to prohibit you from coming to France,
   and to take possession of a part of your territory. In proving
   yourself a bad Frenchman you are less to the Dutch than a Prince of
   Orange, to whose family they owe their rank as a nation, and a long
   succession of prosperity and glory. By your banishment from France
   the Dutch are convinced that they have lost what they would not have
   lost under a Schimmelpenninek or a Prince of Orange. Prove yourself
   a Frenchman, and the brother of the Emperor, and be assured that
   thereby you will serve the interests of Holland. But you seem to be
   incorrigible, for you would drive away the few Frenchmen who remain
   with you. You must be dealt with, not by affectionate advice, but
   by threats and compulsion. What mean the prayers and mysterious
   fasts you have ordered? Louis, you will not reign long. Your
   actions disclose better than your confidential letters the
   sentiments of your mind. Return to the right course. Be a
   Frenchman in heart, or your people will banish you, and you will
   leave Holland an object of ridicule.

     &mdash;[It was, on the contrary, became Louis made himself a
     Dutchman that his people did not banish him, and that he
     carried away with him the regret of all that portion of his
     subjects who could appreciate his excellent qualities and
     possessed good sense enough to perceive that he was not to
     blame for the evils that weighed upon Holland.&mdash;Bourrienne.
     The conduct of Bonaparte to Murat was almost a counterpart to
     this. When Murat attempted to consult the interests of Naples
     he was called a traitor to France.&mdash;Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;

   States must be governed by reason and policy, and not by the
   weakness produced by acrid and vitiated humours.

                    (Signed) NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      A few days after this letter was despatched to Louis, Napoleon heard of a
      paltry affray which had taken place at Amsterdam, and to which Comte de la
      Rochefoucauld gave a temporary diplomatic importance, being aware that he
      could not better please his master than by affording him an excuse for
      being angry. It appeared that the honour of the Count's coachman had been
      put in jeopardy by the insult of a citizen of Amsterdam, and a quarrel had
      ensued, which, but for the interference of the guard of the palace, might
      have terminated seriously since it assumed the character of a party affair
      between the French and the Dutch. M. de la Rochefoucauld immediately
      despatched to the Emperor, who was then at Lille, a full report of his
      coachman's quarrel, in which he expressed himself with as much earnestness
      as the illustrious author of the "Maxims" evinced when he waged war
      against kings. The consequence was that Napoleon instantly fulminated the
      following letter against his brother Louis:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   BROTHER&mdash;At the very moment when you were making the fairest
   protestations I learn that the servants of my Ambassador have been
   ill-treated at Amsterdam. I insist that those who were guilty of
   this outrage be delivered up to me, in order that their punishment
   may serve as an example to others. The Sieur Serrurier has informed
   me how you conducted yourself at the diplomatic audiences. I have,
   consequently, determined that the Dutch Ambassador shall not remain
   in Paris; and Admiral Yerhuell has received orders to depart within
   twenty-four hours. I want no more phrases and protestations. It is
   time I should know whether you intend to ruin Holland by your
   follies. I do not choose that you should again send a Minister to
   Austria, or that you should dismiss the French who are in your
   service. I have recalled my Ambassador as I intend only to have a
   charge d'affaires in Holland. The Sieur Serrurier, who remains
   there in that capacity, will communicate my intentions. My
   Ambassador shall no longer be exposed to your insults. Write to me
   no more of those set phrases which you have been repeating for the
   last three years, and the falsehood of which is proved every day.

   This is the last letter I will ever write to you as long as I live.

               (Signed)  NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus reduced to the cruel alternative of crushing Holland with his own
      hands, or leaving that task to the Emperor, Louis did not hesitate to lay
      down his sceptre. Having formed this resolution, he addressed a message to
      the Legislative Body of the Kingdom of Holland explaining the motives of
      his abdication. The French troops entered Holland under the command of the
      Duke of Reggio, and that marshal, who was more a king than the King
      himself, threatened to occupy Amsterdam. Louis then descended from his
      throne, and four years after Napoleon was hurled from his.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his act of abdication Louis declared that he had been driven to that
      step by the unhappy state of his Kingdom, which he attributed to his
      brother's unfavourable feelings towards him. He added that he had made
      every effort and sacrifice to put an end to that painful state of things,
      and that, finally, he regarded himself as the cause of the continual
      misunderstanding between the French Empire and Holland. It is curious that
      Louis thought he could abdicate the crown of Holland in favour of his son,
      as Napoleon only four years after wished to abdicate his crown in favour
      of the King of Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis bade farewell to the people of Holland in a proclamation, after the
      publication of which he repaired to the waters at Toeplitz. There he was
      living in tranquil retirement when he learned that his brother had united
      Holland to the Empire. He then published a protest, of which I obtained a
      copy, though its circulation was strictly prohibited by the police. In
      this protest Louis said:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The constitution of the state guaranteed by the Emperor, my brother,
   gave me the right of abdicating in favour of my children. That
   abdication was made in the form and terms prescribed by the
   constitution. The Emperor had no right to declare war against
   Holland, and he has not done so.

   There is no act, no dissent, no demand of the Dutch nation that can
   authorise the pretended union.

   My abdication does not leave the throne vacant. I have abdicated
   only in favour of my children.

   As that abdication left Holland for twelve years under a regency,
   that is to say, under the direct influence of the Emperor, according
   to the terms of the constitution, there was no need of that union
   for executing every measure he might have in view against trade and
   against England, since his will was supreme in Holland.

   But I ascended the throne without any other conditions except those
   imposed upon me by my conscience, my duty, and the interest and
   welfare of my subjects. I therefore declare before God and the
   independent sovereigns to whom I address myself&mdash;

   First, That the treaty of the 16th of March 1810, which occasioned
   the separation of the province of Zealand and Brabant from Holland,
   was accepted by compulsion, and ratified conditionally by me in
   Paris, where I was detained against my will; and that, moreover, the
   treaty was never executed by the Emperor my brother. Instead of
   6000 French troops which I was to maintain, according to the terms
   of the treaty, that number has been more than doubled; instead of
   occupying only the mouths of the rivers and the coasts, the French
   custom-horses have encroached into the interior of the country;
   instead of the interference of France being confined to the measures
   connected with the blockade of England, Dutch magazines have been
   seized and Dutch subjects arbitrarily imprisoned; finally, none of
   the verbal promises have been kept which were made in the Emperor's
   name by the Duc de Cadore to grant indemnities for the countries
   ceded by the said treaty and to mitigate its execution, if the King
   would refer entirely to the Emperor, etc. I declare, in my name, in
   the name of the nation and my son, the treaty of the 16th of March
   1810 to be null and void.

   Second, I declare that my abdication was forced by the Emperor, my
   brother, that it was made only as the last extremity, and on this
   one condition&mdash;that I should maintain the rights of Holland and my
   children. My abdication could only be made in their favour.

   Third, In my name, in the name of the King my son, who is as yet a
   minor, and in the name of the Dutch nation, I declare the pretended
   union of Holland to France, mentioned in the decree of the Emperor,
   my brother, dated the 9th of July last, to be null, void, illegal,
   unjust, and arbitrary in the eyes of God and man, and that the
   nation and the minor King will assert their just rights when
   circumstances permit them.
                    (Signed)LOUIS.
   August 1, 1810.
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus there seemed to be an end of all intercourse between these two
      brothers, who were so opposite in character and disposition. But Napoleon,
      who was enraged that Louis should have presumed to protest, and that in
      energetic terms, against the union of his Kingdom with the Empire, ordered
      him to return to France, whither he was summoned in his character of
      Constable and French Prince. Louis, however, did not think proper to obey
      this summons, and Napoleon, mindful of his promise of never writing to him
      again, ordered the following letter to be addressed to him by M. Otto, who
      had been Ambassador from France to Vienna since the then recent marriage
      of the Emperor with Maria Louisa&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   SIRE:&mdash;The Emperor directs me to write to your Majesty as follows:&mdash;
   "It is the duty of every French Prince, and every member of the
   Imperial family, to reside in France, whence they cannot absent
   themselves without the permission of the Emperor. Before the union
   of Holland to the Empire the Emperor permitted the King to reside at
   Toeplitz, is Bohemia. His health appeared to require the use of the
   waters, but now the Emperor requires that Prince Louis shall return,
   at the latest by the 1st of December next, under pain of being
   considered as disobeying the constitution of the Empire and the head
   of his family, and being treated accordingly."

   I fulfil, Sire, word for word the mission with which I have been
   entrusted, and I send the chief secretary of the embassy to be
   assured that this letter is rightly delivered. I beg your Majesty
   to accept the homage of my respect, etc.

                       (Signed)OTTO.

     &mdash;[The eldest son of Louis, one of the fruits of his unhappy
     marriage with Hortense Beauharnais, the daughter of Josephine,
     the wife of his brother Napoleon, was little more than six
     years of age when his father abdicated the crown of Holland in
     his favour. In 1830-31 this imprudent young man joined the
     ill-combined mad insurrection in the States of the Pope. He
     was present in one or two petty skirmishes, and was, we
     believe, wounded; but it was a malaria fever caught in the
     unhealthy Campagna of Rome that carried him to the grave in the
     twenty-seventh year of his age.&mdash;Editor of 1836 edition.&mdash;
     The first child of Louis and of Hortense had died in 1807.
     The second son, Napoleon Louis (1804-1831) in whose favour he
     abdicated had been created Grand Duc de Berg et de Cleves by
     Napoleon in 1809. He married to 1826 Charlotte, the daughter
     of Joseph Bonaparte, and died in 1831, while engaged in a
     revolutionary movement in Italy. On his death his younger
     brother Charles Louis Napoleon, the future Napoleon III., first
     came forward as an aspirant.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      What a letter was this to be addressed by a subject to a prince and a
      sovereign. When I afterwards saw M. Otto in Paris, and conversed with him
      on the subject, he assured me how much he had been distressed at the
      necessity of writing such a letter to the brother of the Emperor. He had
      employed the expressions dictated by Napoleon in that irritation which he
      could never command when his will was opposed.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[With regard to Louis and his conduct in Holland Napoleon thus
   spoke at St. Helena:

   "Louis is not devoid of intelligence, and has a good heart, but even
   with these qualifications a man may commit many errors, and do a
   great deal of mischief. Louis is naturally inclined to be
   capricious and fantastical, and the works of Jean Jacques Rousseau
   have contributed to increase this disposition. Seeking to obtain a
   reputation for sensibility and beneficence, incapable by himself of
   enlarged views, and, at most, competent to local details, Louis
   acted like a prefect rather than a King.

   "No sooner had he arrived in Holland than, fancying that nothing
   could be finer than to have it said that he was thenceforth a true
   Dutchman, he attached himself entirely to the party favourable to
   the English, promoted smuggling, and than connived with our enemies.
   It became necessary from that moment watch over him, and even
   threaten to wage war against him. Louis then seeking a refuge
   against the weakness of his disposition in the most stubborn
   obstinacy, and mistaking a public scandal for an act of glory, fled
   from his throne, declaiming against me and against my insatiable
   ambition, my intolerable tyranny, etc. What then remained for me to
   do? Was I to abandon Holland to our enemies? Ought I to have given
   it another King? But is that case could I have expected more from
   him than from my own brother? Did not all the Kings that I created
   act nearly in the same manner? I therefore united Holland to the
   Empire, and this act produced a most unfavourable impression in
   Europe, and contributed not a little to lay the foundation of our
   misfortunes" (Memorial de Sainte Helene)]&mdash;
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVIII.
    </h2>

      1809.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Demands for contingents from some of the small States of Germany&mdash;
   M. Metternich&mdash;Position of Russia with respect to France&mdash;Union of
   Austria and Russia&mdash;Return of the English to Spain&mdash;Soult King of
   Portugal, and Murat successor to the Emperor&mdash;First levy of the
   landwehr in Austria&mdash;Agents of the Hamburg 'Correspondent'&mdash;
   Declaration of Prince Charles&mdash;Napoleon's march to Germany&mdash;His
   proclamation&mdash;Bernadotte's departure for the army&mdash;Napoleon's
   dislike of Bernadotte&mdash;Prince Charles' plan of campaign&mdash;The English
   at Cuxhaven&mdash;Fruitlessness of the plots of England&mdash;Napoleon
   wounded&mdash;Napoleon's prediction realised&mdash;Major Schill&mdash;Hamburg
   threatened and saved&mdash;Schill in Lübeck&mdash;His death, and destruction
   of his band&mdash;Schill imitated by the Duke of Brunswick-Oels&mdash;
   Departure of the English from Cuxhaven.
</pre>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, the foundations of whose Empire were his sword and his.
      victories, and who was anxiously looking forward to the time when the
      sovereigns of Continental Europe should be his juniors, applied for
      contingents of troops from the States to which I was accredited. The Duchy
      of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was to furnish a regiment of 1800 men, and the
      other little States, such as Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz, were to
      furnish regiments of less amount. All Europe was required to rise in arms
      to second the gigantic projects of the new sovereign. This demand for
      contingents, and the positive way in which the Emperor insisted upon them,
      gave rise to an immense correspondence, which, however, was unattended by
      any result. The notes and orders remained in the portfolios, and the
      contingents stayed at home.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Metternich, whose talent has since been so conspicuously displayed, had
      been for upwards of a year Ambassador from Austria to Paris. Even then he
      excelled in the art of guiding men's minds, and of turning to the
      advantage of his policy his external graces and the favour he acquired in
      the drawing-room. His father, a clever man, brought up in the old
      diplomatic school of Thugut and Kaunitz, had early accustomed him to the
      task of making other Governments believe, by means of agents, what might
      lead them into error and tend to the advantage of his own Government. His
      manoeuvres tended to make Austria assume a discontented and haughty tone;
      and wishing, as she said, to secure her independence, she publicly
      declared her intention of protecting herself against any enterprise
      similar to those of which she had so often been the victim. This language,
      encouraged by the complete evacuation of Germany, and the war in Spain,
      the unfortunate issue of which was generally foreseen, was used&mdash;in
      time of peace between the two empires, and when France was not threatening
      war to Austria.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Metternich arrived in Paris as Ambassador on 4th August 1806,
   after Austria had been vanquished at Austerlitz. It does not seem
   probable, either from his views or his correspondence, that he
   advised the rash attempt of Austria to attack Napoleon by herself;
   compare Metternich tome 1. p. 69, on the mistake of Prussia in 1805
   and 1806; see also tome ii. p. 221, "To provoke a war with France
   would be madness" (1st July 1808). On the other hand, the tone of
   his correspondence in 1808 seams calculated to make Austria believe
   that war was inevitable, and that her forces, "so inferior to those
   of France before the insurrection in Spain, will at least be equal
   to them immediately after that event" (tome ii. p. 808). What is
   curious is that Metternich's conduct towards Napoleon while
   Ambassador had led even such men as Duke Dalberg to believe that he
   was really so well disposed towards Napoleon as to serve his cause
   more than that of Austria.
</pre>
    <p>
      M. Metternich, who had instructions from his Court, gave no satisfactory
      explanation of those circumstances to Napoleon, who immediately raised a
      conscription, and brought soldiers from Spain into Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was necessary, also, to come to an understanding with Russia, who,
      being engaged with her war in Finland and Turkey, appeared desirous
      neither to enter into alliance with Austria nor to afford her support.
      What, in fact, was the Emperor Alexander's situation with respect to
      France? He had signed a treaty of peace at Tilsit which he felt had been
      forced upon him, and he knew that time alone would render it possible for
      him to take part in a contest which it was evident would again be renewed
      either with Prussia or Austria.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every person of common sense must have perceived that Austria, in taking
      up arms, reckoned, if not on the assistance, at least on the neutrality of
      Russia. Russia was then engaged with two enemies, the Swedes and the
      Turks, over whom she hoped to triumph. She therefore rejoiced to see
      France again engage in a struggle with Austria, and there was no doubt
      that she would take advantage of any chances favourable to the latter
      power to join her in opposing the encroachments of France. I never could
      conceive how, under those circumstances, Napoleon could be so blind as to
      expect assistance from Russia in his quarrel with Austria. He must,
      indeed, have been greatly deceived as to the footing on which the two
      Courts stood with reference to each other&mdash;their friendly footing and
      their mutual agreement to oppose the overgrowing ambition of their common
      enemy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The English, who had been compelled to quit Spain, now returned there.
      They landed in Portugal, which might be almost regarded as their own
      colony, and marched against Marshal Soult, who left Spain to meet them.
      Any other man than Soult would perhaps have been embarrassed by the
      obstacles which he had to surmount. A great deal has been said about his
      wish to make himself King of Portugal. Bernadotte told me, when he passed
      through Hamburg, that the matter had been the subject of much conversation
      at headquarters after the battle of Wagram. Bernadotte placed no faith in
      the report, and I am pretty sure that Napoleon also disbelieved it.
      However, this matter is still involved in the obscurity from which it will
      only be drawn when some person acquainted with the intrigue shall give a
      full explanation of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Since I have, with reference to Soult, touched upon the subject of his
      supposed ambition, I will mention here what I know of Murat's expectation
      of succeeding the Emperor. When Romanzow returned from his useless mission
      of mediation to London the Emperor proceeded to Bayonne. Bernadotte, who
      had an agent in Paris whom he paid highly, told me one day that he had
      received a despatch informing him that Murat entertained the idea of one
      day succeeding the Emperor. Sycophants, expecting to derive advantage from
      it, encouraged Murat in this chimerical hope. I know not whether Napoleon
      was acquainted with this circumstance, nor what he said of it, but
      Bernadotte spoke of it to me as a certain fact. It would, however, have
      been very wrong to attach great importance to an expression which,
      perhaps, escaped Murat in a moment of ardour, for his natural temperament
      sometimes betrayed him into acts of imprudence, the result of which, with
      a man like Napoleon, was always to be dreaded.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was in the midst of the operations of the Spanish war, which Napoleon
      directed in person, that he learned Austria had for the first time raised
      the landwehr. I obtained some very curious documents respecting the
      armaments of Austria from the Editor of the Hamburg 'Correspondent'. This
      paper, the circulation of which amounted to not less than 60,000, paid
      considerable sums to persons in different parts of Europe who were able
      and willing to furnish the current news. The Correspondent paid 6000
      francs a year to a clerk in the war department at Vienna, and it was this
      clerk who supplied the intelligence that Austria was preparing for war,
      and that orders had been issued in all directions to collect and put in
      motion all the resources of that powerful monarchy. I communicated these
      particulars to the French Government, and suggested the necessity of
      increased vigilance and measures of defence. Preceding aggressions,
      especially that of 1805, were not to be forgotten. Similar information
      probably reached the French Government from many quarters. Be that as it
      may, the Emperor consigned the military operations in Spain to his
      generals, and departed for Paris, where he arrived at the end of January
      1809. He had been in Spain only since the beginning of November 1808,' and
      his presence there had again rendered our banners victorious. But though
      the insurgent troops were beaten the inhabitants showed themselves more
      and more unfavourable to Joseph's cause; and it did not appear very
      probable that he could ever seat himself tranquilly on the throne of
      Madrid.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The successes obtained by Napoleon during his stay of about three
   months in Spain were certainly very great, and mainly resulted from
   his own masterly genius and lightning-like rapidity. The Spanish
   armies, as yet unsupported by British troops, were defeated at
   Gomenal, Espinosa, Reynosa, Tudela, and at the pass of the Somo
   sierra Mountains, and at an early hour of the morning of the 4th
   December Madrid surrendered. On the 20th of December Bonaparte
   marched with far superior forces against the unfortunate Sir John
   Moore, who had been sent to advance into Spain both by the wrong
   route and at a wrong time. On the 29th, from the heights of
   Benevento, his eyes were delighted by seeing the English in full
   retreat. But a blow struck him from another quarter, and leaving
   Soult to follow up Moore he took the road to Paris.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The Emperor Francis, notwithstanding his counsellors, hesitated about
      taking the first step; but at length, yielding to the solicitations of
      England and the secret intrigues of Russia, and, above all, seduced by the
      subsidies of Great Britain, Austria declared hostilities, not at first
      against France, but against her allies of the Confederation of the Rhine.
      On the 9th of April Prince Charles, who was appointed commander-in-chief
      of the Austrian troops, addressed a note to the commander-in-chief of the
      French army in Bavaria, apprising him of the declaration of war.
    </p>
    <p>
      A courier carried the news of this declaration to Strasburg with the
      utmost expedition, from whence it was transmitted by telegraph to Paris.
      The Emperor, surprised but not disconcerted by this intelligence, received
      it at St. Cloud on the 11th of April, and two hours after he was on the
      road to Germany. The complexity of affairs in which he was then involved
      seemed to give a new impulse to his activity. When he reached the army
      neither his troops nor his Guard had been able to come up, and under those
      circumstances he placed himself at the head of the Bavarian troops, and,
      as it were, adopted the soldiers of Maximilian. Six days after his
      departure from Paris the army of Prince Charles, which had passed the Inn,
      was threatened. The Emperor's headquarters were at Donauwerth, and from
      thence he addressed to his soldiers one of those energetic and concise
      proclamations which made them perform so many prodigies, and which was
      soon circulated in every language by the public journals. This
      complication of events could not but be fatal to Europe and France,
      whatever might be its result, but it presented an opportunity favourable
      to the development of the Emperor's genius. Like his favourite poet
      Ossian, who loved best to touch his lyre midst the howlings of the
      tempest, Napoleon required political tempests for the display of his
      abilities.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the campaign of 1809, and particularly at its commencement,
      Napoleon's course was even more rapid than it had been in the campaign of
      1805. Every courier who arrived at Hamburg brought us news, or rather
      prodigies. As soon as the Emperor was informed of the attack made by the
      Austrians upon Bavaria orders were despatched to all the generals having
      troops under their command to proceed with all speed to the theatre of the
      war. The Prince of Ponte-Corvo was summoned to join the Grand Army with
      the Saxon troops under his command and for the time he resigned the
      government of the Hanse Towns. Colonel Damas succeeded him at Hamburg
      during that period, but merely as commandant of the fortress; and he never
      gave rise to any murmur or complaint. Bernadotte was not satisfied with
      his situation, and indeed the Emperor, who was never much disposed to
      bring him forward, because he could not forgive him for his opposition on
      the 18th Brumaire, always appointed him to posts in which but little glory
      was to be acquired, and placed as few troops as possible under his
      command.
    </p>
    <p>
      It required all the promptitude of the Emperor's march upon Vienna to
      defeat the plots which were brewing against his government, for in the
      event of his arms being unsuccessful, the blow was ready to be struck. The
      English force in the north of Germany amounted to about 10,000 men: The
      Archduke Charles had formed the project of concentrating in the middle of
      Germany a large body of troops, consisting of the corps of General Am
      Eude, of General Radizwowitz, and of the English, with whom were to be
      joined the people who were expected to revolt. The English would have
      wished the Austrian troops to advance a little farther. The English agent
      made some representations on this subject to Stadion, the Austrian
      Minister; but the Archduke preferred making a diversion to committing the
      safety of the monarchy by departing from his present inactivity and
      risking the passage of the Danube, in the face of an enemy who never
      suffered himself to be surprised, and who had calculated every possible
      event: In concerting his plan the Archduke expected that the Czar would
      either detach a strong force to assist his allies, or that he would
      abandon them to their own defence. In the first case the Archduke would
      have had a great superiority, and in the second, all was prepared in Hesse
      and in Hanover to rise on the approach of the Austrian and English armies.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the commencement of July the English advanced upon Cuxhaven with a
      dozen small ships of war. They landed 400 or 600 sailors and about 50
      marines, and planted a standard on one of the outworks. The day after this
      landing at Cuxhaven the English, who were in Denmark evacuated Copenhagen,
      after destroying a battery which they had erected there. All the schemes
      of England were fruitless on the Continent, for with the Emperor's new
      system of war, which consisted in making a push on the capitals, he soon
      obtained negotiations for peace. He was master of Vienna before England
      had even organised the expedition to which I have just alluded. He left
      Paris on the 11th of April, was at Donauwerth on the 17th, and on the 23d
      he was master of Ratisbon. In the engagement which preceded his entrance
      into that town Napoleon received a slight wound in the heel. He
      nevertheless remained on the field of battle. It was also between
      Donauwerth and Ratisbon that Davoust, by a bold manoeuvre, gained and
      merited the title of Prince of Eckmuhl.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The great battle of Eckmuhl, where 100,000 Austrians were driven
   from all their positions, was fought on the 22d of April.-Editor of
   1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At this period fortune was not only bent on favouring Napoleon's arms, but
      she seemed to take pleasure in realising even his boasting predictions;
      for the French troops entered Vienna within a month after a proclamation
      issued by Napoleon at Ratisbon, in which he said he would be master of the
      Austrian capital in that time.
    </p>
    <p>
      But while he was thus marching from triumph to triumph the people of
      Hamburg and the neighbouring countries had a neighbour who did not leave
      them altogether without inquietude. The famous Prussian partisan, Major
      Schill, after pursuing his system of plunder in Westphalia, came and threw
      himself into Mecklenburg, whence, I understood, it was his intention to
      surprise Hamburg. At the head of 600 well-mounted hussars and between 1500
      and 2000 infantry badly armed, he took possession of the little fort of
      Domitz, in Mecklenburg, on the 15th of May, from whence he despatched
      parties who levied contributions on both banks of the Elbe. Schill
      inspired terror wherever he went. On the 19th of May a detachment of 30
      men belonging to Schill's corps entered Wismar. It was commanded by Count
      Moleke, who had formerly been in the Prussian service, and who had retired
      to his estate in Mecklenburg, where the Duke had kindly given him an
      appointment. Forgetting his duty to his benefactor, he sent to summon the
      Duke to surrender Stralsund.
    </p>
    <p>
      Alarmed at the progress of the partisan Schill, the Duke of Mecklenburg
      and his Court quitted Ludwigsburg, their regular residence, and retired to
      Doberan, on the seacoast. On quitting Mecklenburg Schill advanced to
      Bergdorf, four leagues from Hamburg. The alarm then increased in that
      city. A few of the inhabitants talked of making a compromise with Schill
      and sending him money to get him away. But the firmness of the majority
      imposed silence on this timid council. I consulted with the commandant of
      the town, and we determined to adopt measures of precaution. The
      custom-house chest, in which there was more than a million of gold, was
      sent to Holstein under a strong escort. At the same time I sent to Schill
      a clever spy, who gave him a most alarming account of the means of defence
      which Hamburg possessed. Schill accordingly gave up his designs on that
      city, and leaving it on his left, entered Lübeck, which was undefended.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile Lieutenant-General Gratien, who had left Berlin by order of the
      Prince de Neufchatel, with 2500 Dutch and 3000 Swedish troops, actively
      pursued Schill, and tranquillity was soon restored throughout all the
      neighbouring country, which had been greatly agitated by his bold
      enterprise. Schill, after wandering for some days on the shores of the
      Baltic, was overtaken by General Gratien at Stralsund, whence he was about
      to embark for Sweden. He made a desperate defence, and was killed after a
      conflict of two hours. His band was destroyed. Three hundred of his
      hussars and 200 infantry, who had effected their escape, asked leave to
      return to Prussia, and they were conducted to the Prussian general
      commanding a neighbouring town. A war of plunder like that carried on by
      Schill could not be honourably acknowledged by a power having, any claim
      to respect. Yet the English Government sent Schill a colonel's commission,
      and the full uniform of his new rank, with the assurance that all his
      troops should thenceforth be paid by England.
    </p>
    <p>
      Schill soon had an imitator of exalted rank. In August 1809 the Duke of
      Brunswick-OEls sought the dangerous honour of succeeding that famous
      partisan. At the head of at most 2000 men he for some days disturbed the
      left bank of the Elbe, and on the 5th entered Bremen. On his approach the
      French Vice-Consul retired to Osterhulz. One of the Duke's officers
      presented himself at the hones of the Vice-Consul and demanded 200 Louis.
      The agent of the Vice-Consul, alarmed at the threat of the place being
      given up to pillage, capitulated with the officer, and with considerable
      difficulty got rid of him at the sacrifice of 80 Louis, for which a
      receipt was presented to him in the name of the Duke. The Duke, who now
      went by the name of "the new Schill," did not remain long in Bremen.
    </p>
    <p>
      Wishing to repair with all possible speed to Holland he left Bremen on the
      evening of the 6th, and proceeded to Dehnenhorst, where his advanced guard
      had already arrived. The Westphalian troops, commanded by Rewbell, entered
      Bremen on the 7th, and not finding the Duke of Brunswick, immediately
      marched in pursuit of him. The Danish troops, who occupied Cuxhaven,
      received orders to proceed to Bremerlehe, to favour the operations of the
      Westphalians and the Dutch. Meanwhile the English approached Cuxhaven,
      where they landed 3000 or 4000 men. The persons in charge of the
      custom-house establishment, and the few sailors who were in Cuxhaven, fell
      back upon Hamburg. The Duke of Brunswick, still pursued crossed Germany
      from the frontiers of Bohemia to Elsfleth, a little port on the left bank
      of the Weser, where he arrived on the 7th, being one day in advance of his
      pursuers. He immediately took possession of all the transports at
      Elsfleth, and embarked for Heligoland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The landing which the English effected at Cuxhaven while the Danes, who
      garrisoned that port, were occupied in pursuing the Duke of Brunswick, was
      attended by no result. After the escape of the Duke the Danes returned to
      their post which the English immediately evacuated.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0088" id="link2HCH0088">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIX.
    </h2>

      1809.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The castle of Diernstein&mdash;Richard Coeur de Lion and Marshal Lannes,
   &mdash;The Emperor at the gates of Vienna&mdash;The Archduchess Maria Louisa&mdash;
   Facility of correspondence with England&mdash;Smuggling in Hamburg&mdash;Brown
   sugar and sand&mdash;Hearses filled with sugar and coffee&mdash;Embargo on the
   publication of news&mdash;Supervision of the 'Hamburg Correspondant'&mdash;
   Festival of Saint Napoleon&mdash;Ecclesiastical adulation&mdash;The King of
   Westphalia's journey through his States&mdash;Attempt to raise a loan&mdash;
   Jerome's present to me&mdash;The present returned&mdash;Bonaparte's unfounded
   suspicions.
</pre>
    <p>
      Rapp, who during the campaign of Vienna had resumed his duties as aide de
      camp, related to me one of those observations of Napoleon which, when his
      words are compared with the events that followed them, seem to indicate a
      foresight into his future destiny. When within some days' march of Vienna
      the Emperor procured a guide to explain to him every village and ruin
      which he observed on the road. The guide pointed to an eminence on which
      were a few decayed vestiges of an old fortified castle. "Those," said the
      guide, "are the ruins of the castle of Diernstein." Napoleon suddenly
      stopped, and stood for some time silently contemplating the ruins, then
      turning to Lannes, who was with him, he raid, "See! yonder is the prison
      of Richard Coeur de Lion. He, like us, went to Syria and Palestine. But,
      my brave Lannes, the Coeur de Lion was not braver than you. He was more
      fortunate than I at St. Jean d'Acre. A Duke of Austria sold him to an
      Emperor of Germany, who imprisoned him in that castle. Those were the days
      of barbarism. How different from the civilisation of modern times! Europe
      has seen how I treated the Emperor of Austria, whom I might have made
      prisoner&mdash;and I would treat him so again. I claim no credit for this.
      In the present age crowned heads must be respected. A conqueror
      imprisoned!"
    </p>
    <p>
      A few days after the Emperor was at the gates of Vienna, but on this
      occasion his access to the Austrian capital was not so easy as it had been
      rendered in 1805 by the ingenuity and courage of Lannes and Murat. The
      Archduke Maximilian, who was shut up in the capital, wished to defend it,
      although the French army already occupied the principal suburbs. In vain
      were flags of truce sent one after the other to the Archduke. They were
      not only dismissed unheard, but were even ill-treated, and one of them was
      almost killed by the populace. The city was then bombarded, and would
      speedily have been destroyed but that the Emperor, being informed that one
      of the Archduchesses remained in Vienna on account of ill-health, ordered
      the firing to cease. By a singular caprice of Napoleon's destiny this
      Archduchess was no other than Maria Louisa. Vienna at length opened her
      gates to Napoleon, who for some days took up his residence at Schoenbrunn.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor was engaged in so many projects at once that they could not
      all succeed. Thus, while he was triumphant in the Hereditary States his
      Continental system was experiencing severe checks. The trade with England
      on the coast of Oldenburg was carped on as uninterruptedly as if in time
      of peace. English letters and newspapers arrived on the Continent, and
      those of the Continent found their way into Great Britain, as if France
      and England had been united by ties of the firmest friendship. In short,
      things were just in the same state as if the decree for the blockade of
      the British Isles had not existed. When the custom-house officers
      succeeded in seizing contraband goods they were again taken from them by
      main force. On the 2d of July a serious contest took place at Brinskham
      between the custom-house officers and a party of peasantry, in which the
      latter remained masters of eighteen wagons laden with English goods: many
      were wounded on both sides.
    </p>
    <p>
      If, however, trade with England was carried on freely along a vast extent
      of coast, it was different in the city of Hamburg, where English goods
      were introduced only by fraud; and I verily believe that the art of
      smuggling and the schemes of smugglers were never before carried to such
      perfection. Above 6000 persons of the lower orders went backwards and
      forwards, about twenty times a day, from Altona to Hamburg, and they
      carried on their contraband, trade by many ingenious stratagems, two of
      which were so curious that they are worth mentioning here.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the left of the road leading from Hamburg to Altona there was a piece
      of ground where pits were dug for the purpose of procuring sand used for
      building and for laying down in the streets. At this time it was proposed
      to repair the great street of Hamburg leading to the gate of Altona. The
      smugglers overnight filled the sandpit with brown sugar, and the little
      carts which usually conveyed the sand into Hamburg were filled with the
      sugar, care being taken to cover it with a layer of sand about an inch
      thick. This trick was carried on for a length of time, but no progress was
      made in repairing the street. I complained greatly of the delay, even
      before I was aware of its cause, for the street led to a country-house I
      had near Altona, whither I went daily. The officers of the customs at
      length perceived that the work did not proceed, and one fine morning the
      sugar-carts were stopped and seized. Another expedient was then to be
      devised.
    </p>
    <p>
      Between Hamburg and Altona there was a little suburb situated on the right
      bank of the Elbe. This suburb was inhabited, by sailors, labourers of the
      port, and landowners. The inhabitants were interred in the cemetery of
      Hamburg. It was observed that funeral processions passed this way more
      frequently than usual. The customhouse officers, amazed at the sudden
      mortality of the worthy inhabitants of the little suburb, insisted on
      searching one of the vehicles, and on opening the hearse it was found to
      be filled with sugar, coffee, vanilla, indigo, etc. It was necessary to
      abandon this expedient, but others were soon discovered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte was sensitive, in an extraordinary degree, to all that was said
      and thought of him, and Heaven knows how many despatches I received from
      headquarters during the campaign of Vienna directing me not only to watch
      the vigilant execution of the custom-house laws, but to lay an embargo on
      a thing which alarmed him more than the introduction of British
      merchandise, viz. the publication of news. In conformity with these
      reiterated instructions I directed especial attention to the management of
      the 'Correspondant'. The importance of this journal, with its 60,000
      readers, may easily be perceived. I procured the insertion of everything I
      thought desirable: all the bulletins, proclamations, acts of the French
      Government, notes of the 'Moniteur', and the semi-official articles of the
      French journals: these were all given 'in extenso'. On the other hand, I
      often suppressed adverse news, which, though well known, would have
      received additional weight from its insertion in so widely circulated a
      paper. If by chance there crept in some Austrian bulletin, extracted from
      the other German papers published in the States of the Confederation of
      the Rhine, there was always given with it a suitable antidote to destroy,
      or at least to mitigate, its ill effect. But this was not all. The King of
      Wurtemberg having reproached the 'Correspondant', in a letter to the
      Minister for Foreign Affairs, with publishing whatever Austria wished
      should be made known, and being conducted in a spirit hostile to the good
      cause, I answered these unjust reproaches by making the Syndic censor
      prohibit the Hamburg papers from inserting any Austrian order of the day,
      any Archduke's bulletins, any letter from Prague; in short, anything which
      should be copied from the other German journals unless those articles had
      been inserted in the French journals.
    </p>
    <p>
      My recollections of the year 1809 at Hamburg carry me back to the
      celebration of Napoleon's fete, which was on the 15th of August, for he
      had interpolated his patron saint in the Imperial calendar at the date of
      his birth. The coincidence of this festival with the Assumption gave rise
      to adulatory rodomontades of the most absurd description. Certainly the
      Episcopal circulars under the Empire would form a curious collection.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It will perhaps scarcely be believed that the following words
   were actually delivered from the pulpit: "God in his mercy has
   chosen Napoleon to be his representative on earth. The Queen of
   Heaven has marked, by the most magnificent of presents, the
   anniversary of the day which witnessed his glorious entrance into
   her domains. Heavenly Virgin! as a special testimony of your love
   for the French, and your all-powerful influence with your son, you
   have connected the first of your solemnities with the birth of the
   great Napoleon. Heaven ordained that the hero should spring from
   your sepulchre."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Could anything be more revolting than the sycophancy of those Churchmen
      who declared that "God chose Napoleon for his representative upon earth,
      and that God created Bonaparte, and then rested; that he was more
      fortunate than Augustus, more virtuous than Trajan; that he deserved
      altars and temples to be raised to him!" etc.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after the Festival of St. Napoleon the King of Westphalia made a
      journey through his States. Of all Napoleon's brothers the King of
      Westphalia was the one with whom I was least acquainted, and he, it is
      pretty well known, was the most worthless of the family. His
      correspondence with me is limited to two letters, one of which he wrote
      while he commanded the 'Epervier', and another seven years after, dated
      6th September 1809. In this latter he said:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "I shall be in Hannover on the 10th. If you can make it convenient
   to come there and spend a day with me it will give me great
   pleasure. I shall then be able to smooth all obstacles to the loan
   I wish to contract in the Hanse Town. I flatter myself you will do
   all in your power to forward that object, which at the present
   crisis is very important to my States. More than ample security is
   offered, but the money will be of no use to me if I cannot have it
   at least for two years."
</pre>
    <p>
      Jerome wanted to contract at Hamburg a loan of 3,000,000 francs. However,
      the people did not seem to think like his Westphalian Majesty, that the
      contract presented more than ample security. No one was found willing to
      draw his purse-strings, and the loan was never raised.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though I would not, without the Emperor's authority, exert the influence
      of my situation to further the success of Jerome's negotiation, yet I did
      my best to assist him. I succeeded in prevailing on the Senate to advance
      one loan of 100,000 francs to pay a portion of the arrears due to his
      troops, and a second of 200,000 francs to provide clothing for his army,
      etc. This scanty supply will cease to be wondered at when it is considered
      to what a state of desolation the whole of Germany was reduced at the
      time, as much in the allied States as in those of the enemies of France. I
      learnt at the time that the King of Bavaria said to an officer of the
      Emperor's household in whom he had great confidence, "If this continues we
      shall have to give up, and put the key under the door." These were his
      very words.
    </p>
    <p>
      As for Jerome, he returned to Cassel quite disheartened at the
      unsuccessful issue of his loan. Some days after his return to his capital
      I received from him a snuffbox with his portrait set in diamonds,
      accompanied by a letter of thanks for the service I had rendered him. I
      never imagined that a token of remembrance from a crowned head could
      possibly be declined. Napoleon, however, thought otherwise. I had not, it
      is true, written to acquaint our Government with the King of Westphalia's
      loan, but in a letter, which I addressed to the Minister for Foreign
      Affairs on the 22d of September, I mentioned the present Jerome had sent
      me. Why Napoleon should have been offended at this I know not, but I
      received orders to return Jerome's present immediately, and these orders
      were accompanied with bitter reproaches for my having accepted it without
      the Emperor's authority. I sent back the diamonds, but kept the portrait.
      Knowing Bonaparte's distrustful disposition, I thought he must have
      suspected that Jerome had employed threats, or at any rate, that he had
      used some illegal influence to facilitate the success of his loan. At
      last, after much correspondence, Napoleon saw clearly that everything was
      perfectly regular; in a word, that the business had been transacted as
      between two private persons. As to the 300,000 francs which the Senate had
      lent to Jerome, the fact is, that but little scruple was made about it,
      for this simple reason, that it was the means of removing from Hamburg the
      Westphalian division, whose presence occasioned a much greater expense
      than the loan.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XX.
    </h2>

      1809.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Visit to the field of Wagram.&mdash;Marshal Macdonald&mdash;Union of the Papal
   States with the Empire&mdash;The battle of Talavera&mdash;Sir Arthur
   Wellesley&mdash;English expedition to Holland&mdash;Attempt to assassinate the
   Emperor at Schoenbrunn&mdash;Staps Interrogated by Napoleon&mdash;Pardon
   offered and rejected&mdash;Fanaticism and patriotism&mdash;Corvisart's
   examination of Staps&mdash;Second interrogatory&mdash;Tirade against the
   illuminati&mdash;Accusation of the Courts of Berlin and Weimar&mdash;Firmness
   and resignation of Staps&mdash;Particulars respecting his death&mdash;
   Influence of the attempt of Staps on the conclusion of peace&mdash;
   M. de Champagny.
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon went to inspect all the corps of his army and the field of
      Wagram, which a short time before had been the scene of one of those great
      battles in which victory was the more glorious in proportion as it had
      been valiantly contested.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The great battle of Wagram was fought on the 6th of July 1809.
   The Austrians, who committed a mistake in over-extending their line,
   lost 20,000 men as prisoners, besides a large number in killed and
   wounded. There was no day, perhaps, on which Napoleon showed more
   military genius or more personal courage. He was in the hottest of
   the fight, and for a long time exposed to showers of grapeshot.&mdash;
   Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On that day [the type] of French honour, Macdonald, who, after achieving a
      succession of prodigies, led the army of Italy into the heart of the
      Austrian States, was made a marshal on the field of battle. Napoleon said
      to him, "With us it is for life and for death." The general opinion was
      that the elevation of Macdonald added less to the marshal's military
      reputation than it redounded to the honour of the Emperor. Five days after
      the bombardment of Vienna, namely, on the 17th of May, the Emperor had
      published a decree, by virtue of which the Papal States were united to the
      French Empire, and Rome was declared an Imperial City. I will not stop to
      inquire whether this was good or bad in point of policy, but it was a mean
      usurpation on the part of Napoleon, for the time was passed when a Julius
      II. laid down the keys of St. Peter and took up the sword of St. Paul. It
      was, besides, an injustice, and, considering the Pope's condescension to
      Napoleon, an act of ingratitude. The decree of union did not deprive the
      Pope of his residence, but he was only the First Bishop of Christendom,
      with a revenue of 2,000,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon while at Vienna heard of the affair of Talavera de la Reyna. I
      was informed, by a letter from headquarters, that he was much affected at
      the news, and did not conceal his vexation. I verily believe that he was
      bent on the conquest of Spain, precisely on account of the difficulties he
      had to surmount. At Talavera commenced the celebrity of a man who,
      perhaps, would not have been without some glory even if pains had not been
      taken to build him up a great reputation. That battle commenced the career
      of Sir Arthur Wellesley, whose after-success, however, has been attended
      by such important consequences.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The battle of Talavera took place on the 28th of July, twenty-two
   days after the fatal defeat of the Austrians at Wagram.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Whilst we experienced this check in Spain the English were attempting an
      expedition to Holland, where they had already made themselves masters of
      Walcheren. It is true they were obliged to evacuate it shortly after; but
      as at that time the French and Austrian armies were in a state of
      inaction, in consequence of the armistice concluded at Znaim, in Moravia,
      the news unfavourable to Napoleon had the effect of raising the hopes of
      the Austrian negotiators, who paused in the expectation that fresh defeats
      would afford them better chances.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was during these negotiations, the termination of which seemed every
      day to be farther distant, that Napoleon was exposed to a more real danger
      than the wound he had received at Ratisbon. Germany was suffering under a
      degree of distress difficult to be described. Illuminism was making great
      progress, and had filled some youthful minds with an enthusiasm not less
      violent than the religious fanaticism to which Henry IV. fell a victim. A
      young man formed the design of assassinating Napoleon in order to rid
      Germany of one whom he considered her scourge. Rapp and Berthier were with
      the Emperor when the assassin was arrested, and in relating what I heard
      from them I feel assured that I am giving the most faithful account of all
      the circumstances connected with the event.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We were at Schoenbrunn," said Rapp, "when the Emperor had just reviewed
      the troops. I observed a young man at the extremity of one of the columns
      just as the troops were about to defile. He advanced towards the Emperor,
      who was then between Berthier and me. The Prince de Neufchatel, thinking
      he wanted to present a petition, went forward to tell him that I was the
      person to receive it as I was the aide de camp for the day. The young man
      replied that he wished to speak with Napoleon himself, and Berthier again
      told him that he must apply to me. He withdrew a little, still repeating
      that he wanted to speak with Napoleon. He again advanced and came very
      near the Emperor; I desired him to fall back, telling him in German to
      wait till after the parade, when, if he had anything to say, it would be
      attended to. I surveyed him attentively, for I began to think his conduct
      suspicious. I observed that he kept his right hand in the breast pocket of
      his coat; out of which a piece of paper appeared. I know not how it was,
      but at that moment my eyes met his, and I was struck with his peculiar
      look and air of fixed determination. Seeing an officer of gendarmerie on
      the spot, I desired him to seize the young man, but without treating him
      with any severity, and to convey him to the castle until the parade was
      ended.
    </p>
    <p>
      "All this passed in less time than I have taken to tell it, and as every
      one's attention was fixed on the parade the scene passed unnoticed. I was
      shortly afterwards told that a large carving-knife had been found on the
      young man, whose name was Staps. I immediately went to find Duroc, and we
      proceeded together to the apartment to which Staps had been taken. We
      found him sitting on a bed, apparently in deep thought, but betraying no
      symptoms of fear. He had beside him the portrait of a young female, his
      pocket-book, and purse containing only two pieces of gold. I asked him his
      name, but he replied that he would tell it to no one but Napoleon. I then
      asked him what he intended to do with the knife which had been found upon
      him? But he answered again, 'I shall tell only Napoleon.'&mdash;'Did you
      mean to attempt his life?'&mdash;'Yes.'&mdash;'Why?'&mdash;'I can tell no
      one but Napoleon.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "This appeared to me so strange that I thought right to inform the Emperor
      of it. When I told him what had passed he appeared a little agitated, for
      you know how he was haunted with the idea of assassination. He desired
      that the young man should be taken into his cabinet; whither he was
      accordingly conducted by two gens d'armes. Notwithstanding his criminal
      intention there was something exceedingly prepossessing in his
      countenance. I wished that he would deny the attempt; but how was it
      possible to save a man who was determined to sacrifice himself? The
      Emperor asked Staps whether he could speak French, and he answered that he
      could speak it very imperfectly, and as you know (continued Rapp) that
      next to you I am the best German scholar in Napoleon's Court, I was
      appointed interpreter on this occasion. The Emperor put the following
      questions to Staps, which I translated, together with the answers:
    </p>
    <p>
      "'Where do you come from?'&mdash;'From Narremburgh.'&mdash;'What is your
      father?'&mdash; 'A Protestant minister.'&mdash;'How old are you?'&mdash;'Eighteen.'&mdash;'What
      did you intend to do with your knife?'&mdash;'To kill you.'&mdash;'You are
      mad, young man; you are one of the illuminati?'&mdash;'I am not mad; I
      know not what is meant by the illuminati!'&mdash;'You are ill, then?'&mdash;'I
      am not; I am very well.'&mdash;'Why did you wish to kill me?'&mdash;'Because
      you have ruined my country.'&mdash;'Have I done you any harm?'&mdash;'Yes,
      you have harmed me as well as all Germans.'&mdash;'By whom were you sent?
      Who urged you to this crime?'&mdash; 'No one; I was urged to it by the
      sincere conviction that by killing you I should render the greatest
      service to my country.'&mdash;'Is this the first time you have seen me?'&mdash;'I
      saw you at Erfurt, at the time of your interview with the Emperor of
      Russia.'&mdash;'Did you intend to kill me then?'&mdash;'No; I thought you
      would not again wage war against Germany. I was one of your greatest
      admirers.'&mdash;'How long have you been in Vienna?'&mdash; 'Ten days.'&mdash;'Why
      did you wait so long before you attempted the execution of your project?'&mdash;'I
      came to Schoenbrunn a week ago with the intention of killing you, but when
      I arrived the parade was just over; I therefore deferred the execution of
      my design till today.'&mdash;'I tell you, young man, you are either mad or
      in bad health.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Emperor here ordered Corvisart to be sent for. Staps asked who
      Corvisart was? I told him that he was a physician. He then said, 'I have
      no need of him.' Nothing further was said until the arrival of the doctor,
      and during this interval Steps evinced the utmost indifference. When
      Corvisart arrived Napoleon directed him to feel the young man's pulse,
      which he immediately did; and Staps then very coolly said, 'Am I not well,
      sir?' Corvisart told the Emperor that nothing ailed him. 'I told you so,'
      said Steps, pronouncing the words with an air of triumph.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I was really astonished at the coolness and apathy of Staps, and the
      Emperor seemed for a moment confounded by the young man's behaviour.&mdash;After
      a few moments' pause the Emperor resumed the interrogatory as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "'Your brain is disordered. You will be the ruin of your family. I will
      grant you your life if you ask pardon for the crime you meditated, and for
      which you ought to be sorry.'&mdash;'I want no pardon. I only regret
      having failed in my attempt.'&mdash;'Indeed! then a crime is nothing to
      you?'&mdash; 'To kill you is no crime: it is a duty.'&mdash;'Whose
      portrait is that which was found on you?'&mdash;'It is the portrait of a
      young lady to whom I am attached.'&mdash;'She will doubtless be much
      distressed at your adventure?'&mdash; 'She will only be sorry that I have
      not succeeded. She abhors you as much as I do.'&mdash;'But if I were to
      pardon you would you be grateful for my mercy?'&mdash;'I would
      nevertheless kill you if I could.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "I never," continued Rapp, "saw Napoleon look so confounded. The replies
      of Staps and his immovable resolution perfectly astonished him. He ordered
      the prisoner to be removed; and when he was gone Napoleon said, 'This is
      the result of the secret societies which infest Germany. This is the
      effect of fine principles and the light of reason. They make young men
      assassins. But what can be done against illuminism? A sect cannot be
      destroyed by cannon-balls.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "This event, though pains were taken to keep it secret, became the subject
      of conversation in the castle of Schoenbrunn. In the evening the Emperor
      sent for me and said, 'Rapp, the affair of this morning is very
      extraordinary. I cannot believe that this young man of himself conceived
      the design of assassinating me. There is something under it. I shall never
      be persuaded that the intriguers of Berlin and Weimar are strangers to the
      affair.'&mdash;'Sire, allow me to say that your suspicions appear
      unfounded. Staps has had no accomplice; his placid countenance, and even
      his fanaticism, are easiest proofs of that.'&mdash;'I tell you that he has
      been instigated by women: furies thirsting for revenge. If I could only
      obtain proof of it I would have them seized in the midst of their Court.'&mdash;'Ah,
      Sire, it is impossible that either man or woman in the Courts of Berlin or
      Weimar could have conceived so atrocious a design.'&mdash; 'I am not sure
      of that. Did not those women excite Schill against us while we were at
      peace with Prussia; but stay a little; we shall see.'&mdash; 'Schill's
      enterprise; Sire, bears no resemblance to this attempt.' You know how the
      Emperor likes every one to yield to his opinion when he has adopted one
      which he does not choose to give up; so he said, rather changing his tone
      of good-humoured familiarity, 'All you say is in vain, Monsieur le
      General: I am not liked either at Berlin or Weimar.' There is no doubt of
      that, Sire; but because you are not liked in these two Courts, is it to be
      inferred that they would assassinate you?'&mdash;'I know the fury of those
      women; but patience. Write to General Lauer: direct him to interrogate
      Staps. Tell him to bring him to a confession.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "I wrote conformably with the Emperor's orders, but no confession was
      obtained from Staps. In his examination by General Lauer he repeated
      nearly what he had said in the presence of Napoleon. His resignation and
      firmness never forsook him for a moment; and he persisted in saying that
      he was the sole author of the attempt, and that no one else was aware of
      it. Staps' enterprise made a deep impression on the Emperor. On the day
      when we left Schoenbrunn we happened to be alone, and he said to me, 'I
      cannot get this unfortunate Staps out of my mind. The more I think on the
      subject the more I am perplexed. I never can believe that a young man of
      his age, a German, one who has received a good education, a Protestant
      too, could have conceived and attempted such a crime. The Italians are
      said to be a nation of assassins, but no Italian ever attempted my life.
      This affair is beyond my comprehension. Inquire how Staps died, and let me
      know.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "I obtained from General Lauer the information which the Emperor desired.
      I learned that Staps, whose attempt on the Emperor's life was made on the
      23d of October; was executed at seven o'clock in the morning of the 27th,
      having refused to take any sustenance since the 24th. When any food was
      brought to him he rejected it, saying, 'I shall be strong enough to walk
      to the scaffold.' When he was told that peace was concluded he evinced
      extreme sorrow, and was seized with trembling. On reaching the place of
      execution he exclaimed loudly, 'Liberty for ever! Germany for ever! Death
      to the tyrant!'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Such are the notes which I committed to paper after conversing with Rapp,
      as we were walking together in the garden of the former hotel of
      Montmorin, in which Rapp resided. I recollect his showing me the knife
      taken from Staps, which the Emperor had given him; it was merely a common
      carving-knife, such as is used in kitchens. To these details may be added
      a very remarkable circumstance, which I received from another but not less
      authentic source. I have been assured that the attempt of the German
      Mutius Scaevola had a marked influence on the concessions which the
      Emperor made, because he feared that Staps, like him who attempted the
      life of Porsenna, might have imitators among the illuminati of Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is well known that after the battle of Wagram conferences were open at
      Raab. Although peace was almost absolutely necessary for both powers, and
      the two Emperors appeared to desire it equally, it was not, however,
      concluded. It is worthy of remark that the delay was occasioned by
      Bonaparte. Negotiations were therefore suspended, and M. de Champagny had
      ceased for several days to see the Prince of Lichtenstein when the affair
      of Staps took place. Immediately after Napoleon's examination of the young
      fanatic he sent for M. de Champagny: "How are the negotiations going on?"
      he inquired. The Minister having informed him, the Emperor added, "I wish
      them to be resumed immediately: I wish for peace; do not hesitate about a
      few millions more or less in the indemnity demanded from Austria. Yield on
      that point. I wish to come to a conclusion: I refer it all to you." The
      Minister lost no time in writing to the Prince of Lichtenstein: on the
      same night the two negotiators met at Raab, and the clauses of the treaty
      which had been suspended were discussed, agreed upon, and signed that very
      night. Next morning M. de Champagny attended the Emperor's levee with the
      treaty of peace as it had been agreed on. Napoleon, after hastily
      examining it, expressed his approbation of every particular, and highly
      complimented his Minister on the speed with which the treaty had been
      brought to a conclusion.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This definitive treaty of peace, which is sometimes called the
   Treaty of Vienna, Raab, or Schoenbrunn, contained the following
   articles:

   1. Austria ceded in favour of the Confederation of the Rhine (these
   fell to Bavaria), Salzburg, Berchtolsgaden, and a part of Upper
   Austria.

   2. To France directly Austria ceded her only seaport, Trieste, and
   all the countries of Carniola, Friuli, the circle of Vilach, with
   parts of Croatia end Dalmatia. (By these cessions Austria was
   excluded from the Adriatic Sea, and cut off from all communication
   with the navy of Great Britain.) A small lordship, en enclave in
   the territories of the Grieve League, was also gives up.

   3. To the constant ally of Napoleon, to the King of Saxony, in that
   character Austria ceded some Bohemian enclaves in Saxony end, in his
   capacity of Grand Duke of Warsaw, she added to his Polish dominions
   the ancient city of Cracow, and all Western Galicia.

   4. Russia, who had entered with but a lukewarm zeal into the war as
   an ally of France, had a very moderate share of the spoils of
   Austria. A portion of Eastern Galicia, with a population of 400,000
   souls, was allotted to her, but in this allotment the trading town
   of Brody (almost the only thing worth having) was specially
   excepted. This last circumstance gave no small degree of disgust to
   the Emperor Alexander, whose admiration of Napoleon was not destined
   to have a long duration.&mdash;Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXI.
    </h2>

      1809.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Princess Royal of Denmark&mdash;Destruction of the German Empire&mdash;
   Napoleons visit to the Courts of Bavaria and Wurtemberg&mdash;His return
   to France&mdash;First mention of the divorce&mdash;Intelligence of Napoleon's
   marriage with Maria Louisa&mdash;Napoleon's quarrel with Louis&mdash;Journey
   of the Emperor and Empress into Holland&mdash;Refusal of the Hanse Towns
   to pay the French troops&mdash;Decree for burning English merchandise&mdash;
   M. de Vergennes&mdash;Plan for turning an inevitable evil to the best
   account&mdash;Fall on the exchange of St Petersburg
</pre>
    <p>
      About this time I had the pleasure of again seeing the son of the reigning
      Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, whose arrival in the Hanse Towns was
      speedily followed by that of his sister, Princess Frederica Charlotte of
      Mecklenburg, married to the Prince Royal of Denmark, Christian Frederick.
      In November the Princess arrived at Altana from Copenhagen, the reports
      circulated respecting her having compelled her husband to separate from
      her. The history of this Princess, who, though perhaps blamable, was
      nevertheless much pitied, was the general subject of conversation in the
      north of Germany at the time I was at Hamburg. The King of Denmark,
      grieved at the publicity of the separation, wrote a letter on the subject
      to the Duke of Mecklenburg. In this letter, which I had an opportunity of
      seeing, the King expressed his regret at not having been able to prevent
      the scandal; for, on his return from a journey to Kiel, the affair had
      become so notorious that all attempts at reconciliation were vain. In the
      meantime it was settled that the Princess was to remain at Altona until
      something should be decided respecting her future condition.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was Baron Plessen, the Duke of Mecklenburg's Minister of State, who
      favoured me with a sight of the King of Denmark's letters. M. Plessen told
      me, likewise, at the time that the Duke had formed the irrevocable
      determination of not receiving his daughter. A few days after her arrival
      the Princess visited Madame de Bourrienne. She invited us to her parties,
      which were very brilliant, and several times did us the honour of being
      present at ours. But; unfortunately, the extravagance of her conduct,
      which was very unsuitable to her situation, soon became the subject of
      general animadversion.
    </p>
    <p>
      I mentioned at the close of the last chapter how the promptitude of M. de
      Champagny brought about the conclusion of the treaty known by the name of
      the Treaty of Schoenbrunn. Under this the ancient edifice of the German
      Empire was overthrown, and Francis II. of Germany became Francis I.,
      Emperor of Austria. He, however, could not say, like his namesake of
      France, 'Tout est perdu fors l'honneur'; for honour was somewhat
      committed, even had nothing else been lost. But the sacrifices Austria was
      compelled, to make were great. The territories ceded to France were
      immediately united into a new general government, under the collective
      denomination of the Illyrian Provinces. Napoleon thus became master of
      both sides of the Adriatic, by virtue of his twofold title of Emperor of
      France and King of Italy. Austria, whose external commerce thus received a
      check, had no longer any direct communication with the sea. The loss of
      Fiume, Trieste, and the sea-coast appeared so vast a sacrifice that it was
      impossible to look forward to the duration of a peace so dearly purchased.
    </p>
    <p>
      The affair of Staps, perhaps, made Napoleon anxious to hurry away from
      Schoenbrunn, for he set off before he had ratified the preliminaries of
      the peace, announcing that he would ratify them at Munich. He proceeded in
      great haste to Nymphenburg, where he was expected on a visit to the Court
      of Bavaria. He next visited the King of Wurtemberg, whom he pronounced to
      be the cleverest sovereign in Europe, and at the end of October he arrived
      at Fontainebleau. From thence he proceeded on horseback to Paris, and he
      rode so rapidly that only a single chasseur of his escort could keep up
      with him, and, attended by this one guard, he entered the court of the
      Tuileries. While Napoleon was at Fontainebleau, before his return to
      Paris, Josephine for the first time heard the divorce mentioned; the idea
      had occurred to the Emperor's mind while he was at Schoenbrunn. It was
      also while at Fontainebleau that Napoleon appointed M. de Montalivet to be
      Minister of the Interior. The letters which we received from Paris at this
      period brought intelligence of the brilliant state of the capital during
      the winter of 1809, and especially of the splendour of the Imperial Court,
      where the Emperor's levees were attended by the Kings of Saxony, Bavaria,
      and Wurtemberg, all eager to evince their gratitude to the hero who had
      raised them to the sovereign rank.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was the first person in Hamburg who received intelligence of Napoleon's
      projected marriage with the Archduchess Maria Louisa. The news was brought
      to me from Vienna by two estafettes. It is impossible to describe the
      effect produced by the anticipation of this event throughout the north of
      Germany.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;["Napoleon often reflected on the best mode of making this
   communication to the Empress; still he was reluctant to speak to
   her. He was apprehensive of the consequences of her susceptibility
   of feeling; his heart was never proof against the shedding of tears.
   Ho thought, however, that a favourable opportunity offered for
   breaking the subject previously to his quitting Fontainebleau. He
   hinted at it in a few words which he had addressed to the Empress,
   but he did not explain himself until the arrival of the viceroy,
   whom he had ordered to join him. He was the first person who spoke
   openly to his mother and obtained her consent for that bitter
   sacrifice. He acted on the occasion like a kind son and a man
   grateful to his benefactor and devoted to his service, by sparing
   him the necessity of unpleasant explanations towards a partner whose
   removal was a sacrifice as painful to him as it was affecting: The
   Emperor, having arranged whatever related to the future condition of
   the Empress, upon whom he made a liberal settlement, urged the
   moment of the dissolution of the marriage, no doubt because he felt
   grieved at the condition of the Empress herself, who dined every day
   and passed her evenings in the presence of persons who were
   witnessing her descent from the throne. There existed between him
   and the Empress Josephine no other bond than a civil act, according
   to the custom which prevailed at the time of this marriage. Now the
   law had foreseen the dissolution of such marriage oontracts. A
   particular day having therefore been fixed upon, the Emperor brought
   together into his apartments those persons whose ministry was
   required in this case; amongst others, the Arch-Chancellor and M.
   Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély. The Emperor then declared in a loud
   voice his intention of annulling the marriage he had contracted with
   Josephine, who was present; the Empress also made the same
   declaration, which was interrupted by her repeated sobs. The Prince
   Arch-Chancellor having caused the article of the law to be read, he
   applied it to the cam before him, and declared the marriage to be
   dissolved." (Memoirs of ad Duc de Rovigo).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      From all parts the merchants received orders to buy Austrian stock, in
      which an extraordinary rise immediately took place. Napoleon's marriage
      with Maria Louisa was hailed with enthusiastic and general joy. The event
      was regarded as the guarantee of a long peace, and it was hoped there
      would be a lasting cessation of the disasters created by the rivalry of
      France and Austria. The correspondence I received showed that these
      sentiments were general in the interior of France, and in different
      countries of Europe; and, in spite of the presentiments I had always had
      of the return of the Bourbons to France, I now began to think that event
      problematic, or at least very remote.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the beginning of the year 1810 commenced the differences between
      Napoleon and his brother Louis, which, as I have already stated, ended in
      a complete rupture. Napoleon's object was to make himself master of the
      navigation of the Scheldt which Louis wished should remain free, and hence
      ensued the union of Holland with the French Empire. Holland was the first
      province of the Grand Empire which Napoleon took the new Empress to visit.
      This visit took place almost immediately after the marriage. Napoleon
      first proceeded to Compiegne, where he remained a week. He next set out
      for St. Quentin, and inspected the canal. The Empress Maria Louisa then
      joined him, and they both proceeded to Belgium. At Antwerp the Emperor
      inspected all the works which he had ordered, and to the execution of
      which he attached great importance. He returned by way of Ostend, Lille,
      and Normandy to St. Cloud, where he arrived on the 1st of June 1810. He
      there learned from my correspondence that the Hanse Towns-refused to
      advance money for the pay of the French troops. The men were absolutely
      destitute. I declared that it was urgent to put an end to this state of
      things. The Hanse towns had been reduced from opulence to misery by
      taxation and exactions, and were no longer able to provide the funds.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year Napoleon, in a fit of madness, issued a decree which I
      cannot characterise by any other epithet than infernal. I allude to the
      decree for burning all the English merchandise in France, Holland, the
      Grand Duchy of Berg, the Hanse Towns; in short, in all places subject to
      the disastrous dominion of Napoleon. In the interior of France no idea
      could possibly be formed of the desolation caused by this measure in
      countries which existed by commerce; and what a spectacle was it to the
      destitute inhabitants of those countries to witness the destruction of
      property which, had it been distributed, would have assuaged their misery!
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the emigrants whom I was ordered to watch was M. de Vergennes, who
      had always remained at or near Hamburg Since April 1808. I informed the
      Minister that M. de Vergennes had presented himself to me at this time. I
      even remember that M. de Vergennes gave me a letter from M. de Rémusat,
      the First Chamberlain of the Emperor. M. de Rémusat strongly recommended
      to me his connection, who was called by matters of importance to Hamburg.
      Residence in this town was, however, too expensive, and he decided to live
      at Neumuhl, a little village on the Elbe, rather to the west of Altona.
      There he lived quietly in retirement with an opera dancer named
      Mademoiselle Ledoux, with whom he had become acquainted in Paris, and whom
      he had brought with him. He seemed much taken with her. His manner of
      living did not denote large means.
    </p>
    <p>
      One duty with which I was entrusted, and to which great importance was
      attached, was the application and execution of the disastrous Continental
      system in the north. In my correspondence I did not conceal the
      dissatisfaction which this ruinous measure excited, and the Emperor's eyes
      were at length opened on the subject by the following circumstance. In
      spite of the sincerity with which the Danish Government professed to
      enforce the Continental system, Holstein contained a great quantity of
      colonial produce; and, notwithstanding the measures of severity, it was
      necessary that that merchandise should find a market somewhere. The
      smugglers often succeeded in introducing it into Germany, and the whole
      would probably soon have passed the custom-house limits. All things
      considered, I thought it advisable to make the best of an evil that could
      not be avoided. I therefore proposed that the colonial produce then in
      Holstein, and which had been imported before the date of the King's edict
      for its prohibition, should be allowed to enter Hamburg on the payment of
      30, and on some articles 40, per cent. This duty was to be collected at
      the custom-house, and was to be confined entirely to articles consumed in
      Germany. The colonial produce in Altona, Glnckstadt, Husum, and other
      towns of Holstein, lead been estimated, at about 30,000,000 francs, and
      the duty would amount to 10,000,000 or 12,000,000. The adoption of the
      plan I proposed would naturally put a stop to smuggling; for it could not
      be doubted that the merchants would give 30 or 33 per cent for the right
      of carrying on a lawful trade rather than give 40 per cent. to the
      smugglers, with the chance of seizure.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor immediately adopted my idea, for I transmitted my suggestions
      to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 18th of September, and on the
      4th of October a decree was issued conformable to the plan I proposed.
      Within six weeks after the decree came into operation the custom-house
      Director received 1300 declarations from persons holding colonial produce
      in Holstein. It now appeared that the duties would amount to 40,000,000
      francs, that is to say, 28,000,000 or 30,000,000 more than my estimate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte had just been nominated Prince Royal of Sweden. This
      nomination, with all the circumstances connected with it, as well as
      Bernadotte's residence in Hamburg, before he proceeded to Stockholm, will
      be particularly noticed in the next chapter. I merely mention the
      circumstance here to explain some events which took place in the north,
      and which were, more or less, directly connected with it. For example, in
      the month of September the course of exchange on St. Petersburg suddenly
      fell. All the letters which arrived in Hamburg from the capital of Russia
      and from Riga, attributed the fall to the election of the Prince of
      Ponte-Corvo as Prince Royal of Sweden. Of thirty letters which I received
      there was not one but described the consternation which the event had
      created in St. Petersburg. This consternation, however, might have been
      excited less by the choice of Sweden than by the fear that that choice was
      influenced by the French Government.
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
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    <h2>
      CHAP XXII.
    </h2>

      1809-1810.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bernadotte elected Prince Royal of Sweden&mdash;Count Wrede's overtures
   to Bernadotte&mdash;Bernadottes's three days' visit to Hamburg&mdash;
   Particulars respecting the battle of Wagram&mdash;Secret Order of the
   day&mdash;Last intercourse of the Prince Royal of Sweden with Napoleon&mdash;
   My advice to Bernadotte respecting the Continental system.
</pre>
    <p>
      I now come to one of the periods of my life to which I look back with most
      satisfaction, the time when Bernadotte was with me in Hamburg. I will
      briefly relate the series of events which led the opposer of the 18th
      Brumaire to the throne of Sweden.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th of march 1809 Gustavus Adolphus was arrested, and his uncle,
      the Duke of Sudermania, provisionally took the reins of Government. A few
      days afterwards Gustavus published his act of abdication, which in the
      state of Sweden it was impossible for him to refuse. In May following, the
      Swedish Diet having been convoked at Stockholm, the Duke of Sudermania was
      elected King. Christian Augustus, the only son of that monarch, of course
      became Prince Royal on the accession of his father to the throne. He,
      however, died suddenly at the end of May 1810, and Count Fersen (the same
      who at the Court of Marie Antoinette was distinguished by the appellation
      of 'le beau Fersen'), was massacred by the populace, who suspected,
      perhaps unjustly, that he had been accessory to the Prince's death.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Count Fereen, alleged to have been one of the favoured lovers of
   Marie Antoinette, and who was certainly deep in her confidence, had
   arranged most of the details of the attempted flight to Varennes in
   1791, and he himself drove the Royal family their first stage to the
   gates of Paris.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 21st of August following Bernadotte was elected Prince Royal of
      Sweden.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the death of the Prince Royal the Duke of Sudermania's son, Count
      Wrede, a Swede, made the first overtures to Bernadotte, and announced to
      him the intention entertained at Stockholm of offering him the throne of
      Sweden. Bernadotte was at that time in Paris, and immediately after his
      first interview with Count Wrede he waited on the Emperor at St. Cloud;
      Napoleon coolly replied that he could be of no service to him; that events
      must take their course; that he might accept or refuse the offer as he
      chose; that he (Bonaparte) would place no obstacles in his way, but that
      he could give him no advice. It was very evident that the choice of Sweden
      was not very agreeable to Bonaparte, and though he afterwards disavowed
      any opposition to it, he made overtures to Stockholm, proposing that the
      crown of Sweden should be added to that of Denmark.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte then went to the waters of Plombieres, and on his return to
      Paris he sent me a letter announcing his elevation to the rank of Prince
      Royal of Sweden.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of October he arrived in Hamburg, where he stayed only three
      days. He passed nearly the whole of that time with me, and he communicated
      to me many curious facts connected with the secret history of the times,
      and among other things some particulars respecting the battle of Wagram. I
      was the first to mention to the new Prince Royal of Sweden the reports of
      the doubtful manner in which the troops under his command behaved. I
      reminded him of Bonaparte's dissatisfaction at these troops; for there was
      no doubt of the Emperor being the author of the complaints contained in
      the bulletins, especially as he had withdrawn the troops from Bernadotte's
      command. Bernadotte assured me that Napoleon's censure was unjust; during
      the battle he had complained of the little spirit manifested by the
      soldiers. "He refused to see me," added Bernadotte, "and I was told, as a
      reason for his refusal, that he was astonished and displeased to find
      that, notwithstanding his complaints, of which I must have heard, I had
      boasted of having gained the battle, and had publicly complimented the
      Saxons whom I commanded."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte then showed me the bulletin he drew up after the battle of
      Wagram. I remarked that I had never heard of a bulletin being made by any
      other than the General who was Commander-in-Chief during a battle, and
      asked how the affair ended. He then handed to me a copy of the Order of
      the day, which Napoleon said he had sent only to the Marshals commanding
      the different corps.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte's bulletin was printed along with Bonaparte's Order of the Day,
      a thing quite unparalleled.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though I was much interested in this account of Bonaparte's conduct after
      the battle of Wagram; yet I was more curious to hear the particulars of
      Bernadotte's last communication with the Emperor. The Prince informed me
      that on his return from Plombieres he attended the levee, when the Emperor
      asked him, before every one present, whether he had received any recent
      news from Sweden.
    </p>
    <p>
      He replied in the affirmative. "What is it?" inquired Napoleon. "Sire, I
      am informed that your Majesty's charge d'affaires at Stockholm opposes my
      election. It is also reported to those who choose to believe it that your
      Majesty gives the preference to the King of Denmark."&mdash;"At these
      words," continued Bernadotte, "the Emperor affected surprise, which you
      know he can do very artfully. He assured me it was impossible, and then
      turned the conversation to another subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I know not what to think of his conduct in this affair. I am aware he
      does not like me;&mdash;but the interests of his policy may render him
      favourable to Sweden. Considering the present greatness and power of
      France, I conceived it to be my duty to make every personal sacrifice. But
      I swear to Heaven that I will never commit the honour of Sweden. He,
      however, expressed himself in the best possible terms in speaking of
      Charles XIII. and me. He at first started no obstacle to my acceptance of
      the succession to the throne of Sweden, and he ordered the official
      announcement of my election to be immediately inserted in the Moniteur'.
      Ten days elapsed without the Emperor's saying a word to me about my
      departure. As I was anxious to be off, and all my preparations were made,
      I determined to go and ask him for the letters patent to relieve me from
      my oath of fidelity, which I had certainly kept faithfully in spite of all
      his ill-treatment of me. He at first appeared somewhat surprised at my
      request, and, after a little hesitation, he said, 'There is a preliminary
      condition to be fulfilled; a question has been raised by one of the
      members of the Privy Council.'&mdash;'What condition, Sire?'&mdash;'You
      must pledge yourself not to bear arms against me.'&mdash;'Does your
      Majesty suppose that I can bind myself by such an engagement? My election
      by the Diet of Sweden, which has met with your Majesty's assent, has made
      me a Swedish subject, and that character is incompatible with the pledge
      proposed by a member of the Council. I am sure it could never have
      emanated from your Majesty, and must proceed from the Arch-Chancellor or
      the Grand Judge, who certainly could not have been aware of the height to
      which the proposition would raise me.'&mdash;'What do you mean?'&mdash;'If,
      Sire, you prevent me accepting a crown unless I pledge myself not to bear
      arms against you, do you not really place me on a level with you as a
      General?'
    </p>
    <p>
      "When I declared positively that my election must make me consider myself
      a Swedish subject he frowned, and seemed embarrassed. When I had done
      speaking he said, in a low and faltering voice, 'Well, go. Our destinies
      will soon be accomplished!' These words were uttered so indistinctly that
      I was obliged to beg pardon for not having heard what he said, and he
      repented, 'Go! our destinies will soon be accomplished!' In the subsequent
      conversations which I had with the Emperor I tried all possible means to
      remove the unfavourable sentiments he cherished towards me. I revived my
      recollections of history. I spoke to him of the great men who had excited
      the admiration of the world, of the difficulties and obstacles which they
      had to surmount; and, above all, I dwelt upon that solid glory which is
      founded on the establishment and maintenance of public tranquillity and
      happiness. The Emperor listened to me attentively, and frequently
      concurred in my opinion as to the principles of the prosperity and
      stability of States. One day he took my hand and pressed it
      affectionately, as if to assure me of his friendship and protection.
      Though I knew him to be an adept in the art of dissimulation, yet his
      affected kindness appeared so natural that I thought all his unfavourable
      feeling towards me was at an end. I spoke to persons by whom our two
      families were allied, requesting that they would assure the Emperor of the
      reciprocity of my sentiments, and tell him that I was ready to assist his
      great plans in any way not hostile to the interests of Sweden.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Would you believe, my dear friend, that the persons to whom I made these
      candid protestations laughed at my credulity? They told me that after the
      conversation in which the Emperor had so cordially pressed my hand. I had
      scarcely taken leave of him when he was heard to say that I had made a
      great display of my learning to him, and that he had humoured me like a
      child. He wished to inspire me with full confidence so as to put me off my
      guard; and I know for a certainty that he had the design of arresting me.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But," pursued Bernadotte, "in spite of the feeling of animosity which I
      know the Emperor has cherished against me since the 18th Brumaire, I do
      not think, when once I shall be in Sweden, that he will wish to have any
      differences with the Swedish Government. I must tell you, also he has
      given me 2,000,000 francs in exchange for my principality of Ponte-Corvo.
      Half the sum has been already paid, which will be very useful to me in
      defraying the expenses of my journey and installation. When I was about to
      step into my carriage to set off, an individual, whom you must excuse me
      naming, came to bid me farewell, and related to me a little conversation
      which had just taken place at the Tuileries. Napoleon said to the
      individual in question, 'Well, does not the Prince regret leaving France?'&mdash;'Certainly,
      Sire.'&mdash;'As to me, I should have been very glad if he had not
      accepted his election. But there is no help for it. . . . He does not like
      me.'&mdash;'Sire, I must take the liberty of saying that your Majesty
      labours under a mistake. I know the differences which have existed between
      you and General Bernadotte for the last six years. I know how he opposed
      the overthrow of the Directory; but I also know that the Prince has long
      been sincerely attached to you.'&mdash;'Well, I dare say you are right.
      But we have not understood each other. It is now too late. He has his
      interests and his policy, and I have mine.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      "Such," added the Prince, "were the Emperor's last observations respecting
      me two hours before my departure. The individual to whom I have just
      alluded, spoke truly, my dear Bourrienne. I am indeed sorry to leave
      France; and I never should have left it but for the injustice of
      Bonaparte. If ever I ascend the throne of Sweden I shall owe my crown to
      his ill-treatment of me; for had he not persecuted me by his animosity my
      condition would have sufficed for a soldier of fortune: but we must follow
      our fate."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the three days the Prince spent with me I had many other
      conversations with him. He wished me to give him my advice as to the
      course he should pursue with regard to the Continental system. "I advise
      you," said I, "to reject the system without hesitation. It may be very
      fine in theory, but it is utterly impossible to carry it into practice,
      and it will, in the end, give the trade of the world to England. It
      excites the dissatisfaction of our allies, who, in spite of themselves,
      will again become our enemies. But no other country, except Russia, is in
      the situation of Sweden. You want a number of objects of the first
      necessity, which nature has withheld from you. You can only obtain them by
      perfect freedom of navigation; and you can only pay for them with those
      peculiar productions in which Sweden abounds. It would be out of all
      reason to close your ports against a nation who rules the seas. It is your
      navy that would be blockaded, not hers. What can France do against you?
      She may invade you by land. But England and Russia will exert all their
      efforts to oppose her. By sea it is still more impossible that she should
      do anything. Then you have nothing to fear but Russia and England, and it
      will be easy for you to keep up friendly relations with these two powers.
      Take my advice; sell your iron, timber, leather, and pitch; take in return
      salt, wines, brandy, and colonial produce. This is the way to make
      yourself popular in Sweden. If, on the contrary, you follow the
      Continental system, you will be obliged to adopt laws against smuggling,
      which will draw upon you the detestation of the people."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the advice which I gave to Bernadotte when he was about to
      commence his new and brilliant career. In spite of my situation as a
      French Minister I could not have reconciled it to my conscience to give
      him any other counsel, for if diplomacy has duties so also has friendship.
      Bernadotte adopted my advice, and the King of Sweden had no reason to
      regret having done so.
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIII.
    </h2>

      1810

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Bernadotte's departure from Hamburg&mdash;The Duke of Holstein-
   Augustenburg&mdash;Arrival of the Crown Prince in Sweden&mdash;
   Misunderstandings between him and Napoleon&mdash;Letter from Bernadotte
   to the Emperor&mdash;Plot for kidnapping the Prince Royal of Sweden&mdash;
   Invasion of Swedish Pomerania&mdash;Forced alliance of Sweden with
   England and Russia&mdash;Napoleon's overtures to Sweden&mdash;Bernadotte's
   letters of explanation to the Emperor&mdash;The Princess Royal of Sweden
   &mdash;My recall to Paris&mdash;Union of the Hanse Towns with France&mdash;
   Dissatisfaction of Russia&mdash;Extraordinary demand made upon me by
   Bonaparte&mdash;Fidelity of my old friends&mdash;Duroc and Rapp&mdash;Visit to
   Malmaison, and conversation with Josephine.
</pre>
    <p>
      While Bernadotte was preparing to fill the high station to which he had
      been called by the wishes of the people of Sweden, Napoleon was involved
      in his misunderstanding with the Pope,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It was about this time that, irritated at what he called the
   captive Pope's unreasonable obstinacy, Bonaparte conceived, and
   somewhat openly expressed, his notion of making France a Protestant
   country, and changing the religion of 30,000,000 of people by an
   Imperial decree. One or two of the good sayings of the witty,
   accomplished, and chivalrous Comte Louis de Narbonne have already
   been given in the course of these volumes. The following is another
   of them:

   "I tell you what I will do, Narbonne&mdash;I tell you how I will vent my
   spite on this old fool of a Pope, and the dotards who may succeed
   him said Napoleon one day at the Tuileries. "I will make a schism
   as great as that of Luther&mdash;I will make France a Protestant
   country!"

   "O Sire," replied the Count, "I see difficulties in the way of this
   project. In the south, in the Vendée, in nearly all the west, the
   French are bigoted Catholics and even what little religion remains
   among us in our cities and great towns is of the Roman Church."

   "Never mind, Narbonne&mdash;never mind!&mdash;I shall at least carry a large
   portion of the French people with me&mdash;I will make a division!" Sire,
   replied Narbonne, "I am afraid that there is not enough religion in
   all France to stand division!"-Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      and in the affairs of Portugal, which were far from proceeding according
      to his wishes. Bernadotte had scarcely quitted Hamburg for Sweden when the
      Duke of Holstein-Augustenburg arrived. The Duke was the brother of the
      last Prince Royal of Sweden, whom Bernadotte was called to succeed, and he
      came to escort his sister from Altona to Denmark. His journey had been
      retarded for some days on account of the presence of the Prince of
      Ponte-Gorvo in Hamburg: the preference granted to Bernadotte had mortified
      his ambition, and he was unwilling to come in contact with his fortunate
      rival. The Duke was favoured, by the Emperor of Russia.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as he arrived in Sweden Bernadotte directed his aide de camp,
      General Lentil de St. Alphonse, to inform me of his safe passage. Shortly
      after I received a letter from Bernadotte himself, recommending one of his
      aides de camp, M. Villatte, who was the bearer of it. This letter
      contained the same sentiments of friendship as those I used to receive
      from General Bernadotte, and formed a contrast with the correspondence of
      King Jerome, who when he wrote to me assumed the regal character, and
      prayed that God would have me in his holy keeping. However, the following
      is the Prince Royal's letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MY DEAR BOURRIENNE&mdash;I have directed M. Villatte to see you on his
   way through Hamburg, and to bear my friendly remembrances to you.
   Lentil has addressed his letter to you, which I suppose you have
   already received. Adieu, care for me always, and believe in the
   inalterable attachment of yours,

                    (Signed)CHARLES JOHN.

   P.S.&mdash;I beg you will present my compliments to madame and all your
   family. Embrace my little cousin for me.
</pre>
    <p>
      The little cousin, so called by Bernadotte, was one of my daughters, then
      a child, whom Bernadotte used to be very fond of while he was at Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      Departing from the order of date, I will anticipate the future, and relate
      all I know respecting the real causes of the misunderstanding which arose
      between Bernadotte and Napoleon. Bonaparte viewed the choice of the Swedes
      with great displeasure, because he was well aware that Bernadotte had too
      much integrity and honour to serve him in the north as a political puppet
      set in motion by means of springs which he might pull at Paris or at his
      headquarters. His dissatisfaction upon this point occasioned an
      interesting correspondence, part of which, consisting of letters from
      Bernadotte to the Emperor, is in my possession. The Emperor had allowed
      Bernadotte to retain in his service, for a year at least, the French
      officers who were his aides de camp&mdash;but that permission was soon
      revoked, end the Prince Royal of Sweden wrote to Napoleon a letter of
      remonstrance.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon's dissatisfaction with the Prince Royal now changed to decided
      resentment. He repented having acceded to his departure from France, and
      he made no secret of his sentiments, for he said before his courtiers,
      "That he would like to send Bernadotte to Vincennes to finish his study of
      the Swedish language." Bernadotte was informed of this, but he could not
      believe that the Emperor had ever entertained such a design. However, a
      conspiracy was formed in Sweden against Bernadotte, whom a party of
      foreign brigands were hired to kidnap in the neighbourhood of Raga; but
      the plot was discovered, and the conspirators were compelled to embark
      without their prey. The Emperor having at the same time seized upon
      Swedish Pomerania, the Prince Royal wrote him a second letter in these
      terms:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   From the papers which have just arrived I learn that a division of
   the army, under the command of the Prince of Eckmuhl, invaded
   Swedish Pomerania on the night of the 26th of January; that the
   division continued to advance, entered the capital of the Duchy, and
   took possession of the island of Rugen. The King expects that your
   Majesty will explain the reasons which have induced you to act in a
   manner so contrary to the faith of existing treaties. My old
   connection with your Majesty warrants me in requesting you to
   declare your motives without delay, in order that I may give my
   advice to the King as to the conduct which Sweden ought hereafter to
   adopt. This gratuitous outrage against Sweden is felt deeply by the
   nation, and still more, Sire, by me, to whom is entrusted the honour
   of defending it. Though I have contributed to the triumphs of
   France, though I have always desired to see her respected and happy;
   yet I can never think of sacrificing the interests, honour, and
   independence of the country which has adopted me. Your Majesty, who
   has so ready a perception of what is just, must admit the propriety
   of my resolution. Though I am not jealous of the glory and power
   which surrounds you, I cannot submit to the dishonour of being
   regarded as a vassal. Your Majesty governs the greatest part of
   Europe, but your dominion does not extend to the nation which I have
   been called to govern; my ambition is limited to the defence of
   Sweden. The effect produced upon the people by the invasion of
   which I complain may lead to consequences which it is impossible to
   foresee; and although I am not a Coriolanus, and do not command the
   Volsci, I have a sufficiently good opinion of the Swedes to assure
   you that they dare undertake anything to avenge insults which they
   have not provoked, and to preserve rights to which they are as much
   attached as to their lives.
</pre>
    <p>
      I was in Paris when the Emperor received Bernadotte's letter on the
      occupation of Swedish Pomerania. When Bonaparte read it I was informed
      that he flew into a violent rage, and even exclaimed, "You shall submit to
      your degradation, or die sword in hand!" But his rage was impotent. The
      unexpected occupation of Swedish Pomerania obliged the King of Sweden to
      come to a decided rupture with France, and to seek other allies, for
      Sweden was not strong enough in herself to maintain neutrality in the
      midst of the general conflagration of Europe after the disastrous campaign
      of Moscow. The Prince Royal, therefore, declared to Russia and England
      that in consequence of the unjust invasion of Pomerania Sweden was at war
      with France, and he despatched Comte de Lowenhjelm, the King's aide de
      camp, with a letter explanatory of his views. Napoleon sent many notes to
      Stockholm, where M. Alquier, his Ambassador, according to his
      instructions, had maintained a haughty and even insulting tone towards
      Sweden. Napoleon's overtures, after the manifestations of his anger, and
      after the attempt to carry off the Prince Royal, which could be attributed
      only to him, were considered by the Prince Royal merely as a snare. But in
      the hope of reconciling the duties he owed to both his old and his new
      country he addressed to the Emperor a moderate letter:
    </p>
    <p>
      This letter throws great light on the conduct of the Emperor with respect
      to Bernadotte; for Napoleon was not the man whom any one whatever would
      have ventured to remind of facts, the accuracy of which was in the least
      degree questionable. Such then were the relations between Napoleon and the
      Prince Royal of Sweden. When I shall bring to light some curious secrets,
      which have hitherto been veiled beneath the mysteries of the Restoration,
      it will be seen by what means Napoleon, before his fall, again sought to
      wreak his vengeance upon Bernadotte.
    </p>
    <p>
      Oh the 4th of December I had the honour to see the Princess Royal of
      Sweden,&mdash;[Madame Bernadotte, afterwards Queen of Sweden, was a
      Mademoiselle Clary, and younger sister to the wife of Joseph Bonaparte]&mdash;who
      arrived that day at Hamburg. She merely passed through the city on her way
      to Stockholm to join her husband, but she remained but a short time in
      Sweden,&mdash;two months, I believe, at most, not being able to reconcile
      herself to the ancient Scandinavia. As to the Prince Royal, he soon became
      inured to the climate, having been for many years employed in the north.
    </p>
    <p>
      After this my stay at Hamburg was not of long duration. Bonaparte's
      passion for territorial aggrandisement knew no bounds; and the turn of the
      Hanse Towns now arrived. By taking possession of these towns and
      territories he merely accomplished a design formed long previously. I,
      however, was recalled with many compliments, and under the specious
      pretext that the Emperor wished to hear my opinions respecting the country
      in which. I had been residing. At the beginning of December I received a
      letter from M. de Champagny stating that the Emperor wished to see me in
      order to consult with me upon different things relating to Hamburg. In
      this note I was told "that the information I had obtained respecting
      Hamburg and the north of Germany might be useful to the public interest,
      which must be the most gratifying reward of my labours." The reception
      which awaited me will presently be seen. The conclusion of the letter
      spoke in very flattering terms of the manner in which I had discharged my
      duties. I received it on the 8th of December, and next day I set out for
      Paris. When I arrived at Mayence I was enabled to form a correct idea of
      the fine compliments which had been paid me, and of the Emperor's anxiety
      to have my opinion respecting the Hanse Towns. In Mayence I met the
      courier who was proceeding to announce the union of the Hanse Towns with
      the French Empire. I confess that, notwithstanding the experience I had
      acquired of Bonaparte's duplicity, or rather, of the infinite multiplicity
      of his artifices, he completely took me by surprise on that occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      On my arrival in Paris I did not see the Emperor, but the first 'Moniteur'
      I read contained the formula of a 'Senatus-consulte,' which united the
      Hanse Towns, Lauenburg, etc., to the French Empire by the right of the
      strongest. This new and important augmentation of territory could not fail
      to give uneasiness to Russia. Alexander manifested his dissatisfaction by
      prohibiting the importation of our agricultural produce and manufactures
      into Russia. Finally, as the Continental system had destroyed all trade by
      the ports of the Baltic, Russia showed herself more favourable to the
      English, and gradually reciprocal complaints of bad faith led to that war
      whose unfortunate issue was styled by M. Talleyrand "the beginning of the
      end."
    </p>
    <p>
      I have now to make the reader acquainted with an extraordinary demand made
      upon me by the Emperor through the medium of M. de Champagny. In one of my
      first interviews with that Minister after my return to Paris he thus
      addressed me: "The Emperor has entrusted me with a commission to you which
      I am obliged to execute: 'When you see Bourrienne,' said the Emperor,
      'tell him I wish him to pay 6,000,000 into your chest to defray the
      expense of building the new Office for Foreign Affairs.'" I was so
      astonished at this unfeeling and inconsiderate demand that I was utterly
      unable to make airy reply. This then was my recompense for having obtained
      money and supplies during my residence at Hamburg to the extent of nearly
      100,000,000, by which his treasury and army had profited in moments of
      difficulty! M. de Champagny added that the Emperor did not wish to receive
      me. He asked what answer he should bear to his Majesty. I still remained
      silent, and the Minister again urged me to give an answer. "Well, then,"
      said I, "tell him he may go to the devil." The Minister naturally wished
      to obtain some variation from this laconic answer, but I would give no
      other; and I afterwards learned from Duroc that M. de Champagny was
      compelled to communicate it to Napoleon. "Well," asked the latter, "have
      you seen Bourrienne?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire."&mdash;"Did you tell him I wished
      him to pay 6,000,000 into your chest?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire."&mdash;"And what
      did he say?"&mdash;"Sire, I dare not inform your Majesty."&mdash;"What did
      he say? I insist upon knowing."&mdash;"Since you insist on my telling you,
      Sire, M. de Bourrienne said your Majesty might go to the devil."&mdash;"Ah!
      ah! did he really say so?" The Emperor then retired to the recess of a
      window, where he remained alone for seven or eight minutes, biting his
      nails; in the fashion of Berthier, and doubtless giving free scope to his
      projects of vengeance. He then turned to the Minister and spoke to him of
      quite another subject: Bonaparte had so nursed himself in the idea of
      making me pay the 6,000,000 that every time he passed the Office for
      Foreign Affairs he said to those who accompanied hint; "Bourrienne must
      pay for that after all."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This demand of money from Bourrienne is explained in Erreurs
   (tome ii, p. 228) by the son of Davoust. Bourrienne had been
   suspected by Napoleon of making large sums at Hamburg by allowing
   breaches of the Continental system. In one letter to Davoust
   Napoleon speaks of an "immense fortune," and in another, that
   Bourrienne is reported to have gained seven or eight millions at
   Hamburg in giving licences or making arbitrary seizures.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Though I was not admitted to the honour of sharing the splendour of the
      Imperial Court; yet I had the satisfaction of finding that; in spite of my
      disgrace, those of my old friends who were worth anything evinced the same
      regard for me as heretofore. I often saw Duroc; who snatched some moments
      from his more serious occupations to come and chat with me respecting all
      that had occurred since my secession from Bonaparte's cabinet. I shall not
      attempt to give a verbatim account of my conversations with Duroc, as I
      have only my memory to guide me; but I believe I shall not depart from the
      truth in describing them as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return from the last Austrian campaign Napoleon; as I have already
      stated, proceeded to Fontainebleau, where he was joined by Josephine.
      Then, for the first time, the communication which had always existed
      between the apartments of the husband and wife was closed. Josephine was
      fully alive to the fatal prognostics which were to be deduced from this
      conjugal separation. Duroc informed me that she sent for him, and on
      entering her chamber, he found her bathed in tears. "I am lost!" she
      exclaimed in a tone of voice the remembrance of which seemed sensibly to
      affect Duroc even while relating the circumstance to me: "I am utterly
      lost! all is over now! You, Duroc, I know, have always been my friend, and
      so has Rapp. It is not you who have persuaded him to part from me. This is
      the work of my enemies Savary and Junot! But they are more his enemies
      than mine. And my poor Eugène I how will he be distressed when he learns I
      am repudiated by an ungrateful man! Yes Duroc, I may truly call him
      ungrateful, My God! my God! what will become of us?" . . . Josephine
      sobbed bitterly while she thus addressed Duroc.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before I was acquainted with the singular demand which M. de Champagny was
      instructed to make to me I requested Duroc to inquire of the Emperor his
      reason for not wishing to see me. The Grand Marshal faithfully executed my
      commission, but he received only the following answer: "Do you think I
      have nothing better to do than to give Bourrienne an audience? that would
      indeed furnish gossip for Paris and Hamburg. He has always sided with the
      emigrants; he would be talking to me of past times; he was for Josephine!
      My wife, Duroc, is near her confinement; I shall have a son, I am sure!...
      Bourrienne is not a man of the day; I have made giant strides since he
      left France; in short, I do not want to see him. He is a grumbler by
      nature; and you know, my dear Duroc, I do not like men of that sort."
    </p>
    <p>
      I had not been above a week in Paris when Duroc related this speech to me.
      Rapp was not in France at the time, to my great regret. Much against his
      inclination he had been appointed to some duties connected with the
      Imperial marriage ceremonies, but shortly after, having given offence to
      Napoleon by some observation relating to the Faubourg St. Germain, he had
      received orders to repair to Dantzic, of which place he had already been
      Governor.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor's refusal to see me made my situation in Paris extremely
      delicate; and I was at first in doubt whether I might seek an interview
      with Josephine. Duroc, however, having assured me that Napoleon would have
      no objection to it, I wrote requesting permission to wait upon her. I
      received an answer the same day, and on the morrow I repaired to
      Malmaison. I was ushered into the tent drawing-room, where I found
      Josephine and Hortense. When I entered Josephine stretched out her hand to
      me, saying, "Ah! my friend!" These words she pronounced with deep emotion,
      and tears prevented her from continuing. She threw herself on the ottoman
      on the left of the fireplace, and beckoned me to sit down beside her.
      Hortense stood by the fireplace, endeavouring to conceal her tears.
      Josephine took my hand, which she pressed in both her own; and, after a
      struggle to overcome her feelings, she said, "My dear Bourrienne, I have
      drained my cup of misery. He has cast me off! forsaken me! He conferred
      upon me the vain title of Empress only to render my fall the more marked.
      Ah! we judged him rightly! I knew the destiny that awaited me; for what
      would he not sacrifice to his ambition!" As she finished these words one
      of Queen Hortense's ladies entered with a message to her; Hortense stayed
      a few moments, apparently to recover from the emotion under which she was
      labouring, and then withdrew, so that I was left alone with Josephine. She
      seemed to wish for the relief of disclosing her sorrows, which I was
      curious to hear from her own lips; women have such a striking way of
      telling their distresses. Josephine confirmed what Duroc had told me
      respecting the two apartments at Fontainebleau; then, coming to the period
      when Bonaparte had declared to her the necessity of a separation, she
      said, "My dear Bourrienne; during all the years you were with us you know
      I made you the confidant of my thoughts, and kept you acquainted with my
      sad forebodings. They are now cruelly fulfilled. I acted the part of a
      good wife to the very last. I have suffered all, and I am resigned! . . .
      What fortitude did it require latterly to endure my situation, when,
      though no longer his wife, I was obliged to seem so in the eyes of the
      world! With what eyes do courtiers look upon a repudiated wife! I was in a
      state of vague uncertainty worse than death until the fatal day when he at
      length avowed to me what I had long before read in his looks! On the 30th
      of November 1809 we were dining together as usual, I had not uttered a
      word during that sad dinner, and he had broken silence only to ask one of
      the servants what o'clock it was. As soon as Bonaparte had taken his
      coffee he dismissed all the attendants, and I remained alone with him. I
      saw in the expression of his countenance what was passing in his mind, and
      I knew that my hour was come. He stepped up to me&mdash;he was trembling,
      and I shuddered; he took my hand, pressed it to his heart, and after
      gazing at me for a few moments in silence he uttered these fatal words:
      'Josephine! my dear Josephine! You know how I have loved you! . . . To
      you, to you alone, I owe the only moments of happiness I have tasted in
      this world. But, Josephine, my destiny is not to be controlled by my will.
      My dearest affections must yield to the interests of France.'&mdash;'Say
      no more,' I exclaimed, 'I understand you; I expected this, but the blow is
      not the less mortal.' I could not say another word," continued Josephine;
      "I know not what happened after I seemed to lose my reason; I became
      insensible, and when I recovered I found myself in my chamber. Your friend
      Corvisart and my poor daughter were with me. Bonaparte came to see me in
      the evening; and oh! Bourrienne, how can I describe to you what I felt at
      the sight of him; even the interest he evinced for me seemed an additional
      cruelty. Alas! I had good reason to fear ever becoming an Empress!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I knew not what consolation to offer: to Josephine; and knowing as I did
      the natural lightness of her character, I should have been surprised to
      find her grief so acute, after the lapse of a year, had I not been aware
      that there are certain chords which, when struck, do not speedily cease to
      vibrate in the heart of a woman. I sincerely pitied Josephine, and among
      all the things I said to assuage her sorrow, the consolation to which she
      appeared most sensible was the reprobation which public opinion had
      pronounced on Bonaparte's divorce, and on this subject I said nothing but
      the truth, for Josephine was generally beloved. I reminded her of a
      prediction I had made under happier circumstances, viz. on the day that
      she came to visit us in our little house at Ruel. "My dear friend," said
      she, "I have not forgotten it, and I have often thought of all you then
      said. For my part, I knew he was lost from the day he made himself
      Emperor. Adieu! Bourrienne, come and see me soon again; come often, for we
      have a great deal to talk about; you know how happy I always am to see
      you." Such was, to the best of my recollection, what passed at my first
      interview with Josephine after my return from Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0092" id="link2HCH0092">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIV
    </h2>

      1811

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Arrest of La Sahla&mdash;My visit to him&mdash;His confinement at Vincennes&mdash;
   Subsequent history of La Sahla&mdash;His second journey to France&mdash;
   Detonating powder&mdash;Plot hatched against me by the Prince of Eckmuhl
   &mdash;Friendly offices of the Duc de Rovigo&mdash;Bugbears of the police&mdash;
   Savary, Minister of Police.
</pre>
    <p>
      I had been in Paris about two months when a young man of the name of La
      Sahla was arrested on the suspicion of having come from Saxony to attempt
      the life of the Emperor. La Sahla informed the Duc de Rovigo, then
      Minister of the Police, that he wished to see me, assigning as a reason
      for this the reputation I had left behind me in Germany. The Emperor, I
      presume, had no objection to the interview, for I received an invitation
      to visit the prisoner. I accordingly repaired to the branch office of the
      Minister of the Police, in the Rue des St. Peres, where I was introduced
      to a young man between seventeen and eighteen years of age.
    </p>
    <p>
      My conversation with the young man, whose uncle was, I believe, Minister
      to the King of Saxony, interested me greatly in his behalf; I determined,
      if possible, to save La Sahla, and I succeeded. I proceeded immediately to
      the Duc de Rovigo, and I convinced him that under the circumstances of the
      case it was important to make it be believed that the young man was
      insane. I observed that if he were brought before a court he would repeat
      all that he had stated to me, and probably enter into disclosures which
      might instigate fresh attempts at assassination. Perhaps an avenger of La
      Sahla might rise up amongst the students of Leipzig, at which university
      he had spent his youth. These reasons, together with others, had the
      success I hoped for. The Emperor afterwards acknowledged the prudent
      course which had been adopted respecting La Sahla; when speaking at St.
      Helena of the conspiracies against his life he said, "I carefully
      concealed all that I could."
    </p>
    <p>
      In conformity with my advice La Sahla was sent to Vincennes, where he
      remained until the end of March 1814, He was then removed to the castle of
      Saumur, from which he was liberated at the beginning of April. I had heard
      nothing of him for three years, when one day, shortly after the
      Restoration, whilst sitting at breakfast with my family at my house in the
      Rue Hauteville, I heard an extraordinary noise in the antechamber, and
      before I had time to ascertain its cause I found myself in the arms. of a
      young man, who embraced me with extraordinary ardour. It was La Sahla. He
      was in a transport of gratitude and joy at his liberation, and at the
      accomplishment of the events which he had wished to accelerate by
      assassination. La Sahla returned to Saxony and I saw no more of him, but
      while I was in Hamburg in 1815, whither I was seat by Louis XVIII., I
      learned that on the 5th of June a violent explosion was heard in the
      Chamber of Representatives at Paris, which was at first supposed to be a
      clap of thunder, but was soon ascertained to have been occasioned by a
      young Samson having fallen with a packet of detonating powder in his
      pocket.
    </p>
    <p>
      On receiving this intelligence I imagined, I know not why, that this young
      Saxon was La Sahla, and that he had probably intended to blow up Napoleon
      and even the Legislative Body; but I have since ascertained that I was
      under a mistake as to his intentions. My knowledge of La Sahla's candour
      induces me to believe the truth of his declarations to the police; and if
      there be any inaccuracies in the report of these declarations I do not
      hesitate to attribute them to the police itself, of which Fouché was the
      head at the period in question.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is the latter part of the report which induced me to observe above,
      that if there were any inaccuracies in the statement they were more likely
      to proceed from Fouché's police than the false representations of young La
      Sahla. It is difficult to give credit without proof to such accusations.
      However, I decide nothing; but I consider it my duty to express doubts of
      the truth of these charges brought against the two Prussian ministers, of
      whom the Prince of Wittgenstein, a man of undoubted honour, has always
      spoken to me in the best of terms.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is nothing to prove that La Sahla returned to France the second time
      with the same intentions as before. This project, however, is a mystery to
      me, and his detonating powder gives rise to many conjectures.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had scarcely left Hamburg when the Prince of Eckmuhl (Marshal Davoust)
      was appointed Governor-General of that place on the union of the Hanse
      Towns with the Empire. From that period I was constantly occupied in
      contending against the persecutions and denunciations which he racked his
      imagination to invent. I cannot help attributing to those persecutions the
      Emperor's coolness towards me on my arrival in Paris. But as Davoust's
      calumnies were devoid of proof, he resorted to a scheme by which a certain
      appearance of probability might supply the place of truth. When I arrived
      in Paris, at the commencement of 1811, I was informed by an excellent
      friend I had left at Hamburg, M. Bouvier, an emigrant, and one of the
      hostages of Louis XVI., that in a few days I would receive a letter which
      would commit me, and likewise M. de Talleyrand and General Rapp. I had
      never had any connection on matters of business, with either of these
      individuals, for whom I entertained the most sincere attachment. They,
      like myself, were not in the good graces of Marshal Davoust, who could not
      pardon the one for his incontestable superiority of talent, and the other
      for his blunt honesty. On the receipt of M. Bouvier's letter I carried it
      to the Duc de Rovigo, whose situation made him perfectly aware of the
      intrigues which had been carried on against me since I had left Hamburg by
      one whose ambition aspired to the Viceroyalty of Poland. On that, as on
      many other similar occasions, the Duc de Rovigo advocated my cause with
      Napoleon. We agreed that it would be best to await the arrival of the
      letter which M. Bouvier had announced. Three weeks elapsed, and the letter
      did not appear. The Duc de Rovigo, therefore, told me that I must have
      been misinformed. However, I was certain that M. Bouvier would not have
      sent me the information on slight grounds, and I therefore supposed that
      the project had only been delayed. I was not wrong in my conjecture, for
      at length the letter arrived. To what a depth of infamy men can descend!
      The letter was from a man whom I had known at Hamburg, whom I had obliged,
      whom I had employed as a spy. His epistle was a miracle of impudence.
      After relating some extraordinary transactions which he said had taken
      place between us, and which all bore the stamp of falsehood, he requested
      me to send him by return of post the sum of 60,000 francs on account of
      what I had promised him for some business he executed in England by the
      direction of M. de Talleyrand, General Rapp, and myself. Such miserable
      wretches are often caught in the snares they spread for others. This was
      the case in the present instance, for the fellow had committed, the
      blunder of fixing upon the year 1802 as the period of this pretended
      business in England, that is to say, two years before my appointment as
      Minister-Plenipotentiary to the Hanse Towns. This anachronism was not the
      only one I discovered in the letter.
    </p>
    <p>
      I took a copy of the letter, and immediately carried the original to the
      Duc de Rovigo, as had been agreed between us. When I waited on the
      Minister he was just preparing to go to the Emperor. He took with him the
      letter which I brought, and also the letter which announced its arrival.
      As the Duc de Rovigo entered the audience-chamber Napoleon advanced to
      meet him, and apostrophised him thus: "Well, I have learned fine things of
      your Bourrienne, whom you are always defending." The fact was, the Emperor
      had already received a copy of the letter, which had been opened at the
      Hamburg post-office. The Duc de Rovigo told the Emperor that he had long
      known what his Majesty had communicated to him. He then entered into a
      full explanation of the intrigue, of which it was wished to render me the
      victim, and proved to him the more easily the falsehood of my accusers by
      reminding him that in 1802 I was not in Hamburg, but was still in his
      service at home.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be supposed that I was too much interested in knowing what had
      passed at the Tuileries not to return to the Duc de Rovigo the same day. I
      learned from him the particulars which I have already related. He added
      that he had observed to the Emperor that there was no connection between
      Rapp and M. Talleyrand which could warrant the suspicion of their being
      concerned in the affair in question. "When Napoleon saw the matter in its
      true light," said Savary, "when I proved to him the palpable existence of
      the odious machination, he could not find terms to express his
      indignation. 'What baseness, what horrible villainy!' he exclaimed; and
      gave me orders to arrest and bring to Paris the infamous writer of the
      letter; and you may rely upon it his orders shall be promptly obeyed."
    </p>
    <p>
      Savary, as he had said, instantly despatched orders for the arrest of the
      writer, whom he directed to be sent to France. On his arrival he was
      interrogated respecting the letter. He declared that he had written it at
      the instigation and under the dictation of Marshal Davoust, for doing
      which he received a small sum of money as a reward. He also confessed that
      when the letter was put into the post the Prince of Eckmuhl ordered the
      Director of the Post to open it, take a copy, then seal it again, and send
      it to its address&mdash;that is to say, to me&mdash;and the copy to the
      Emperor. The writer of the letter was banished to Marseilles, or to the
      Island of Hyeres, but the individual who dictated it continued a Marshal,
      a Prince, and a Governor-General, and still looked forward to the
      Viceroyalty of Poland! Such was the discriminating justice of the Empire;
      and Davoust continued his endeavours to revenge himself by other calumnies
      for my not having considered him a man of talent. I must do the Duc de
      Rovigo the justice to say that, though his fidelity to Napoleon was as it
      always had been, boundless, yet whilst he executed the Emperor's orders he
      endeavoured to make him acquainted with the truth, as was proved by his
      conduct in the case I have just mentioned. He was much distressed by the
      sort of terror which his appointment had excited in the public, and he
      acknowledged to me that he intended to restore confidence by a more mild
      system than that of his predecessor. I had observed formerly that Savary
      did not coincide in the opinion I had always entertained of Fouché, but
      when once the Duc de Rovigo endeavoured to penetrate the labyrinth of
      police, counter-police, inspections and hierarchies of espionage, he found
      they were all bugbears which Fouché had created to alarm the Emperor, as
      gardeners put up scarecrows among the fruit-trees to frighten away the
      sparrows. Thus, thanks to the artifices of Fouché, the eagle was
      frightened as easily as the sparrows, until the period when the Emperor,
      convinced that Fouché was maintaining a correspondence with England
      through the agency of Ouvrard, dismissed him.
    </p>
    <p>
      I saw with pleasure that Savary, the Minister of Police, wished to
      simplify the working of his administration, and to gradually diminish
      whatever was annoying in it, but, whatever might be his intentions, he was
      not always free to act. I acknowledge that when I read his Memoirs I saw
      with great impatience that in many matters he had voluntarily assumed
      responsibilities for acts which a word from him might have attributed to
      their real author. However this may be, what much pleased me in Savary was
      the wish he showed to learn the real truth in order to tell it to
      Napoleon. He received from the Emperor more than one severe rebuff. This
      came from the fact that since the immense aggrandisement of the Empire the
      ostensible Ministers, instead of rising in credit, had seen their
      functions diminish by degrees. Thus proposals for appointments to the
      higher grades of the army came from the cabinet of Berthier, and not from
      that of the Minister-of-War. Everything which concerned any part of the
      government of the Interior or of the Exterior, except for the
      administration of War and perhaps for that of Finance, had its centre in
      the cabinet of M. Maret, certainly an honest man, but whose facility in
      saying "All is right," so much helped to make all wrong.
    </p>
    <p>
      The home trade, manufactures, and particularly several of the Parisian
      firms were in a state of distress the more hurtful as it contrasted so
      singularly with the splendour of the Imperial Court since the marriage of
      Napoleon with Maria Louisa. In this state of affairs a chorus of
      complaints reached the ears of the Duc de Rovigo every day. I must say
      that Savary was never kinder to me than since my disgrace; he nourished my
      hope of getting Napoleon to overcome the prejudices against me with which
      the spirit of vengeance had inspired him, and I know for certain that
      Savary returned to the charge more than once to manage this. The Emperor
      listened without anger, did not blame him for the closeness of our
      intimacy, and even said to him some obliging but insignificant words about
      me. This gave time for new machinations against me, and to fill him with
      fresh doubts when he had almost overcome his former, ideas.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0093" id="link2HCH0093">
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXV.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   M. Czernischeff&mdash;Dissimulation of Napoleon&mdash;Napoleon and Alexander&mdash;
   Josephine's foresight respecting the affairs of Spain&mdash;My visits to
   Malmaison&mdash;Grief of Josephine&mdash;Tears and the toilet&mdash;Vast extent of
   the Empire&mdash;List of persons condemned to death and banishment in
   Piedmont&mdash;Observation of Alfieri respecting the Spaniards&mdash;Success
   in Spain&mdash;Check of Massena in Portugal&mdash;Money lavished by the
   English&mdash;Bertrand sent to Illyria, and Marmont to Portugal&mdash;
   Situation of the French army&mdash;Assembling of the Cortes&mdash;Europe
   sacrificed to the Continental system&mdash;Conversation with Murat in the
   Champs Elysees&mdash;New titles and old names&mdash;Napoleon's dislike of
   literary men&mdash;Odes, etc., on the marriage of Napoleon&mdash;Chateaubriand
   and Lemereier&mdash;Death of Chenier&mdash;Chateaubriand elected his successor
   &mdash;His discourse read by Napoleon&mdash;Bonaparte compared to Nero&mdash;
   Suppression of the 'Merceure'&mdash;M. de Chateaubriand ordered to leave
   Paris&mdash;MM. Lemercier and Esmenard presented to the Emperor&mdash;Birth of
   the King of Rome&mdash;France in 1811.
</pre>
    <p>
      Since my return to France I had heard much of the intrigues of M.
      Czernischeff, an aide de camp of the Emperor of Russia, who, under the
      pretext of being frequently sent to compliment Napoleon on the part of the
      Emperor Alexander, performed, in fact, the office of a spy. The conduct of
      Napoleon with regard to M. Czernischeff at that period struck me as
      singular, especially after the intelligence which before my departure from
      Hamburg I had transmitted to him respecting the dissatisfaction of Russia
      and her hostile inclinations. It is therefore clear to me that Bonaparte
      was well aware of the real object of M. Czernischeffs mission, and that if
      he appeared to give credit to the increasing professions of his friendship
      it was only because he still wished, as he formerly did; that Russia might
      so far commit herself as to afford him a fair pretext for the
      commencement, of hostilities in the north.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Czernischeff first arrived in Paris shortly after the interview at
      Erfurt, and after that period was almost constantly on the road between
      Paris and St. Petersburg; it has been computed that in the space of less
      than four years he travelled more than 10,000 leagues. For a long time his
      frequent journeyings excited no surmises, but while I was in Paris Savary
      began to entertain suspicions, the correctness of which it was not
      difficult to ascertain, so formidable was still the system of espionage,
      notwithstanding the precaution taken by Fouché to conceal from his
      successor the names of his most efficient spies. It was known that M.
      Czernischeff was looking out for a professor of mathematics,&mdash;doubtless
      to disguise the real motives for his stay in Paris by veiling them under
      the desire of studying the sciences. The confidant of Alexander had
      applied to a professor connected with a public office; and from that time
      all the steps of M. Czerniseheff were known to the police. It was
      discovered that he was less anxious to question his instructor respecting
      the equations of a degree, or the value of unknown quantities, than to
      gain all the information he could about the different branches of the
      administration, and particularly the department of war. It happened that
      the professor knew some individuals employed in the public offices, who
      furnished him with intelligence, which he in turn communicated to M.
      Czernischeff, but not without making a report of it to the police;
      according to custom, instead of putting an end to this intrigue at once it
      was suffered fully to develop itself. Napoleon was informed of what was
      going on, and in this instance gave a new proof of his being an adept in
      the art of dissimulation, for, instead of testifying any displeasure
      against M. Czernischeff, he continued to receive him with the same marks
      of favour which he had shown to him during his former missions to Paris.
      Being, nevertheless, desirous to get rid of him, without evincing a
      suspicion that his clandestine proceedings had been discovered, he
      entrusted him with a friendly letter to his brother of Russia, but
      Alexander was in such haste to reply to the flattering missive of his
      brother of France that M. Czernischeff was hurried back to Paris, having
      scarcely been suffered to enter the gates of St. Petersburg. I believe I
      am correct in the idea that Napoleon was not really displeased at the
      intrigues of M. Czernischeff, from the supposition that they afforded an
      indication of the hostile intentions of Russia towards France; for,
      whatever he might say on this subject to his confidants, what reliance can
      we place on the man who formed the camp of Boulogne without the most
      distant intention of attempting a descent upon England, and who had
      deceived the whole world respecting that important affair without taking
      any one into his own confidence?
    </p>
    <p>
      During the period of my stay in Paris the war with Spain and Portugal
      occupied much of the public attention; and it proved in the end an
      enterprise upon which the intuition of Josephine had not deceived her. In
      general she intermeddled little with political affairs; in the first
      place, because her doing so would have given offence to Napoleon; and
      next, because her natural frivolity led her to give a preference to
      lighter pursuits. But I may safely affirm that she was endowed with an
      instinct so perfect as seldom to be deceived respecting the good or evil
      tendency of any measure which Napoleon engaged in; and I remember she told
      me that when informed of the intention of the Emperor to bestow the throne
      of Spain on Joseph, she was seized with a feeling of indescribable alarm.
      It would be difficult to define that instinctive feeling which leads us to
      foresee the future; but it is a fact that Josephine was endowed with this
      faculty in a more perfect decree than any other person I have ever known,
      and to her it was a fatal gift, for she suffered at the same time under
      the weight of present and of future misfortunes.
    </p>
    <p>
      I often visited her at Malmaison, as Duroc assured me that the Emperor had
      no objection to my doing so; yet he must have been fully aware that when
      Josephine and I were in confidential conversation he would not always be
      mentioned in terms of unqualified eulogy; and in truth, his first friend
      and his first wife might well be excused for sometimes commingling their
      complaints.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though more than a twelvemonth had elapsed since the divorce grief still
      preyed on the heart of Josephine. "You cannot conceive, my friend," she
      often said to me, "all the torments that I have suffered since that fatal
      day! I cannot imagine how I survived it. You cannot figure to yourself the
      pain I endure on seeing descriptions of his fetes everywhere. And the
      first time he came to visit me after his marriage, what a meeting was
      that! How many tears I shed! The days on which he comes are to me days of
      misery, for he spares me not. How cruel to speak of his expected heir.
      Bourrienne, you cannot conceive how heart-rending all this is to me!
      Better, far better to be exiled a thousand leagues from hence! However,"
      added Josephine, "a few friends still remain faithful in my changed
      fortune, and that is now the only thing which affords me even temporary
      consolation." The truth is that she was extremely unhappy, and the most
      acceptable consolation her friends could offer her was to weep with her.
      Yet such was still Josephine's passion for dress, that after. having wept
      for a quarter of an hour she would dry her tears to give audience to
      milliners and jewellers. The sight of a new hat would call forth all
      Josephine's feminine love of finery. One day I remember that, taking
      advantage of the momentary serenity occasioned by an ample display of
      sparkling gewgaws, I congratulated her upon the happy influence they
      exercised over her spirits, when she said, "My dear friend, I ought,
      indeed, to be indifferent to all this; but it is a habit." Josephine might
      have added that it was also an occupation, for it would be no exaggeration
      to say that if the time she wasted in tears and at her toilet had been
      subtracted from her life its duration would have been considerably
      shortened.
    </p>
    <p>
      The vast extent of the French Empire now presented a spectacle which
      resembled rather the dominion of the Romans and the conquests of
      Charlemagne than the usual form and political changes of modern Europe. In
      fact, for nearly two centuries, until the period of the Revolution, and
      particularly until the elevation of Napoleon, no remarkable changes had
      taken place in the boundaries of European States, if we except the
      partition of Poland, when two of the co-partitioners committed the error
      of turning the tide of Russia towards the west! Under Napoleon everything
      was overturned with astonishing rapidity: customs, manners, laws, were
      superseded
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The so-called "French" armies of the time, drawn from all parts
   of the Empire and from the dependent States, represented the
   extraordinary fusion attempted by Napoleon. Thus, at the battle of
   Ocana there were at least troops of the following States, viz.
   Warsaw, Holland, Baden, Nassau, Hesse-Darmstadt, Frankfort, besides
   the Spaniards in Joseph's service. A Spanish division went to
   Denmark, the regiment from Isembourg was sent to Naples, while the
   Neapolitans crossed to Spain. Even the little Valais had to furnish
   a battalion. Blacks from San Domingo served in Naples, while
   sixteen nations, like so many chained dogs, advanced into Russia.
   Such troops could not have the spirit of a homogeneous army.

   Already, in 1808, Metternich had written from Paris to his Court,
   "It is no longer the nation that fights: the present war (Spain) is
   Napoleon's war; it is not even that of his army." But Napoleon
   himself was aware of the danger of the Empire from its own extent.
   In the silence of his cabinet his secretary Meneval sometimes heard
   him murmur, "L'arc est trop longtemps tendu."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      by new customs, new manners, and new laws, imposed by force, and forming a
      heterogeneous whole, which could not fail to dissolve, as soon as the
      influence of the power which had created it should cease to operate. Such
      was the state of Italy that I have been informed by an individual worthy
      of credit that if the army of Prince Eugène, instead of being victorious,
      had been beaten on the Piava, a deeply-organised revolution would have
      broken out in Piedmont, and even in the Kingdom of Italy, where,
      nevertheless, the majority of the people fully appreciated the excellent
      qualities of Eugène. I have been also credibly informed that lists were in
      readiness designating those of the French who were to be put to death, as
      well as those by whom the severe orders of the Imperial Government had
      been mitigated, and who were only to be banished. In fact, revolt was as
      natural to the Italians as submission to the Germans, and as the fury of
      despair to the Spanish nation. On this subject I may cite an observation
      contained in one of the works of Alfieri, published fifteen years before
      the Spanish war. Taking a cursory view of the different European nations
      he regarded&mdash;the Spaniards as the only people possessed of
      "sufficient energy to struggle against foreign usurpation." Had I still
      been near the person of Napoleon I would most assuredly have resorted to
      an innocent artifice, which I had several times employed, and placed the
      work of Alfieri on his table open at the page I wished him to read.
      Alfieri's opinion of the Spanish people was in the end fully verified; and
      I confess I cannot think without shuddering of the torrents of blood which
      inundated the Peninsula; and for what? To make Joseph Bonaparte a King!
    </p>
    <p>
      The commencement of 1811 was sufficiently favourable to the French arms in
      Spain, but towards the beginning of March the aspect of affairs changed.
      The Duke of Belluno, notwithstanding the valour of his troops, was
      unsuccessful at Chiclana; and from that day the French army could not make
      head against the combined forces of England and Portugal. Even Massena,
      notwithstanding the title of Prince of Eslingen (or Essling), which he had
      won under the walls of Vienna, was no longer "the favourite child of
      victory" as he had been at Zurich.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having mentioned Massena I may observe that he did not favour the change
      of the French Government on the foundation of the Empire. Massena loved
      two things, glory and money; but as to what is termed honours, he only
      valued those which resulted from the command of an army; and his
      recollections all bound him to the Republic, because the Republic recalled
      to his mind the most brilliant and glorious events of his military career.
      He was, besides, among the number of the Marshals who wished to see a
      limit put to the ambition of Bonaparte; and he had assuredly done enough,
      since the commencement of the wars of the Republic, to be permitted to
      enjoy some repose, which his health at that period required. What could he
      achieve against the English in Portugal? The combined forces of England
      and Portugal daily augmented, while ours diminished. No efforts were
      spared by England to gain a superiority in the great struggle in which she
      was engaged; as her money was lavished profusely, her troops paid well
      wherever they went, and were abundantly supplied with ammunition and
      provisions: the French army was compelled, though far from possessing such
      ample means, to purchase at the same high rate, in order to keep the
      natives from joining the English party. But even this did not prevent
      numerous partial insurrections in different places, which rendered all
      communication with France extremely difficult. Armed bands continually
      carried off our dispersed soldiers; and the presence of the British
      troops, supported by the money they spent in the country, excited the
      inhabitants against us; for it is impossible to suppose that, unsupported
      by the English, Portugal could have held out a single moment against
      France. But battles, bad weather, and even want, had so reduced the French
      force that it was absolutely necessary our troops should repose when their
      enterprises could lead to no results. In this state of things Massena was
      recalled, because his health was so materially injured as to render it
      impossible for him to exert sufficient activity to restore the army to a
      respectable footing.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under these circumstances Bonaparte sent Bertrand into Illyria to take the
      place of Marmont, who was ordered in his turn to relieve Massena and take
      command of the French army in Portugal Marmont on assuming the command
      found the troops in a deplorable state. The difficulty of procuring
      provisions was extreme, and the means he was compelled to employ for that
      purpose greatly heightened the evil, at the same time insubordination and
      want of discipline prevailed to such an alarming degree that it would be
      as difficult as painful to depict the situation of our army at this
      period, Marmont, by his steady conduct, fortunately succeeded in
      correcting the disorders which prevailed, and very soon found himself at
      the head of a well-organised army, amounting to 30,000 infantry, with
      forty pieces of artillery, but he had only a very small body of cavalry,
      and those ill-mounted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Affairs in Spain at the commencement of 1811 exhibited an aspect not very
      different from those of Portugal. At first we were uniformly successful,
      but our advantages were so dearly purchased that the ultimate issue of
      this struggle might easily have been foreseen, because when a people fight
      for their homes and their liberties the invading army must gradually
      diminish, while at the same time the armed population, emboldened by
      success, increases in a still more marked progression. Insurrection was
      now regarded by the Spaniards as a holy and sacred duty, to which the
      recent meetings of the Cortes in the Isle of Leon had given, as it were, a
      legitimate character, since Spain found again, in the remembrance of her
      ancient privileges, at least the shadow of a Government&mdash;a centre
      around which the defenders of the soil of the Peninsula could rally.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Lord Wellington gave Massena a beating at Fuentes d'Onore on the
   5th of May 1811. It was soon after this battle that Napoleon sent
   Marmont to succeed Massena. Advancing on the southern frontier of
   Portugal the skillful Soult contrived to take Badajoz from a
   wavering Spanish garrison. About this time, however, General
   Graham, with his British corps, sallied out of Cadiz, and beat the
   French on the heights of Barrosa, which lie in front of Cadiz, which
   city the French were then besieging. Encouraged by the successes of
   our regular armies, the Spanish Guerillas became more and more
   numerous and daring. By the end of 1811 Joseph Bonaparte found so
   many thorns in his usurped crown that he implored his brother to put
   it on some other head. Napoleon would not then listen to his
   prayer. In the course of 1811 a plan was laid for liberating
   Ferdinand from his prison in France and placing him at the head of
   affairs in Spain, but was detected by the emissaries of Bonaparte's
   police. Ferdinand's sister, the ex-Queen of Etruria, had also
   planned an escape to England. Her agents were betrayed, tried by a
   military commission, and shot&mdash;the Princess herself was condemned to
   close confinement in a Roman convent.&mdash;Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The Continental system was the cause, if not of the eventual fall, at
      least of the rapid fall of Napoleon. This cannot be doubted if we consider
      for a moment the brilliant situation of the Empire in 1811, and the effect
      simultaneously produced throughout Europe by that system, which undermined
      the most powerful throne which ever existed. It was the Continental system
      that Napoleon upheld in Spain, for he had persuaded himself that this
      system, rigorously enforced, would strike a death blow to the commerce of
      England; and Duroc besides informed me of a circumstance which is of great
      weight in this question. Napoleon one day said to him, "I am no longer
      anxious that Joseph should be King of Spain; and he himself is indifferent
      about it. I would give the crown to the first comer who would shut his
      ports against the English."
    </p>
    <p>
      Murat had come to Paris on the occasion of the Empress' accouchement, and
      I saw him several times during his stay, for we had always been on the
      best terms; and I must do him the justice to say that he never assumed the
      King but to his courtiers, and those who had known him only as a monarch.
      Eight or ten days after the birth of the King of Rome, as I was one
      morning walking in the Champs Elysees, I met Murat. He was alone, and
      dressed in a long blue overcoat. We were exactly opposite the gardens of
      his sister-in-law, the Princess Borghese. "Well, Bourrienne," said Murat,
      after we had exchanged the usual courtesies, "well, what are you about
      now?" I informed him how I had been treated by Napoleon, who, that I might
      not be in Hamburg when the decree of union arrived there, had recalled me
      to Paris under a show of confidence. I think I still see the handsome and
      expressive countenance of Joachim when, having addressed him by the titles
      of Sire and Your Majesty, he said to me, "Pshaw! Bourrienne, are we not
      old comrades? The Emperor has treated you unjustly; and to whom has he not
      been unjust? His displeasure is preferable to his favour, which costs so
      dear! He says that he made us Kings; but did we not make him an Emperor?
      To you, my friend, whom I have known long and intimately, I can make my
      profession of faith. My sword, my blood, my life belong to the Emperor.
      When he calls me to the field to combat his enemies and the enemies of
      France I am no longer a King, I resume the rank of a Marshal of the
      Empire; but let him require no more. At Naples I will be King of Naples,
      and I will not sacrifice to his false calculations the life, the
      well-being, and the interests of my subjects. Let him not imagine that he
      can treat me as he has treated Louis! For I am ready to defend, even
      against him, if it must be so, the rights of the people over whom he has
      appointed me to rule. Am I then an advance-guard King?" These last words
      appeared to me peculiarly appropriate in the mouth of Murat, who had
      always served in the advance-guard of our armies, and I thought expressed
      in a very happy manner the similarity of his situation as a king and a
      soldier.
    </p>
    <p>
      I walked with Murat about half an hour. In the course of our conversation
      he informed me that his greatest cause of complaint against the Emperor
      was his having first put him forward and then abandoned him. "Before I
      arrived in Naples," continued he, "it was intimated to me that there was a
      design of assassinating me. What did I do? I entered that city alone, in
      full daylight, in an open carriage, for I would rather have been
      assassinated at once than have lived in the constant fear of being so. I
      afterwards made a descent on the Isle of Capri, which succeeded. I
      attempted one against Sicily, and am curtain it would have also been
      successful had the Emperor fulfilled his promise of sending the Toulon
      fleet to second my operations; but he issued contrary orders: he enacted
      Mazarin, and unshed me to play the part of the adventurous Duke of Guise.
      But I see through his designs. Now that he has a son, on whom he has
      bestowed the title of King of Rome, he merely wishes the crown of Naples
      to be considered as a deposit in my hands. He regards Naples as a future
      annexation to the Kingdom of Rome, to which I foresee it is his design to
      unite the whole of Italy. But let him not urge me too far, for I will
      oppose him, and conquer, or perish in the attempt, sword in hand."
    </p>
    <p>
      I had the discretion not to inform Murat how correctly he had divined the
      plans of the Emperor and his projects as to Italy, but in regard to the
      Continental system, which, perhaps, the reader will be inclined to call my
      great stalking-horse, I spoke of it as I had done to the Prince of Sweden,
      and I perceived that he was fully disposed to follow my advice, as
      experience has sufficiently proved. It was in fact the Continental system
      which separated the interests of Murat from those of the Emperor, and
      which compelled the new King of Naples to form alliances amongst the
      Princes at war with France. Different opinions have been entertained on
      this Subject; mine is, that the Marshal of the Empire was wrong, but the
      King of Naples right.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Princes and Dukes of the Empire must pardon me for so often
      designating them by their Republican names. The Marshals set less value on
      their titles of nobility than the Dukes and Counts selected from among the
      civilians. Of all the sons of the Republic Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély
      was the most gratified at being a Count, whilst, among the fathers of the
      Revolution no one could regard with greater disdain than Fouché his title
      of Duke of Otranto; he congratulated himself upon its possession only
      once, and that was after the fall of the Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have expressed my dislike of Fouché; and the reason of that feeling was,
      that I could not endure his system of making the police a government
      within a government. He had left Paris before my return thither, but I had
      frequent occasion to speak of that famous personage to Savary, whom, for
      the reason above assigned, I do not always term Duc de Rovigo. Savary knew
      better than any one the fallacious measures of Fouché's administration,
      since he was his successor. Fouché, under pretence of encouraging men of
      letters, though well aware that the Emperor was hostile to them, intended
      only to bring them into contempt by making them write verses at command.
      It was easily seen that Napoleon nourished a profound dislike of literary
      men, though we must not conclude that he wished the public to be aware of
      that dislike. Those, besides, who devoted their pens to blazon his glory
      and his power were sure to be received by him with distinction. On the
      other hand, as Charlemagne and Louis XIV. owed a portion of the splendour
      of their reigns to the lustre reflected on them by literature, he wished
      to appear to patronise authors, provided that they never discussed
      questions relating to philosophy, the independence of mankind, and civil
      and political rights. With regard to men of science it was wholly
      different; those he held in real estimation; but men of letters, properly
      so called, were considered by him merely as a sprig in his Imperial crown.
    </p>
    <p>
      The marriage of the Emperor with an Archduchess of Austria had set all the
      Court poets to work, and in this contest of praise and flattery it must be
      confessed that the false gods were vanquished by the true God; for, in
      spite of their fulsome verses, not one of the disciples of Apollo could
      exceed the extravagance of the Bishops in their pastoral letters. At a
      time when so many were striving to force themselves into notice there
      still existed a feeling of esteem in the public mind for men of superior
      talent who remained independent amidst the general corruption; such was M.
      Lemercier, such was M. de Chateaubriand. I was in Paris in the spring of
      1811, at the period of Chenier's death, when the numerous friends whom
      Chateaubriand possessed in the second class of the Institute looked to him
      as the successor of Chenier. This was more than a mere literary question,
      not only on account of the high literary reputation M. de Chateaubriand
      already possessed, but of the recollection of his noble conduct at the
      period of Duc d'Enghien's death, which was yet fresh in the memory of
      every one; and, besides, no person could be ignorant of the immeasurable
      difference of opinion between Chenier and M. de Chateaubriand.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Chateaubriand obtained a great majority of votes, and was elected a
      Member of the Institute. This opened a wide field for conjecture in Paris.
      Every one was anxious to see how the author of the Genie du Christianisme,
      the faithful defender of the Bourbons, would bend his eloquence to
      pronounce the eulogium of a regicide. The time for the admission of the
      new Member of the Institute arrived, but in his discourse, copies of which
      were circulated in Paris, he had ventured to allude to the death of Louis
      XVI., and to raise his voice against the regicides. This did not displease
      Napoleon; but M. de Chateaubriand also made a profession of faith in
      favour of liberty, which, he said, found refuge amongst men of letters
      when banished from the politic body. This was great boldness for the time;
      for though Bonaparte was secretly gratified at seeing the judges of Louis
      XVI. scourged by an heroic pen, yet those men held the highest situations
      under the Government. Cambacérès filled the second place in the Empire,
      although at a great distance from the first; Merlin de Douai was also in
      power; and it is known how much liberty was stifled and hidden beneath the
      dazzling illusion of what is termed glory. A commission was named to
      examine the discourse of Chateaubriand. MM. Suard, de Segur, de Fontanes,
      and two or three other members of the same class of the Institute whose
      names I cannot recollect, were of opinion that the discourse should be
      read; but it was opposed by the majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Napoleon was informed of what had passed he demanded a sight of the
      address, which was presented to him by M. Daru. After having perused it he
      exclaimed; "Had this discourse been delivered I would have shut the gates
      of the Institute, and thrown M. de Chateaubriand into a dungeon for life."
      The storm long raged; at length means of conciliation were tried. The
      Emperor required M. de Chateaubriand to prepare another discourse, which
      the latter refused to do, in spite of every menace. Madame Gay applied to
      Madame Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély, who interested her husband in favour
      of the author of the Genie du Christianisme. M. de Montalivet and Savary
      also acted on this occasion in the most praiseworthy manner, and succeeded
      in appeasing the first transports of the Emperor's rage. But the name of
      Chateaubriand constantly called to mind the circumstances which had
      occasioned him to give in his resignation; and, besides, Napoleon had
      another complaint against him. He had published in the 'Merceure' an
      article on a work of M. Alexandre de Laborde. In that article, which was
      eagerly read in Paris, and which caused the suppression of the 'Merceure',
      occurred the famous phrase which has been since so often repeated: "In
      vain a Nero triumphs: Tacitus is already born in his Empire." This
      quotation leads me to repeat an observation, which, I believe, I have
      already made, viz. that it is a manifest misconception to compare
      Bonaparte to Nero. Napoleon's ambition might blind his vision to political
      crimes, but in private life no man could evince less disposition to
      cruelty or bloodshed. A proof that he bore little resemblance to Nero is
      that his anger against the author of the article in question vented itself
      in mere words. "What!" exclaimed he, "does Chateaubriand think I am a
      fool, and that I do not know what he means? If he goes on this way I will
      have him sabred on the steps of the Tuileries." This language is quite
      characteristic of Bonaparte, but it was uttered in the first ebullition of
      his wrath. Napoleon merely threatened, but Nero would have made good his
      threat; and in such a case there is surely some difference between words
      and deeds.
    </p>
    <p>
      The discourse of M. de Chateaubriand revived Napoleon's former enmity
      against him; he received an order to quit Paris: M. Daru returned to him
      the manuscript of his discourse, which had been read by Bonaparte, who
      cancelled some passages with a pencil. We can be sure that the phrase
      about liberty was not one of those spared by the Imperial pencil. However
      that may be, written copies were circulated with text altered and
      abbreviated; and I have even been told that a printed edition appeared,
      but I have never seen any copies; and as I do not find the discourse in
      the works of M. de Chateaubriand I have reason to believe that the author
      has not yet wished to publish it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the principal circumstances attending the nomination of
      Chateaubriand to the Institute. I shall not relate some others which
      occurred on a previous occasion, viz. on the election of an old and worthy
      visitor at Malmaison, M. Lemercier, and which will serve to show one of
      those strange inconsistencies so frequent in the character of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the foundation of the Empire M. Lemercier ceased to present himself
      at the Tuileries, St. Cloud, or at Malmaison, though he was often seen in
      the salons of Madame Bonaparte while she yet hoped not to become a Queen.
      Two places were vacant at once in the second class of the Institute, which
      still contained a party favourable to liberty. This party, finding it
      impossible to influence the nomination of both members, contented itself
      with naming one, it being the mutual condition, in return for favouring
      the Government candidate, that the Government party should not oppose the
      choice of the liberals. The liberal party selected M. Lemercier, but as
      they knew his former connection with Bonaparte had been broken off they
      wished first to ascertain that he would do nothing to commit their choice.
      Chenier was empowered to inquire whether M. Lemercier would refuse to
      accompany them to the Tuileries when they repaired thither in a body, and
      whether, on his election, he would comply with the usual ceremony of being
      presented to the Emperor. M. Lemercier replied that he would do nothing
      contrary to the customs and usages of the body to which he might belong:
      he was accordingly elected. The Government candidate was M. Esmenard, who
      was also elected. The two new members were presented to the Emperor on the
      same day. On this occasion upwards of 400 persons were present in the
      salon, from one of whom I received these details. When the Emperor saw M.
      Lemercier, for whom he had long pretended great friendship, he said to him
      in a kind tone, "Well, Lemercier, you are now installed." Lemercier
      respectfully bowed to the Emperor; but without uttering a word of reply.
      Napoleon was mortified at this silence, but without saying anything more
      to Lemercier he turned to Esmenard, the member who should have been most
      acceptable to him, and vented upon him the whole weight of his indignation
      in a manner equally unfeeling and unjust. "Well, Esmenard," said he, "do
      you still hold your place in the police?" These words were spoken in so
      loud a tone as to be heard by all present; and it was doubtless this cruel
      and ambiguous speech which furnished the enemies of Esmenard with arms to
      attack his reputation as a man of honour, and to give an appearance of
      disgrace to those functions which he exercised with so much zeal and
      ability.
    </p>
    <p>
      When, at the commencement of 1811, I left Paris I had ceased to delude
      myself respecting the brilliant career which seemed opening before me
      during the Consulate. I clearly perceived that since Bonaparte, instead of
      receiving me as I expected, had refused to see me at all, the calumnies of
      my enemies were triumphant, and that I had nothing to hope for from an
      absolute ruler, whose past injustice rendered him the more unjust. He now
      possessed what he had so long and ardently wished for,&mdash;a son of his
      own, an inheritor of his name, his power, and his throne. I must take this
      opportunity of stating that the malevolent and infamous rumours spread
      abroad respecting the birth of the King of Rome were wholly without
      foundation. My friend Corvisart, who did not for a single instant leave
      Maria Louisa during her long and painful labour, removed from my mind
      every doubt on the subject. It is as true that the young Prince, for whom
      the Emperor of Austria stood sponsor at the font, was the son of Napoleon
      and the Archduchess Maria Louisa as it is false that Bonaparte was the
      father of the first child of Hortense. The birth of the son of Napoleon
      was hailed with general enthusiasm. The Emperor was at the height of his
      power from the period of the birth of his son until the reverse he
      experienced after the battle of the Moskowa. The Empire, including the
      States possessed by the Imperial family, contained nearly 57,000,000 of
      inhabitants; but the period was fast approaching when this power,
      unparalleled in modern times, was to collapse under its own weight.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The little King of Rome, Napoleon Francis Bonaparte, was born on
   the 20th of March 1811. Editor of 1836 edition.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0094" id="link2HCH0094">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVI.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   My return to Hamburg&mdash;Government Committee established there&mdash;
   Anecdote of the Comte de Chaban&mdash;Napoleon's misunderstanding with
   the Pope&mdash;Cardinal Fesch&mdash;Convention of a Council&mdash;Declaration
   required from the Bishops&mdash;Spain in 1811&mdash;Certainty of war with
   Russia&mdash;Lauriston supersedes Caulaincourt at St. Petersburg&mdash;The war
   in Spain neglected&mdash;Troops of all nations at the disposal of
   Bonaparte&mdash;Levy of the National Guard&mdash;Treaties with Prussia and
   Austria&mdash;Capitulation renewed with Switzerland&mdash;Intrigues with
   Czernischeff&mdash;Attacks of my enemies&mdash;Memorial to the Emperor&mdash;Ogier
   de la Saussaye and the mysterious box&mdash;Removal of the Pope to
   Fontainebleau&mdash;Anecdote of His Holiness and M. Denon&mdash;Departure of
   Napoleon and Maria Louisa for Dresden&mdash;Situation of affairs in Spain
   and Portugal&mdash;Rapp's account of the Emperor's journey to Dantzic&mdash;
   Mutual wish for war on the part of Napoleon and Alexander&mdash;Sweden
   and Turkey&mdash;Napoleon's vain attempt to detach Sweden from her
   alliance with Russia.
</pre>
    <p>
      As I took the most lively interest in all that concerned the Hanse Towns,
      my first care on returning to Hamburg was to collect information from the
      most respectable sources concerning the influential members of the new
      Government. Davoust was at its head. On his arrival he had established in
      the Duchy of Mecklenburg, in Swedish Pomerania, and in Stralsund, the
      capital of that province, military posts and custom-houses, and that in a
      time of profound peace with those countries, and without any previous
      declaration. The omnipotence of Napoleon, and the terror inspired by the
      name of Davoust, overcame all obstacles which might have opposed those
      iniquitous usurpations. The weak were forced to yield to the strong.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Hamburg a Government Committee was formed, consisting of the Prince of
      Eekmuhl as President, Comte de Chaban, Councillor of State, who
      superintended the departments of the Interior and Finance, and of M.
      Faure, Councillor of State, who was appointed to form and regulate the
      Courts of Law. I had sometimes met M. de Chaban at Malmaison. He was
      distantly related to Josephine, and had formerly been an officer in the
      French Guards. He was compelled to emigrate, having been subjected to
      every species of persecution during the Revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Chaban was among the first of the emigrants who returned to France
      after the 18th Brumaire. He was at first made Sub-Prefect of Vendome, but
      on the union of Tuscany with France Napoleon created him a member of the
      Junta appointed to regulate the affairs of Tuscany. He next became Prefect
      of Coblentz and Brussels, was made a Count by Bonaparte, and was
      afterwards chosen a member of the Government Committee at Hamburg. M. de
      Chaban was a man of upright principles, and he discharged his various
      functions in a way that commanded esteem and attachment.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I recollect an anecdote which but too well depicts those
   disastrous times. The Comte de Chaban, being obliged to cross
   France during the Reign of Terror, was compelled to assume a
   disguise. He accordingly provided himself with a smockfrock; a cart
   and horses, and a load of corn. In this manner he journeyed from
   place to place till he reached the frontiers. He stopped at
   Rochambeau, in the Vendomais, where he was recognised by the Marshal
   de Rochambeau, who to guard against exciting any suspicion among
   his servants, treated him as if he had really been a carman and said
   to him, "You may dine in the kitchen."&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The Hanseatic Towns, united to the Grand Empire professedly for their
      welfare, soon felt the blessings of the new organisation of a regenerating
      Government. They were at once presented with; the stamp-duty,
      registration, the lottery, the droits reunis, the tax on cards, and the
      'octroi'. This prodigality of presents caused, as we may be sure, the most
      lively gratitude; a tax for military quarters and for warlike supplies was
      imposed, but this did not relieve any one from laving not only officers
      and soldiers; but even all the chiefs of the administration and their
      officials billeted on them: The refineries, breweries, and manufactures of
      all sorts were suppressed. The cash chests of the Admiralty, of the
      charity houses, of the manufactures, of the savings-banks, of the working
      classes, the funds of the prisons, the relief meant for the infirm, the
      chests of the refuges, orphanages; and of the hospitals, were all seized.
    </p>
    <p>
      More than 200,000 men, Italian, Dutch, and French soldiers came in turn to
      stay there, but only to be clothed and shod; and then they left newly
      clothed from head to foot. To leave nothing to be wished for, Davoust,
      from 1812, established military commissions in all the thirty-second.
      military division, before he entered upon the Russian campaign. To
      complete these oppressive measures he established at the same time the
      High Prevotal Court of the Customs. It was at this time that M. Eudes, the
      director of the ordinary customs, a strict but just man, said that the
      rule of the ordinary customs would be regretted, "for till now you have
      only been on roses.." The professed judgments of this court were executed
      without appeal and without delay. From what I have just said the situation
      and the misery of the north of Germany, and the consequent discontent, can
      be judged.
    </p>
    <p>
      During my stay in Hamburg, which on this occasion was not very long,
      Napoleon's attention was particularly engaged by the campaign of Portugal,
      and his discussions with the Pope. At this period the thunderbolts of Rome
      were not very alarming. Yet precautions were taken to keep secret the
      excommunication which Pius VII. had pronounced against Napoleon. The
      event, however, got reported about, and a party in favour of the Pope
      speedily rose up among the clergy, and more particularly among the
      fanatics. Napoleon sent to Savona the Archbishops of Nantes, Bourges,
      Treves, and Tours, to endeavour to bring about a reconciliation with His
      Holiness. But all their endeavours were unavailing, and after staying a
      month at Savona they returned to Paris without having done anything. But
      Napoleon was not discouraged by this first disappointment, and he shortly
      afterwards sent a second deputation, which experienced the same fate as
      the first. Cardinal Fesch, Napoleon's uncle, took part with the Pope. For
      this fact I can vouch, though I cannot for an answer which he is said to
      have made to the Emperor. I have been informed that when Napoleon was one
      day speaking to his uncle about the Pope's obstinacy the Cardinal made
      some observations to him on his (Bonaparte's) conduct to the Holy Father,
      upon which Napoleon flew into a passion, and said that the Pope and he
      were two old fools. "As for the Pope," said he, "he is too obstinate to
      listen to anything. No, I am determined he shall never have Rome again. .
      . . He will not remain at Savona, and where does he wish I should send
      him?"&mdash;"To Heaven, perhaps," replied the Cardinal.
    </p>
    <p>
      The truth is, the Emperor was violently irritated against Pius VII.
      Observing with uneasiness the differences and difficulties to which all
      these dissensions gave rise, he was anxious to put a stop to them. As the
      Pope would not listen to any propositions that were made to him, Napoleon
      convoked a Council, which assembled in Paris, and at which several Italian
      Bishops were present. The Pope insisted that the temporal and spiritual
      interests should be discussed together; and, however disposed a certain
      number of prelates, particularly the Italians, might be to separate these
      two points of discussion, yet the influence of the Church and
      well-contrived intrigues gradually gave preponderance to the wishes of the
      Pope. The Emperor, having discovered that a secret correspondence was
      carried on by several of the Bishops and Archbishops who had seats in the
      Council, determined to get rid of some of them, and the Bishops of Ghent,
      Troyes, Tournay, and Toulouse were arrested and sent to Vincennes. They
      were superseded by others. He wished to dissolve the Council, which he saw
      was making no advance towards the object he had in view, and, fearing that
      it might adopt some act at variance with his supreme wish, every member of
      the Council was individually required to make a declaration that the
      proposed changes were conformable to the laws of the Church. It was said
      at the time that they were unanimous in this individual declaration,
      though it is certain that in the sittings of the Council opinions were
      divided. I know not what His Holiness thought of these written opinions
      compared with the verbal opinions that had been delivered, but certain it
      is though still a captive at Savona, he refused to adhere to the
      concessions granted in the secret declarations.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conflicts which took place in Spain during the year 1811 were
      unattended by any decisive results. Some brilliant events, indeed,
      attested the courage of our troops and the skill of our generals. Such
      were the battle of Albufera and the taking of Tarragona, while Wellington
      was obliged to raise the siege of Badajoz. These advantages, which were
      attended only by glory, encouraged Napoleon in the hope of triumphing in
      the Peninsula, and enabled him to enjoy the brilliant fetes which took
      place at Paris in celebration of the birth of the King of Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return from a tour in Holland at the end of October Napoleon
      clearly saw that a rupture with Russia was inevitable. In vain he sent
      Lauriston as Ambassador to St. Petersburg to supersede Caulaincourt, who
      would no longer remain there: all the diplomatic skill in the world could
      effect nothing with a powerful Government which had already formed its
      determination. All the Cabinets in Europe were now unanimous in wishing
      for the overthrow of Napoleon's power, and the people no less, ardently
      wished for an order of things less fatal to their trade and industry. In
      the state to which Europe was reduced no one could counteract the wish of
      Russia and her allies to go to war with France&mdash;Lauriston no more
      than Caulaincourt.
    </p>
    <p>
      The war for which Napoleon was now obliged to prepare forced him to
      neglect Spain, and to leave his interests in that country in a state of
      real danger. Indeed, his occupation of Spain and his well-known wish to
      maintain himself there were additional motives for inducing the powers of
      Europe to enter upon a war which would necessarily divide Napoleon's
      forces. All at once the troops which were in Italy and the north of
      Germany moved towards the frontiers of the Russian Empire. From March 1811
      the Emperor had all the military forces of Europe at his disposal. It was
      curious to see this union of nations, distinguished by difference of
      manners,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It should be remarked that Napoleon was far from being anxious
   for the war with Russia. Metternich writing on 26th March 1811,
   says "Everything seems to indicate that the Emperor Napoleon is at
   present still far from desiring a war with Russia. But it is not
   less true that the Emperor Alexander has given himself over, 'nolens
   volens', to the war party, and that he will bring about war, because
   the time is approaching when he will no longer be able to resist the
   reaction of the party in the internal affairs of his Empire, or the
   temper of his army. The contest between Count Romanzov and the
   party opposed to that Minister seems on the point of precipitating a
   war between Russia and France." This, from Metternich, is strong
   evidence.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      language, religion, and interests, all ready to fight for one man against
      a power who had done nothing to offend them. Prussia herself, though she
      could not pardon the injuries he had inflicted upon her, joined his
      alliance, but with the intention of breaking it on the first opportunity.
      When the war with Russia was first spoken of Savary and I had frequent
      conversations on the subject. I communicated to him all the intelligence I
      received from abroad respecting that vast enterprise. The Duc de Rovigo
      shared all my forebodings; and if he and those who thought like him had
      been listened to, the war would probably have been avoided. Through him I
      learnt who were the individuals who urged the invasion. The eager ambition
      with which they looked forward to Viceroyalties, Duchies, and endowments
      blinded them to the possibility of seeing the Cossacks in Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      The gigantic enterprise being determined on, vast preparations were made
      for carrying it into effect. Before his departure Napoleon, who was to
      take with him all the disposable troops, caused a 'Senatus-consulte' to be
      issued for levying the National Guards, who were divided into three corps.
      He also arranged his diplomatic affairs by concluding, in February 1812, a
      treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with Prussia, by virtue of
      which the two contracting powers mutually guaranteed the integrity of
      their own possessions, and the European possessions of the Ottoman Porte,
      because that power was then at war with Russia. A similar treaty was
      concluded about the beginning of March with Austria, and about the end of
      the same month Napoleon renewed the capitulation of France and
      Switzerland. At length, in the month of April, there came to light an
      evident proof of the success which had attended M. Czernischeff's
      intrigues in Paris. It was ascertained that a clerk in the War Office,
      named Michel, had communicated to him the situation of the French forces
      in Germany. Michel was condemned to death, for the time was gone by when
      Bonaparte, confident in his genius and good fortune, could communicate his
      plans to the spy of General Melas.
    </p>
    <p>
      In March 1812, when I saw that the approaching war would necessarily take
      Napoleon from France, weary of the persecutions and even threats by which
      I was every day assailed, I addressed to the Emperor a memorial explaining
      my conduct and showing the folly and wickedness of my accusers. Among them
      was a certain Ogier de la Saussaye, who had sent a report to the Emperor,
      in which the principal charge was, that I had carried off a box containing
      important papers belonging to the First Consul. The accusation of Ogier de
      la Saussaye terminated thus: "I add to my report the interrogatories of
      MM. Westphalen, Osy, Chapeau Rouge, Aukscher, Thierry, and
      Gumprecht-Mores. The evidence of the latter bears principally on a certain
      mysterious box, a secret upon which it is impossible to throw any light,
      but the reality of which we are bound to believe." These are his words.
      The affair of the mysterious box has been already explained. I have
      already informed the reader that I put my papers into a box, which I
      buried lest it should be stolen from me. But for that precaution I should
      not have been able to lay before the reader the autograph documents in my
      possession, and which I imagine form the most essential part of these
      volumes. In my memorial to the Emperor I said, in allusion to the passage
      above quoted, "This, Sire, is the most atrocious part of Ogier's report.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Gumprecht being questioned on this point replies that the accuser has
      probably, as well as himself, seen the circumstance mentioned in an
      infamous pamphlet which appeared seven or eight years, ago. It was, I
      think, entitled 'Le Secret du Cabinet des Tuileries,' and was very likely
      at the time of its appearance denounced by the police. In that libel it is
      stated, among a thousand other calumnies equally false and absurd, 'that
      when I left the First Consul I carried away a box full of important
      papers, that I was in consequence sent to the Temple, where your brother
      Joseph came to me and offered me my liberation, and a million of francs,
      if I would restore the papers, which I refused to do,' etc. Ogier, instead
      of looking for this libel in Hamburg, where I read it, has the impudence
      to give credit to the charge, the truth of which could have been
      ascertained immediately: and he adds, 'This secret we are bound to
      believe.' Your Majesty knows whether I was ever in the Temple, and whether
      Joseph ever made such an offer to me." I entreated that the Emperor would
      do me the favour to bring me to trial; for certainly I should have
      regarded that as a favour rather than to remain as I was, exposed to vague
      accusations; yet all my solicitations were in vain. My letter to the
      Emperor remained unanswered; but though Bonaparte could not spare a few
      moments to reply to an old friend, I learned through Duroc the contempt he
      cherished for my accusers. Duroc advised me not to be uneasy, and that in
      all probability the Emperor's prejudices against me would be speedily
      overcome; and I must say that if they were not overcome it was neither the
      fault of Duroc nor Savary, who knew how to rightly estimate the miserable
      intrigues just alluded to.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon was at length determined to extend the limits of his Empire, or
      rather to avenge the injuries which Russia had committed against his
      Continental system. Yet, before he departed for Germany, the resolute
      refusal of the Pope to submit to any arrangement urgently claimed his
      consideration. Savona did not appear to him a sufficiently secure
      residence for such a prisoner. He feared that when all his strength should
      be removed towards the Niemen the English might carry off the Pope, or
      that the Italians, excited by the clergy, whose dissatisfaction was
      general in Italy, would stir up those religious dissensions which are
      always fatal and difficult to quell. With the view, therefore, of keeping
      the Pope under his control he removed him to Fontainebleau, and even at
      one time thought of bringing him to Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor appointed M. Denon to reside with the Pope at Fontainebleau;
      and to afford his illustrious prisoner the society of such a man was
      certainly a delicate mark of attention on the part of Napoleon. When
      speaking of his residence with Pius VII. M. Denon related to me the
      following anecdote. "The Pope," said he, "was much attached to me. He
      always addressed me by the appellation 'my son,' and he loved to converse
      with me, especially on the subject of the Egyptian expedition. One day he
      asked me for my work on Egypt, which he said he wished to read; and as you
      know it is not quite orthodox, and does not perfectly agree with the
      creation of the world according to Genesis, I at first hesitated; but the
      Pope insisted, and at length I complied with his wish. The Holy Father
      assured me that he had been much interested by the perusal of the book. I
      made some allusion to the delicate points; upon which he said, 'No matter,
      no matter, my son; all that is exceedingly curious, and I must confess
      entirely new to me.' I then," continued M. Denon, "told His Holiness why I
      hesitated to lend him the work, which, I observed, he had excommunicated,
      together with its author. 'Excommunicated you, my son?' resumed the Pope
      in a tone of affectionate concern. 'I am very sorry for it, and assure you
      I was far from being aware of any such thing.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      When M. Denon related to me this anecdote he told me how greatly he had
      admired the virtues and resignation of the Holy Father; but he added that
      it would nevertheless have been easier to make him a martyr than to induce
      him to yield on any point until he should be restored to the temporal
      sovereignty of Rome, of which he considered himself the depositary, and
      which he would not endure the reproach of having willingly sacrificed.
      After settling the place of the Pope's residence Napoleon set off for
      Dresden, accompanied by Maria Louisa, who had expressed a wish to see her
      father.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Russian enterprise, the most gigantic, perhaps, that the genius of man
      ever conceived since the conquest of India by Alexander, now absorbed
      universal attention, and defied the calculations of reason. The Manzanares
      was forgotten, and nothing was thought of but the Niemen, already so
      celebrated by the raft of Tilsit. Thither, as towards a common centre,
      were moving men, horses, provisions, and baggage of every kind, from all
      parts of Europe. The hopes of our generals and the fears of all prudent
      men were directed to Russia. The war in Spain, which was becoming more and
      more unfortunate, excited but a feeble interest; and our most
      distinguished officers looked upon it as a disgrace to be sent to the
      Peninsula. In short, it was easy to foresee that the period was not far
      distant when the French would be obliged to recross the Pyrenees. Though
      the truth was concealed from the Emperor on many subjects, yet he was not
      deceived as to the situation of Spain in the spring of 1812. In February
      the Duke of Ragusa had frankly informed him that the armies of Spain and
      Portugal could not, without considerable reinforcements of men and money,
      hope for any important advantages since Ciudad-Rodrigo and Badajoz had
      fallen into the hands of the English.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before he commenced his great operations on the Niemen and the Volga
      Napoleon made a journey to Dantzic, and Rapp, who was then Governor of
      that city, informed me of some curious particulars connected with the
      Imperial visit. The fact is, that if Rapp's advice had been listened to,
      and had been supported by men higher in rank than himself, Bonaparte would
      not have braved the chances of the Russian war until those chances turned
      against him. Speaking to me of the Russians Rapp said, "They will soon be
      as wise as we are! Every time we go to war with them we teach them how to
      beat us." I was struck with the originality and truth of this observation,
      which at the time I heard it was new, though it has been often repeated
      since.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On leaving Dresden," said Rapp to me, "Napoleon came to Dantzic. I
      expected a dressing; for, to tell you the truth, I had treated very
      cavalierly both his custom-house and its officers, who were raising up as
      many enemies to France as there were inhabitants in my Government. I had
      also warned him of all that has since happened in Russia, but I assure you
      I did not think myself quite so good a prophet. In the beginning of 1812 I
      thus wrote to him: 'If your Majesty should experience reverses you may
      depend on it that both Russians and Germans will rise up in a mass to
      shake off the yoke. There will be a crusade, and all your allies will
      abandon you. Even the King of Bavaria, on whom you rely so confidently,
      will join the coalition. I except only the King of Saxony. He, perhaps,
      might remain faithful to you; but his subjects will force him to make
      common cause with your enemies. The King of Naples," continued Rapp, "who
      had the command of the cavalry, had been to Dantzic before the Emperor. He
      did not seem to take a more favourable view of the approaching campaign
      than I did. Murat was dissatisfied that the Emperor would not consent to
      his rejoining him in Dresden; and he said that he would rather be a
      captain of grenadiers than a King such as he was."
    </p>
    <p>
      Here I interrupted Rapp to tell him what had fallen from Murat when I met
      him in the Champs Elysees "Bah!" resumed Rapp, "Murat, brave as he was,
      was a craven in Napoleon's presence! On the Emperor's arrival in Dantzic
      the first thing of which he spoke to me was the alliance he had just then
      concluded with Prussia and Austria. I could not refrain from telling him
      that we did a great deal of mischief as allies; a fact of which I was
      assured from the reports daily transmitted to me respecting the conduct of
      our troops. Bonaparte tossed his bead, as you know he was in the habit of
      doing when he was displeased. After a moment's silence, dropping the
      familiar thee and thou, he said, 'Monsieur le General, this is a torrent
      which must be allowed to run itself out. It will not last long. I must
      first ascertain whether Alexander decidedly wishes for war.' Then,
      suddenly changing the subject of conversation, he said, 'Have you not
      lately observed something extraordinary in Murat? I think he is quite
      altered. Is he ill?'&mdash;'Sire,' replied I, 'Murat is not ill, but he is
      out of spirits.'&mdash;'Out of spirits! but why? Is he not satisfied with
      being a King?'&mdash;'Sire, Murat says he is no King.'&mdash;'That is his
      own fault. Why does he make himself a Neapolitan? Why is he not a
      Frenchman? When he is in his Kingdom he commits all sorts of follies. He
      favours the trade of England; that I will not suffer.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "When," continued Rapp, "he spoke of the favour extended by Murat to the
      trade between Naples and England I thought my turn would come next; but I
      was deceived. No more was said on the subject, and when I was about to
      take my leave the Emperor said to me, as when in his best of humours,
      'Rapp, you will sup with me this evening.' I accordingly supped that
      evening with the Emperor, who had also invited the King of Naples and
      Berthier. Next day the Emperor visited the fortress, and afterwards
      returned to the Government Palace, where he received the civil and
      military authorities. He again invited Murat, Berthier, and me to supper.
      When we first sat down to table we were all very dull, for the Emperor was
      silent; and, as you well know, under such circumstances not even Murat
      himself dared to be the first to speak to him. At length Napoleon,
      addressing me, inquired how far it was from Cadiz to Dantzic. 'Too far,
      Sire,' replied I. 'I understand you, Monsieur le General, but in a few
      months the distance will be still greater.'&mdash;'So much the worse,
      Sire!' Here there was another pause. Neither Murat nor Berthier, on whom
      the Emperor fixed a scrutinising glance, uttered a word, and Napoleon
      again broke silence, but without addressing any one of us in particular:
      'Gentlemen,' said he in a solemn and rather low tone of voice, 'I see
      plainly that you are none of you inclined to fight again. The King of
      Naples does not wish to leave the fine climate of his dominions, Berthier
      wishes to enjoy the diversion of the chase at his estate of Gros Bois, and
      Rapp is impatient to be back to his hotel in Paris.' Would you believe
      it," pursued Rapp, "that neither Murat nor Berthier said a word in reply?
      and the ball again came to me. I told him frankly that what he said was
      perfectly true, and the King of Naples and the Prince of Neufchatel
      complimented me on my spirit, and observed that I was quite right in
      saying what I did. 'Well,' said I, 'since it was so very right, why did
      you not follow my example, and why leave me to say all?' You cannot
      conceive," added Rapp, "how confounded they both were, and especially
      Murat, though he was very differently situated from Berthier."
    </p>
    <p>
      The negotiations which Bonaparte opened with Alexander, when he yet wished
      to seem averse to war, resembled those oratorical paraphrases which do not
      prevent us from coming to the conclusion we wish. The two Emperors equally
      desired war; the one with the view of consolidating his power, and the
      other in the hope of freeing himself from a yoke which threatened to
      reduce him to a state of vassalage, for it was little short of this to
      require a power like Russia to close her ports against England for the
      mere purpose of favouring the interests of France. At that time only two
      European powers were not tied to Napoleon's fate&mdash;Sweden and Turkey.
      Napoleon was anxious to gain the alliance of these two powers. With
      respect to Sweden his efforts were vain; and though, in fact, Turkey was
      then at war with Russia, yet the Grand Seignior was not now, as at the
      time of Sebastiani's embassy, subject to the influence of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The peace, which was soon concluded at Bucharest, between Russia, and
      Turkey increased Napoleon's embarrassment. The left of the Russian army,
      secured by the neutrality of Turkey, was reinforced by Bagration's corps
      from Moldavia: it subsequently occupied the right of the Beresina, and
      destroyed the last hope of saving the wreck of the French army. It is
      difficult to conceive how Turkey could have allowed the consideration of
      injuries she had received from France to induce her to terminate the war
      with Russia when France was attacking that power with immense forces. The
      Turks never had a fairer opportunity for taking revenge on Russia, and,
      unfortunately for Napoleon, they suffered it to escape.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon was not more successful when he sought the alliance of a Prince
      whose fortune he had made, and who was allied to his family, but with whom
      he had never been on terms of good understanding. The Emperor Alexander
      had a considerable corps of troops in Finland destined to protect that
      country against the Sweden, Napoleon having consented to that occupation
      in order to gain the provisional consent of Alexander to the invasion of
      Spain. What was the course pursued by Napoleon when, being at war with
      Russia, he wished to detach Sweden from her alliance with Alexander? He
      intimated to Bernadotte that he had a sure opportunity of retaking
      Finland, a conquest which would gratify his subjects and win their
      attachment to him. By this alliance Napoleon wished to force Alexander not
      to withdraw the troops who were in the north of his Empire, but rather to
      augment their numbers in order to cover Finland and St. Petersburg. It was
      thus that Napoleon endeavoured to draw the Prince Royal into his
      coalition. It was of little consequence to Napoleon whether Bernadotte
      succeeded or not. The Emperor Alexander would nevertheless have been
      obliged to increase his force in Finland; that was all that Napoleon
      wished. In the gigantic struggle upon which France and Russia were about
      to enter the most trivial alliance was not to be neglected. In January
      1812 Davoust invaded Swedish Pomerania without any declaration of war, and
      without any apparent motive. Was this inconceivable violation of territory
      likely to dispose the Prince Royal of Sweden to the proposed alliance,
      even had that alliance not been adverse to the interests of his country?
      That was impossible; and Bernadotte took the part which was expected of
      him. He rejected the offers of Napoleon, and prepared for coming events.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor Alexander wished to withdraw his force from Finland for the
      purpose of more effectively opposing the immense army which threatened his
      States. Unwilling to expose Finland to an attack on the part of Sweden, he
      had an interview on the 28th of August 1812, at Abo, with the
      Prince-Royal, to come to an arrangement with him for uniting their
      interests. I know that the Emperor of Russia pledged himself, whatever
      might happen, to protect Bernadotte against the fate of the new dynasties,
      to guarantee the possession of his throne, and promised that he should
      have Norway as a compensation for Finland. He even went so far as to hint
      that Bernadotte might supersede Napoleon. Bernadotte adopted all the
      propositions of Alexander, and from that moment Sweden made common cause
      against Napoleon. The Prince Royal's conduct has been much blamed, but the
      question resolved itself into one of mere political interest. Could
      Bernadotte, a Swede by adoption, prefer the alliance of an ambitious
      sovereign whose vengeance he had to fear, and who had sanctioned the
      seizure of Finland to that of a powerful monarch, his formidable
      neighbour, his protector in Sweden, and where hostility might effectually
      support the hereditary claims of young Gustavus? Sweden, in joining
      France, would thereby have declared herself the enemy of England. Where,
      then, would have been her navy, her trade and even her existence?
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0095" id="link2HCH0095">
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVII.
    </h2>

      1812.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Changeableness of Bonaparte's plans and opinions&mdash;Articles for the
   'Moniteur' dictated by the First Consul&mdash;The Protocol of the
   Congress of Chatillon&mdash;Conversations with Davoust at Hamburg&mdash;
   Promise of the Viceroyalty of Poland&mdash;Hope and disappointment of the
   Poles&mdash;Influence of illusion on Bonaparte&mdash;The French in Moscow&mdash;
   Disasters of the retreat&mdash;Mallet's conspiracy&mdash;Intelligence of the
   affair communicated to Napoleon at Smolensko&mdash;Circumstances detailed
   by Rapp&mdash;Real motives of Napoleon's return to Paris&mdash;Murat, Ney, and
   Eugène&mdash;Power of the Italians to endure cold&mdash;Napoleon's exertions
   to repair his losses&mdash;Defection of General York&mdash;Convocation of a
   Privy Council&mdash;War resolved on&mdash;Wavering of the Pope&mdash;Useless
   negotiations with Vienna&mdash;Maria Louisa appointed Regent.
</pre>
    <p>
      It may now he asked whether Bonaparte, previous to entering upon the last
      campaign, had resolved on restoring Poland to independence. The fact is
      that Bonaparte, as Emperor, never entertained any positive wish to
      reestablish the old Kingdom of Poland, though at a previous period he was
      strongly inclined to that re-establishment, of which he felt the
      necessity. He may have said that he would re-establish the Kingdom of
      Poland, but I beg leave to say that that is no reason for believing that
      he entertained any such design. He had said, and even sworn, that he would
      never aggrandise the territory of the Empire! The changeableness of
      Bonaparte's ideas, plans, and projects renders it difficult to master
      them; but they may be best understood when it is considered that all
      Napoleon's plans and conceptions varied with his fortunes. Thus, it is not
      unlikely that he might at one time have considered the reestablishment of
      Poland as essential to European policy, and afterwards have regarded it as
      adverse to the development of his ambition. Who can venture to guess what
      passed in his mind when dazzled by his glory at Dresden, and whether in
      one of his dreams he might not have regarded the Empire of the Jagellons
      as another gem in the Imperial diadem? The truth is that Bonaparte, when
      General-in-Chief of the army of Egypt and First Consul, had deeply at
      heart the avenging the dismemberment of Poland, and I have often conversed
      with him on this most interesting subject, upon which we entirely
      concurred in opinion. But times and circumstances were changed since we
      walked together on the terrace of Cairo and mutually deplored the death of
      young Sulkowski. Had Sulkowski lived Napoleon's favourable intentions with
      respect to Poland might perhaps have been confirmed. A fact which explains
      to me the coolness, I may almost say the indifference, of Bonaparte to the
      resurrection of Poland is that the commencement of the Consulate was the
      period at which that measure particularly occupied his attention. How
      often did he converse on the subject with me and other persons who may yet
      recollect his sentiments! It was the topic on which he most loved to
      converse, and on which he spoke with feeling and enthusiasm. In the
      'Moniteur' of the period here alluded to I could point out more than one
      article without signature or official character which Napoleon dictated to
      me, and the insertion of which in that journal, considering the energy of
      certain expressions, sufficiently proves that they could have emanated
      from none but Bonaparte. It was usually in the evening that he dictated to
      me these articles. Then, when the affairs of the day were over, he would
      launch into the future, and give free scope to his vast projects. Some of
      these articles were characterised by so little moderation that the First
      Consul would very often destroy them in the morning, smiling at the
      violent ebullitions of the preceding night. At other times I took the
      liberty of not sending them to the 'Moniteur' on the night on which they
      were dictated, and though he might earnestly wish their insertion I
      adduced reasons good or bad, to account for the delay. He would then read
      over the article in question, and approve of my conduct; but he would
      sometimes add, "It is nevertheless true that with an independent Kingdom
      of Poland, and 150,000 disposable troops in the east of France, I should
      always be master of Russia, Prussia, and Austria."&mdash;"General," I
      would reply, "I am entirely of your opinion; but wherefore awaken the
      suspicions of the interested parties. Leave all to time and
      circumstances."
    </p>
    <p>
      The reader may have to learn, and not, perhaps, without some surprise,
      that in the protocol of the sittings of the Congress of Chatillon Napoleon
      put forward the spoliation of Poland by the three principal powers allied
      against him as a claim to a more advantageous peace, and to territorial
      indemnities for France. In policy he was right, but the report of foreign
      cannon was already loud enough to drown the best of arguments.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the ill-timed and useless union of the Hanse Towns to France I
      returned to Hamburg in the spring of 1811 to convey my family to France. I
      then had some conversation with Davoust. On one occasion I said to him
      that if his hopes were realised, and my sad predictions respecting the war
      with Russia overthrown, I hoped to see the restoration of the Kingdom of
      Poland. Davoust replied that that event was probable, since he had
      Napoleon's promise of the Viceroyalty of that Kingdom, and as several of
      his comrades had been promised starosties. Davoust made no secret of this,
      and it was generally known throughout Hamburg and the north of Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      But notwithstanding what Davoust said respecting. Napoleon's intentions I
      considered that these promises had been conditional rather than positive.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Napoleon's arrival in Poland the Diet of Warsaw, assured, as there
      seemed reason to be, of the Emperor's sentiments, declared the Kingdom
      free and independent. The different treaties of dismemberment were
      pronounced to be null; and certainly the Diet had a right so to act, for
      it calculated upon his support. But the address of the Diet to Napoleon,
      in which these principles were declared, was ill received. His answer was
      full of doubt and indecision, the motive of which could not be blamed. To
      secure the alliance of Austria against Russia he had just guaranteed to
      his father-in-law the integrity of his dominions. Napoleon therefore
      declared that he could take no part in any movement or resolution which
      might disturb Austria in the possession of the Polish provinces forming a
      part of her Empire. To act otherwise, he said, would be to separate
      himself from his alliance with Austria, and to throw her into the arms of
      Russia. But with regard to the Polish-Russian provinces, Napoleon declared
      he would see what he could do, should Providence favour the good cause.
      These vague and obscure expressions did not define what he intended to do
      for the Poles in the event of success crowning his vast enterprises. They
      excited the distrust of the Poles, and had no other result. On this
      subject, however, an observation occurs which is of some force as an
      apology for Napoleon. Poland was successively divided between three
      powers, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, with each of which Napoleon had been
      at war, but never with all three at once. He had therefore never been able
      to take advantage of his victories to re-establish Poland without injuring
      the interests of neutral powers or of his allies. Hence it may be
      concluded not only that he never had the positive will which would have
      triumphed over all obstacles, but also that there never was a possibility
      of realising those dreams and projects of revenge in which he had indulged
      on the banks of the Nile, as it were to console the departed spirit of
      Sulkowski.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte's character presents many unaccountable incongruities. Although
      the most positive man that perhaps ever existed, yet there never was one
      who more readily yielded to the charm of illusion. In many circumstances
      the wish and the reality were to him one and the same thing. He never
      indulged in greater illusions than at the beginning of the campaign of
      Moscow. Even before the approach of the disasters which accompanied the
      most fatal retreat recorded in history, all sensible persons concurred in
      the opinion that the Emperor ought to have passed the winter of 1812-13 in
      Poland, and have resumed his vast enterprises in the spring. But his
      natural impatience impelled him forward as it were unconsciously, and he
      seemed to be under the influence of an invisible demon stronger than even
      his own strong will. This demon was ambition. He who knew so well the
      value of time, never sufficiently understood its power, and how much is
      sometimes gained by delay. Yet Caesar's Commentaries, which were his
      favourite study, ought to have shown him that Caesar did not conquer Gaul
      in one campaign. Another illusion by which Napoleon was misled during the
      campaign of Moscow, and perhaps past experience rendered it very
      excusable, was the belief that the Emperor Alexander would propose peace
      when he saw him at the head of his army on the Russian territory. The
      prolonged stay of Bonaparte at Moscow can indeed be accounted for in no
      other way than by supposing that he expected the Russian Cabinet would
      change its opinion and consent to treat for peace. However, whatever might
      have been the reason, after his long and useless stay in Moscow Napoleon
      left that city with the design of taking up his winter quarters in Poland;
      but Fate now frowned upon Napoleon, and in that dreadful retreat the
      elements seemed leagued with the Russians to destroy the most formidable
      army ever commanded by one chief. To find a catastrophe in history
      comparable to that of the Beresina we must go back to the destruction of
      the legions of Varus.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the general dismay which prevailed in Paris that capital
      continued tranquil, when by a singular chance, on the very day on which
      Napoleon evacuated the burning city of Moscow, Mallet attempted his
      extraordinary enterprise. This General, who had always professed
      Republican principles, and was a man of bold decided character, after
      having been imprisoned for some time, obtained the permission of
      Government to live in Paris in a hospital house situated near the Barriere
      de Trove. Of Mallet's, conspiracy it is not necessary to say much after
      the excellent account given of it in the Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo.
      Mallet's plan was to make it be believed that Bonaparte had been killed at
      Moscow, and that a new Government was established under the authority of
      the Senate. But what could Mallet do? Absolutely nothing: and had his
      Government continued three days he would have experienced a more
      favourable chance than that which he ought reasonably to have expected
      than asserted that the Emperor was dead, but an estafette from Russia
      would reveal the truth, resuscitate Napoleon, and overwhelm with confusion
      Mallet and his proclamation. His enterprise was that of a madman. The
      French were too weary of troubles to throw themselves into the arms of,
      Mallet or his associate Lahorie, who had figured so disgracefully on the
      trial of Moreau., Yet, in spite of the evident impossibility of success,
      it must be confessed that considerable ingenuity and address marked the
      commencement of the conspiracy. On the 22d of October Mallet escaped from
      the hospital house and went to Colonel Soulier, who commanded the tenth
      cohort of the National Guard, whose barracks were situated exactly behind
      the hospital house. Mallet was loaded with a parcel of forged orders which
      he had himself prepared. He introduced himself to Soulier under the name
      of General La Motte, and said that he came from General Mallet.
    </p>
    <p>
      Colonel Soulier on hearing of the Emperor's death was affected to tears.
      He immediately ordered the adjutant to assemble the cohort and obey the
      orders of General La Motte, to whom he expressed his regret for being
      himself too ill to leave his bed. It was then two o'clock in the morning,
      and the forged documents respecting the Emperor's death slid the new form
      of Government were read to the troops by lamplight. Mallet then hastily
      set off with 1200 men to La Force, and liberated the Sieurs Gudal and
      Laholze, who were confined there. Mallet informed them of the Emperor's
      death and of the change of Government; gave them some orders, in obedience
      to which the Minister and Prefect of Police were arrested in their hotel.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was then at Courbevoie, and I went to Paris on that very morning to
      breakfast, as I frequently did, with the Minister of Police. My surprise
      may be imagined when
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[General Mallet gave out that the Emperor was killed under the
   walls of Moscow on the 8th of October; he could not take any other
   day without incurring the risk of being contradicted by the arrival
   of the regular courier. The Emperor being dead, he concluded that
   the Senate ought to be invested with the supreme authority, and he
   therefore resolved to address himself in the name of that body to
   the nation and the army. In a proclamation to the soldiers he
   deplored the death of the Emperor; in another, after announcing the
   abolition of the Imperial system and the Restoration of the
   Republic, he indicated the manner in which the Government was to be
   reconstructed, described the branches into which public authority
   was to be divided, and named the Directors. Attached to the
   different documents there appeared the signatures of several
   Senators whose names he recollected but with whom he had ceased to
   have any intercourse for a great number of years. These
   signatures were all written by Mallet, and he drew up a decree in
   the name of the Senate, and signed by the same Senators, appointing
   himself Governor of Paris, and commander of the troops of the first
   military division. He also drew up other decrees in the same form
   which purported to promote to higher ranks all the military officers
   he intended to make instruments in the execution of his enterprise.

   He ordered one regiment to close all the barriers of Paris, and
   allow no person to pass through them. This was done: so that in all
   the neighbouring towns from which assistance, in case of need, might
   have been obtained, nothing was known of the transactions in Paris.
   He sent the other regiments to occupy the Bank, the Treasury, and
   different Ministerial offices. At the Treasury some resistance was
   made. The minister of that Department was on the spot, and he
   employed the guard of his household in maintaining his authority.
   But in the whole of the two regiments of the Qnard not a single,
   objection was started to the execution of Mallet's orders (Memoirs
   of the Duc de Rivogo, tome vi. p. 20.)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      I learned from the porter that the Duc de Rovigo had been arrested and
      carried to the prison of La Force. I went into the house and was informed,
      to my great astonishment, that the ephemeral Minister was being measured
      for his official suit, an act which so completely denoted the character of
      the conspirator that it gave me an insight into the business.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mallet repaired to General Hulin, who had the command of Paris. He
      informed him that he had been directed by the Minister of Police to arrest
      him and seal his papers. Hulin asked to see the order, and then entered
      his cabinet, where Mallet followed him, and just as Hulin was turning
      round to speak to him he fired a pistol in his face. Hulin fell: the ball
      entered his cheek, but the wound was not mortal. The most singular
      circumstance connected with the whole affair is, that the captain whom
      Mallet had directed to follow him, and who accompanied him to Hulin's, saw
      nothing extraordinary in all this, and did nothing to stop it. Mallet next
      proceeded, very composedly, to Adjutant-General Doucet's. It happened that
      one of the inspectors of the police was there. He recognised General
      Mallet as being a man under his supervision. He told him that he had no
      right to quit the hospital house without leave, and ordered him to be
      arrested. Mallet, seeing that all was over, was in the act of drawing a
      pistol from his pocket, but being observed was seized and disarmed. Thus
      terminated this extraordinary conspiracy, for which fourteen lives paid
      the forfeit; but, with the exception of Mallet, Guidal, and Lahorie, all
      the others concerned in it were either machines or dupes.
    </p>
    <p>
      This affair produced but little effect in Paris, for the enterprise and
      its result were make known simultaneously. But it was thought droll enough
      that the Minister and Prefect of Police should be imprisoned by the men
      who only the day before were their prisoners. Next day I went to see
      Savary, who had not yet recovered from the stupefaction caused by his
      extraordinary adventure. He was aware that his imprisonment; though it
      lasted only half an hour, was a subject of merriment to the Parisians. The
      Emperor, as I have already mentioned, left Moscow on the day when Mallet
      made his bold attempt, that is to say, the 19th of October. He was at
      Smolensko when he heard the news. Rapp, who had been wounded before the
      entrance into Moscow, but who was sufficiently recovered to return home,
      was with Napoleon when the latter received the despatches containing an
      account of what had happened in Paris. He informed me that Napoleon was
      much agitated on perusing them, and that he launched into abuse of the
      inefficiency of the police. Rapp added that he did not confine himself to
      complaints against the agents of his authority. "Is, then, my power so
      insecure," said he, "that it may be put in peril by a single individual,
      and a prisoner? It would appear that my crown is not fixed very firmly on
      my head if in my own capital the bold stroke of three adventurers can
      shake it. Rapp, misfortune never comes alone; this is the complement of
      what is passing here. I cannot be everywhere; but I must go back to Paris;
      my presence there is indispensable to reanimate public opinion. I must
      have men and money. Great successes and great victories will repair all. I
      must set off." Such were the motives which induced the Emperor to leave
      his army. It is not without indignation that I have heard his precipitate
      departure attributed to personal cowardice. He was a stranger to such
      feelings, and was never more happy than on the field of battle. I can
      readily conceive that he was much alarmed on hearing of Mallet's
      enterprise. The remarks which he made to Rapp were those which he knew
      would be made by the public, and he well knew that the affair was
      calculated to banish those illusions of power and stability with which he
      endeavoured to surround his government.
    </p>
    <p>
      On leaving Moscow Napoleon consigned the wrecks of his army to the care of
      his most distinguished generals to Murat who had so ably commanded the
      cavalry, but who abandoned the army to return to Naples; and to Ney, the
      hero, rather than the Prince of the Moskowa, whose name will be immortal
      in the annals of glory, as his death will be eternal in the annals of
      party revenge. Amidst the general disorder Eugène, more than any other
      chief, maintained a sort of discipline among the Italians; and it was
      remarked that the troops of the south engaged in the fatal campaign of
      Moscow had endured the rigour of the cold better than those troops who
      were natives of less genial climates.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon's return from Moscow was not like his returns from the campaigns
      of Vienna and Tilsit when he came back crowned with laurels, and bringing
      peace as the reward of his triumphs. It was remarked that Napoleon's first
      great disaster followed the first enterprise he undertook after his
      marriage with Maria Louisa. This tended to confirm the popular belief that
      the presence of Josephine was favourable to his fortune; and superstitious
      as he sometimes was, I will not venture to affirm that he himself did not
      adopt this ides. He now threw off even the semblance of legality in the
      measures of his government: he assumed arbitrary power, under the
      impression that the critical circumstances in which he was placed would
      excuse everything. But, however inexplicable were the means to which the
      Emperor resorted to procure resources, it is but just to acknowledge that
      they were the consequence of his system of government, and that he evinced
      inconceivable activity in repairing his losses so as to place himself in a
      situation to resist his enemies, and restore the triumph of the French
      standard.
    </p>
    <p>
      But in spite of all Napoleon's endeavours the disasters of the campaign of
      Russia were daily more and more sensibly felt. The King of Prussia had
      played a part which was an acknowledgment of his weakness in joining
      France, instead of openly declaring himself for the cause of Russia, which
      was also his. Then took place the defection of General York, who commanded
      the Prussian contingent to Napoleon's army. The King of Prussia, though no
      doubt secretly satisfied with the conduct of General York, had him tried
      and condemned; but shortly after that sovereign commanded in person the
      troops which had turned against ours. The defection of the Prussians
      produced a very ill effect, and it was easy to perceive that other
      defections would follow. Napoleon, foreseeing the fatal chances which this
      event was likely to draw upon him, assembled a privy council, composed of
      the Ministers and some of the great officers of his household. MM. de
      Talleyrand and Cambacérès, and the President of the senate were present.
      Napoleon asked whether, in the complicated difficulties of our situation,
      it would be more advisable to negotiate for peace or to prepare for a new
      war. Cambacérès and Talleyrand gave their opinion in favour of peace,
      which however, Napoleon would not hear of after a defeat; but the Duc de
      Feltre,&mdash;[Clarke]&mdash;knowing how to touch the susceptible chord in
      the mind of Bonaparte, said that he would consider the Emperor dishonoured
      if he consented to the abandonment of the smallest village which had been
      united to the Empire by a 'Senatus-consulte'. This opinion was adopted,
      and the war continued.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Napoleon's return to Paris the Pope, who was still at Fontainebleau,
      determined to accede to an arrangement, and to sign an act which the
      Emperor conceived would terminate the differences between them. But being
      influenced by some of the cardinals who had previously incurred the
      Emperor's displeasure Pius VII. disavowed the new Concordat which he had
      been weak enough to grant, and the Emperor, who then had more important
      affairs on his hands, dismissed the Holy Father, and published the act to
      which he had assented. Bonaparte had no leisure to pay attention to the
      new difficulties started by Pius VII.; his thoughts were wholly directed
      to the other side of the Rhine. He was unfortunate, and the powers with
      whom he was most intimately allied separated from him, as he might have
      expected, and Austria was not the last to imitate the example set by
      Prussia. In these difficult circumstances the Emperor, who for some time
      past had observed the talent and address of the Comte Louis de Narbonne,
      sent him to Vienna, to supersede M. Otto; but the pacific propositions of
      M. de Narbonne were not listened to. Austria would not let slip the fair
      opportunity of taking revenge without endangering herself.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon now saw clearly that since Austria had abandoned him and refused
      her contingent he should soon have all Europe arrayed against him. But
      this did not intimidate him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some of the Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine still remained
      faithful to him; and his preparations being completed, he proposed to
      resume in person the command of the army which had been so miraculously
      reproduced. But before his departure Napoleon, alarmed at the recollection
      of Mallet's attempt, and anxious to guard against any similar occurrence
      during his absence, did not, as on former occasions, consign the reins of
      the National Government to a Council of Ministers, presided over by the
      Arch-Chancellor. Napoleon placed my successor with him, M. Meneval, near
      the Empress Regent as Secretaire des Commandemens (Principal Secretary),
      and certainly he could not have made a better choice. He made the Empress
      Maria Louisa Regent, and appointed a Council of Regency to assist her.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Meneval, who had held the post of Secretary to Napoleon from the
   time of Bourrienne's disgrace in 1802, had been nearly killed by the
   hardships of the Russian campaign, and now received an honourable
   and responsible but less onerous post. He remained with the Empress
   till 7th May 1815, when, finding that she would not return to her
   husband, he left her to rejoin his master.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0096" id="link2HCH0096">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVIII.
    </h2>

      1813.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Riots in Hamburg and Lübeck&mdash;Attempted suicide of M. Konning&mdash;
   Evacuation of Hamburg&mdash;Dissatisfaction at the conduct of General St.
   Cyr&mdash;The Cabinets of Vienna and the Tuileries&mdash;First appearance of
   the Cossacks&mdash;Colonel Tettenborn invited to occupy Hamburg&mdash;Cordial
   reception of the Russians&mdash;Depredations&mdash;Levies of troops&mdash;
   Testimonials of gratitude to Tettenborn&mdash;Napoleon's new army&mdash;Death
   of General Morand&mdash;Remarks of Napoleon on Vandamme&mdash;Bonaparte and
   Gustavus Adolphus&mdash;Junction of the corps of Davoust and Vandamme&mdash;
   Reoccupation of Hamburg by the French&mdash;General Hogendorff appointed
   Governor of Hamburg&mdash;Exactions and vexatious contributions levied
   upon Hamburg and Lübeck&mdash;Hostages.
</pre>
    <p>
      A considerable time before Napoleon left Paris to join the army, the bulk
      of which was in Saxony, partial insurrections occurred in many places. The
      interior of France proper was indeed still in a state of tranquillity, but
      it was not so in the provinces annexed by force to the extremities of the
      Empire, especially in the north, and in the unfortunate Hanse Towns, for
      which, since my residence at Hamburg, I have always felt the greatest
      interest. The intelligence I received was derived from such unquestionable
      sources that I can pledge myself for the truth of what I have to state
      respecting the events which occurred in those provinces at the
      commencement of 1813; and subsequently I obtained a confirmation of all
      the facts communicated by my correspondence when I was sent to Hamburg by
      Louis XVIII. in 1815.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Steuve, agent from the Court of Russia, who lived at Altona apparently
      as a private individual, profited by the irritation produced by the
      measures adopted at Hamburg. His plans were so well arranged that he was
      promptly informed of the route of the Grand Army from Moscow, and the
      approach of the Allied troops. Aided by the knowledge and activity of
      Sieur Hanft of Hamburg, M. Steuve profited by the discontent of a people
      so tyrannically governed, and seized the opportunity for producing an
      explosion. Between eight and nine o'clock on the morning of the 24th of
      February 1813 an occurrence in which the people were concerned was the
      signal for a revolt. An individual returning to Hamburg by the Altona gate
      would not submit to be searched by a fiscal agent, who in consequence
      maltreated him and wounded him severely. The populace instantly rose,
      drove away the revenue guard, and set fire to the guard-house. The people
      also, excited by secret agents, attacked other French posts, where they
      committed the same excesses. Surprised at this unexpected movement, the
      French authorities retired to the houses in which they resided. All the
      respectable inhabitants who were unconnected with the tumult likewise
      returned to their homes, and no person appeared out of doors.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Carry St. Cyr had the command of Hamburg after the Prince of
      Eckmuhl's departure for the Russian campaign.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[General Carry St. Cyr is not to be conFused with the Marshal
   Gonvion de St. Cyr; he fell into disgrace for his conduct at
   Hamburg at this time, and was not again employed by Napoleon. Under
   the Restoration he became Governor of French Guiana.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At the first news of the revolt he set about packing up his papers, and
      Comte de Chaban, M. Konning, the Prefect of Hamburg, and M. Daubignosc,
      the Director of Police, followed his example. It was not till about four
      o'clock in the afternoon that a detachment of Danish hussars arrived at
      Hamburg, and the populace: was then speedily dispersed. All the
      respectable citizens and men of property assembled the next morning and
      adopted means for securing internal tranquillity, so that the Danish
      troops were enabled to return to Altona. Search was then made for the
      ringleaders of the disturbance. Many persons were arrested, and a military
      commission, ad hoc; was appointed to try them. The commission, however,
      condemned only one individual, who, being convicted of being one of the
      most active voters, was sentenced to be shot, and the sentence was carried
      into execution.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26th February a similar commotion took place at Lübeck. Attempts
      were made to attack the French Authorities. The respectable citizens
      instantly assembled, protected them against outrage, and escorted them in
      safety to Hamburg, where they arrived on the 27th. The precipitate flight
      of these persons from Lübeck spread some alarm in Hamburg. The danger was
      supposed to be greater than it was because the fugitives were accompanied
      by a formidable body of troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      But these were not the only attempts to throw off the yoke of French
      domination, which had become insupportable. All the left bank of the Elbe
      was immediately in a state of insurrection, and all the official persons
      took refuge in Hamburg. During these partial insurrections everything was
      neglected. Indecision, weakness, and cupidity were manifested everywhere.
      Instead of endeavours to soothe the minds of the people, which had been,
      long exasperated by intolerable tyranny, recourse was had to rigorous
      measures. The prisons were crowded with a host of persons declared to be
      suspected upon the mere representations of the agents of the police. On
      the 3d of March a special military commission condemned six householders
      of Hamburg and its neighbourhood to be shot on the glacis for no other
      offence than having been led, either by chance or curiosity, to a part of
      the town which was the scene of one of the riots. These executions excited
      equal horror and indignation, and General Carra St. Cyr was obliged to
      issue a proclamation for the dissolution of the military commission by
      whom the men had been sentenced.
    </p>
    <p>
      The intelligence of the march of the Russian and Prussian troops; who were
      descending the Elbe, increased the prevailing agitation in Westphalia,
      Hanover, Mecklenburg, and Pomerania, and all the French troops cantoned
      between Berlin and Hamburg, including those who occupied the coast of the
      Baltic, fell back upon Hamburg. General Carra St. Cyr and Baron Konning,
      the Prefect of Hamburg, used to go every evening to Altona. The latter,
      worn out by anxiety and his unsettled state of life, lost his reason; and
      on his way to Hamburg, on the 5th of May, he attempted to cut his throat
      with a razor. His 'valet de chambre' saved his life by rushing upon him
      before he had time to execute his design. It was given out that he had
      broken a blood-vessel, and he was conveyed to Altona, where his wound was
      cured, and he subsequently recovered from his derangement. M. Konning, who
      was a native of Holland, was a worthy man, but possessed no decision of
      character, and but little ability.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this juncture exaggerated reports were circulated respecting the
      approach of a Russian corps. A retreat was immediately ordered, and it was
      executed on the 12th of March. General Carra St. Cyr having no money for
      the troops, helped himself to 100,000 francs out of the municipal
      treasury. He left Hamburg at the head of the troops and the enrolled men
      of the custom-house service. He was escorted by the Burgher Guard, which
      protected him from the insults of the populace; and the good people of
      Hamburg never had any visitors of whom they were more happy to be rid.
    </p>
    <p>
      This sudden retreat excited Napoleon's indignation. He accused General St.
      Cyr of pusillanimity, in an article inserted in the 'Moniteur', and
      afterwards copied by his order into all the journals. In fact, had General
      St. Cyr been better informed, or less easily alarmed, he might have kept
      Hamburg, and prevented its temporary occupation by the enemy, to dislodge
      whom it was necessary to besiege the city two months afterwards. St. Cyr
      had 3000 regular troops, and a considerable body of men in the
      custom-house service. General Morand could have furnished him with 5000
      men from Mecklenburg. He might, therefore, not only have kept possession
      of Hamburg two months longer, but even to the end of the war, as General
      Lexnarrois retained possession of Magdeburg. Had not General St. Cyr so
      hastily evacuated the Elbe he would have been promptly aided by the corps
      which General Vandamme soon brought from the Wesel, and afterwards by the
      very, corps with which Marshal Davoust recaptured Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      The events just described occurred before Napoleon quitted Paris. In the
      month of August all negotiation was broken off with Austria, though that
      power, still adhering to her time-serving policy, continued to protest
      fidelity to the cause of the Emperor Napoleon until the moment when her
      preparations were completed and her resolution formed. But if there was
      duplicity at Vienna was there not folly, nay, blindness, in the Cabinet of
      the Tuileries? Could we reasonably rely upon Austria? She had seen the
      Russian army pass the Vistula and advance as far as the Saale without
      offering any remonstrance. At that moment a single movement of her troops,
      a word of declaration, would have prevented everything. As, therefore, she
      would not avert the evil when she might have done so with certainty and
      safety, there must have been singular folly and blindness in the Cabinet
      who saw this conduct and did not understand it.
    </p>
    <p>
      I now proceed to mention the further misfortunes which occurred in the
      north of Germany, and particularly at Hamburg. At fifteen leagues east of
      Hamburg, but within its territory, is a village named Bergdorf. It was in
      that village that the Cossacks were first seen. Twelve or fifteen hundred
      of them arrived there under the command of Colonel Tettenborn. But for the
      retreat of the French troops, amounting to 3000, exclusive of men in the
      customhouse service, no attempt would have been made upon Hamburg; but the
      very name of the Cossacks inspired a degree of terror which must be fresh
      in the recollection of every one. Alarm spread in Hamburg, which, being
      destitute of troops and artillery, and surrounded with dilapidated
      fortifications, could offer no defence. The Senator Bartch and Doctor Know
      took upon themselves to proceed to Bergdorf to solicit Colonel Tettenborn
      to take possession of Hamburg, observing that they felt sure of his
      sentiments of moderation, and that they trusted they would grant
      protection to a city which had immense commercial relations with Russia.
      Tettenborn did not place reliance on these propositions because he could
      not suppose that there had been such a precipitate evacuation; he thought
      they were merely a snare to entrap him, and refused to accede to them. But
      a Doctor Von Hess, a Swede, settled in Hamburg some years, and known to
      Tettenborn as a decided partisan of England and Russia, persuaded the
      Russian Commander to comply with the wishes of the citizens of Hamburg.
      However, Tettenborn consented only on the following conditions:&mdash;That
      the old Government should be instantly re-established; that a deputation
      of Senators in their old costume should invite him to take possession of
      Hamburg, which he would enter only as a free and Imperial Hanse Town; that
      if those conditions were not complied with he would regard Hamburg as a
      French town, and consequently hostile. Notwithstanding the real
      satisfaction with which the Senators of Hamburg received those
      propositions they were restrained by the fear of a reverse of fortune.
      They, however, determined to accept them, thinking that whatever might
      happen they could screen themselves by alleging that necessity had driven
      them to the step they took. They therefore declared their compliance with
      the conditions, and that night and the following day were occupied in
      assembling the Senate, which had been so long dissolved, and in making the
      preparations which Tettenborn required.
    </p>
    <p>
      At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 17th of March a picket of
      Cossacks, consisting of only forty men, took possession of a town recently
      flourishing, and containing a population of 124,000, but ruined and
      reduced to 80,000 inhabitants by the blessing of being united to the
      French Empire. On the following day, the 18th, Colonel Tettenborn entered
      Hamburg at the head of 1000 regular and 200 irregular Cossacks. I have
      described the military situation of Hamburg when it was evacuated on the
      12th of March, and Napoleon's displeasure may be easily conceived.
      Tettenborn was received with all the honours usually bestowed upon a
      conqueror. Enthusiasm was almost universal. For several nights the people
      devoted themselves to rejoicing. The Cossacks were gorged with provisions
      and drink, and were not a little astonished at the handsome reception they
      experienced.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not until the expiration of three or four days that the people
      began to perceive the small number of the allied troops. Their amount
      gradually diminished. On the day after the arrival of the Cossacks a
      detachment was sent to Lübeck, where they were received with the same
      honours as at Hamburg. Other detachments were sent upon different places,
      and after four days' occupation there remained in Hamburg only 70 out of
      the 1200 Cossacks who had entered on the 18th March.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first thing their commander did was to take possession of the
      post-office and the treasuries of the different public offices. All the
      movable effects of the French Government and its agents were seized and
      sold. The officers evinced a true Cossack disregard of the rights of
      private property. Counts Huhn, Buasenitz, and Venechtern, who had joined
      Tettenborn's staff, rendered themselves conspicuous by plundering the
      property of M. Pyonnier, the Director of the Customs, and M. Gonae, the
      Postmaster, and not a bottle of wine was left in their cellars. Tettenborn
      laid hands upon a sum of money, consisting of upwards of 4000 Louis in
      gold, belonging to M. Gonse, which had been lodged with M. Schwartz, a
      respectable banker in Hamburg, who filled the office of Prussian Consul.
      M. Schwartz, with whom this money had been deposited for the sake of
      security, had also the care of some valuable jewels belonging to Mesdames
      Carry St. Cyr and Daubignoac; Tettenborn carried off these as well as the
      money. M. Schwartz remonstrated in his character of Prussian Consul,
      Prussia being the ally of Russia, but he was considered merely as a
      banker, and could obtain no redress. Tettenborn, like most of the Cossack
      chiefs, was nothing but a man for blows and pillage, but the agent of
      Russia was M. Steuve, whose name I have already mentioned.
    </p>
    <p>
      Orders were speedily given for a levy of troops, both in infantry and
      cavalry, to be called Hanseatic volunteers. A man named Hanft, who had
      formerly been a butcher, raised at his own expense a company of foot and
      one of lancers, of which he took the command. This undertaking, which cost
      him 130,000 francs, may afford some idea of the attachment of the people
      of Hamburg to the French Government! But money, as well as men, was
      wanting, and a heavy contribution was imposed to defray the expense of
      enrolling a number of workmen out of employment and idlers, of various
      kinds. Voluntary donations were solicited, and enthusiasm was so general
      that even servant-maids gave their rings. The sums thus collected were
      paid into the chest of Tettenborn's staff, and became a prey to dishonest
      appropriation. With respect to this money a Sieur Oswald was accused of
      not having acted with the scrupulous delicacy which Madame de Stael
      attributes to his namesake in her romance of Corinne.
    </p>
    <p>
      Between 8000 and 10,000 men were levied in the Hanse Towns and their
      environs, the population of which had been so greatly reduced within two
      years. These undisciplined troops, who had been for the most part levied
      from the lowest classes of society, committed so many outrages that they
      soon obtained the surname of the Cossacks of the Elbe; and certainly they
      well deserved it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the hatred which the French Government had inspired in Hamburg
      that the occupation of Tettenborn was looked upon as a deliverance. On the
      colonel's departure the Senate, anxious to give high a testimonial of
      gratitude, presented him with the freedom of the city, accompanied by 5000
      gold fredericks (105,000 francs), with which he was doubtless much more
      gratified than with the honour of the citizenship.
    </p>
    <p>
      The restored Senate of Hamburg did not long survive. The people of the
      Hanse Towns learned, with no small alarm, that the Emperor was making
      immense preparations to fall upon Germany, where his lieutenants could not
      fail to take cruel revenge on those who had disavowed his authority.
      Before he quitted Paris on the 15th of April Napoleon had recalled under
      the banners of the army 180,000 men, exclusive of the guards of honour,
      and it was evident that with such a force he might venture on a great
      game, and probably win it. Yet the month of April passed away without the
      occurrence of any event important to the Hanse Towns, the inhabitants of
      which vacillated between hope and fear. Attacks daily took place between
      parties of Russian and French troops on the territory between Lüneburg and
      Bremen. In one of these encounters General Morand was mortally wounded,
      and was conveyed to Lüneburg. His brother having been taken prisoner in
      the same engagement, Tettenborn, into whose hands he had fallen, gave him
      leave on parole to visit the General; but he arrived in Lüneburg only in
      time to see him die.
    </p>
    <p>
      The French having advanced as far as Haarburg took up their position on
      the plateau of Schwartzenberg, which commands that little town and the
      considerable islands situated in that part of the river between Haarburg
      and Hamburg. Being masters of this elevated point they began to threaten
      Hamburg and to attack Haarburg. These attacks were directed by Vandamme,
      of all our generals the most redoubtable in conquered countries. He was a
      native of Cassel, in Flanders, and had acquired a high reputation for
      severity. At the very time when he was attacking Hamburg Napoleon said of
      him at Dresden, "If I were to lose Vandamme I know not what I would give
      to have him back again; but if I had two such generals I should be obliged
      to shoot one of them." It must be confessed that one was quite enough.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as he arrived Vandamme sent to inform Tettenborn that if he did
      not immediately liberate the brother and brother-in-law of Morand, both of
      whom were his prisoners, he would burn Hamburg. Tettenborn replied that if
      he resorted to that extremity he would hang them both on the top of St.
      Michael's Tower, where he might have a view of them. This energetic answer
      obliged Vandamme to restrain his fury, or at least to direct it to other
      objects.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the French forces daily augmented at Haarburg. Vandamme,
      profiting by the negligence of the new Hanseatic troops, who had the
      defence of the great islands of the Elbe, attacked them one night in the
      month of May. This happened to be the very night after the battle of
      Lutzsn, where both sides claimed the victory; and Te Deum was sung in the
      two hostile camps. The advance of the French turned the balance of opinion
      in favour of Napoleon, who was in fact really the conqueror on a field of
      battle celebrated nearly two centuries before by the victory and death of
      Gustavus Adolphus. The Cossacks of the Elbe could not sustain the shock of
      the French; Vandamme repulsed the troops who defended Wilhelmsburg, the
      largest of the two islands, and easily took possession of the smaller one,
      Fidden, of which the point nearest the right bank of the Elbe is not half
      a gunshot distant from Hamburg. The 9th of May was a fatal day to the
      people of Hamburg; for it was then that Davoust, having formed his
      junction with Vandamme, appeared at the head of a corps of 40,000 men
      destined to reinforce Napoleon's Grand Army. Hamburg could not hold out
      against the considerable French force now assembled in its neighbourhood.
      Tettenborn had, it is true, received a reinforcement of 800 Prussians and
      2000, Swedes, but still what resistance could he offer to Davoust's 40,000
      men? Tettenborn did not deceive himself as to the weakness of the allies
      on this point, or the inutility of attempting to defend the city. He
      yielded to the entreaties of the inhabitants, who represented to him that
      further resistance must be attended by certain ruin. He accordingly
      evacuated Hamburg on the 29th of May, taking with him his Hanseatic
      legions, which had not held out an hour in the islands of the Elbe, and
      accompanied by the Swedish Doctor Von Hess, whose imprudent advice was the
      chief cause of all the disasters to which the unfortunate city lied been
      exposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Davoust was at Haarburg, where he received the deputies from Hamburg with
      an appearance of moderation; and by the conditions stipulated at this
      conference on the 30th of May a strong detachment of Danish troops
      occupied Hamburg in the name of the Emperor. The French made their
      entrance the same evening, and occupied the posts as quietly as if they
      had been merely changing guard. The inhabitants made not a shadow of
      resistance. Not a drop of blood was issued; not a threat nor an insult was
      interchanged. This is the truth; but the truth did not suit Napoleon. It
      was necessary to getup a pretext for revenge, and accordingly recourse was
      had to a bulletin, which proclaimed to France and Europe that Hamburg had
      been taken by main force, with a loss of some hundred men. But for this
      imaginary resistance, officially announced, how would it have been
      possible to justify the spoliations and exactions which ensued?
    </p>
    <p>
      The Dutch General, Hogendorff, became Governor of Hamburg in lieu of Carra
      St. Cyr, who had been confined at Osnabruck since his precipitate retreat.
      General Hogendorff had been created one of the Emperor's aides de camp,
      but he was neither a Rapp, a Lauriston, nor a Duroc. The inhabitants were
      required to pay all the arrears of taxes due to the different public
      offices during the seventy days that the French had been absent; and
      likewise all the allowances that would have been paid to the troops of the
      garrison had they remained in Hamburg. Payment was also demanded of the
      arrears for the quartering of troops who were fifty leagues off. However,
      some of the heads of the government departments, who saw and understood
      the new situation of the French at Hamburg, did not enforce these unjust
      and vexatious measures. The duties on registrations were reduced. M.
      Pyonnier, Director of the Customs, aware of the peculiar difficulty of his
      situation in a country where the customs were held in abhorrence, observed
      great caution and moderation in collecting the duties: Personal
      examination, which is so revolting and indecorous, especially with respect
      to females, was suppressed. But these modifications did not proceed from
      the highest quarter; they were due to the good sense of the subordinate
      agents, who plainly saw that if the Empire was to fall it would not be
      owing to little infractions in the laws of proscription against coffee and
      rhubarb.
    </p>
    <p>
      If the custom-house regulations became less vexatious to the inhabitants
      of Hamburg it was not the same with the business of the post-office. The
      old manoeuvres of that department were resumed more actively than ever.
      Letters were opened without the least reserve, and all the old post-office
      clerks who were initiated in these scandalous proceedings were recalled.
      With the exception of the registrations and the customs the inquisitorial
      system, which had so long oppressed the Hanse Towns, was renewed; and yet
      the delegates of the French Government were the first to cry out, "The
      people of Hamburg are traitors to Napoleon: for, in spite of all the
      blessings he has conferred upon them they do not say with the Latin poet,
      'Deus nobis haec otia fecit."
    </p>
    <p>
      But all that passed was trifling in comparison with what was to come. On
      the 18th of June was published an Imperial decree, dated the 8th of the
      same month, by virtue of which were to be reaped the fruits of the
      official falsehood contained in the bulletin above mentioned. To expiate
      the crime of rebellion Hamburg was required to pay an extraordinary
      contribution of 48,000,000 francs, and Lübeck a contribution of 6,000,000.
      The enormous sum levied on Hamburg was to be paid in the short space of a
      month, by six equal instalments, either in money, or bills on respectable
      houses in Paris. In addition to this the new Prefect of Hamburg made a
      requisition of grain and provisions of every kind, wines, sailcloth,
      masts, pitch, hemp, iron, copper, steel, in short, everything that could
      be useful for the supply of the army and navy.
    </p>
    <p>
      But while these exactions were made on property in Hamburg, at Dresden the
      liberties of individuals and even lives were attacked. On the 15th of June
      Napoleon, doubtless blinded by the false reports that were laid before
      him, gave orders for making out a list of the inhabitants of Hamburg who
      were absent from the city. He allowed them only a fortnight to return
      home, an interval too short to enable some of them to come from the places
      where they had taken refuge. They consequently remained absent beyond the
      given time. Victims were indispensable but assuredly it was not Bonaparte
      who conceived the idea of hostages to answer for the men whom prudence
      kept absent. Of this charge I can clear his memory. The hostages, were,
      however, taken, and were declared to be also responsible for the payment
      of the contribution of 48,000,000. In Hamburg they were selected from
      among the most respectable and wealthy men in the city, some of them far
      advanced in age. They were conveyed to the old castle of Haarburg on the
      left bank of the Elbe, and these men, who had been accustomed to all the
      comforts of life, were deprived even of necessaries, and had only straw to
      lie on. The hostages from Lübeck were taken to, Hamburg: they were placed
      between decks on board an old ship in the port: this was a worthy
      imitation of the prison hulks of England. On the 24th of July there was
      issued a decree which was published in the Hamburg Correspondent of the
      27th. This decree consisted merely of a proscription list, on which were
      inscribed the names of some of the wealthiest men in the Hanse Towns,
      Hanover, and Westphalia.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIX.
    </h2>

      1813.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Napoleon's second visit to Dresden&mdash;Battle of Bantzen&mdash;The Congress
   at Prague&mdash;Napoleon ill advised&mdash;Battle of Vittoria&mdash;General Moreau
   Rupture of the conferences at Prague&mdash;Defection of Jomini&mdash;Battles
   of Dresden and Leipsic&mdash;Account of the death of Duroc&mdash;An
   interrupted conversation resumed a year after&mdash;Particulars
   respecting Poniatowski&mdash;His extraordinary courage and death&mdash;
   His monument at Leipsic and tomb in the cathedral of Warsaw.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the 2d of May Napoleon won the battle of Lützen. A week after he was at
      Dresden, not as on his departure for the Russian campaign, like the
      Sovereign of the West surrounded by his mighty vassals: he was now in the
      capital of the only one of the monarchs of his creation who remained
      faithful to the French cause, and whose good faith eventually cost him
      half his dominions. The Emperor stayed only ten days in Dresden, and then
      went in pursuit of the Russian army, which he came up with on the 19th, at
      Bautzen. This battle, which was followed on the two succeeding days by the
      battles of Wurtchen and Oclikirchen, may be said to have lasted three days&mdash;a
      sufficient proof that it was obstinately disputed. It ended in favour of
      Napoleon, but he and France paid dearly for it: while General Kirschner
      and Duroc were talking together the former was killed by a cannon-ball,
      which mortally wounded the latter in the abdomen.
    </p>
    <p>
      The moment had now arrived for Austria to prove whether or not she.
      intended entirely to desert the cause of Napoleon.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[There is a running attack in Erreurs (tome, ii. pp, 289-325) on
   all this part of the Memoirs, but the best account of the
   negotiations between France, Austria, and the Allies will be found
   in Metternich, Vol. i. pp. 171-215. Metternich, with good
   reason, prides himself on the skill with which he gained from
   Napoleon the exact time, twenty days, necessary for the
   concentration of the Austrian armies. Whether the negotiations were
   consistent with good faith on the part of Austria is another matter;
   but, one thing seems clear&mdash;the Austrian marriage ruined Napoleon.
   He found it impossible to believe that the monarch who had given him
   his daughter would strike the decisive blow against him. Without
   this belief there can be no doubt that he would have attacked
   Austria before she could have collected her forces, and Metternich
   seems to have dreaded the result. "It was necessary, therefore to
   prevent Napoleon from carrying out his usual system of leaving an
   army of observation before the Allied armies, and himself turning to
   Bohemia to deal a great blow at us, the effect of which it would be
   impossible to foresee in the present depressed state of the great
   majority of our men" (Metternich, Vol. i, p. 177). With our
   knowledge of how Napoleon held his own against the three armies at
   Dresden we may safely assume that he would have crushed Austria if
   she had not joined him or disarmed. The conduct of Austria was
   natural and politic, but it was only successful because Napoleon
   believed in the good faith of the Emperor Francis, his
   father-in-law. It is to be noted that Austria only succeeded in
   getting Alexander to negotiate on the implied condition that the
   negotiations were not to end in a peace with France. See
   Metternich, Vol. i. p. 181, where, in answer to the Czar's
   question as to what would become of their cause if Napoleon accepted
   the Austrian mediation, he says that if Napoleon declines Austria
   will join the Allies. If Napoleon accepts, "the negotiations will
   most certainly show Napoleon to be neither wise nor just, and then
   the result will be the same. In any case we shall have gained the
   necessary time to bring our armies into such positions that we need
   not again fear a separate attack on any one of them, and from which
   we may ourselves take the offensive."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      All her amicable demonstrations were limited to an offer of her
      intervention in opening negotiations with Russia. Accordingly, on the 4th
      of June, an armistice was concluded at Pleiswitz, which was to last till
      the 8th of July, and was finally prolonged to the 10th of August.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first overtures after the conclusion of the armistice of Pleiswitz
      determined the assembling of a Congress at Prague. It was reported at the
      time that the Allies demanded the restoration of all they had lost since
      1805; that is to say, since the campaign of Ulm. In this demand Holland
      and the Hanse Towns, which had become French provinces, were comprehended.
      But we should still have retained the Rhine, Belgium, Piedmont, Nice, and
      Savoy. The battle of Vittoria,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;The news of this decisive battle increased the difficulty of the
   French plenipotentiaries at Prague, and raised the demands of the
   Allies. It also shook the confidence of those who remained faithful
   to us.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      which placed the whole of Spain at the disposal of the English, the
      retreat of Suchet upon the Ebro, the fear of seeing the army of Spin
      annihilated, were enough to alter the opinions of those counsellors who
      still recommended war. Notwithstanding Napoleon's opposition and his
      innate disposition to acquire glory by his victories, probably he would
      not have been inaccessible to the reiterated representations of sensible
      men who loved their country, France, therefore, has to reproach his
      advisers. At this juncture General Moreau arrived; it has been said that
      he came at the solicitation of Bernadotte. This is neither true nor
      probable. In the first place, there never was any intimacy between
      Bernadotte and Moreau; and, in the next, how can it be imagined that
      Bernadotte wished to see Moreau Emperor! But this question is at once put
      at rest by the fact, that in the interview at Åbo the Emperor of Russia
      hinted to Bernadotte the possibility of his succeeding Napoleon. It was
      generally reported at the time, and I have since learnt that it was true,
      that the French Princes of the House of Bourbon had made overtures to
      Moreau through the medium of General Willot, who had been proscribed on
      the 18th Fructidor; and I have since learned from an authentic source that
      General Moreau, who was then at Baltimore, refused to support the Bourbon
      cause. Moreau yielded only to his desire of being revenged on Napoleon;
      and he found death where he could not find glory.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the end of July the proceedings of the Congress at Prague were no.
      further advanced than at the time of its assembling. Far from cheering the
      French with the prospect of a peace, the Emperor made a journey to
      Mayence; the Empress went there to see him, and returned to Paris
      immediately after the Emperor's departure. Napoleon went back to Dresden,
      and the armistice not being renewed, it died a natural death on the 17th
      of August, the day appointed for its expiration. A fatal event immediately
      followed the rupture of the conferences. On the 17th of August Austria,
      wishing to gain by war as she had before gained by alliances, declared
      that she would unite her forces with those of the Allies. On the very
      opening of this disastrous campaign General Jomini went over to the enemy.
      Jomini belonged to the staff of the unfortunate Marshal Ney, who was
      beginning to execute with his wonted ability, the orders he had received.
      There was much surprise at his eagerness to profit by a struggle, begun
      under such melancholy auspices, to seek a fresh fortune, which promised
      better than what he had tried under our flag. Public opinion has
      pronounced judgment on Jomini.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[It was on the 11th of August, not the 17th, that Metternich
   announced to Caulaincourt, Napoleon's plenipotentiary at Prague,
   that Austria had joined the Allies and declared war with France;
   At midnight on 10th August Metternich had despatched the passports
   for the Comte Louis de Narbonne, Napoleon's Ambassador, and the war
   manifesto of the Emperor Francis; then he had the beacons lighted
   which had been prepared from Prague to the Silesian frontier, as a
   sign of the breech of the negotiations, and the right (i.e. power)
   of the Allied armies to cross the Silesian frontier (Metternich,
   vol. i, p. 199).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The first actions were the battle of Dresden, which took place seven days
      after the rupture of the armistice, and the battle in which Vandamme was
      defeated, and which rendered the victory of Dresden unavailing. I have
      already mentioned that Moreau was killed at Dresden. Bavaria was no sooner
      rid of the French troops than she raised the mask and ranged herself among
      our enemies.
    </p>
    <p>
      In October the loss of the battle of Leipsic decided the fate of France.
      The Saxon army, which had long remained faithful to us, went over to the
      enemy during the battle. Prince Poniatowski perished at the battle of
      Leipsic in an attempt to pass the Aster.
    </p>
    <p>
      I will here mention a fact which occurred before Duroc's departure for the
      campaign of 1812. I used often to visit him at the Pavilion Marsan, in the
      Tuileries, where he lodged. One forenoon, when I had been waiting for him
      a few minutes, he came from the Emperor's apartments, where he had been
      engaged in the usual business, He was in his court-dress. As soon as he
      entered he pulled off his coat and hat and laid them aside. "I have just
      had a conversation with the Emperor about you," said he. "Say nothing to
      anybody. Have patience, and you will be&mdash;" He had, no sooner uttered
      these words than a footman entered to inform him that the Emperor, wished
      to see him immediately. "Well," said Duroc, "I must go." No sooner was the
      servant gone than Duroc stamped violently on the floor, and exclaimed,
      "That &mdash;&mdash;- &mdash;&mdash;- never leaves me a moment's rest. If
      he finds I have five minutes to myself in the course of the morning he is
      sure to send for me." He then put on his coat and returned to the Emperor,
      saying, "Another time you shall hear what I have to tell you."
    </p>
    <p>
      From that time I did not see Duroc until, the month of January 1813. He
      was constantly absent from Paris, and did not return until the end of
      1812. He was much affected at the result of the campaign, but his
      confidence in Napoleon's genius kept up his spirits. I turned the
      conversation from this subject and reminded him of his promise to tell me
      what had passed between the Emperor and himself relative tome. "You shall
      hear," said he. "The Emperor and I had been playing at billiards, and,
      between ourselves, he plays very badly. He is nothing at a game which
      depends on skill. While negligently rolling his balls about he muttered
      these words: 'Do you ever see Bourrienne now?'&mdash;'Yes, Sire, he
      sometimes dines with me on diplomatic reception-days, and he looks so
      droll in his old-fashioned court-dress, of Lyons manufacture, that you
      would laugh if you saw him.'&mdash;'What does he say respecting the new
      regulation for the court-dresses?'&mdash;'I confess he says it is very
      ridiculous; that it will have no other result than to enable the Lyons
      manufacturers to get rid of their old-fashioned goods; that forced
      innovations on the customs of a nation are never successful.'&mdash;'Oh,
      that is always the way with Bourrienne; he is never pleased with
      anything.'&mdash; 'Certainly, Sire, he is apt to grumble; but he says what
      he thinks.'&mdash; 'Do you know, Duroc, he served me very well at Hamburg.
      He raised a good deal of money for me. He is a man who understands
      business. I will not leave him unemployed. Time must hang heavily on his
      hands. I will see what I can do for him. He has many enemies.'&mdash;'And
      who has not, Sire?'&mdash; 'Many complaints against him were transmitted
      to me from Hamburg, but the letter which he wrote to me in his
      justification opened my eyes, and I begin to think that Savary had good
      motives for defending him. Endeavours are made to dissuade me from
      employing him, but I shall nevertheless do so at last. I remember that it
      was he who first informed me of the near approach of the war which we are
      now engaged in. I forget all that has been said against him for the last
      two years, and as soon as peace is concluded, and I am at leisure, I will
      think of him.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      After relating to me this conversation Duroc said, "you must, of course,
      feel assured that I said all I think of you, and I will take an
      opportunity of reminding him of you. But we must we patient. Adieu, my
      dear friend; we must set off speedily, and Heaven knows when we shall be
      back again!" I wished him a successful campaign and a speedy return. Alas!
      I was doomed to see my excellent friend only once again.
    </p>
    <p>
      Next to the death of Duroc the loss most sincerely regretted during the
      campaign of 1813 was that of Prince Poniatowski. Joseph Poniatowaki, a
      nephew of Stanislas Augustus, King of Poland, was born at Warsaw on the
      7th of May 1763: At an early age he was remarkable for his patriotic
      spirit; but his uncle's influence gave him an apparent irresolution, which
      rendered him suspected by some of the parties in Poland. After his uncle
      had acceded to the Confederation of Targowitz, Poniatowski left the
      service accompanied by most of his principal officers. But when, in 1794,
      the Poles endeavoured to repulse the Russians, he again repaired to the
      Polish camp and entered the army as a volunteer. His noble conduct
      obtained for him the esteem of his countrymen. Kosciusko gave him the
      command of a division, with which he rendered useful services during the
      two sieges of Warsaw. Immediately after the surrender of that capital
      Poniatowski went to Vienna. He refused the offers of Catherine and Paul to
      bear arms in the service of Russia.
    </p>
    <p>
      Poniatowaki retired to his estate year Warsaw, where he lived like a
      private gentleman until the creation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw revived
      the hopes of the Polish patriots. He then became War Minister. The
      Archduke Ferdinand having come, in 1809, with Austrian troops to take
      possession of the Duchy of Warsaw, Poniatowski, who commanded the Polish
      troops, which were very inferior in numbers to the Austrian force, obliged
      the latter, rather by dint of skillful maneuvering than by fighting, to
      evacuate the Grand Duchy. He pursued them into Galicia as far as Cracow.
    </p>
    <p>
      After this honourable campaign he continued to exercise his functions as
      Minister until 1812. The war against Russia again summoned him to the head
      of the Polish army. After taking part in all the events of that war, which
      was attended by such various chances, Poniatowaki was present at the
      battle of Leipsic. That battle, which commenced on the 14th of October,
      the anniversary of the famous battles of Ulm and of Jena, lasted four
      days, and decided the fate of Europe. Five hundred thousand men fought on
      a surface of three square leagues.
    </p>
    <p>
      Retreat having become indispensable, Napoleon took leave at Leipsic of the
      King of Saxony and his family, whom he had brought with him from Dresden.
      The Emperor then exclaimed in a loud voice, "Adieu; Saxons," to the people
      who filled the market-place, where the King of Saxony resided. With some
      difficulty, and after passing through many turnings and windings, he
      gained the suburb of Runstadt and left Leipsic by the outer gate of that
      suburb which leads to the bridge of the Elster, and to Lindenau. The
      bridge was blown up shortly after he had passed it, and that event utterly
      prevented the retreat of the part of the army which was on the left bank
      of the Easter, and which fell into the power of the enemy. Napoleon was at
      the time accused of having ordered the destruction of the bridge
      immediately after he had himself passed it in order to secure his own
      personal retreat, as he was threatened by the active pursuit of the enemy.
      The English journals were unanimous on this point, and to counteract this
      opinion, which was very general, an article was inserted in the
      'Moniteur'.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before passing the bridge of the Elster Napoleon had directed Poniatowski,
      in concert with Marshal Macdonald, to cover and protect the retreat, and
      to defend that part of the suburb of Leipsic which is nearest to the Borne
      road. For the execution of these orders he had only 2000 Polish infantry.
      He was in this desperate situation when he saw the French columns in full
      retreat and the bridge so choked up with their artillery and waggons that
      there was no possibility of passing it. Then drawing his sword, and
      turning to the officers who were near him, he said, "Here we must fall
      with honour!" At the head of a small party of cuirassiers and Polish
      officers he rushed on the columns of the Allies. In this action he
      received a ball in his left arm: he had already been wounded on the 14th
      and 16th. He nevertheless advanced, but he found the suburb filled with
      Allied troops.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The Allies were so numerous that they scarcely perceived the
   losses they sustained. Their masses pressed down upon us in every
   direction, and it was impossible that victory could fail to be with
   them. Their success, however, would have been less decisive had it
   not been for the defection of the Saxons. In the midst of the
   battle, these troops having moved towards the enemy, as if intending
   to make an attack, turned suddenly around, and opened a heavy fire
   of artillery and musketry on the columns by the aids of which they
   had a few moments before been fighting. I do not know to what page
   of history such a transaction is recorded. This event immediately
   produced a great difference in our affairs, which were before in a
   bad enough train. I ought here mention that before the battle the
   Emperor dismissed a Bavarian division which still remained with him.
   He spoke to the officers in terms which will not soon be effaced
   from their memory. He told them, that, "according to the laws of
   war, they were his prisoners, since their Government had taken part
   against him; but that he could not forget the services they had
   rendered him, and that they were therefore at liberty to return
   home." These troops left the army, where they were much esteemed,
   and marched for Bavaria.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      He fought his way through them and received another wound. He then threw
      himself into the Pleisse, which was the first river he came to. Aided by
      his officers, he gained the opposite bank, leaving his horse in the river.
      Though greatly exhausted he mounted another, and gained the Elster, by
      passing through M. Reichenbach's garden, which was situated on the side of
      that river. In spite of the steepness of the banks of the Elster at that
      part, the Prince plunged with his horse into the river: both man and horse
      were drowned, and the same fate was shared by several officers who
      followed Poniatawski's example. Marshal Macdonald was, luckily, one of
      those who escaped. Five days after a fisherman drew the body of the
      Prince, out of the water. On the 26th of October it was temporarily
      interred at Leipsic, with all the honours due to the illustrious deceased.
      A modest stone marks the spot where the body of the Prince was dragged
      from the river. The Poles expressed a wish to. erect a monument to the
      memory of their countryman in the garden of M. Reichenbach, but that
      gentleman declared he would do it at his own expense, which he did. The
      monument consists of a beautiful sarcophagus, surrounded by weeping
      willows. The body of the Prince, after bring embalmed, was sent in the
      following year to Warsaw, and in 1816 it was deposited in the cathedral,
      among the remains of the Kings and great men of Poland. The celebrated
      Thorwaldsen was commissioned to execute a monument for his tomb. Prince
      Poniatowski left no issue but a natural son, born in 1790. The royal race,
      therefore existed only in a collateral branch of King Stanislas, namely,
      Prince Stanislas, born in 1754.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXX.
    </h2>

      1813

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Amount of the Allied forces against Napoleon&mdash;Their advance towards
   the Rhine&mdash;Levy of 280,000 men&mdash;Dreadful situation of the French at
   Mayence&mdash;Declaration of the Allies at Frankfort&mdash;Diplomatic
   correspondents&mdash;The Duc de Bassano succeeded by the Duke of Vicenza
   &mdash;The conditions of the Allies vaguely accepted&mdash;Caulaincourt sent to
   the headquarters of the Allies&mdash;Manifesto of the Allied powers to
   the French people.&mdash;Gift of 30,000,000 from the Emperor's privy
   purse&mdash;Wish to recall M. de Talleyrand&mdash;Singular advice relative to
   Wellington&mdash;The French army recalled from Spain&mdash;The throne resigned
   Joseph&mdash;Absurd accusation against M. Laine&mdash;Adjournment of the
   Legislative Body&mdash;Napoleon's Speech to the Legislative Body&mdash;Remarks
   of Napoleon reported by Cambacérès.
</pre>
    <p>
      When the war resumed its course after the disaster of Leipsic I am certain
      that the Allied sovereigns determined to treat with Napoleon only in his
      own capital, as he, four years before, had refused to treat with the
      Emperor of Austria except at Vienna. The latter sovereign now completely
      raised the mask, and declared to the Emperor that he would make common
      cause with Russia and Prussia against him. In his declaration he made rise
      of the singular pretext, that the more enemies there were against Napoleon
      there would be the greater chance of speedily obliging him to accede to
      conditions which would at length restore the tranquillity of which Europe
      stood so much in need. This declaration on the part of Austria was an
      affair of no little importance, for she had now raised an army of 260,000
      men. An equal force was enrolled beneath the Russian banners, which were
      advancing towards the Rhine. Prussia had 200,000 men; the Confederation of
      the Rhine 150,000: in short, including the Swedes and the Dutch, the
      English troops in Spain and in the Netherlands, the Danes, who had
      abandoned us, the Spaniards and Portuguese, whose courage and hopes were
      revived by our reverses, Napoleon had arrayed against him upwards of a
      million of armed men. Among them, too, were the Neapolitans, with Murat at
      their head!
    </p>
    <p>
      The month of November 1813 was fatal to the fortune of Napoleon. In all
      parts the French armies were repulsed and driven back upon the Rhine,
      while-in every direction, the Allied forces advanced towards that river.
      For a considerable time I had confidently anticipated the fall of the
      Empire; not because the foreign sovereigns had vowed its destruction, but
      because I saw the impossibility of Napoleon defending himself against all
      Europe, and because I knew that, however desperate might be his fortune,
      nothing would induce him to consent to conditions which he considered
      disgraceful. At this time every day was marked by a new defection. Even
      the Bavarians, the natural Allies of France, they whom the Emperor had led
      to victory at the commencement of the second campaign of Vienna, they whom
      he had, as it were, adopted on the field of battle, were now against us,
      and were the bitterest of our enemies.
    </p>
    <p>
      Even before the battle of Leipsic, the consequences of which were so
      ruinous to Napoleon, he had felt the necessity of applying to France for a
      supply of troops; as if France had been inexhaustible. He directed the
      Empress Regent to make this demand; and accordingly Maria Louisa proceeded
      to the Senate, for the first time, in great state: but the glories of the
      Empire were now on the decline. The Empress obtained a levy of 280,000
      troops, but they were no sooner enrolled than they were sacrificed. The
      defection of the Bavarians considerably augmented the difficulties which
      assailed the wreck of the army that had escaped from Leipsic. The
      Bavarians had got before us to Hanau, a town four leagues distant from
      Frankfort; there they established themselves, with the view of cutting off
      our retreat; but French valour was roused, the little town was speedily
      carried, and the Bavarians were repulsed with considerable loss. The
      French army arrived at Mayence; if, indeed, one may give the name of army
      to a few masses of men destitute, dispirited, and exhausted by fatigue and
      privation. On the arrival of the troops at Mayence no preparation had been
      made for receiving them: there were no provisions, or supplies of any
      kind; and, as the climax of misfortune, infectious epidemics broke out
      amongst the men. All the accounts I received concurred in assuring me that
      their situation was dreadful:
    </p>
    <p>
      However; without counting the wreck which escaped from the disasters of
      Leipsic, and the ravages of disease; without including the 280,000 men
      which had been raised by a 'Senatus-consulte, on the application of Maria
      Louisa, the Emperor still possessed 120,000 good troops; but they were in
      the rear, scattered along the Elbe, shut up in fortresses such as Dantzic,
      Hamburg, Torgau, and Spandau. Such was the horror of our situation that
      if, on the one hand, we could not resolve to abandon them, it was at the
      same time impossible to aid them. In France a universal cry was raised for
      peace, at whatever price it could be purchased. In this state of things it
      may be said that the year 1813 was more fatal to Napoleon than the year
      1812. The disasters of Moscow were repaired by his activity and the
      sacrifices of France; but the disasters of Leipsic were irreparable.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall shortly speak of some negotiations in which, if I had chosen, I
      might have taken a part. After the battle of Leipsic, in which France
      lost, for the second time, a formidable army, all the powers allied
      against Napoleon declared at Frankfort, on the 9th of November, that they
      would never break the bonds which united them; that henceforth it was not
      merely a Continental peace, but a general peace, that would be demanded;
      and that any negotiation not having a general peace for its object would
      be rejected. The Allied powers declared that France was to be confined
      within her natural limits, the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. This was
      all that was to remain of the vast Empire founded by Napoleon; but still
      it must be allowed it was a great deal, after the many disasters France
      had experienced, and when she was menaced with invasion by numerous and
      victorious armies. But Napoleon could not accede to such proposals, for he
      was always ready to yield to illusion when the truth was not satisfactory
      to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      According to the proposals of the Allies at Frankfort, Germany; Italy, and
      Spain were to be entirely withdrawn from the dominion of France. England
      recognised the freedom of trade and navigation, and there appeared no
      reason to doubt the sincerity of her professed willingness to make great
      sacrifices to promote the object proposed by the Allies. But to these
      offers a fatal condition was added, namely, that the Congress should meet
      in a town, to be declared neutral, on the right bank of the Rhine, where
      the plenipotentiaries of all the belligerent powers were to assemble; but
      the course of the war was not to be impeded by these negotiations.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This, system of negotiating and advancing was a realization of
   Metternich's idea copying Napoleon's own former procedure. "Let us
   hold always the sword in one head, and the olive branch in the
   other; always ready to negotiate, but only negotiating whilst
   advancing. Here is Napoleon's system: may he find enemies who will
   carry on war . . . as he would carry it on himself." (Metternich
   vol. ii. p. 346).]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The Duc de Bassano (Maret), who was still Minister for Foreign Affairs,
      replied, by order of Napoleon, to the overtures wade by the Allies for a
      general Congress; and stated that the Emperor acceded to them, and wished
      Mannheim to be chosen as the neutral town. M. Metternich replied in a
      note, dated Frankfort, the 25th of November, stating that the Allies felt
      no difficulty in acceding to Napoleon's choice of Mannheim for the meeting
      of the Congress; but as M. de Bassano's letter contained no mention of the
      general and summary bases I have just mentioned, and which had been
      communicated to M. de St. Aignan at Frankfort, M. Metternich stated that
      the Allies wished the Emperor Napoleon to declare his determination
      respecting those bases, in order that insurmountable difficulties might
      not arrest the negotiations at their very outset. The Duke of Vicenza
      (Caulaincourt), who had just succeeded the Duc de Bassano, received this
      letter. Trusting to the declaration of Frankfort he thought he would be
      justified in treating on those bases; he confidently relied on the consent
      of Napoleon. But the Allies had now determined not to grant the limits
      accorded by that declaration. Caulaincourt was therefore obliged to apply
      for fresh powers, which being granted, he replied, on the 2d of December,
      that Napoleon accepted the fundamental and summary bases which had been
      communicated by M. de St. Aignan. To this letter M. Metternich answered
      that the Emperors of Russia and Austria were gratified to find that the
      Emperor of France recognised the bases judged necessary by the Allies;
      that the two sovereigns would communicate without delay the official
      document to their Allies, and that they were convinced that immediately on
      receiving their reply the negotiations might be opened without any
      interruption of the war.
    </p>
    <p>
      We shall now see the reason why these first negotiations came to no
      result. In the month of October the Allies overthrew the colossal edifice
      denominated the French Empire. When led by victory to the banks of the
      Rhine they declared their wish to abstain from conquest, explained their
      intentions, and manifested an unalterable resolution to abide by them.
      This determination of the Allies induced the French Government to evince
      pacific intentions. Napoleon wished, by an apparent desire for peace, to
      justify, if I may so express myself, in the eyes of his subjects, the
      necessity of new sacrifices; which, according to his proclamations, he
      demanded only to enable him to obtain peace on as honourable conditions as
      possible. But the truth is, he was resolved not even to listen to the
      offers made at Frankfort. He always represented the limits of the Rhine as
      merely a compensation for the dismemberment of Poland and the immense
      aggrandisement of the English possessions in Asia. But he wanted to gain
      time, and, if possible, to keep the Allied armies on the right bank of the
      Rhine.
    </p>
    <p>
      The immense levies made in France, one after the other, had converted the
      conscription into a sort of pressgang. Men employed in agriculture and
      manufactures were dragged from their labours; and the people began to
      express their dissatisfaction at the measures of Government more loudly
      than they had hitherto ventured to do; yet all were willing to make
      another effort, if they could have persuaded themselves that the Emperor
      would henceforth confine his thoughts to France alone. Napoleon sent
      Caulaincourt to the headquarters of the Allies; but that was only for the
      sake of gaining time, and inducing a belief that he was favourably
      disposed to peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Allies having learned the immense levies of troops which Napoleon was
      making, and being well acquainted with the state of feeling in France,
      published the famous manifesto, addressed to the French people, which was
      profusely circulated, and may be referred to as a warning to subjects who
      trust to the promises of Governments.
    </p>
    <p>
      The good faith with which the promises in the manifesto were kept may be
      judged of from the Treaty of Paris. In the meantime the manifesto did not
      a little contribute to alienate from Napoleon those who were yet faithful
      to his cause; for, by believing in the declarations of the Allies, they
      saw in him the sole obstacle to that peace which France so ardently
      desired. On this point, too, the Allies were not wrong, and I confess that
      I did not see without great surprise that the Duc de Rovigo, in that part
      of his Memoirs where he mentions this manifesto, reproaches those who
      framed it for representing the Emperor as a madman, who replied to
      overtures of peace only by conscription levies: After all, I do not intend
      to maintain that the declaration was entirely sincere; with respect to the
      future it certainly was not. Switzerland was already tampered with, and
      attempts were made to induce her to permit the Allied troops to enter
      France by the bridge of Bale. Things were going on no better in the south
      of France, where the Anglo-Spanish army threatened our frontiers by the
      Pyrenees, and already occupied Pampeluna; and at the same time the
      internal affairs of the country were no less critical than its external
      position. It was in vain to levy troops; everything essential to an army
      was wanting. To meet the most pressing demands the Emperor drew out
      30,000,000 from the immense treasure which he had accumulated in the
      cellars and galleries of the Pavillion Marsan, at the Tuileries. These
      30,000,000 were speedily swallowed up. Nevertheless it was an act of
      generosity on the part of Napoleon, and I never could understand on what
      ground the Legislative Body complained of the outlay, because, as the
      funds did not proceed from the Budget, there needed no financial law to
      authorise their application. Besides, why did these rigid legislators,
      who, while fortune smiled on Bonaparte, dared not utter a word on the
      subject, demand, previously to the gratuitous gift just mentioned, that
      the 350,000,000 in the Emperor's privy puree should be transferred to the
      Imperial treasury and carried to the public accounts? Why did they wink at
      the accumulation in the Tuileries of the contributions and exactions
      levied in, conquered countries? The answer is plain: because there would
      have been danger in opposing it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Amidst the difficulties which assailed the Emperor he cast his eyes on M.
      de Talleyrand. But it being required, as a condition of his receiving the
      portfolio of Foreign Affairs, that he should resign his office of
      Vice-Grand-Elector, M. de Talleyrand preferred a permanent post to a
      portfolio, which the caprice of a moment might withdraw. I have been
      informed that, in a conversation with the Emperor, M. de Talleyrand gave
      him the extraordinary advice of working upon the ambition of the English
      family of Wellesley, and to excite in the mind of Wellington, the lustre
      of whose reputation was now dawning, ambitious projects which would have
      embarrassed the coalition. Napoleon, however, did not adopt this
      proposition, the issue of which he thought too uncertain, and above all,
      too remote, in the urgent circumstances in which it stood. Caulaincourt
      was then made Minister for Foreign Affairs, in lieu of M. Maret, who was
      appointed Secretary of State, an office much better suited to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the Emperor was wholly intent on the means of repelling the
      attack which was preparing against him. The critical circumstances in
      which he was placed seemed to restore the energy which time had in some
      measure robbed him of. He turned his eyes towards Spain, and resolved to
      bring the army from that country to oppose the Allies, whose movements
      indicated their intention of entering France by Switzerland. An event
      occurred connected with this subject calculated to have a decided
      influence on the affairs of the moment, namely, the renunciation by
      Joseph, King of Spain, of all right to the crown, to be followed by the
      return; as had been agreed on; of Ferdinand to his dominions. Joseph made
      this sacrifice at the instigation of his brother. The treaty was signed,
      but an inconceivable delay occurred in its execution, while the torrent,
      which was advancing upon France, rushed forward so rapidly that the treaty
      could not be carried into execution. Ferdinand, it is true, re-ascended
      his throne, but from other causes.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor was deeply interested in the march of the Allies. It was
      important to destroy the bridge of Bale, because the Rhine once crossed
      masses of the enemy would be thrown into France. At this time I had close
      relations with a foreign diplomat whom I am forbidden by discretion to
      name. He told me that the enemy was advancing towards the frontier, and
      that the bridge of Bale would not be destroyed, as it had been so agreed
      at Berne, where the Allies had gained the day. This astonished me, because
      I knew, on the other hand, from a person who ought, to have been equally
      well informed,&mdash;that it was hoped the bridge would be blown up. Being
      much interested in knowing the truth, I sent on my own account, an agent
      to Bale who on his return told me that the bridge would remain.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 19th of December the Legislative Body was convoked. It was on a
      Wednesday. M. Laine was Vice-President under M. Regnier. A committee was
      appointed to examine and report on the communications of the Emperor. The
      report and conclusions of the committee were not satisfactory; it was
      alleged that they betrayed a revolutionary tendency, of which M. Laine was
      absurdly accused of having been one of the promoters; but all who knew him
      must have been convinced of the falsehood of the charge. The Emperor
      ordered the report to be seized, and then adjourned the Legislative Body.
      Those who attentively observed the events of the time will recollect the
      stupor which prevailed in Paris on the intelligence of this seizure and of
      the adjournment of the Legislative Body. A thousand conjectures were
      started as to what new occurrences had taken place abroad, but nothing
      satisfactory was learned.
    </p>
    <p>
      I considered this a great mistake. Who can doubt that if the Legislative
      Body had taken the frank and noble step of declaring that France accepted
      the conditions of Frankfort they would not have been listened to by the
      Allies? But the words, "You are dishonoured if you cede a single village
      acquired by a 'Senatus-consulte'," always, resounded in Napoleon's ears:
      they flattered his secret thoughts, and every pacific proposal was
      rejected.
    </p>
    <p>
      The members of the adjourned Legislative Body went as usual to take leave
      of the Emperor, who received them on a Sunday, and after delivering to
      them the speech, which is very well known, dismissed the rebels with great
      ill-humour, refusing to hear any explanation. "I have suppressed your
      address," he began abruptly: "it was incendiary. I called you round me to
      do good&mdash;you have done ill. Eleven-twelfths of you are
      well-intentioned, the others, and above all M. Laine, are factious
      intriguers, devoted to England, to all my enemies, and corresponding
      through the channel of the advocate Deseze with the Bourbons. Return to
      your Departments, and feel that my eye will follow you; you have
      endeavoured to humble me, you may kill me, but you shall not dishonour me.
      You make remonstrances; is this a time, when the stranger invades our
      provinces, and 200,000 Cossacks are ready to overflow our country? There
      may have been petty abuses; I never connived at them. You, M. Raynouard,
      you said that. Prince Massena robbed a man at Marseilles of his house. You
      lie! The General took possession of a vacant house, and my Minister shall
      indemnify the proprietor. Is it thus that you dare affront a Marshal of
      France who has bled for his country, and grown gray in victory? Why did
      you not make your complaints in private to me? I would have done you
      justice. We should wash our dirty linen at home, and not drag it out
      before the world. You, call yourselves Representatives of the Nation. It
      is not true; you are only Deputies of the Departments; a small portion of
      the State, inferior to the Senate, inferior even to the Council of State.
      The Representatives of the People! I am alone the Representative of the
      People. Twice have 24,000,000 of French called me to the throne: which of
      you durst undertake such a burden? It had already overwhelmed (ecrase),
      your Assemblies, and your Conventions, your Vergniauds and your Guadets,
      your Jacobins and your Girondins. They are all dead! What, who are you?
      nothing&mdash;all authority is in the Throne; and what is the Throne? this
      wooden frame covered with velvet?&mdash;no, I am the Throne! You have
      added wrong to reproaches. You have talked of concessions&mdash;concessions
      that even my enemies dared not ask! I suppose if they asked Champaigne you
      would have had me give them La Brie besides; but in four months I will
      conquer peace, or I shall be dead! You advise! how dare you debate of such
      high matters (de si graves interets)! You have put me in the front of the
      battle as the cause of war&mdash;it is infamous (c'est une atrocité). In
      all your committees you have excluded the friends of Government&mdash;
      extraordinary commission&mdash;committee of finance&mdash;committee of the
      address, all, all my enemies. M. Laine, I repeat it, is a traitor; he is a
      wicked man, the others are mere intriguers. I do justice to the
      eleven-twelfths; but the factions I know, and will pursue. Is it, I ask
      again, is it while the enemy is in France that you should have done this?
      But nature has gifted me with a determined courage&mdash;nothing can
      overcome me. It cost my pride much too&mdash;I made that sacrifice; I&mdash;but
      I am above your miserable declamations&mdash;I was in need of consolation,
      and you would mortify me&mdash;but, no, my victories shall crush your
      clamours! In three months we shall have peace, and you shall repent your
      folly. I am one of those who triumph or die.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Go back to your Departments if any one of you dare to print your address
      I shall publish it in the Moniteur with notes of my own. Go; France stands
      in more need of me than I do of France. I bear the eleven-twelfths of you
      in my heart&mdash;I shall nominate the Deputies to the two series which
      are vacant, and I shall reduce the Legislative Body to the discharge of
      its proper duties. The inhabitants of Alsace and Franche Comte have more
      spirit than you; they ask me for arms, I send them, and one of my aides de
      camp will lead them against the enemy."
    </p>
    <p>
      In after conversations he said of the Legislative Body that "its members
      never came to Paris but to obtain some favours. They importuned the
      Ministers from morning till night, and complained if they were not
      immediately satisfied. When invited to dinner they burn with envy at the
      splendour they see before them." I heard this from Cambacérès, who was
      present when the Emperor made these remarks.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0099" id="link2HCH0099">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXI.
    </h2>

      1813.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The flag of the army of Italy and the eagles of 1813&mdash;Entrance of
   the Allies into Switzerland&mdash;Summons to the Minister of Police&mdash;
   My refusal to accept a mission to Switzerland&mdash;Interviews with M. de
   Talleyrand and the Duc de Picence&mdash;Offer of a Dukedom and the Grand
   Cordon of the Legion of Honour&mdash;Definitive refusal&mdash;The Duc de
   Vicence's message to me in 1815&mdash;Commencement of the siege of
   Hamburg&mdash;A bridge two leagues long&mdash;Executions at Lübeck&mdash;Scarcity
   of provisions in Hamburg&mdash;Banishment of the inhabitants&mdash;Men
   bastinadoed and women whipped&mdash;Hospitality of the inhabitants of
   Altona.
</pre>
    <p>
      I am now arrived at the most critical period in Napoleon's career. What
      reflections must he have made, if he had had leisure to reflect, in
      comparing the recollections of his rising glory with the sad picture of
      his falling fortune? What a contrast presents itself when we compare the
      famous flag of the army of Italy, which the youthful conqueror, Bonaparte,
      carried to the Directory, with those drooping eagles who had now to defend
      the aerie whence they had so often taken flight to spread their triumphant
      wings over Europe! Here we see the difference between liberty and absolute
      power! Napoleon, the son of liberty, to whom he owed everything, had
      disowned his mother, and was now about to fall. Those glorious triumphs
      were now over when the people of Italy consoled themselves for defeat and
      submitted to the magical power of that liberty which preceded the
      Republican armies. Now, on the contrary, it was to free themselves from a
      despotic yoke that the nations of Europe had in their turn taken up arms
      and were preparing to invade France.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the violation of the Swiss territory by the Allied armies, after the
      consent of the Cantons, is connected a fact of great importance in my
      life, and which, if I had chosen, might have made a great difference in my
      destiny. On Tuesday, the 28th of December, I dined with my old friend, M.
      Pierlot, and on leaving home I was in the habit of saying where I might be
      found in case I should be wanted. At nine o'clock at night an express
      arrived from the Minister of Police desiring me to come immediately to his
      office. I confess, considering the circumstances of the times, and knowing
      the Emperor's prejudices against me, such a request coming at such an hour
      made me feel some uneasiness, and I expected nothing less then a journey
      to Vincennes. The Duc de Rovigo, by becoming responsible for me, had as
      yet warded off the blow, and the supervision to which the Emperor had
      subjected me&mdash;thanks to the good offices of Davoust&mdash;consisted
      in going three times a week to show myself to Savory.
    </p>
    <p>
      I accordingly, having first borrowed a night-cap, repaired to the hotel of
      the Minister of Police. I was ushered into a well-lighted room, and when I
      entered I found Savary waiting for me. He was in full costume, from which
      I concluded he had just come from the Emperor. Advancing towards me with
      an air which showed he had no bad news to communicate, he thus addressed
      me:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Bourrienne, I have just come from the Emperor, who asked me where you
      were? I told him you were in Paris, and that I saw you often. 'Well,'
      continued the Emperor, 'bid him come to me, I want to employ him. It is
      three years since he has had anything to do. I wish to send him as
      Minister to Switzerland, but he must set off directly. He must go to the
      Allies. He understands German well. The King of Prussia expressed by
      letter satisfaction at his conduct towards the Prussians whom the war
      forced to retire to Hamburg. He knows Prince Witgenstein, who is the
      friend of the King of Prussia, and probably is at Lörrach. He will see all
      the Germans who are there. I confidently rely on him, and believe his
      journey will have a good result. Caulaincourt will give him his
      instructions."
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding my extreme surprise at this communication I replied
      without hesitation that I could not accept the mission; that it was
      offered too late. "It perhaps is hoped;" said I, "that the bridge of Bale
      will be destroyed, and that Switzerland will preserve her neutrality. But
      I do not believe any such thing; nay, more, I know positively to the
      contrary. I can only repeat the offer comes much too late."&mdash;"I am
      very sorry for this resolution," observed Savory, "but Caulaincourt will
      perhaps persuade you. The Emperor wishes you to go to the Duc de Vicence
      to-morrow at one o'clock; he will acquaint you with all the particulars,
      and give you your instructions."&mdash;"He may acquaint me with whatever
      he chooses, but I will not go to Lörrach."&mdash;"You know the Emperor
      better than I do, he wishes you to go, and he will not pardon your
      refusal."&mdash;"He may do as he pleases, but no consideration shall
      induce me to go to Switzerland."&mdash;"You are wrong: but you will
      reflect on the matter between this and tomorrow morning. Night will bring
      good counsel, At any rate, do not fail to go to-morrow at one o'clock to
      Caulaincourt, he expects you, and directions will be given to admit you
      immediately."
    </p>
    <p>
      Next morning the first thing I did was to call on M. de Talleyrand. I told
      him what had taken place, and as he was intimately acquainted with
      Caulaincourt, I begged him to speak to that Minister in favour of my
      resolution. M. de Talleyrand approved of my determination not to go to
      Switzerland, and at one o'clock precisely I proceeded to M. de
      Caulaincourt's. He told me all he had been instructed to say. From the
      manner in which he made the communication I concluded that he himself
      considered the proposed mission a disagreeable one, and unlikely to be
      attended by any useful result. I observed that he must have heard from
      Savory that I had already expressed my determination to decline the
      mission which the Emperor had been pleased to offer me. The Duc de Vicence
      then, in a very friendly way, detailed the reasons which ought to induce
      me to accept the offer, and did not disguise from me that by persisting in
      my determination I ran the risk of raising Napoleon's doubts as to my
      opinions and future intentions. I replied that, having lived for three
      years as a private individual, unconnected with public affairs, I should
      have no influence at the headquarters of the Allies, and that whatever
      little ability I might be supposed to possess, that would not
      counterbalance the difficulties of my situation, and the opinion that I
      was out of favour. I added that I should appear at the headquarters
      without any decoration, without even that of the Cordon of the Legion of
      Honour to which the Emperor attached so much importance, and the want of
      which would almost have the appearance of disgrace; and I said that these
      trifles, however slightly valued by reasonable men, were not, as he well
      knew, without their influence on the men with whom I should have to treat.
      "If that be all," replied Caulaincourt, "the obstacle will speedily be
      removed. I am authorised by the Emperor to tell you that he will create
      you a Duke, and give you the Grand Cordon of the Legion of Honour."
    </p>
    <p>
      After these words I thought I was dreaming, and I was almost inclined to
      believe that Caulaincourt was jesting with me. However, the offer was
      serious, and I will not deny that it was tempting; yet I nevertheless
      persisted in the refusal I had given. At length, after some further
      conversation, and renewed, but useless, entreaties on the part of M. de
      Caulaincourt, he arose, which was a signal that our interview was
      terminated. I acknowledge I remained for a moment in doubt how to act, for
      I felt we had come to no understanding. M. de' Caulaincourt advanced
      slowly towards the door of his cabinet: If I went away without knowing his
      opinion I had done nothing; addressing him, therefore, by his surname,
      "Caulaincourt;" said I, "you have frequently assured me that you would
      never forget the services I rendered to you and your family at a time when
      I possessed some influence. I know you, and therefore speak to you without
      disguise. I do not now address myself to the Emperor's Minister, but to
      Caulaincourt. You are a man of honour, and I can open my heart to you
      frankly. Consider the embarrassing situation of France, which you know
      better than I do. I do not ask you for your secrets, but I myself know
      enough. I will tell you candidly that I am convinced the enemy will pass
      the Rhine in a few days. The Emperor has been deceived: I should not have
      time to reach my destination, and I should be laughed at. My
      correspondents in Germany have made me acquainted with every particular.
      Now, Caulaincourt, tell me honestly, if you were in my place, and I in
      yours, and I should make this proposition to you, what determination would
      you adopt?"
    </p>
    <p>
      I observed from the expression of Caulaincourt's countenance that my
      question had made an impression on him, and affectionately pressing my
      hand he said, "I would do as you do: Enough. I will arrange the business
      with the Emperor." This reply seemed to remove a weight from my mind, and
      I left Caulaincourt with feelings of gratitude. I felt fully assured that
      he would settle the business satisfactorily, and in this conjecture I was
      not deceived, for I heard no more of the matter.
    </p>
    <p>
      I must here go forward a year to relate another occurrence in which the
      Duc de Vicence and I were concerned. When, in March 1815, the King
      appointed me Prefect of Police, M. de Caulaincourt sent to me a
      confidential person to inquire whether he ran any risk in remaining in
      Paris, or whether he had better remove. He had been told that his name was
      inscribed in a list of individuals whom I had received orders to arrest.
      Delighted at this proof of confidence, I returned the following answer by
      the Duc de Vicence's messenger: "Tell M. de Caulaincourt that I do not
      know where he lives. He need be under no apprehension: I will answer for
      him."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the campaign of 1813 the Allies, after driving the French out of
      Saxony and obliging them to retreat towards the Rhine, besieged Hamburg,
      where Davoust was shut up with a garrison of 30,000 men, resolutely
      determined to make it a second Saragossa. From the month of September
      every day augmented the number of the Allied troops, who were already
      making rapid progress on the left bank of the Elbe. Davoust endeavoured to
      fortify Hamburg on so extended a scale that, in the opinion of the most
      experienced military men, it would have required a garrison of 60,000 men
      to defend it in a regular and protracted siege. At the commencement of the
      siege Davoust lost Vandamme, who was killed in a sortie at the head of a
      numerous corps which was inconsiderately sacrificed.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is but justice to admit that Davoust displayed great activity in the
      defence, and began by laying in large supplies.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Vandamme fought under Grouchy in 1815, and died several years
   afterwards. This killing him at Hamburg is one of the curious
   mistakes seized on by the Bonapartists to deny the authenticity of
   these Memoirs.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      General Bertrand was directed to construct a bridge to form a
      communication between Hamburg and Haarburg by joining the islands of the
      Elbe to the Continent along a total distance of about two leagues. This
      bridge was to be built of wood, and Davoust seized upon all the
      timber-yards to supply materials for its construction. In the space of
      eighty-three days the bridge was finished. It was a very magnificent
      structure, its length being 2529 toises, exclusive of the lines of
      junction, formed on the two islands.
    </p>
    <p>
      The inhabitants were dreadfully oppressed, but all the cruel measures and
      precautions of the French were ineffectual, for the Allies advanced in
      great force and occupied Westphalia, which movement obliged the Governor
      of Hamburg to recall to the town the different detachments scattered round
      Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Lübeck the departure of the French troops was marked by blood. Before
      they evacuated the town, an old man, and a butcher named Prahl, were
      condemned to be shot. The butcher's crime consisted in having said, in
      speaking of the French, "Der teufel hohle sie" (the devil take them). The
      old man fortunately escaped his threatened fate, but, notwithstanding the
      entreaties and tears of the inhabitants, the sentence upon Prahl was
      carried into execution.
    </p>
    <p>
      The garrison of Hamburg was composed of French, Italian, and Dutch troops.
      Their number at first amounted to 30,000, but sickness made great-havoc
      among them. From sixty to eighty perished daily in the hospitals. When the
      garrison evacuated Hamburg in May 1814 it was reduced to about 15,000 men.
      In the month of December provisions began to diminish, and there was no
      possibility of renewing the supply. The poor were first of all made to
      leave the town, and afterwards all persons who were not usefully employed.
      It is no exaggeration to estimate at 50,000 the number of persons who were
      thus exiled. The colonel commanding the gendarmerie at Hamburg notified to
      the exiled inhabitants that those who did not leave the town within the
      prescribed time would receive fifty blows with a cane and afterwards be
      driven out. But if penance may be commuted with priests so it may with
      gendarmes. Delinquents contrived to purchase their escape from the
      bastinado by a sum of money, and French gallantry substituted with respect
      to females the birch for the cane. I saw an order directing all female
      servants to be examined as to their health unless they could produce
      certificates from their masters. On the 25th of December the Government
      granted twenty-four hours longer to persons who were ordered to quit the
      town; and two days after this indulgence an ordinance was published
      declaring that those who should return to the town after once leaving it
      were to be considered as rebels and accomplices of the enemy, and as such
      condemned to death by a prevotal court. But this was not enough. At the
      end of December people, without distinction of sex or age, were dragged
      from their beds and conveyed out of the town on a cold night, when the
      thermometer was between sixteen or eighteen degrees; and it was affirmed
      that several old men perished in this removal. Those who survived were
      left on the outside of the Altona gates. At Altona they all found refuge
      and assistance. On Christmas-day 7000 of these unfortunate persons were
      received in the house of M. Rainville, formerly aide de camp to Dumouriez,
      and who left France together with that general. His house, which was at
      Holstein, was usually the scene of brilliant entertainments, but it was
      converted into the abode of misery, mourning, and death. All possible
      attention was bestowed on the unfortunate outlaws; but few profited by it,
      and what is worse, the inhabitants of Altona suffered for their
      generosity. Many of the unfortunate persons were affected with the
      epidemic disease which was raging in Hamburg, and which in consequence
      broke out at Altona.
    </p>
    <p>
      All means of raising money in Hamburg being exhausted, a seizure was made
      of the funds of the Bank of that city, which yet contained from seven to
      eight millions of marks. Were those who ordered this measure not aware
      that to seize on the funds of some of the citizens of Hamburg was an
      injury to all foreigners who had funds in the Bank? Such is a brief
      statement of the vexations and cruelties which long oppressed this
      unfortunate city. Napoleon accused Hamburg of Anglomania, and by ruining
      her he thought to ruin England. Hamburg, feeble and bereft of her sources,
      could only complain, like Jerusalem when besieged by Titus: "Plorans,
      ploravit in nocte."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0100" id="link2HCH0100">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXII.
    </h2>

      1813-1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Prince Eugène and the affairs of Italy&mdash;The army of Italy on the
   frontiers of Austria&mdash;Eugène's regret at the defection of the
   Bavarians&mdash;Murat's dissimulation and perfidy&mdash;His treaty with
   Austria&mdash;Hostilities followed by a declaration of war&mdash;Murat
   abandoned by the French generals&mdash;Proclamation from Paris&mdash;Murat's
   success&mdash;Gigantic scheme of Napoleon&mdash;Napoleon advised to join the
   Jacobins&mdash;His refusal&mdash;Armament of the National Guard&mdash;The Emperor's
   farewell to the officers&mdash;The Congress of Chatillon&mdash;Refusal of an
   armistice&mdash;Napoleon's character displayed in his negotiations&mdash;
   Opening of the Congress&mdash;Discussions&mdash;Rupture of the Conferences.
</pre>
    <p>
      I want now to proceed to notice the affairs of Italy and the principal
      events of the Viceroyalty of Eugène. In order to throw together all that I
      have to say about the Viceroy I must anticipate the order of time.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the campaign of 1812, when Eugène revisited Italy, he was promptly
      informed of the more than doubtful dispositions of Austria towards France.
      He then made preparations for raising an army capable of defending the
      country which the Emperor had committed to his safeguard. Napoleon was
      fully aware how much advantage he would derive from the presence on the
      northern frontiers of Italy of an army sufficiently strong to harass
      Austria, in case she should draw aside the transparent veil which still
      covered her policy. Eugène did all that depended on him to meet the
      Emperor's wishes; but in spite of his efforts the army of Italy was, after
      all; only an imaginary army to those who could compare the number of men
      actually enrolled with the numbers stated in the lists. When, in July
      1813, the Viceroy was informed of the turn taken by the negotiations at
      the shadow of a Congress assembled at Prague, he had no longer any doubt
      of the renewal of hostilities; and foreseeing an attack on Italy he
      resolved as speedily as possible to approach the frontiers of Austria. He
      had succeeded in assembling an army composed of French and Italians, and
      amounting to 45,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry. On the renewal of
      hostilities the Viceroy's headquarters were at Udine. Down to the month of
      April 1814 he succeeded in maintaining a formidable attitude, and in
      defending the entrance of his kingdom by dint of that military talent
      which was to be expected in a man bred in the great school of Napoleon,
      and whom the army looked up to as one of its most skillful generals.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the great and unfortunate events of 1813 all eyes had been fixed on
      Germany and the Rhine; but the defection of Murat for a time diverted
      attention to Italy. That event did not so very much surprise me, for I had
      not forgotten my conversation with the King of Naples in the Champs
      Elysees, with which I have made the reader acquainted. At first Murat's
      defection was thought incredible by every one, and it highly excited
      Bonaparte's indignation. Another defection which occurred about the same
      period deeply distressed Eugène, for although raised to the rank of a
      prince, and almost a sovereign, he was still a man, and an excellent man.
      He was united to the Princess Amelia of Bavaria, who was as amiable and as
      much beloved as he, and he had the deep mortification to count the
      subjects of his father-in-law among the enemies whom he would probably
      have to combat. Fearing lest he should be harassed by the Bavarians on the
      side of the Tyrol, Eugène commenced his retrograde movement in the autumn
      of 1813. He at first fell back on the Tagliamento, and successively on the
      Adige. On reaching that river the army of Italy was considerably
      diminished, in spite of all Eugène's care of his troops. About the end of
      November Eugène learned that a Neapolitan corps was advancing upon Upper
      Italy, part taking the direction of Rome, and part that of Ancona. The
      object of the King of Naples was to take advantage of the situation of
      Europe, and he was duped by the promises held out to him as the reward of
      his treason. Murat seemed to have adopted the artful policy of Austria;
      for not only had he determined to join the coalition, but he was even
      maintaining communications with England and Austria, while at the same
      time he was making protestations of fidelity to his engagements with
      Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      When first informed of Murat's treason by the Viceroy the Emperor refused
      to believe it. "No," he exclaimed to those about him, "it cannot be!
      Murat, to whom I have given my sister! Murat, to whom I have given a
      throne! Eugène must be misinformed. It is impossible that Murat has
      declared himself against me!" It was, however, not only possible but true.
      Gradually throwing aside the dissimulation beneath which he had concealed
      his designs, Murat seemed inclined to renew the policy of Italy during the
      fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the art of deceiving was deemed by
      the Italian Governments the most sublime effort of genius. Without any
      declaration of war, Murat ordered the Neapolitan General who occupied Rome
      to assume the supreme command in the Roman States, and to take possession
      of the country. General Miollis, who commanded the French troops in Rome,
      could only throw himself, with his handful of men, into the Castle of St.
      Angelo, the famous mole of Adrian, in which was long preserved the
      treasury of Sixtus V. The French General soon found himself blockaded by
      the Neapolitan troops, who also blockaded Civita Vecchia and Ancona.
    </p>
    <p>
      The treaty concluded between Murat and Austria was definitively signed on
      the 11th of January 1814. As soon as he was informed of it the Viceroy,
      certain that he should soon have to engage with the Neapolitans, was
      obliged to renounce the preservation of the line of the Adige, the
      Neapolitan army being in the rear of his right wing. He accordingly
      ordered a retrograde movement to the other side of the Mincio, where his
      army was cantoned. In this position Prince Eugène, on the 8th of February,
      had to engage with the Austrians, who had come up with him, and the
      victory of the Mincio arrested, for some time, the invasion of the
      Austrian army and its junction with the Neapolitan troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not until eight days after that Murat officially declared war
      against the Emperor; and immediately several general and superior
      officers, and many French troops, who were in his service, abandoned him,
      and repaired to the headquarters of the Viceroy. Murat made endeavours to
      detain them; they replied, that as he had declared war against France, no
      Frenchman who loved his country could remain in his service. "Do you
      think," returned he, "that my heart is less French than yours? On the
      contrary, I am much to be pitied. I hear of nothing but the disasters of
      the Grand Army. I have been obliged to enter into a treaty with the
      Austrians, and an arrangement with the English, commanded by Lord
      Bentinck, in order to save my Kingdom from a threatened landing of the
      English and the Sicilians, which would infallibly have excited an
      insurrection."
    </p>
    <p>
      There could not be a more ingenuous confession of the antipathy which
      Joachim knew the Neapolitans to entertain towards his person and
      government. His address to the French was ineffectual. It was easy to
      foresee what would ensue. The Viceroy soon received an official
      communication from Napoleon's War Minister, accompanied by an Imperial
      decree, recalling all the French who were in the service of Joachim, and
      declaring that all who were taken with arms in their hands should be tried
      by a courtmartial as traitors to their country. Murat commenced by gaining
      advantages which could not be disputed. His troops almost immediately took
      possession of Leghorn and the citadel of Ancona, and the French were
      obliged to evacuate Tuscany.
    </p>
    <p>
      The defection of Murat overthrew one of Bonaparte's gigantic conceptions.
      He had planned that Murat and Eugène with their combined forces should
      march on the rear of the Allies, while he, disputing the soil of France
      with the invaders, should multiply obstacles to their advance; the King of
      Naples and the Viceroy of Italy were to march upon Vienna and make Austria
      tremble in the heart of her capital before the timid million of her
      Allies, who measured their steps as they approached Paris, should
      desecrate by their presence the capital of France. When informed of the
      vast project, which, however, was but the dream of a moment, I immediately
      recognised that eagle glance, that power of discovering great resources in
      great calamities, so peculiar to Bonaparte.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon was yet Emperor of France; but he who had imposed on all Europe
      treaties of peace no less disastrous than the wars which had preceded
      them, could not now obtain an armistice; and Caulaincourt, who was sent to
      treat for one at the camp of the Allies, spent twenty days at Luneville
      before he could even obtain permission to pass the advanced posts of the
      invading army. In vain did Caulaincourt entreat Napoleon to sacrifice, or
      at least resign temporarily, a portion of that glory acquired in so many
      battles, and which nothing could efface in history. Napoleon replied, "I
      will sign whatever you wish. To obtain peace I will exact no condition;
      but I will not dictate my own humiliation." This concession, of course,
      amounted to a determination not to sign or to grant anything.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the first fortnight of January 1814 one-third of France was invaded,
      and it was proposed to form a new Congress, to be held at
      Chatillon-sur-Seine. The situation of Napoleon grew daily worse and worse.
      He was advised to seek extraordinary resources in the interior of the
      Empire, and was reminded of the fourteen armies which rose, as if by
      enchantment, to defend France at the commencement of the Revolution.
      Finally, a reconciliation with the Jacobins, a party who had power to call
      up masses to aid him, was recommended. For a moment he was inclined to
      adopt this advice. He rode on horseback through the surburbs of St.
      Antoine and St. Marceau, courted the populace, affectionately replied to
      their acclamations, and he thought he saw the possibility of turning to
      account the attachment which the people evinced for him. On his return to
      the Palace some prudent persons ventured to represent to him that, instead
      of courting this absurd sort of popularity it would be more advisable to
      rely on the nobility and the higher classes of society. "Gentlemen,"
      replied he, "you may say what you please, but in the situation in which I
      stand my only nobility is the rabble of the faubourgs, and I know of no
      rabble but the nobility whom I have created." This was a strange
      compliment to all ranks, for it was only saying that they were all rabble
      together.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time the Jacobins were disposed to exert every effort to serve
      him; but they required to have their own way, and to be allowed freely to
      excite and foster revolutionary sentiments. The press, which groaned under
      the most odious and intolerable censorship, was to be wholly resigned to
      them. I do not state these facts from hearsay. I happened by chance to be
      present at two conferences in which were set forward projects infected
      with the odour of the clubs, and these projects were supported with the
      more assurance because their success was regarded as certain. Though I had
      not seen Napoleon since my departure for Hamburg, yet I was sufficiently
      assured of his feeling towards the Jacobins to be convinced that he would
      have nothing to do with them. I was not wrong. On hearing of the price
      they set on their services he said, "This is too much; I shall have a
      chance of deliverance in battle, but I shall have none with these furious
      blockheads. There can be nothing in common between the demagogic
      principles of '93 and the monarchy, between clubs of madmen and a regular
      Ministry, between a Committee of Public Safety and an Emperor, between
      revolutionary tribunals and established laws. If fall I must, I will not
      bequeath France to the Revolution from which I have delivered her."
    </p>
    <p>
      These were golden words, and Napoleon thought of a more noble and truly
      national mode of parrying the danger which threatened him. He ordered the
      enrolment of the National Guard of Paris, which was placed under the
      command of Marshal Moncey. A better choice could not have been made, but
      the staff of the National Guard was a focus of hidden intrigues, in which
      the defence of Paris was less thought about than the means of taking
      advantage of Napoleon's overthrow. I was made a captain in this Guard,
      and, like the rest of the officers, I was summoned to the Tuileries, on
      the 23d of January, when the Emperor took leave of the National Guard
      previously to his departure from Paris to join the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon entered with the Empress. He advanced with a dignified step,
      leading by the hand his son, who was not yet three years old. It was long
      since I had seen him. He had grown very corpulent, and I remarked on his
      pale countenance an expression of melancholy and irritability.
    </p>
    <p>
      The habitual movement of the muscles of his neck was more decided and more
      frequent than formerly. I shall not attempt to describe what were my
      feelings during this ceremony, when I again saw, after a long separation,
      the friend of my youth, who had become master of Europe, and was now on
      the point of sinking beneath the efforts of his enemies. There was
      something melancholy in this solemn and impressive ceremony. I have rarely
      witnessed such profound silence in so numerous an assembly. At length
      Napoleon, in a voice as firm and sonorous as when he used to harangue his
      troops in Italy or in Egypt, but without that air of confidence which then
      beamed on his countenance, delivered to the assembled officers an address
      which was published in all the journals of the time. At the commencement
      of this address he said, "I set out this night to take the command of the
      army. On quitting the capital I confidently leave behind me my wife and my
      son, in whom so many hopes are centred." I listened attentively to
      Napoleon's address, and, though he delivered it firmly, he either felt or
      feigned emotion. Whether or not the emotion was sincere on his part, it
      was shared by many present; and for my own part I confess that my feelings
      were deeply moved when he uttered the words, "I leave you my wife and my
      son." At that moment my eyes were fixed on the young Prince, and the
      interest with which he inspired me was equally unconnected with the
      splendour which surrounded and the misfortunes which threatened him. I
      beheld in the interesting child not the King of Rome but the son of my old
      friend. All day long afterwards I could not help feeling depressed while
      comparing the farewell scene of the morning with the day on which we took
      possession of the Tuileries. How many centuries seemed the fourteen years
      which separated the two events.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be worth while to remind those who are curious in comparing dates
      that Napoleon, the successor of Louis XVI., and who had become the nephew
      of that monarch by his marriage with the niece of Marie Antoinette, took
      leave of the National Guard of Paris on the anniversary of the fatal 21st
      of January, after twenty-five years of successive terror, fear, hope,
      glory, and misfortune.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, a Congress was opened at Chatillon-sur-Seine, at which were
      assembled the Duke of Vicenza on the part of France, Lords Aderdeen and
      Cathcart and Sir Charles Stewart as the representatives of England, Count
      Razumowsky on the part of Russia, Count Stadion for Austria, and Count
      Humboldt for Prussia. Before the opening of the Congress, the Duke of
      Vicenza, in conformity with the Emperor's orders, demanded an armistice,
      which is almost invariably granted during negotiations for peace; but it
      was now too late: the Allies had long since determined not to listen to
      any such demand. They therefore answered the Duke of Vicenza's application
      by requiring that the propositions for peace should be immediately signed.
      But these were not the propositions of Frankfort. The Allies established
      as their bases the limits of the old French monarchy. They conceived
      themselves authorised in so doing by their success and by their situation.
    </p>
    <p>
      To estimate rightly Napoleon's conduct during the negotiations for peace
      which took place in the conferences at Chatillon it is necessary to bear
      in mind the organisation he had received from nature and the ideas with
      which that organisation had imbued him at an early period of life. If the
      last negotiations of his expiring reign be examined with due attention and
      impartiality it will appear evident that the causes of his fall arose out
      of his character. I cannot range myself among those adulators who have
      accused the persons about him with having dissuaded him from peace. Did he
      not say at St. Helena, in speaking of the negotiations at Chatillon, "A
      thunderbolt alone could have saved us: to treat, to conclude, was to yield
      foolishly to the enemy." These words forcibly portray Napoleon's
      character. It must also be borne in mind how much he was captivated by the
      immortality of the great names which history has bequeathed to our
      admiration, and which are perpetuated from generation to generation.
      Napoleon was resolved that his name should re-echo in ages to come, from
      the palace to the cottage. To live without fame appeared to him an
      anticipated death. If, however, in this thirst for glory, not for
      notoriety, he conceived the wish to surpass Alexander and Caesar, he never
      desired the renown of Erostratus, and I will say again what I have said
      before, that if he committed actions to be condemned, it was because he
      considered them as steps which helped him to place himself on the summit
      of immortality on which he wished to place his name. Witness what he wrote
      to his brother Jerome, "Better never, to have lived than to live without
      glory;" witness also what he wrote later to his brother Louis, "It is
      better to die as a King than to live as a Prince." How often in the days
      of my intimacy with Bonaparte has he not said to me, "Who knows the names
      of those kings who have passed from the thrones on which chance or birth
      seated them? They lived and died unnoticed. The learned, perhaps, may find
      them mentioned in old archives, and a medal or a coin dug from the earth
      may reveal to antiquarians the existence of a sovereign of whom they had
      never before heard. But, on the contrary, when we hear the names of Cyrus,
      Alexander, Caesar, Mahomet, Charlemagne, Henry IV., and Louis XIV., we are
      immediately among our intimate acquaintance." I must add, that when
      Napoleon thus spoke to me in the gardens of Malmaison he only repeated
      what had often fallen from him in his youth, for his character and his
      ideas never varied; the change was in the objects to which they were
      applied.
    </p>
    <p>
      From his boyhood Napoleon was fond of reading the history of the great men
      of antiquity; and what he chiefly sought to discover was the means by
      which those men had become great. He remarked that military glory secures
      more extended fame than the arts of peace and the noble efforts which
      contribute to the happiness of mankind. History informs us that great
      military talent and victory often give the power, which, in its turn,
      procures the means of gratifying ambition. Napoleon was always persuaded
      that that power was essential to him, in order to bend men to his will,
      and to stifle all discussions on his conduct. It was his established
      principle never to sign a disadvantageous peace. To him a tarnished crown
      was no longer a crown. He said one day to M. de Caulaincourt, who was
      pressing him to consent to sacrifices, "Courage may defend a crown, but
      infamy never." In all the last acts of Napoleon's career I can retrace the
      impress of his character, as I had often recognised in the great actions
      of the Emperor the execution of a thought conceived by the
      General-in-Chief of the Army of Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the opening of the Congress the Duke of Vicenza, convinced that he
      could no longer count on the natural limits of France promised at
      Frankfort by the Allies, demanded new powers. Those limits were doubtless
      the result of reasonable concessions, and they had been granted even after
      the battle of Leipsic; but it was now necessary that Napoleon's Minister
      should show himself ready to make further concessions if he wished to be
      allowed to negotiate. The Congress was opened on the 5th of February, and
      on the 7th the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied powers declared themselves
      categorically. They inserted in the protocol that after the successes
      which had favoured their armies they insisted on France being restored to
      her old limits, such as they were during the monarchy before the
      Revolution; and that she should renounce all direct influence beyond her
      future limits.
    </p>
    <p>
      This proposition appeared so extraordinary to M. de Caulaincourt that he
      requested the sitting might be suspended, since the conditions departed
      too far from his instructions to enable him to give an immediate answer.
      The Plenipotentiaries of the Allied powers acceded to his request, and the
      continuation of the sitting was postponed till eight in the evening. When
      it was resumed the Duke of Vicenza renewed his promise to make the
      greatest sacrifices for the attainment of peace. He added that the amount
      of the sacrifices necessarily depended on the amount of the compensations,
      and that he could not determine on any concession or compensation without
      being made acquainted with the whole. He wished to have a general plan of
      the views of the Allies, and he requested that their Plenipotentiaries
      would explain themselves decidedly respecting the number and description
      of the sacrifices and compensations to be demanded. It must be
      acknowledged that the Duke of Vicenza perfectly fulfilled the views of the
      Emperor in thus protracting and gaining time by subtle subterfuges, for
      all that he suggested had already been done.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day after this sitting some advantages gained by the Allies, who
      took Chatillon-sur-Marne and Troves, induced Napoleon to direct
      Caulaincourt to declare to the Congress that if an armistice were
      immediately agreed on he was ready to consent to France being restored to
      her old limits. By securing this armistice Napoleon hoped that happy
      chances might arise, and that intrigues might be set on foot; but the
      Allies would not listen to any such proposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the sitting of the 10th of March the Duke of Vicenza inserted in the
      protocol that the last courier he had received had been arrested and
      detained a considerable time by several Russian general officers, who had
      obliged him to deliver up his despatches, which had not been returned to
      him till thirty-six hours after at Chaumont. Caulaincourt justly
      complained of this infraction of the law of nations and established usage,
      which, he said, was the sole cause of the delay in bringing the
      negotiations to a conclusion. After this complaint he communicated to the
      Congress the ostensible instructions of Napoleon, in which he authorised
      his Minister to accede to the demands of the Allies. But in making this
      communication M. de Caulaincourt took care not to explain the private and
      secret instructions he had also received. The Allies rejected the
      armistice because it would have checked their victorious advance; but they
      consented to sign the definitive peace, which of all things was what the
      Emperor did not wish.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon at length determined to make sacrifices, and the Duke of Vicenza
      submitted new propositions to the Congress. The Allies replied, in the
      same sitting, that these propositions contained no distinct and explicit
      declaration on the project presented by them on the 17th of February;
      that, having on the 28th of the same month, demanded a decisive answer
      within the term of ten days, they were about to break up the negotiations
      Caulaincourt then declared verbally:
    </p>
    <p>
      1st. That the Emperor Napoleon was ready to renounce all pretension or
      influence whatever in countries beyond the boundaries of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      2d. To recognise the independence of Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Germany,
      and Holland, and that as to England, France would make such concessions as
      might be deemed necessary in consideration of a reasonable equivalent.
    </p>
    <p>
      Upon this the sitting was immediately broken up without a reply. It must
      be remarked that this singular declaration was verbal, and consequently
      not binding, and that the limits of France were mentioned without being
      specified. It cannot be doubted that Napoleon meant the limits conceded at
      Frankfort, to which he was well convinced the Allies would not consent,
      for circumstances were now changed. Besides, what could be meant by the
      reasonable equivalent from England? Is it astonishing that this obscurity
      and vagueness should have banished all confidence on the part of the
      Plenipotentiaries of the Allied powers? Three days after the sitting of
      the 10th of March they declared they could not even enter into a
      discussion of the verbal protocol of the French Minister. They requested
      that M. de Caulaincourt would declare whether he would accept or reject
      the project of a treaty presented by the Allied Sovereigns, or offer a
      counter-project.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duke of Vicenza, who was still prohibited, by secret instructions from
      coming to any conclusion on the proposed basis, inserted in the protocol
      of the sitting of the 13th of March a very ambiguous note. The
      Plenipotentiaries of the Allies; in their reply, insisted upon receiving
      another declaration from the French Plenipotentiary, which should contain
      an acceptance or refusal of their project of a treaty presented in the
      conference of the 7th of February, or a counter-project. After much
      discussion Caulaincourt agreed to draw up a counter-project, which he
      presented on the 15th, under the following title: "Project of a definitive
      Treaty between France and the Allies." In this extraordinary project,
      presented after so much delay, M. de Caulaincourt, to the great
      astonishment of the Allies, departed in no respect from the declarations
      of the 10th of March. He replied again to the ultimatum of the Allies, or
      what he wished to regard as such, by defending a multitude of petty
      interests, which were of no importance in so great a contest; but in
      general the conditions seemed rather those of a conqueror dictating to his
      enemies than of a man overwhelmed by misfortune: As may readily be
      imagined, they were, for the most part, received with derision by the
      Allies.
    </p>
    <p>
      Everything tends to prove that the French Plenipotentiary had received no
      positive instructions from the 5th of February, and that, after all the
      delay which Napoleon constantly created, Caulaincourt never had it in his
      power to answer, categorically, the propositions of the Allies. Napoleon
      never intended to make peace at Chatillon on the terms proposed. He always
      hoped that some fortunate event would enable him to obtain more favourable
      conditions.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of March, that is to say, three days after the presentation of
      this project of a treaty, the Plenipotentiaries of the Allies recorded in
      the protocol their reasons for rejecting the extraordinary project of the
      French Minister. For my part, I was convinced, for the reasons I have
      mentioned, that the Emperor would never agree to sign the conditions
      proposed in the ultimatum of the Allies, dated the 13th of March, and I
      remember having expressed that opinion to M. de Talleyrand. I saw him on
      the 14th, and found him engaged in perusing some intelligence he had just
      received from the Duke of Vicenza, announcing, as beyond all doubt, the
      early signature of peace. Caulaincourt had received orders to come to a
      conclusion. Napoleon, he said, had given him a carte blanche to save the
      capital, and avoid a battle, by which the last resources of the nation
      would be endangered. This seemed pretty positive, to be sure; but even
      this assurance did not, for a moment, alter my opinion. The better to
      convince me, M. de Talleyrand gave me Caulaincourt's letter to read. After
      reading it I confidently said, "He will never sign the conditions." M. de
      Talleyrand could not help thinking me very obstinate in my opinion, for he
      judged of what the Emperor would do by his situation, while I judged by
      his character. I told M. de Talleyrand that Caulaincourt might have
      received written orders to sign; for the sake of showing them to the
      Plenipotentiaries of the Allies, but that I had no doubt he had been
      instructed to postpone coming to a conclusion, and to wait for final
      orders. I added, that I saw no reason to change my opinion, and that I
      continued to regard the breaking up of the Congress as nearer than
      appearances seemed to indicate. Accordingly, three days afterwards, the
      Allies grew tired of the delay and the conferences were broken up. Thus
      Napoleon sacrificed everything rather than his glory. He fell from a great
      height, but he never, by his signature, consented to any dismemberment of
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Plenipotentiaries of the Allies, convinced that these renewed
      difficulties and demands had no other object but to gain time, stated that
      the Allied powers, faithful to their principles, and in conformity with
      their previous declarations, regarded the negotiations at Chatillon as
      terminated by the French Government. This rupture of the conferences took
      place on the 19th of March, six days after the presentation of the
      ultimatum of the Allied powers. The issue of these long discussions was
      thus left to be decided by the chances of war, which were not very
      favourable to the man who boldly contended against armed Europe. The
      successes of the Allies during the conferences at Chatillon had opened to
      their view the road to Paris, while Napoleon shrunk from the necessity of
      signing his own disgrace. In these circumstances was to be found the sole
      cause of his ruin, and he might have said, "Tout est perdu, fors la
      gloire." His glory is immortal.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The conviviality and harmony that reigned between the Ministers
   made the society and Intercourse at Chatillon most agreeable. The
   diplomatists dined alternately with each other; M. de Caulaincourt
   liberally passing for all the Ministers, through the French advanced
   posts, convoys of all the good cheer in epicurean wises, etc., that
   Paris could afford; nor was female society wanting to complete the
   charm and banish ennui from the Chatillon Congress, which I am sure
   will be long recollected with sensations of pleasure by all the
   Plenipotentiaries there engaged (Memoirs of Lord Burghersh).]&mdash;
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIII.
    </h2>

      1814

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Curious conversation between General Reynier and the Emperor
   Alexander&mdash;Napoleon repulses the Prussians&mdash;The Russians at
   Fontainebleau&mdash;Battle of Brienne&mdash;Sketch of the campaign of France&mdash;
   Supper after the battle of Champ Aubert&mdash;Intelligence of the arrival
   of the Duc d'Angouleme and the Comte d'Artois in France&mdash;The battle
   of the ravens and the eagle&mdash;Battle of Craonne&mdash;Departure of the
   Pope and the Spanish Princes&mdash;Capture of a convoy&mdash;Macdonald at the
   Emperor's headquarters&mdash;The inverted cipher.
</pre>
    <p>
      I was always persuaded, and everything I have since seen has confirmed my
      opinion, that the Allies entering France had no design of restoring the
      House of Bourbon, or of imposing any Government whatever on the French
      people. They came to destroy and not to found. That which they wished to
      destroy from the commencement of their success was Napoleon's supremacy,
      in order to prevent the future invasions with which they believed Europe
      would still be constantly threatened. If, indeed, I had entertained any
      doubt on this subject it would have been banished by the account I heard
      of General Reynier's conversation with the Emperor Alexander. That
      General, who was made prisoner at Leipsic, was exchanged, and returned to
      France. In the beginning of February 1814 he passed through Troves, where
      the Emperor Alexander then was. Reynier expressed a desire to be allowed
      to pay his respects to the Emperor, and to thank him for having restored
      him to liberty. He was received with that affability of manner which was
      sometimes affected by the Russian monarch.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his arrival at Paris General Reynier called at the Duc de Rovigo's,
      where I had dined that day, and where he still was when I arrived. He
      related in my hearing the conversation to which I have alluded, and stated
      that it had all the appearance of sincerity on the Emperor's part. Having
      asked Alexander whether he had any instructions for Napoleon, as the
      latter, on learning that he had seen his Majesty would not fail to ask him
      many questions, he replied that he had nothing particular to communicate
      to him. Alexander added that he was Napoleon's friend, but that he had,
      personally, much reason&mdash;to complain of his conduct; that the Allies
      would have nothing more to do with him; that they had no intention of
      forcing any Sovereign upon France; but that they would no longer
      acknowledge Napoleon as Emperor of the French. "For my part," said
      Alexander, "I can no longer place any confidence in him. He has deceived
      me too often." In reply to this Reynier made some remarks dictated by his
      attachment and fidelity to Bonaparte. He observed that Napoleon was
      acknowledged as Sovereign of France by every treaty. "But," added Reynier,
      "if you should persist in forcing him to resign the supreme power, whom
      will you put in his place?"&mdash;"Did you not choose him; why then can
      you not choose some one else to govern you? I repeat that we do not intend
      to force any one upon you but we will have no more to do with Napoleon."
    </p>
    <p>
      Several Generals were then named; and after Reynier had explained the
      great difficulties which would oppose any such choice, Alexander
      interrupted him saying, "But, General, there is Bernadotte.' Has he not
      been voluntarily chosen Prince Royal of Sweden; may he not also be raised
      to the same rank in France? He is your countryman; surely then you may
      choose him, since the Swedes took him, though a foreigner." General
      Reynier, who was a man of firm character, started some objections, which I
      thought at the time well founded; and Alexander put an end to the
      conversation by saving, rather in a tone of dissatisfaction, "Well,
      General, the fate of arms will decide."
    </p>
    <p>
      The campaign of France forced Napoleon to adopt a kind of operations quite
      new to him. He had been accustomed to attack; but he was now obliged to
      stand on his defence, so that, instead of having to execute a previously
      conceived plan, as when, in the Cabinet of the Tuileries, he traced out to
      me the field of Marengo, he had now to determine his movements according
      to those of his numerous enemies. When the Emperor arrived at
      Chalons-sur-Marne the Prussian army was advancing by the road of Lorraine.
      He drove it back beyond St. Dizier. Meanwhile the Grand Austro-Russian
      army passed the Seine and the Yonne at Montereau, and even sent forward a
      corps which advanced as far as Fontainebleau. Napoleon then made a
      movement to the right in order to drive back the troops which threatened
      to march on Paris, and by a curious chance he came up with the troops in
      the very place where he passed the boyish years in which he cherished what
      then seemed wild and fabulous dreams of his future fate. What thoughts and
      recollections must have crowded on his mind when he found himself an
      Emperor and a King, at the head of a yet powerful army, in the chateau of
      the Comte de Brienne, to whom he had so often paid his homage! It was at
      Brienne that he had said to me, thirty-four years before, "I will do these
      Frenchman all the harm I can." Since then he had certainly changed his
      mind; but it might be said that fate persisted in forcing the man to
      realise the design of the boy in spite of himself. No sooner had Napoleon
      revisited Brienne as a conqueror than he was repulsed and hurried to his
      fall, which became every moment more certain.
    </p>
    <p>
      I shall not enter into any details of the campaign of France, because the
      description of battles forms no part of my plan. Still, I think it
      indispensable briefly to describe Napoleon's miraculous activity from the
      time of his leaving Paris to the entrance of the Allies into the capital.
      Few successful campaigns have enabled our Generals and the French army to
      reap so much glory as they gained during this great reverse of fortune.
      For it is possible to triumph without honour, and to fall with glory. The
      chances of the war were not doubtful, but certainly the numerous hosts of
      the Allies could never have anticipated so long and brilliant a
      resistance. The theatre of the military operations soon approached so near
      to Paris that the general eagerness for news from the army was speedily
      satisfied, and when any advantage was gained by the Emperor his partisans
      saw the enemy already repulsed from the French territory. I was not for a
      moment deceived by these illusions, as I well knew the determination and
      the resources of the Allied sovereigns. Besides, events were so rapid and
      various in this war of extermination that the guns of the Invalides
      announcing a victory were sometimes immediately followed by the distant
      rolling of artillery, denoting the enemy's near approach to the capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor left Paris on the 25th of January, at which time the Emperors
      of Russia and Austria and the King of Prussia were assembled at Langres.
      Napoleon rejoined his Guard at Vitry-le-Francais. On the second day after
      his departure he drove before him the Prussian army, which he had forced
      to evacuate St. Dizier. Two days after this the battle of Brienne was
      fought, and on the 1st of February between 70,000 and 80,000 French and
      Allied troops stood face to face. On this occasion the commanders on both
      sides were exposed to personal danger, for Napoleon had a horse killed
      under him, and a Cossack fell dead by the side of Marshal Blücher.
    </p>
    <p>
      A few days after this battle Napoleon entered Troves, where he stayed but
      a short time, and then advanced to Champaubert. At the latter place was
      fought the battle which hears its name. The Russians were defeated,
      General Alsufieff was made prisoner, and 2000 men and 30 guns fell into
      the hands of the French. After this battle the Emperor was under such a
      delusion as to his situation that while supping with Berthier, Marmont,
      and his prisoner, General Alsufieff, the Emperor said, "Another such
      victory as this, gentlemen, and I shall be on the Vistula."
    </p>
    <p>
      Finding that no one replied, and reading in the countenances of his
      Marshals that they did not share his hopes, "I see how it is," he added,
      "every one is growing tired of war; there is no more enthusiasm. The
      sacred fire is extinct." Then rising from the table, and stepping up to
      General Drouot, with the marked intention of paying him a compliment which
      should at the same time convey a censure on the Marshals, "General," said
      he, patting him on the shoulder, "we only want a hundred men like you, and
      we should succeed." Drouot replied, with great presence of mind and
      modesty, "Rather say a hundred thousand, Sire." This anecdote was related
      to me by the two principal persons who were present on the occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon soon began to have other subjects of disquietude besides the fate
      of battles. He was aware that since the beginning of February the Duc
      d'Angouleme had arrived at St. Jean de Luz, whence he had addressed a
      proclamation to the French armies in the name of his uncle, Louis XVIII.;
      and he speedily heard of the Comte d'Artois' arrival at Yesoul, on the
      21st of February, which place he did not leave until the 16th of March
      following.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile hostilities were maintained with increased vigor over a vast
      line of operations. How much useless glory did not our soldiers gain in
      these conflicts! In spite of prodigies of valour the enemy's masses
      advanced, and gradually concentrated, so that this war might be compared
      to the battles of the ravens and the eagle in the Alps. The eagle slays
      hundreds of his assailants&mdash;every blow of his beak is the death of an
      enemy, but still the vultures return to the charge, and press upon the
      eagle until they destroy him.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the month of February drew to its close the Allies were in retreat on
      several points, but their retreat was not a rout. After experiencing
      reverses they fell back without disorder, and retired behind the Aube,
      where they rallied and obtained numerous reinforcements, which daily
      arrived, and which soon enabled them to resume the offensive.
    </p>
    <p>
      Still Napoleon continued astonishing Europe, leagued as it was against
      him. At Craonne, on the 7th of March, he destroyed Blücher's corps in a
      severe action, but the victory was attended by great loss to the
      conqueror. Marshal Victor was seriously wounded, as well as Generals
      Grouchy and La Ferriere.
    </p>
    <p>
      While Napoleon was resisting the numerous enemies assembled to destroy him
      it might be said that he was also his own enemy, either from false
      calculation or from negligence with respect to his illustrious prisoners,
      who, on his departure from Paris, had not yet been sent to their States.
      The Pope was then at Fontainebleau, and the Princes of Spain at Valencay.
      The Pope, however, was the first to be allowed to depart. Surely Bonaparte
      could never have thought of the service which the Pope might have rendered
      him at Rome, into which Murat's troops would never have dared to march had
      his Holiness been present there. With regard to the Spanish Princes
      Napoleon must have been greatly blinded by confidence in his fortune to
      have so long believed it possible to retain in France those useless
      trophies of defeated pretensions. It was, besides, so easy to get rid of
      the exiles of Valencay by sending them back to the place from whence they
      had been brought! It was so natural to recall with all speed the troops
      from the south when our armies in Germany began to be repulsed on the
      Rhine and even driven into France! With the aid of these veteran troops
      Napoleon and his genius might have again turned the scale of fortune. But
      Napoleon reckoned on the nation, and he was wrong, for the nation was
      tired of him. His cause had ceased to be the cause of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The latter days of March were filled up by a series of calamities to
      Napoleon. On the 23d the rear-guard of the French army suffered
      considerable loss. To hear of attacks on his rear-guard must indeed have
      been mortifying to Napoleon, whose advanced guards had been so long
      accustomed to open the path of victory! Prince Schwartzenberg soon passed
      the Aube and marched upon Vitry and Chalons. Napoleon, counting on the
      possibility of defending Paris, threw himself, with the velocity of the
      eagle, on Schwartzenberg's rear by passing by Doulevant and Bar- sur-Aube.
      He pushed forward his advanced guards to Chaumont, and there saw the
      Austrian army make a movement which he took to be a retreat; but it was no
      such thing. The movement was directed on Paris, while Blücher, who had
      re-occupied Chalons-sur-Maine, marched to meet Prince Schwartzenberg, and
      Napoleon, thinking to cut off their retreat, was himself cut off from the
      possibility of returning to Paris. Everything then depended on the defence
      of Paris, or, to speak more correctly, it seemed possible, by sacrificing
      the capital, to prolong for a few days the existence of the phantom of the
      Empire which was rapidly vanishing. On the 26th was fought the battle of
      Fere Champenoise, where, valour yielding to numbers, Marshals Marmont and
      Mortier were obliged to retire upon Sezanne after sustaining considerable
      loss.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was on the 26th of March, and I beg the reader to bear this date in
      mind, that Napoleon suffered a loss which, in the circumstances in which
      he stood, was irreparable. At the battle of Fere Champenoise the Allies
      captured a convoy consisting of nearly all the remaining ammunition and
      stores of the army, a vast quantity of arms, caissons, and equipage of all
      kinds. The whole became the prey of the Allies, who published a bulletin
      announcing this important capture. A copy of this order of the day fell
      into the hands of Marshal Macdonald, who thought that such news ought
      immediately to be communicated to the Emperor. He therefore repaired
      himself to the headquarters of Napoleon, who was then preparing to recover
      Vitre-le-Francais, which was occupied by the Prussians. The Marshal, with
      the view of dissuading the Emperor from what he considered a vain attempt,
      presented him with the bulletin.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was on the morning of the 27th: Napoleon would not believe the news.
      "No!" said he to the Marshal, "you are deceived, this cannot be true."
      Then perusing the bulletin with more attention. "Here," said he, "look
      yourself. This is the 27th, and the bulletin is dated the 29th. You see
      the thing is impossible. The bulletin is forged!" The Marshal, who had
      paid more attention to the news than to its date, was astounded. But
      having afterwards shown the bulletin to Drouot, that General said, "Alas!
      Marshal, the news is but too true. The error of the date is merely a
      misprint, the 9 is a 6 inverted!" On what trifles sometimes depend the
      most important events. An inverted cipher sufficed to flatter Bonaparte's
      illusion, or at least the illusions which he wished to maintain among his
      most distinguished lieutenants, and to delay the moment when they should
      discover that the loss they deplored was too certain. On that very day the
      Empress left Paris.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIV.
    </h2>

      1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The men of the Revolution and the men of the Empire&mdash;The Council of
   Regency&mdash;Departure of the Empress from Paris&mdash;Marmont and Mortier&mdash;
   Joseph's flight&mdash;Meeting at Marmont's hotel&mdash;Capitulation of Paris&mdash;
   Marmont's interview with the Emperor at Fontainebleau&mdash;Colonels
   Fabvier and Denys&mdash;The Royalist cavalcade&mdash;Meeting at the hotel of
   the Comte de Morfontaine&mdash;M. de Chateaubriand and his pamphlet&mdash;
   Deputation to the Emperor Alexander&mdash;Entrance of the Allied
   sovereigns into Paris&mdash;Alexander lodged in M. Talleyrand's hotel&mdash;
   Meetings held there&mdash;The Emperor Alexander's declaration&mdash;
   My appointment as Postmaster-General&mdash;Composition of the Provisional
   Government&mdash;Mistake respecting the conduct of the Emperor of
   Austria&mdash;Caulaincourt's mission from Napoleon&mdash;His interview with
   the Emperor Alexander&mdash;Alexander's address to the deputation of the
   Senate&mdash;M. de Caulaincourt ordered to quit the capital.
</pre>
    <p>
      The grandees of the Empire and the first subjects of Napoleon were divided
      into two classes totally distinct from each other. Among these patronised
      men were many who had been the first patrons of Bonaparte and had favoured
      his accession to Consular power. This class was composed of his old
      friends and former companions-in-arms. The others, who may be called the
      children of the Empire, did not carry back their thoughts to a period
      which they had not seen. They had never known anything but Napoleon and
      the Empire, beyond which the sphere of their ideas did not extend, while
      among Napoleon's old brothers-in-arms it was still remembered that there
      was once a country, a France, before they had helped to give it a master.
      To this class of men France was not confined to the narrow circle of the
      Imperial headquarters, but extended to the Rhine, the Alps, the Pyrenees,
      and the two oceans.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the other hand, numbers of ardent and adventurous young men, full of
      enthusiasm for Bonaparte, had passed from the school to the camp. They
      were entirely opposed to Napoleon's downfall, because with his power would
      vanish those dreams of glory and fortune which had captivated their
      imaginations. These young men, who belonged to the class which I have
      denominated children of the Empire, were prepared to risk and commit
      everything to prolong the political life of their Emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      The distinction I have drawn between what may be called the men of France
      and the men of the Empire was not confined to the army, but was equally
      marked among the high civil functionaries of the State. The old
      Republicans could not possibly regard Napoleon with the same eyes as those
      whose elevation dated only from Napoleon; and the members of assemblies
      anterior to the 18th Brumaire could not entertain the same ideas as those
      whose notions of national franchises and public rights were derived from
      their seats as auditors in the Council of State. I know not whether this
      distinction between the men of two different periods has been before
      pointed out, but it serves to explain the conduct of many persons of
      elevated rank during the events of 1814. With regard to myself, convinced
      as I was of the certainty of Napoleon's fall, I conceived that the first
      duty of every citizen was claimed by his country; and although I may incur
      censure, I candidly avow that Napoleon's treatment of me during the last
      four years of his power was not without some influence on my prompt
      submission to the Government which succeeded his. I, however, declare that
      this consideration was not the sole nor the most powerful motive of my
      conduct. Only those who were in Paris at the period of the capitulation
      can form an idea of the violence of party feeling which prevailed there
      both for and against Napoleon, but without the name of the Bourbons ever
      being pronounced. They were almost unknown to the new generation,
      forgotten by many of the old, and feared by the conventionalists; at that
      time they possessed only the frail support of the coteries of the Faubourg
      St. Germain, and some remains of the emigration. But as it is certain that
      the emigrants could offer only vain demonstrations and wishes in support
      of the old family of our Kings, they did little to assist the restoration
      of the Bourbons. Another thing equally certain is, that they alone, by
      their follies and absurd pretensions, brought about the return of
      Bonaparte and the second exile of Louis XVIII. in the following year.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of March was convoked an extraordinary Council of Regency, at
      which Maria Louisa presided. The question discussed was, whether the
      Empress should remain in Paris or proceed to Blois. Joseph Bonaparte
      strongly urged her departure, because a letter from the Emperor had
      directed that in case of Paris being threatened the Empress-Regent and all
      the Council of Regency should retire to Blois. The Arch-Chancellor and the
      majority of the Council were of the same opinion, but one of the most
      influential members of the Council observed to Joseph that the letter
      referred to had been written under circumstances very different from those
      then existing, and that it was important the Empress should remain in
      Paris, where she would, of course, obtain from the Emperor her father and
      the Allied sovereigns, more advantageous conditions than if she were fifty
      leagues from Paris. The adoption of this opinion would only have retarded
      for a few days a change which had become inevitable; nevertheless it might
      have given rise to great difficulties. It must be admitted that for the
      interests of Napoleon it was the wisest counsel that could be suggested.
      However, it was overruled by Joseph's advice.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Talleyrand, as a member of the Council of Regency, also received the
      order to quit Paris on the 30th of March. At this period I was at his
      house every day. When I went to him that day I was told he had started.
      However I went up, and remained some time in his hotel with several of his
      friends who had met there. We soon saw him return, and for my part I heard
      with satisfaction that they had not allowed him to pass the barriers. It
      was said then, and it has been repeated since, that M. de Talleyrand was
      not a stranger to the gentle violence used towards him. The same day of
      this visit to M. de Talleyrand I also went to see the Duc de Rovigo
      (Savary), with the friendly object of getting him to remain, and to profit
      by his position to prevent disturbances. He refused without hesitating, as
      he only thought of the Emperor. I found him by his fireside, where there
      was a large fire, in which he was burning all the papers which might have
      compromised every one who had served his ministry (Police). I
      congratulated him sincerely on this loyal occupation: fire alone could
      purify the mass of filth and denunciations which encumbered the police
      archives.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the departure of the Empress many persons expected a popular movement
      in favour of a change of Government, but the capital remained tranquil.
      Many of the inhabitants, indeed, thought of defence, not for the sake of
      preserving Napoleon's government, but merely from that ardour of feeling
      which belongs to our national character. Strong indignation was excited by
      the thought of seeing foreigners masters of Paris&mdash;a circumstance of
      which there had been no example since the reign of Charles VII. Meanwhile
      the critical moment approached. On the 29th of March Marshals Marmont and
      Mortier fell back to defend the approaches to Paris. During the night the
      barriers were consigned to the care of the National Guard, and not a
      foreigner, not even one of their agents, was allowed to enter the capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      At daybreak on the 30th of March the whole population of Paris was
      awakened by the report of cannon, and the plain of St. Denis was soon
      covered with Allied troops, who were debouching upon it from all points.
      The heroic valour of our troops was unavailing against such a numerical
      superiority. But the Allies paid dearly for their entrance into the French
      capital. The National Guard, under the command of Marshal Moncey, and the
      pupils of the Polytechnic School transformed into artillery men, behaved
      in a manner worthy of veteran troops. The conduct of Marmont on that day
      alone would suffice to immortalise him. The corps he commanded was reduced
      to between 7000 and 8000 infantry and 800 cavalry, with whom, for the
      space of twelve hours he maintained his ground against an army of 55,000
      men, of whom it is said 14,000 were killed, wounded, and taken. Marshal
      Marmont put himself so forward in the heat of the battle that a dozen of
      men were killed by the bayonet at his side, and his hat was perforated by
      a ball. But what was to be done against overwhelming numbers!
    </p>
    <p>
      In this state of things the Duke of Ragusa made known his situation to
      Joseph Bonaparte, who authorised him to negotiate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Joseph's answer is so important in reference to the events which succeeded
      that I will transcribe it here.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are
   authorised to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor
   of Russia, who are before them.

   They will fall back on the Loire.
                  (Signed)  JOSEPH

   Montmartre, 30th March 1814, 12 oclock
</pre>
    <p>
      It was not until a considerable time after the receipt of this formal
      authority that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistance
      against the Allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed upon
      until four in the afternoon. It was not waited for by Joseph; at a quarter
      past twelve&mdash;that is to say, immediately after he had addressed to
      Marmont the authority just alluded to Joseph repaired to the Bois de
      Boulogne to regain the Versailles road, and from thence to proceed to
      Rambouillet. The precipitate flight of Joseph astonished only those who
      did not know him. I know for a fact that several officers attached to his
      staff were much dissatisfied at his alacrity on this occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      In these circumstances what was to be done but to save Paris, which there
      was no possibility of defending two hours longer. Methinks I still see
      Marmont when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from the
      field of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was waiting
      for him, together with about twenty other persons, among whom were MM.
      Perregaua and Lafitte. When he entered he was scarcely recognisable: he
      had a beard of eight days' growth; the greatcoat which covered his uniform
      was in tatters, and he was blackened with powder from head to foot. We
      considered what was best to be done, and all insisted on the necessity of
      signing a capitulation. The Marshal must recollect that the exclamation of
      every one about him was, "France must be saved." MM. Perregaus and Lafitte
      delivered their opinions in a very decided way, and it will readily be
      conceived how great was the influence of two men who were at the head of
      the financial world. They alleged that the general wish of the Parisians,
      which nobody had a better opportunity of knowing than themselves, was
      decidedly averse to a protracted conflict, and that France was tired of
      the yoke of Bonaparte. This last declaration gave a wider range to the
      business under consideration. The question was no longer confined to the
      capitulation of Paris, but a change in the government was thought of, and
      the name of the Bourbons was pronounced for the first time. I do not
      recollect which of us it was who, on hearing mention made of the possible
      recall of the old dynasty, remarked how difficult it would be to bring
      about a restoration without retrograding to the past. But I think I am
      perfectly correct in stating that M. Lafitte said, "Gentlemen, we shall
      have nothing to fear if we have a good constitution which will guarantee
      the rights of all." The majority of the meeting concurred in this wise
      opinion, which was not without its influence on Marshal Marmont.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this painful meeting an unexpected incident occurred. One of the
      Emperor's aides de camp arrived at Marmont's. Napoleon, being informed of
      the advance of the Allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speed from
      the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainebleau. In the evening he was
      in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to Marshal
      Marmont. From the language of the aide de camp it was easy to perceive
      that the state of opinion at the Imperial headquarters was very different
      from that which prevailed among the population of Paris. The officer
      expressed indignation at the very idea of capitulating, and he announced
      with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival of Napoleon in
      Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of the enemy. The
      officer informed us that Napoleon trusted to the people rising in spite of
      the capitulation, and that they would unpave the streets to stone the
      Allies on their entrance. I ventured to dissent from this absurd idea of
      defence, and I observed that it was madness to suppose that Paris could
      resist the numerous troops who were ready to enter on the following day;
      that the suspension of arms had been consented to by the Allies only to
      afford time for drawing up a more regular capitulation, and that the
      armistice could not be broken without trampling on all the laws of honour.
      I added that the thoughts of the people were directed towards a better
      future; that the French were tired of a despotic Government and of the
      distress to which continual war had reduced trade and industry; "for,"
      said I, "when a nation is sunk to such a state of misery its hopes can
      only be directed towards the future; it is natural they should be so
      directed, even without reflection." Most of the individuals present
      concurred in my opinion, and the decision of the meeting was unanimous.
      Marshal Marmont has since said to me, "I have been blamed, my dear
      Bourrienne: but you were with me on the 30th of March. You were a witness
      to the wishes expressed by a portion of the principal inhabitants of
      Paris. I acted as I was urged to do only because I considered the meeting
      to be composed of men entirely disinterested, and who had nothing to
      expect from the return of the Bourbons."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such is a correct statement of the facts which some persons have perverted
      with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. With respect to those
      versions which differ from mine I have only one comment to offer, which
      is, that I saw and heard what I describe.
    </p>
    <p>
      The day after the capitulation of Paris&mdash;Marmont went in the evening
      to see the Emperor at Fontainebleau. He supped with him. Napoleon praised
      his defence of Paris.. After supper the Marshal rejoined his corps at
      Essonne, and six hours after the Emperor arrived there to visit the lines.
      On leaving Paris Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Dent's to direct
      the execution of the capitulation. These officers joined the Emperor and
      the Marshal as they were proceeding up the banks of the river at Essonne.
      They did not disguise the effect which the entrance of the Allies had
      produced in Paris. At this intelligence the Emperor was deeply mortified,
      and he returned immediately to Fontainebleau, leaving the Marshal at
      Essonne.
    </p>
    <p>
      At daybreak on the 31st of March Paris presented a novel and curious
      spectacle. No sooner had the French troops evacuated the capital than the
      principal streets resounded with cries of "Down with Bonaparte!"&mdash;
      "No conscription!"&mdash;"No consolidated duties (droits reunis)!" With
      these cries were mingled that of "The Bourbons for ever!" but this latter
      cry was not repeated so frequently as the others: in general I remarked
      that the people gaped and listened with a sort of indifference. As I had
      taken a very active part in all that had happened during some preceding
      days I was particularly curious to study what might be called the
      physiognomy of Paris. This was the second opportunity which had offered
      itself for such a study, and I now saw the people applaud the fall of the
      man whom they had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire. The
      reason was, that liberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped for in 1814.
      I went out early in the morning to see the numerous groups of people who
      had assembled in the streets. I saw women tearing their handkerchiefs and
      distributing the fragments as the emblems of the revived lily. That same
      morning I met on the Boulevards, and some hours afterwards on the Place
      Louis XV., a party of gentlemen who paraded the streets of the capital
      proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons and shouting, "Vive le Roi!"
      and "Vive Louis XVIII!" At their head I recognised MM. Sosthenes de la
      Rochefoucauld, Comte de Froissard, the Duc de Luxembourg, the Duc de
      Crussol, Seymour, etc. The cavalcade distributed white cockades in passing
      along, and was speedily joined by a numerous crowd, who repaired to the
      Place Vendome. The scene that was acted there is well known, and the
      enthusiasm of popular joy could scarcely excuse the fury that was directed
      against the effigy of the man whose misfortunes, whether merited or not,
      should have protected him from such outrages. These excesses served,
      perhaps more than is generally supposed, to favour the plans of the
      leaders of the Royalist party, to whom M. Nesselrode had declared that
      before he would pledge himself to further their views he must have proofs
      that they were seconded by the population of Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was afterwards informed by an eye-witness of what took place on the
      evening of the 31st of March in one of the principal meetings of the
      Royalists, which was held in the hotel of the Comte de Morfontaine, who
      acted as president on the occasion. Amidst a chaos of abortive
      propositions and contradictory motions M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld
      proposed that a deputation should be immediately sent to the Emperor
      Alexander to express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion was
      immediately approved, and the mover was chosen to head the deputation. On
      leaving the hotel the deputation met M. de Chateaubriand, who had that
      very day been, as it were, the precursor of the restoration, by publishing
      his admirable manifesto, entitled "Bonaparte and the Bourbons." He was
      invited to join the deputation; but nothing could overcome his diffidence
      and induce him to speak. On arriving at the hotel in the Rue St. Florentin
      the deputation was introduced to Count Nesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de
      la Rochefoucauld briefly explained its object; he spoke of the wishes of
      the meeting and of the manifest desire of Paris and of France. He
      represented the restoration of the Bourbons as the only means of securing
      the peace of Europe; and observed, in conclusion, that as the exertions of
      the day must have been very fatiguing to the Emperor, the deputation would
      not solicit the favour of being introduced to him, but would confidently
      rely on the good faith of his Imperial Majesty. "I have just left the
      Emperor," replied M. Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his
      intentions. Return to the meeting and announce to the French people that
      in compliance with their wishes his Imperial Majesty will use all his
      influence to restore the crown to the legitimate monarch: his Majesty
      Louis XVIII. shall reascend the throne of France." With this gratifying
      intelligence the deputation returned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is no question that great enthusiasm was displayed on the entrance
      of the Allies into Paris. It may be praised or blamed, but the fact cannot
      be denied. I closely watched all that was passing, and I observed the
      expression of a sentiment which I had long anticipated when, after his
      alliance with the daughter of the Caesars, the ambition of Bonaparte
      increased in proportion as it was gratified: I clearly foresaw Napoleon's
      fall. Whoever watched the course of events during the last four years of
      the Empire must have observed, as I did, that from the date of Napoleon's
      marriage with Maria Louisa the form of the French Government became daily
      more and more tyrannical and oppressive. The intolerable height which this
      evil had attained is evident from the circumstance that at the end of 1813
      the Legislative Body, throwing aside the mute character which it had
      hitherto maintained, presumed to give a lecture to him who had never
      before received a lecture from any one. On the 31st of March it was
      recollected what had been the conduct of Bonaparte on the occasion alluded
      to, and those of the deputies who remained in Paris related how the
      gendarmes had opposed their entrance into the hall of the Assembly. All
      this contributed wonderfully to irritate the public mind against Napoleon.
      He had become master of France by the sword, and the sword being sheathed,
      his power was at an end, for no popular institution identified with the
      nation the new dynasty which he hoped to found. The nation admired but did
      not love Napoleon, for it is impossible to love what is feared, and he had
      done nothing to claim the affections of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at M de
      Talleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up his
      residence. Of all the persons present at these meetings M. de Talleyrand
      was most disposed to retain Napoleon at the head of the Government, with
      restrictions on the exercise of his power. In the existing state of things
      it was only possible to choose one of three courses: first, to make peace
      with Napoleon, with the adoption of proper securities against him; second,
      to establish a Regency; and third, to recall the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th of March I witnessed the entrance of the Allied sovereigns
      into Paris, and after the procession had passed the new street of the
      Luxembourg I repaired straight to M. de Talleyrand's hotel, which I
      reached before the Emperor Alexander, who arrived at a quarter-past one.
      When his Imperial Majesty entered M. de Talleyrand's drawing-room most of
      the persons assembled, and particularly the Abbe de Pradt, the Abbe de
      Montesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration of
      the Bourbons. The Emperor did not come to any immediate decision. Drawing
      me into the embrasure of a window, which looked upon the street, he made
      some observations which enabled me to guess what would be his
      determination. "M. de Bourrienne," said he, "you have been the friend of
      Napoleon, and so have I. I was his sincere friend; but there is no
      possibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith." These
      last words opened my eyes; and when the different propositions which were
      made came under discussion I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making himself
      Emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I have above
      mentioned, and which were proposed by the Emperor Alexander himself. I
      thought, if I may so express myself, that his Majesty was playing a part,
      when, pretending to doubt the possibility of recalling the Bourbons, which
      he wished above all things, he asked M. de Talleyrand what means he
      proposed to employ for the attainment of that object? Besides the French,
      there were present at this meeting the Emperor Alexander, the King of
      Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. Nesselrode, M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, and
      Prince Liechtenstein. During the discussion Alexander walked about with
      some appearance of agitation. "Gentlemen," said, he, addressing us in an
      elevated tone of voice, "you know that it was not I who commenced the war;
      you know that Napoleon came to attack me in my dominions. But we are not
      drawn here by the thirst of conquest or the desire of revenge. You have
      seen the precautions I have taken to preserve your capital, the wonder of
      the arts, from the horrors of pillage, to which the chances of war would
      have consigned it. Neither my Allies nor myself are engaged in a war of
      reprisals; and I should be inconsolable if any violence were committed on
      your magnificent city. We are not waging war against France, but against
      Napoleon, and the enemies of French liberty. William, and you, Prince"
      (here the Emperor turned towards the King of Prussia and Prince
      Schwartzenberg, who represented the Emperor of Austria), "you can both
      bear testimony that the sentiments I express are yours." Both bowed assent
      to this observation of Alexander, which his Majesty several times repeated
      in different words. He insisted that France should be perfectly free; and
      declared that as soon as the wishes of the country were understood, he and
      his Allies would support them, without seeking to favour any particular
      government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Abbe de Pradt then declared, in a tone of conviction, that we were all
      Royalists, and that the sentiments of France concurred with ours. The
      Emperor Alexander, adverting to the different governments which might be
      suitable to France, spoke of the maintenance of Bonaparte on the throne,
      the establishment of a Regency, the choice of Bernadotte, and the recall
      of the Bourbons. M. de Talleyrand next spoke, and I well remember his
      saying to the Emperor of Russia, "Sire, only one of two things is
      possible. We must either have Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. Bonaparte, if you
      can support him; but you cannot, for you are not alone.... We will not
      have another soldier in his stead. If we want a soldier, we will keep the
      one we have; he is the first in the world. After him any other who may be
      proposed would not have ten men to support him. I say again, Sire, either
      Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. Anything else is an intrigue." These remarkable
      words of the Prince de Benevento produced on the mind of Alexander all the
      effect we could hope for. Thus the question was simplified, being reduced
      now to only two alternatives; and as it was evident that Alexander would
      have nothing to do with either Napoleon or his family, it was reduced to
      the single proposition of the restoration of the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      On being pressed by us all, with the exception of M. de Talleyrand, who
      still wished to leave the question undecided between Bonaparte and Louis
      XVIII., Alexander at length declared that he would no longer treat with
      Napoleon. When it was represented to him that that declaration referred
      only to Napoleon personally, and did not extend to his family, he added,
      "Nor with any member of his family." Thus as early as the 31st of March
      the restoration of the Bourbons might be considered as decided.
    </p>
    <p>
      I cannot omit mentioning the hurry with which Laborie, whom M. de
      Talleyrand appointed Secretary to the Provisional Government, rushed out
      of the apartment as soon as he got possession of the Emperor Alexander's
      declaration. He got it printed with such expedition that in the space of
      an hour it was posted on all the walls in Paris; and it certainly produced
      an extraordinary effect. As yet nothing warranted a doubt that Alexander
      would not abide by his word. The treaty of Paris could not be anticipated;
      and there was reason to believe that France, with a new Government, would
      obtain more advantageous conditions than if the Allies had, treated with
      Napoleon. But this illusion speedily vanished.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the 31st of March I returned to M. de Talleyrand's. I
      again saw the Emperor Alexander, who, stepping up to me, said, "M. de
      Bourrienne you must take the superintendence of the Post-office
      department." I could not decline this precise invitation on the part of
      the Czar; and besides, Lavalette having departed on the preceding day, the
      business would have been for a time suspended; a circumstance which would
      have been extremely prejudicial to the restoration which we wished to
      favour.
    </p>
    <p>
      I went at once to the hotel in the Rue J. J. Rousseau, where, indeed, I
      found that not only was there no order to send out the post next day, but
      that it had been even countermanded. I went that night to the
      administrators, who yielded to my requests and, seconded by them, next
      morning I got all the clerks to be at their post. I reorganised the
      service, and the post went out on the 1st of April as usual. Such are my
      remembrances of the 31st of March.
    </p>
    <p>
      A Provisional Government was established, of which M. de Talleyrand was
      appointed President. The other members were General Beurnonville, Comte
      Francois de Jaucourt, the Duc Dalberg, who had married one of Maria
      Louisa's ladies of honour, and the Abby de Montesquieu. The place of
      Chancellor of the Legion of Honour was given to the Abbe de Pradt. Thus
      there were two abbes among the members of the Provisional Government, and
      by a singular chance they happened to be the same who had officiated at
      the mass which was performed in the Champ de Mars on the day of the first
      federation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Those who were dissatisfied with the events of the 31st of March now saw
      no hope but in the possibility that the Emperor of Austria would separate
      from his Allies, or at least not make common cause with them in favour of
      the re-establishment of the Bourbons. But that monarch had been brought up
      in the old policy of his family, and was imbued with the traditional
      principles of his Cabinet. I know for a fact that the sentiments and
      intentions of the Emperor of Austria perfectly coincided with those of his
      Allies. Anxious to ascertain the truth on this subject, I ventured, when
      in conversation with the Emperor Alexander, to hint at the reports I had
      heard relative to the cause of the Emperor of Austria's absence. I do not
      recollect the precise words of his Majesty's answer, but it enabled me to
      infer with certainty that Francis II. was in no way averse to the
      overthrow of his son-in-law, and that his absence from the scene of the
      discussions was only occasioned by a feeling of delicacy natural enough in
      his situation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Caulaincourt, who was sent by Napoleon to the headquarters of the Emperor
      Alexander, arrived there on the night of the 30th of March. He, however,
      did not obtain an interview with the Czar until after his Majesty had
      received the Municipal Council of Paris, at the head of which was M. de
      Chabrol. At first Alexander appeared somewhat surprised to see the
      Municipal Council, which he did not receive exactly in the way that was
      expected; but this coldness was merely momentary, and he afterwards
      addressed the Council in a very gracious way, though he dropped no hint of
      his ulterior intentions.
    </p>
    <p>
      Alexander, who entertained a personal regard for Caulaincourt, received
      him kindly in his own character, but not as the envoy of Napoleon. "You
      have come too late," said the Czar. "It is all over. I can say nothing to
      you at present. Go to Paris, and I will see you there." These words
      perfectly enlightened Caulaincourt as to the result of his mission. His
      next interview with the Emperor Alexander at M. de Talleyrand's did not
      take place until after the declaration noticed in my last chapter. The
      conversation they had together remained a secret, for neither Alexander
      nor the Duke of Vicenza mentioned it; but there was reason to infer, from
      some words which fell from the Emperor Alexander, that he had received
      Caulaincourt rather as a private individual than as the ambassador of
      Napoleon, whose power, indeed, he could not recognise after his
      declaration. The Provisional Government was not entirely pleased with
      Caulaincourt's presence in Paris, and a representation was made to the
      Russian Emperor on the subject. Alexander concurred in the opinion of the
      Provisional Government, which was expressed through the medium of the Abbe
      de Pradt. M. de Caulaincourt, therefore, at the wish of the Czar, returned
      to the Emperor, then at Fontainebleau.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0103" id="link2HCH0103">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER, XXXV.
    </h2>

      1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Situation of Bonaparte during the events of the 30th and 31st of
   March&mdash;His arrival at Fontainebleau&mdash;Plan of attacking Paris&mdash;
   Arrival of troops at Fontainebleau&mdash;The Emperor's address to the
   Guard&mdash;Forfeiture pronounced by the Senate&mdash;Letters to Marmont&mdash;
   Correspondence between Marmont and Schwartzenberg&mdash;Macdonald
   informed of the occupation of Paris&mdash;Conversation between the
   Emperor and Macdonald at Fontainebleau&mdash;Beurnonville's letter&mdash;
   Abdication on condition of a Regency&mdash;Napoleon's wish to retract his
   act of abdication&mdash;Macdonald Ney, and Caulaincourt sent to Paris&mdash;
   Marmont released from his promise by Prince Schwartzenberg.
</pre>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 30th of March, while the battle before the walls of
      Paris was at its height, Bonaparte was still at Troyes. He quitted that
      town at ten o'clock, accompanied only by Bertrand, Caulaincourt, two aides
      de camp, and two orderly officers. He was not more than two hours in
      traveling the first ten leagues, and he and his slender escort performed
      the journey without changing horses, and without even alighting. They
      arrived at Sens at one o'clock in the afternoon. Everything was in such
      confusion that it was impossible to prepare a suitable mode of conveyance
      for the Emperor. He was therefore obliged to content himself with a
      wretched cariole, and in this equipage, about four in the morning, he
      reached Froidmanteau, about four leagues from Paris. It was there that the
      Emperor received from General Belliard, who arrived at the head of a
      column of artillery, the first intelligence of the battle of Paris. He
      heard the news with an air of composure, which was probably affected to
      avoid discouraging those about him. He walked for about a quarter of an
      hour on the high road, and it was after that promenade that he sent
      Caulaincourt to Paris. Napoleon afterwards went to the house of the
      postmaster, where he ordered his maps to be brought to him, and, according
      to custom, marked the different positions of the enemy's troops with pine,
      the heads of which were touched with wax of different colours. After this
      description of work, which Napoleon did every day, or sometimes several
      times a day, he repaired to Fontainebleau, where he arrived at six in the
      morning. He did not order the great apartments of the castle to be opened,
      but went up to his favourite little apartment, where he shut himself up,
      and remained alone during the whole of the 31st of March.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the evening the Emperor sent for the Duke of Ragusa, who had just
      arrived at Essonne with his troops. The Duke reached Fontainebleau between
      three and four o'clock on the morning of the 1st of April. Napoleon then
      received a detailed account of the events of the 30th from Marmont, on
      whose gallant conduct before Paris he bestowed much praise.
    </p>
    <p>
      All was gloom and melancholy at Fontainebleau, yet the Emperor still
      retained his authority, and I have been informed that he deliberated for
      some time as to whether he should retire behind the Loire, or immediately
      hazard a bold stroke upon Paris, which would have been much more to his
      taste than to resign himself to the chances which an uncertain temporising
      might bring about. This latter thought pleased him; and he was seriously
      considering his plan of attack when the news of the 31st, and the
      unsuccessful issue of Caulaincourt's mission, gave him to understand that
      his situation was more desperate than he had hitherto imagined.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the heads of his columns, which the Emperor had left at Troves,
      arrived on the 1st of April at Fontainebleau, the troops having marched
      fifty leagues in less than three days, one of the most rapid marches ever
      performed. On the 2d of April Napoleon communicated the events of Paris to
      the Generals who were about him, recommending them to conceal the news
      lest it should dispirit the troops, upon whom he yet relied. That day,
      during an inspection of the troops, which took place in the court of the
      Palace, Bonaparte assembled the officers of his Guard, and harangued them
      as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Soldiers! the enemy has stolen three marches upon us, and has made
   himself master of Paris. We must drive him thence. Frenchmen,
   unworthy of the name, emigrants whom we have pardoned, have mounted
   the white cockade, and joined the enemy. The wretches shall receive
   the reward due to this new crime. Let us swear to conquer or die,
   and to enforce respect to the tri-coloured cockade, which has for
   twenty years accompanied us on the path of glory and honour.
</pre>
    <p>
      He also endeavoured to induce the Generals to second his mad designs upon
      Paris, by making them believe that he had made sincere efforts to conclude
      peace. He assured them that he had expressed to the Emperor Alexander his
      willingness to purchase it by sacrifices; that he had consented to resign
      even the conquests made during the Revolution, and to confine himself
      within the old limits of France. "Alexander," added Napoleon, "refused;
      and, not content with that refusal, he has leagued himself with a party of
      emigrants, whom, perhaps, I was wrong in pardoning for having borne arms
      against France. Through their perfidious insinuations Alexander has
      permitted the white cockade to be mounted on the capital. We will maintain
      ours, and in a few days we will march upon Paris. I rely on you."
    </p>
    <p>
      When the boundless attachment of the Guards to the Emperor is considered
      it cannot appear surprising that these last words, uttered in an
      impressive tone, should have produced a feeling of enthusiasm, almost
      electrical, in all to whom they were addressed. The old companions of the
      glory of their chief exclaimed with one voice, "Paris! Paris!" But,
      fortunately, during the night, the Generals having deliberated with each
      other saw the frightful abyss into which they were about to precipitate
      France. They therefore resolved to intimate in discreet terms to the
      Emperor that they would not expose Paris to destruction, so that on the 3d
      of April, prudent ideas succeeded the inconsiderate enthusiasm of the
      preceding day.
    </p>
    <p>
      The wreck of the army assembled at Fontainebleau, which was the remnant of
      1,000,000 of troops levied during fifteen months, consisted only of the
      corps of the Duke of Reggio (Oudinot), Ney, Macdonald, and General Gerard,
      which 'altogether did not amount to 25,000 men, and which, joined to the
      remaining 7000 of the Guard, did not leave the Emperor a disposable force
      of more than 32,000 men. Nothing but madness or despair could have
      suggested the thought of subduing, with such scanty resources, the foreign
      masses which occupied and surrounded Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2d of April the Senate published a 'Senatus-consulte', declaring
      that Napoleon had forfeited the throne, and abolishing the right of
      succession, which had been established in favour of his family. Furnished
      with this set, and without awaiting the concurrence of the Legislative
      Body, which was given next day, the Provisional Government published an
      address to the French armies. In this address the troops were informed
      that they were no longer the soldiers of Napoleon, and that the Senate
      released them from their oaths. These documents were widely circulated at
      the time, and inserted in all the public journals.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address of the Senate was sent round to the Marshals, and was of
      course first delivered to those who were nearest the capital; of this
      latter number was Marmont, whose allegiance to the Emperor, as we have
      already seen, yielded only to the sacred interests of his country.
      Montessuis was directed by the Provisional Government to convey the
      address to Marmont, and to use such arguments as were calculated to
      strengthen those sentiments which had triumphed over his dearest personal
      affections. I gave Montessuis a letter to Marmont, in which I said:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "MY DEAR FRIEND&mdash;An old acquaintance of mine will convey to you the
   remembrances of our friendship. He will, I trust, influence your
   resolution: a single word will suffice to induce you to sacrifice
   all for the happiness of your country. To secure that object you,
   who are so good a Frenchman and so loyal a knight, will not fear
   either dangers or obstacles. Your friends expect you, long for you,
   and I trust will soon embrace you."
</pre>
    <p>
      Montessuis also took one from General Dessolles, whom the Provisional
      Government had appointed Governor of the National Guard in the room of
      Marshal Moncey, who had left Paris on the occupation of the Allies.
      General Dessolles and I did not communicate to each other our
      correspondence, but when I afterwards saw the letter of Dessolles I could
      not help remarking the coincidence of our appeal to Marmont's patriotism.
      Prince Schwartzenberg also wrote to Marmont to induce him to espouse a
      clause which had now become the cause of France. To the Prince's letter
      Marmont replied, that he was disposed to concur in the union of the army
      and the people, which would avert all chance of civil war, and stop the
      effusion of French blood; and that he was ready with his troops to quit
      the army of the Emperor Napoleon on the condition that his troops might
      retire with the honours of war, and that the safety and liberty of the
      Emperor were guaranteed by the Allies.
    </p>
    <p>
      After Prince Schwartzenberg acceded to these conditions Marmont was placed
      in circumstances which obliged him to request that he might be released
      from his promise.
    </p>
    <p>
      I happened to learn the manner in which Marshal Macdonald was informed of
      the taking of Paris. He had been two days without any intelligence from
      the Emperor, when he received an order in the handwriting of Berthier,
      couched in the following terms: "The Emperor desires that you halt
      wherever you may receive this order." After Berthier's signature the
      following words were added as a postscript: "You, of course, know that the
      enemy is in possession of Paris." When the Emperor thus announced, with
      apparent negligence, an event which totally changed the face of affairs, I
      am convinced his object was to make the Marshal believe that he looked
      upon, that event as less important than it really was. However, this
      object was not attained, for I recollect having heard Macdonald say that
      Berthier's singular postscript, and the tone of indifference in which it
      was expressed, filled him with mingled surprise and alarm. Marshal
      Macdonald then commanded the rear-guard of the army which occupied the
      environs of Montereau. Six hours after the receipt of the order here
      referred to Macdonald received a second order directing him to put his
      troops in motion, and he learned the Emperor's intention of marching on
      Paris with all his remaining force.
    </p>
    <p>
      On receiving the Emperor's second order Macdonald left his corps at
      Montereau and repaired in haste to Fontainebleau. When he arrived there
      the Emperor had already intimated to the Generals commanding divisions in
      the corps assembled at Fontainebleau his design of marching on Paris.
      Alarmed at this determination the Generals, most of whom had left in the
      capital their wives, children, and friends, requested that Macdonald would
      go with them to wait upon Napoleon and endeavour to dissuade him from his
      intention. "Gentlemen," said the Marshal, "in the Emperor's present
      situation such a proceeding may displease him. It must be managed
      cautiously. Leave it to me, gentlemen, I will go to the chateau."
    </p>
    <p>
      Marshal Macdonald accordingly went to the Palace of Fontainebleau, where
      the following conversation ensued between him and the Emperor, and I beg
      the reader to bear in mind that it was related to me by the Marshal
      himself. As soon as he entered the apartment in which Napoleon was the
      latter stepped up to him and said, "Well, how are things going on?"&mdash;
      "Very badly, Sire."&mdash;"How? . . . badly! . . . What then are the
      feelings of your army?"&mdash;"My army, Sire, is entirely discouraged . .
      . appalled by the fate of Paris."&mdash;"Will not your troops join me in
      an advance on Paris?"&mdash;"Sire, do not think of such a thing. If I were
      to give such an order to my troops I should run the risk of being
      disobeyed."&mdash;"But what is to be done? I cannot remain as I am; I have
      yet resources and partisans. It is said that the Allies will no longer
      treat with me. Well! no matter. I will march on Paris. I will be revenged
      on the inconstancy of the Parisians and the baseness of the Senate. Woe to
      the members of the Government they have patched up for the return of their
      Bourbons; that is what they are looking forward to. But to-morrow I shall
      place myself at the head of my Guards, and to-morrow we shall be in the
      Tuileries."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marshal listened in silence, and when at length Napoleon became
      somewhat calm he observed, "Sire, it appears, then, that you are not aware
      of what has taken place in Paris&mdash;of the establishment of a
      Provisional Government, and&mdash;"&mdash;"I know it all: and what then?"&mdash;"Sire,"
      added the Marshal, presenting a paper to Napoleon, "here is something
      which will tell you more than I can." Macdonald then presented to him a
      letter from General Beurnonville, announcing the forfeiture of the Emperor
      pronounced by the Senate, and the determination of the Allied powers not
      to treat with Napoleon, or any member of his family. "Marshal," said the
      Emperor, before he opened the letter, "may this be read aloud?"&mdash;"Certainly,
      Sire." The letter was then handed to Barre, who read it. An individual who
      was present on the occasion described to me the impression which the
      reading of the letter produced on Napoleon. His countenance exhibited that
      violent contraction of the features which I have often remarked when his
      mind was disturbed. However, he did not lose his self-command, which
      indeed never forsook him when policy or vanity required that he should
      retain it; and when the reading of Beurnonville's letter was ended he
      affected to persist in his intention of marching on Paris. "Sire,"
      exclaimed Macdonald, "that plan must be renounced. Not a sword would be
      unsheathed to second you in such an enterprise." After this conversation
      between the Emperor and Macdonald the question of the abdication began to
      be seriously thought of. Caulaincourt had already hinted to Napoleon that
      in case of his abdicating personally there was a possibility of inducing
      the Allies to agree to a Council of Regency. Napoleon then determined to
      sign the act of abdication, which he himself drew up in the following
      terms:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The Allied powers having declared that the Emperor Napoleon is the
   only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the
   Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he is ready to
   descend from the throne, to leave France, and even to lay down his
   life for the welfare of the country, which is inseparable from the
   rights of his son, those of the Regency of the Empress, and the
   maintenance of the laws of the Empire. Given at our Palace of
   Fontainebleau, 2d April 1814.
                    (Signed) NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      After having written this act the Emperor presented it to the Marshals,
      saying, "Here, gentlemen! are you satisfied?"
    </p>
    <p>
      This abdication of Napoleon was certainly very useless, but in case of
      anything occurring to render it a matter of importance the act might have
      proved entirely illusory. Its meaning might appear unequivocal to the
      generality of people, but not to me, who was so well initiated in the
      cunning to which Napoleon could resort when it suited his purpose. It is
      necessary to observe that Napoleon does not say that "he descends from the
      throne," but that "he is ready to descend from the throne." This was a
      subterfuge, by the aid of which he intended to open new negotiations
      respecting the form and conditions of the Regency of his son, in case of
      the Allied sovereigns acceding to that proposition. This would have
      afforded the means of gaining time.
    </p>
    <p>
      He had not yet resigned all hope, and therefore he joyfully received a
      piece of intelligence communicated to him by General Allix. The General
      informed the Emperor that he had met an Austrian officer who was sent by
      Francis II. to Prince Schwartzenberg, and who positively assured him that
      all which had taken place in Paris was contrary to the wish of the Emperor
      of Austria. That this may have been the opinion of the officer is
      possible, and even probable. But it is certain from the issue of a mission
      of the Duc de Cadore (Champagny), of which I shall presently speak, that
      the officer expressed merely his own personal opinion. However, as soon as
      General Allix had communicated this good news, as he termed it, to
      Napoleon, the latter exclaimed to the persons who were about him, "I told
      you so, gentlemen. Francis II. cannot carry his enmity so far as to
      dethrone his daughter. Vicenza, go and desire the Marshals to return my
      act of abdication. I will send a courier to the Emperor of Austria."
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus Bonaparte in his shipwreck looked round for a saving plank, and tried
      to nurse himself in illusions. The Duke of Vicenza went to Marshals Ney
      and Macdonald, whom he found just stepping into a carriage to proceed to
      Paris. Both positively refused to return the act to Caulaincourt, saying,
      "We are sure of the concurrence of the Emperor of Austria, and we take
      everything upon ourselves." The result proved that they were better
      informed than General Allix.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the conversation with Marshal Macdonald which has just been
      described the Emperor was seated. When he came to the resolution of
      signing the abdication he arose and walked once or twice up and down his
      cabinet. After he had written and signed the act he said, "Gentlemen, the
      interests of my son, the interests of the army, and above all, the
      interests of France, must be defended. I therefore appoint as my
      commissioners to the Allied powers the Duke of Vicenza, the Prince of the
      Moskowa, and the Duke of Ragusa. . . . Are you satisfied?" added he, after
      a pause. "I think these interests are consigned to good hands." All
      present answered, as with one voice. "Yes, Sire." But no sooner was this
      answer pronounced than the Emperor threw himself upon a small yellow sofa,
      which stood near the window, and striking his thigh with his hand with a
      sort of convulsive motion, he exclaimed, "No, gentlemen: I will have no
      Regency! With my Guards and Marmont's corps I shall be in Paris
      to-morrow." Ney and Macdonald vainly endeavoured to undeceive him
      respecting this impracticable design. He rose with marked ill-humour, and
      rubbing his head, as he was in the habit of doing when agitated, he said
      in a loud and authoritative tone, "Retire."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marshals withdrew, and Napoleon was left alone with Caulaincourt. He
      told the latter that what had most displeased him in the proceedings which
      had just taken place was the reading of Beurnonville's letter. "Sire,"
      observed the Duke of Vicenza, "it was by your order that the letter was
      read."&mdash;"That is true. . . . But why was it not addressed directly to
      me by Macdonald?"&mdash;"Sire, the letter was at first addressed to
      Marshal Macdonald, but the aide de camp who was the bearer of it had
      orders to communicate its contents to Marmont on passing through Essonne,
      because Beurnonville did not precisely know where Macdonald would be
      found." After this brief explanation the Emperor appeared satisfied, and
      he said to Caulaincourt, "Vicenza, call back Macdonald."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duke of Vicenza hastened after the Marshal, whom he found at the end
      of the gallery of the Palace, and he brought him back to the Emperor. When
      Macdonald returned to the cabinet the Emperor's warmth had entirely
      subsided, and he said to him with great composure, "Well, Duke of
      Tarantum, do you think that the Regency is the only possible thing?"&mdash;
      "Yes, Sire."&mdash;"Then I wish you to go with Ney to the Emperor
      Alexander, instead of Marmont; it is better that he should remain with his
      corps, to which his presence is indispensable. You will therefore go with
      Ney. I rely on you. I hope you have entirely forgotten all that has
      separated us for so long a time."&mdash;"Yes, Sire, I have not thought of
      it since 1809."&mdash;"I am glad of it, Marshal, and I must acknowledge to
      you that I was in the wrong." While speaking to the Marshal the Emperor
      manifested unusual emotion. He approached him and pressed his hand in the
      most affectionate way.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor's three Commissioners&mdash;that is to say, Marshals Macdonald
      and Ney and the Duke of Vicenza had informed Marmont that they would dine
      with him as they passed through Essonne, and would acquaint him with all
      that had happened at Fontainebleau. On their arrival at Essonne the three
      Imperial Commissioners explained to the Duc of Ragusa the object of their
      mission, and persuaded him to accompany them to the Emperor Alexander.
      This obliged the Marshal to inform them how he was situated. The
      negotiations which Marmont had opened and almost concluded with Prince
      Schwartzenberg were rendered void by the mission which he had joined, and
      which it was necessary he should himself explain to the Commander of the
      Austrian army. The three Marshals and the Duke of Vicenza repaired to
      Petit Bourg, the headquarters of Prince Schwartzenberg, and there the
      Prince released Marmont from the promise he had given.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0104" id="link2HCH0104">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXVI.
    </h2>

      1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Unexpected receipts in the Post-office Department&mdash;Arrival of
   Napoleon's Commissioners at M. de Talleyrand's&mdash;Conference of the
   Marshals with Alexander&mdash;Alarming news from Essonne&mdash;Marmont's
   courage&mdash;The white cockade and the tri-coloured cockade&mdash;
   A successful stratagem&mdash;Three Governments in France&mdash;The Duc de
   Cadore sent by Maria Louisa to the Emperor of Austria&mdash;Maria
   Louisa's proclamation to the French people&mdash;Interview between the
   Emperor of Austria and the Duc de Cadore&mdash;The Emperor's protestation
   of friendship for Napoleon&mdash;M. Metternich and M. Stadion&mdash;Maria
   Louisa's departure for Orleans&mdash;Blücher's visit to me&mdash;Audience of
   the King of Prussia&mdash;His Majesty's reception of Berthier, Clarke,
   and myself&mdash;Bernadotte in Paris&mdash;Cross of the Polar Star presented
   to me by Bernadotte.
</pre>
    <p>
      After my nomination as Director-General of the Post office the business of
      that department proceeded as regularly as before. Having learned that a
      great many intercepted letters had been thrown aside I sent, on the 4th of
      April, an advertisement to the 'Moniteur', stating that the letters to and
      from England or other foreign countries which had been lying at the
      Post-office for more than three years would be forwarded to their
      respective addresses. This produced to the Post-office a receipt of nearly
      300,000 francs, a fact which may afford an idea of the enormous number of
      intercepted letters.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the night after the publication of the advertisement I was awakened by
      an express from the Provisional Government, by which I was requested to
      proceed with all possible haste to M. de Talleyrand's hotel. I rose, and I
      set off immediately, and I got there some minutes before the arrival of
      the Emperor's Commissioners. I went up to the salon on the first floor,
      which was one of the suite of apartments occupied by the Emperor
      Alexander. The Marshals retired to confer with the monarch, and it would
      be difficult to describe the anxiety&mdash;or, I may rather say,
      consternation&mdash;which, during their absence, prevailed among some of
      the members of the Provisional Government and other persons assembled in
      the salon where I was.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the Marshals were with Alexander, I learned that they had previously
      conversed with M. de Talleyrand, who observed to them, "If you succeed in
      your designs you will compromise all who have met in this hotel since the
      1st of April, and the number is not small. For my part, take no account of
      me, I am willing to be compromised." I had passed the evening of this day
      with M. de Talleyrand, who then observed to the Emperor Alexander in my
      presence, "Will you support Bonaparte? No, you neither can nor will. I
      have already had the honour to tell your Majesty that we can have no
      choice but between Bonaparte and Louis XVIII.; anything else would be an
      intrigue, and no intrigue can have power to support him who may be its
      object. Bernadotte, Eugène, the Regency, all those propositions result
      from intrigues. In present circumstances nothing but a new principle is
      sufficiently strong to establish the new order of things which must be
      adopted. Louis XVIII. is a principle."
    </p>
    <p>
      None of the members of the Provisional Government were present at this
      conference, for no one was willing to appear to influence in any way the
      determination of the chief of the coalition upon the subject of this
      important mission. General Dessolles alone, in quality of commander of the
      National Guard of Paris, was requested to be present. At length the
      Marshals entered the salon where we were, and their appearance created a
      sensation which it is impossible to describe; but the expression of
      dissatisfaction which we thought we remarked in their countenances
      restored the hopes of those who for some hours had been a prey to
      apprehensions. Macdonald, with his head elevated, and evidently under the
      influence of strong irritation, approached Beurnonville, and thus
      addressed him, in answer to a question which the latter had put to him.
      "Speak not to me, sir; I have nothing to say to you. You have made me
      forget a friendship of thirty years!" Then turning to Dupont, "As for you,
      sir," he continued in the same tone, "your conduct towards the Emperor is
      not generous. I confess that he has treated you with severity, perhaps he
      may even have been unjust to you with respect to the affair of Baylen, but
      how long has it been the practice to avenge a personal wrong at the
      expense of one's country?"
    </p>
    <p>
      These remarks were made with such warmth, and in so elevated a tone of
      voice, that Caulaincourt thought it necessary to interfere, and said, "Do
      not forget, gentlemen, that this is the residence of the Emperor of
      Russia." At this moment M. de Talleyrand returned from the interview with
      the Emperor which he had had after the departure of the Marshals, and
      approaching the group formed round Macdonald, "Gentlemen," said he, "if
      you wish to dispute and discuss, step down to my apartments."&mdash; "That
      would be useless," replied Macdonald; "my comrades and I do not
      acknowledge the Provisional Government." The three Marshals, Ney,
      Macdonald, and Marmont, then immediately retired with Caulaincourt, and
      went to Ney's hotel, there to await the answer which the Emperor Alexander
      had promised to give them after consulting the King of Prussia.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was this night-scene; which possessed more dramatic effect than many
      which are performed on the stage. In it all was real: on its denouement
      depended the political state of France, and the existence of all those who
      had already declared themselves in favour of the Bourbons. It is a
      remarkable fact, and one which affords a striking lesson to men who are
      tempted to sacrifice themselves for any political cause, that most of
      those who then demanded the restoration of the Bourbons at the peril of
      their lives have successively fallen into disgrace.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Marshals and Caulaincourt had retired we were all anxious to know
      what had passed between them and the Emperor of Russia. I learned from
      Dessolles, who, as I have stated, was present at the conference in his
      rank of commander of the National Guard of Paris, that the Marshals were
      unanimous in urging Alexander to accede to a Regency. Macdonald especially
      supported that proposition with much warmth; and among the observations he
      made I recollect Dessolles mentioned the following:&mdash; "I am not
      authorised to treat in any way for the fate reserved for the Emperor. We
      have full powers to treat for the Regency, the army, and France; but the
      Emperor has positively forbidden us to specify anything personally
      regarding himself." Alexander merely replied, "That does not astonish me."
      The Marshals then, resuming the conversation, dwelt much on the respect
      which was due to the military glory of France. They strongly manifested
      their disinclination to abandon the family of a man who had so often led
      them to victory; and lastly, they reminded the Emperor Alexander of his
      own declaration, in which he proclaimed, in his own name as well as on the
      part of his Allies, that it was not their intention to impose on France
      any government whatever.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dessolles, who had all along declared himself in favour of the Bourbons,
      in his turn entered into the discussion with as much warmth as the
      partisans of the Regency. He represented to Alexander how many persons
      would be compromised for merely having acted or declared their opinions
      behind the shield of his promises. He repeated what Alexander had already
      been told, that the Regency would, in fact, be nothing but Bonaparte in
      disguise. However, Dessolles acknowledged that such was the effect of
      Marshal Macdonald's powerful and persuasive eloquence that Alexander
      seemed to waver; and, unwilling to give the Marshals a positive refusal,
      he had recourse to a subterfuge, by which he would be enabled to execute
      the design he had irrevocably formed without seeming to take on himself
      alone the responsibility of a change of government. Dessolles accordingly
      informed us that Alexander at last gave the following answer to the
      Marshals: "Gentlemen, I am not alone; in an affair of such importance I
      must consult the King of Prussia, for I have promised to do nothing
      without consulting him. In a few hours you shall know my decision." It was
      this decision which the Marshals went to wait for at Ney's.
    </p>
    <p>
      Most of the members of the Provisional Government attributed the evasive
      reply of the Emperor Alexander to the influence of the speech of
      Dessolles. For my part, while I do justice to the manner in which he
      declared himself on this important occasion, I do not ascribe to his
      eloquence the power of fixing Alexander's resolution, for I well know by
      experience how easy it is to make princes appear to adopt the advice of
      any one when the counsel given is precisely that which they wish to
      follow. From the sentiments of Alexander at this time I had not the
      slightest doubt as to the course he would finally pursue, and I considered
      what he said about consulting the King of Prussia to be merely a polite
      excuse, by which he avoided the disagreeable task of giving the Marshals a
      direct refusal.
    </p>
    <p>
      I therefore returned home quite satisfied as to the result of the Emperor
      Alexander's visit to the King of Prussia. I knew, from the persons about
      the Czar, that he cherished a hatred, which was but too well justified,
      towards Bonaparte. Frederick William is of too firm a character to have
      yielded to any of the considerations which might on this subject have been
      pressed on him as they had been on the Emperor of Russia. But, besides
      that the King of Prussia had legitimate reasons for disliking Napoleon,
      policy would at that time have required that he should appear to be his
      enemy, for to do so was to render himself popular with his subjects. But
      the King of Prussia did not need to act under the dictates of policy; he
      followed his own opinion in rejecting the propositions of the Marshals,
      which he did without hesitation, and with much energy.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the Marshals had gone to Paris Bonaparte was anxious to ascertain
      whether his Commissioners had passed the advanced posts of the foreign
      armies, and in case of resistance he determined to march on Paris, for he
      could not believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aide de camp
      to desire Marmont to come immediately to Fontainebleau: such was
      Napoleon's impatience that instead of waiting for the return of his aide
      de camp he sent off a second and then a third officer on the same errand.
      This rapid succession of envoys from the Emperor alarmed the general who
      commanded the different divisions of Marmont's corps at Essonne. They
      feared that the Emperor was aware of the Convention concluded that morning
      with Prince Schwartzenberg, and that he had sent for Marmont with the view
      of reprimanding him. The fact was, Napoleon knew nothing of the matter,
      for Marmont, on departing for Paris with Macdonald and Ney, had left
      orders that it should be said that he had gone to inspect his lines.
      Souham; Lebrun des Essarts, and Bordessoulle, who had given their assent
      to the Convention with Prince Schwartzenberg, deliberated in the absence
      of Marmont, and, perhaps being ignorant that he was released from his
      promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon, they determined to march
      upon Versailles. On arriving there the troops not finding the Marshal at
      their head thought themselves betrayed, and a spirit of insurrection broke
      out among them. One of Marmont's aides de camp, whom he had left at
      Essonne, exerted every endeavour to prevent the departure of his general's
      corps, but, finding all his efforts unavailing, he hastened to Paris to
      inform the Marshal of what had happened. 'When Marmont received this news
      he was breakfasting at Ney's with Macdonald and Caulaincourt: they were
      waiting for the answer which the Emperor Alexander had promised to send
      them. The march of his corps on Versailles threw Marmont into despair. He
      said to the Marshals, "I must be off to join my corps and quell this
      mutiny;" and without losing a moment he ordered his carriage and directed
      the coachman to drive with the utmost speed. He sent forward one of his
      aides de camp to inform the troops of his approach.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having arrived within a hundred paces of the place where his troops were
      assembled he found the generals who were under his orders advancing to
      meet him. They urged him not to go farther, as the men were in open
      insurrection. "I will go into the midst of them," said Marmont. "In a
      moment they shall either kill me or acknowledge me as their chief:" He
      sent off another aide de camp to range the troops in the order of battle.
      Then, alighting from the carriage and mounting a horse, he advanced alone,
      and thus harangued his troops: "How! Is there treason here? Is it possible
      that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I not been wounded twenty
      times among you? . . . Have I not shared your fatigues and privations? And
      am I not ready to do so again?" Here Marmont was interrupted by a general
      shout of "Vive le Marechal! Vive le Marechal!"
    </p>
    <p>
      The alarm caused among the members of the Provisional Government by the
      mission of the Marshals was increased by the news of the mutiny of
      Marmont's troops. During the whole of the day we were in a state of
      tormenting anxiety. It was feared that the insurrectionary spirit might
      spread among other corps of the army, and the cause of France again be
      endangered. But the courage of Marmont saved everything: It would be
      impossible to convey any idea of the manner in which he was received by us
      at Talleyrand's when he related the particulars of what had occurred at
      Versailles.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the day on which Marmont had acted so nobly it was
      proposed that the army should adopt the white cockade. In reply to this
      proposition the Marshal said, "Gentlemen, I have made my troops understand
      the necessity of serving France before all things. They have,
      consequently, returned to order, and I can now answer for them. But what I
      cannot answer for is to induce them to abandon the colours which have led
      them to victory for the last twenty years. Therefore do not count upon me
      for a thing which I consider to be totally hostile to the interests of
      France. I will speak to the Emperor Alexander on the subject." Such were
      Marmont's words. Every one appeared to concur in his opinion, and the
      discussion terminated. For my own part, I find by my notes that I declared
      myself strongly in favour of Marmont's proposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marshal's opinion having been adopted, at least provisionally, an
      article was prepared for the Moniteur in nearly the following terms:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   The white cockade has been, during the last four days, a badge for
   the manifestation of public opinion in favour of the overthrow of an
   oppressive Government: it has been the only means of distinguishing
   the partisans of the restoration of the old dynasty, to which at
   length we are to be indebted for repose. But as the late Government
   is at an end, all colours differing from our national colours are
   useless: let us, therefore, resume those which have so often led us
   to victory.
</pre>
    <p>
      Such was the spirit of the article, though possibly the above copy may
      differ in a few words. It met with the unqualified approbation of every
      one present. I was therefore extremely surprised, on looking at the
      'Moniteur' next day, to find that the article was not inserted. I knew not
      what courtly interference prevented the appearance of the article, but I
      remember that Marmont was very ill pleased at its omission. He complained
      on the subject to the Emperor Alexander, who promised to write, and in
      fact did write, to the Provisional Government to get the article inserted.
      However, it did not appear, and in a few days we obtained a solution of
      the enigma, as we might perhaps have done before if we had tried. The
      Emperor Alexander also promised to write to the Comte d'Artois, and to
      inform him that the opinion of France was in favour of the preservation of
      the three colours, but I do not know whether the letter was written, or,
      if it was, what answer it received.
    </p>
    <p>
      Marshal Jourdan, who was then at Rouen, received a letter, written without
      the knowledge of Marmont, informing him that the latter had mounted the
      white cockade in his corps. Jourdan thought he could not do otherwise than
      follow Marmont's example, and he announced to the Provisional Government
      that in consequence of the resolution of the Duke of Ragusa he had just
      ordered his corps to wear the white cockade. Marmont could now be boldly
      faced, and when he complained to the Provisional Government of the
      non-insertion of the article in the Moniteur the reply was, "It cannot now
      appear. You see Marshal Jourdan has mounted the white cockade: you would
      not give the army two sets of colours!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Marmont could make no answer to so positive a fact. It was not till some
      time after that I learned Jourdan had determined to unfurl the white flag
      only on the positive assurance that Marmont had already done so. Thus we
      lost the colours which had been worn by Louis XVI., which Louis XVIII.,
      when a Prince, had adopted, and in which the Comte d'Artois showed himself
      on his return to the Parisians, for he entered the capital in the uniform
      of the National Guard. The fraud played off by some members of the
      Provisional Government was attended by fatal consequences; many evils
      might have been spared to France had Marmont's advice been adopted.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the period of the dissolution of the Empire there might be said to be
      three Governments in France, viz. the Provisional Government in Paris,
      Napoleon's at Fontainebleau, and the doubtful and ambulatory Regency of
      "Maria Louisa." Doubtful and ambulatory the Regency might well be called,
      for there was so little decision as to the course to be adopted by the
      Empress that it was at first proposed to conduct her to Orleans, then to
      Tours, and she went finally to Blois. The uncertainty which prevailed
      respecting the destiny of Maria Louisa is proved by a document which I
      have in my possession, and of which there cannot be many copies in
      existence. It is a circular addressed to the prefects by M. de Montalivet,
      the Minister of the Interior, who accompanied the Empress. In it a blank
      is left for the seat of the Government, to which the prefects are desired
      to send their communications. In the copy I possess the blank is filled up
      with the word "Blois" in manuscript.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as Maria Louisa was made acquainted with the events that had taken
      place around Paris she sent for the Duc de Cadore, and gave him a letter
      addressed to the Emperor of Austria, saying, "Take this to my father, who
      must be at Dijon. I rely on you for defending the interests of France,
      those of the Emperor, and above all those of my son." Certainly Maria
      Louisa's confidence could not be better placed, and those great interests
      would have been defended by the Duc de Cadore 'si defendi possent.'
    </p>
    <p>
      After the departure of the Duc de Cadore Maria Louisa published the
      following proclamation, addressed to the French people:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
             BY THE EMPRESS REGENT.

               A Proclamation

   The events of the war have placed the capital in the power of
   foreigners. The Emperor has marched to defend it at the head of his
   armies, so often victorious. They are face to face with the enemy
   before the walls of Paris. From the residence which I have chosen,
   and from the Ministers of the Emperor, will emanate the only orders
   which you can acknowledge. Every town in the power of foreigners
   ceases to be free, and every order which may proceed from them is
   the language of the enemy, or that which it suits his hostile views
   to propagate. You will be faithful to your oaths. You will listen
   to the voice of a Princess who was consigned to your good faith, and
   whose highest pride consists in being a Frenchwoman, and in being
   united to the destiny of the sovereign whom you have freely chosen.
   My son was less sure of your affections in the time of our
   prosperity; his rights and his person are under your safeguard.

   (By order) MONTALIVET.       (Signed) MARIA LOUISA
   BLOIS, 3d April 1814.
</pre>
    <p>
      It is to be inferred that the Regency had within three days adopted the
      resolution of not quitting Blois, for the above document presents no
      blanks, nor words filled up in writing. The Empress' proclamation, though
      a powerful appeal to the feelings of the French people, produced no
      effect. Maria Louisa's proclamation was dated the 4th of April, on the
      evening of which day Napoleon signed the conditional abdication, with the
      fate of which the reader has already been made acquainted. M. de
      Montalivet transmitted the Empress' proclamation, accompanied by another
      circular, to the prefects, of whom very few received it.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Champagny, having left Blois with the letter he had received from
      the Empress, proceeded to the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria,
      carefully avoiding those roads which were occupied by Cossack troops. He
      arrived, not without considerable difficulty, at Chanseaux, where Frances
      II. was expected. When the Emperor arrived the Duc de Cadore was
      announced, and immediately introduced to his Majesty. The Duke remained
      some hours with Francis II., without being able to obtain from him
      anything but fair protestations. The Emperor always took refuge behind the
      promise he had given to his Allies to approve whatever measures they might
      adopt. The Duke was not to leave the Emperor's headquarters that evening,
      and, in the hope that his Majesty might yet reflect on the critical
      situation of his daughter, he asked permission to take leave next morning.
      He accordingly presented himself to the Emperor's levee, when he renewed
      his efforts in support of the claims of Maria Louisa. "I have a great
      affection for my daughter, and also for my son-in law," said the Emperor.
      "I bear them both in my heart, and would shed my blood for them"&mdash;"Ah,
      Sire!" exclaimed M. de Champagny, "such a sacrifice is not necessary."&mdash;"Yes,
      Duke, I say again I would shed my blood, I would resign my life for them,
      but I have given my Allies a promise not to treat without them, and to
      approve all that they may do. Besides," added the Emperor, "my Minister,
      M. de Metternich, has gone to their headquarters, and I will ratify
      whatever he may sign."
    </p>
    <p>
      When the Duc de Cadore related to me the particulars of his mission, in
      which zeal could not work an impossibility, I remarked that he regarded as
      a circumstance fatal to Napoleon the absence of M. de Metternich and the
      presence of M. Stadion at the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria.
      Though in all probability nothing could have arrested the course of
      events, yet it is certain that the personal sentiments of the two Austrian
      Ministers towards Napoleon were widely different. I am not going too far
      when I affirm that, policy apart, M. de Metternich was much attached to
      Napoleon. In support of this assertion I may quote a fact of which I can
      guarantee the authenticity:
    </p>
    <p>
      When M. de Metternich was complimented on the occasion of Maria Louisa's
      marriage he replied, "To have contributed to a measure which has received
      the approbation of 80,000,000 men is indeed a just subject of
      congratulation." Such a remark openly made by the intelligent Minister of
      the Cabinet of Vienna was well calculated to gratify the ears of Napoleon,
      from whom, however, M. de Metternich in his personal relations did not
      conceal the truth. I recollect a reply which was made by M. de Metternich
      at Dresden after a little hesitation. "As to you," said the Emperor, "you
      will not go to war with me. It is impossible that you can declare yourself
      against me. That can never be."&mdash;"Sire, we are not now quite allies,
      and some time hence we may become enemies." This hint was the last which
      Napoleon received from Metternich, and Napoleon must have been blind
      indeed not to have profited by it. As to M. Stadion, he entertained a
      profound dislike of the Emperor. That Minister knew and could not forget
      that his preceding exclusion from the Cabinet of Vienna had been due to
      the all-powerful influence of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whether or not the absence of Metternich influenced the resolution of
      Francis II., it is certain that that monarch yielded nothing to the urgent
      solicitations of a Minister who conscientiously fulfilled the delicate
      mission consigned to him. M. de Champagny rejoined the Empress at Orleans,
      whither she had repaired on leaving Blois. He found Maria Louisa almost
      deserted, all the Grand Dignitaries of the Empire having successively
      returned to Paris after sending in their submissions to the Provisional
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had scarcely entered upon the exercise of my functions as
      Postmaster-General when, on the morning of the 2d of April, I was
      surprised to see a Prussian general officer enter my cabinet. I
      immediately recognised him as General Blücher. He had commanded the
      Prussian army in the battle which took place at the gates of Paris. "Sir,"
      said he, "I consider it one of my first duties on entering Paris to thank
      you for the attention I received from you in Hamburg. I am sorry that I
      was not sooner aware of your being in Paris. I assure you that had I been
      sooner informed of this circumstance the capitulation should have been
      made without a blow being struck. How much blood might then have been
      spared!"&mdash;"General," said I, "on what do you ground this assurance?"&mdash;"If
      I had known that you were in Paris I would have given you a letter to the
      King of Prussia. That monarch, who knows the resources and intentions of
      the Allies, would, I am sure, have authorised you to decide a suspension
      of arms before the neighbourhood of Paris became the theatre of the war."&mdash;"But,"
      resumed I, "in spite of the good intentions of the Allies, it would have
      been very difficult to prevent resistance. French pride, irritated as it
      was by reverses, would have opposed insurmountable obstacles to such a
      measure."&mdash;"But, good heavens! you would have seen that resistance
      could be of no avail against such immense masses."&mdash;"You are right,
      General; but French honour would have been defended to the last."&mdash;"I
      am fully aware of that; but surely you have earned glory enough!"&mdash;"Yet
      our French susceptibility would have made us look upon that glory as
      tarnished if Paris had been occupied without defence ... But under present
      circumstances I am well pleased that you were satisfied with my conduct in
      Hamburg, for it induces me to hope that you will observe the same
      moderation in Paris that I exercised there. The days are past when it
      could be said, Woe to the conquered."&mdash;"You are right; yet," added
      he, smiling, "you know we are called the northern barbarians."&mdash;"Then,
      General," returned I, "you have a fair opportunity of showing that that
      designation is a libel."
    </p>
    <p>
      Some days after Blücher's visit I had the honour of being admitted to a
      private audience of the King of Prussia. Clarke and Berthier were also
      received in this audience, which took place at the hotel of Prince Eugène,
      where the King of Prussia resided in Paris. We waited for some minutes in
      the salon, and when Frederick William entered from his cabinet I remarked
      on his countenance an air of embarrassment and austerity which convinced
      me that he had been studying his part, as great personages are in the
      habit of doing on similar occasions. The King on entering the salon first
      noticed Berthier, whom he addressed with much kindness, bestowing praises
      on the French troops, and complimenting the Marshal on his conduct during
      the war in Germany. Berthier returned thanks for these well-merited
      praises, for though he was not remarkable for strength of understanding or
      energy of mind, yet he was not a bad man, and I have known many proofs of
      his good conduct in conquered countries.
    </p>
    <p>
      After saluting Berthier the King of Prussia turned towards Clarke, and his
      countenance immediately assumed an expression of dissatisfaction. He had
      evidently not forgotten Clarke's conduct in Berlin. He reminded him that
      he had rendered the Continental system more odious than it was in itself,
      and that he had shown no moderation in the execution of his orders. "In
      short," said his Majesty, "if I have any advice to give you, it is that
      you never again return to Prussia." The King pronounced these words in so
      loud and decided a tone that Clarke was perfectly confounded. He uttered
      some unintelligible observations, which, however, Frederick William did
      not notice, for suddenly turning towards me he said, with an air of
      affability, "Ah! M. de Bourrienne, I am glad to see you, and I take this
      opportunity of repeating what I wrote to you from Gonigsberg. You always
      extended protection to the Germans, and did all you could to alleviate
      their condition. I learned with great satisfaction what you did for the
      Prussians whom the fate of war drove into Hamburg; and I feel pleasure in
      telling you, in the presence of these two gentlemen, that if all the
      French agents had acted as you did we should not, probably, be here." I
      expressed, by a profound bow, how much I was gratified by this
      complimentary address, and the king, after saluting us, retired.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the middle of April Bernadotte arrived in Paris. His situation had
      become equivocal, since circumstances had banished the hopes he might have
      conceived in his interview with the Emperor Alexander at Åbo. Besides, he
      had been represented in some official pamphlets as a traitor to France,
      and among certain worshippers of our injured glory there prevailed a
      feeling of irritation, and which was unjustly directed towards Bernadotte.
    </p>
    <p>
      I even remember that Napoleon, before he had fallen from his power, had a
      sort of national protest made by the police against the Prince Royal of
      Sweden. This Prince had reserved an hotel in the Rue d'Anjou, and the
      words, "Down with the traitor! down with the perjurer," were shouted
      there; but this had no result, as it was only considered an outrage caused
      by a spirit of petty vengeance.
    </p>
    <p>
      While Bernadotte was in Paris I saw him every day. He but faintly
      disguised from me the hope he had entertained of ruling France; and in the
      numerous conversations to which our respective occupations led I
      ascertained, though Bernadotte did not formally tell me so, that he once
      had strong expectations of succeeding Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Pressed at last into his final intrenchments he broke through all reserve
      and confirmed all I knew of the interview of Åbo.
    </p>
    <p>
      I asked Bernadotte what he thought of the projects which were attributed
      to Moreau; whether it was true that he had in him a competitor, and
      whether Moreau had aspired to the dangerous honour of governing France:
      "Those reports," replied the Prince Royal of Sweden, "are devoid of
      foundation: at least I can assure you that in the conversations I have had
      with the Emperor Alexander, that sovereign never said anything which could
      warrant such a supposition. I know that the Emperor of Russia wished to
      avail himself of the military talents of Moreau in the great struggle that
      had commenced, and to enable the exiled general to return to his country,
      in the hope that, should the war prove fortunate, he would enjoy the
      honours and privileges due to his past services."
    </p>
    <p>
      Bernadotte expressed to me astonishment at the recall of the Bourbons, and
      assured me that he had not expected the French people would so readily
      have consented to the Restoration. I confess I was surprised that
      Bernadotte, with the intelligence I knew him to possess, should imagine
      that the will of subjects has any influence in changes of government!
    </p>
    <p>
      During his stay in Paris Bernadotte evinced for me the same sentiments of
      friendship which he had shown me at Hamburg. One day I received from him a
      letter, dated Paris, with which he transmitted to me one of the crosses of
      the Polar Star, which the King of Sweden had left at his disposal.
      Bernadotte was not very well satisfied with his residence in Paris, in
      spite of the friendship which the Emperor Alexander constantly manifested
      towards him. After a few days he set out for Sweden, having first taken
      leave of the Comte d'Artois. I did not see him after his farewell visit to
      the Count, so that I know not what was the nature of the conversation
      which passed between the two Princes.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VOLUME IV. &mdash; 1814-1821
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER I.
    </h2>

      1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Unalterable determination of the Allies with respect to Napoleon&mdash;
   Fontainebleau included in the limits to be occupied by the Allies&mdash;
   Alexander's departure from Paris&mdash;Napoleon informed of the necessity
   of his unconditional abdication&mdash;Macdonald and Ney again sent to
   Paris&mdash;Alleged attempt of Napoleon to poison himself&mdash;Farewell
   interview between Macdonald and Napoleon&mdash;The sabre of Murad Bey&mdash;
   Signature of the act of unconditional abdication&mdash;Tranquillity of
   Paris during the change of Government&mdash;Ukase of the Emperor of
   Russia relative to the Post-office&mdash;Religious ceremony on the Place
   Louis XV.&mdash;Arrival of the Comte d'Artois&mdash;His entrance into Paris&mdash;
   Arrival of the Emperor of Austria&mdash;Singular assemblage of sovereigns
   in France&mdash;Visit of the Emperor of Austria to Maria Louisa&mdash;Her
   interview with the Emperor Alexander&mdash;Her departure for Vienna.
</pre>
    <p>
      When Marmont left Paris on the receipt of the intelligence from Essonne,
      Marshals Macdonald and Ney and the Duke of Vicenza waited upon the Emperor
      Alexander to learn his resolution before he could have been informed of
      the movement of Marmont's troops. I myself went during the morning to the
      hotel of M. de Talleyrand, and it was there I learnt how what we had hoped
      for had become fact: the matter was completely decided. The Emperor
      Alexander had walked out at six in the morning to the residence of the
      King of Prussia in the Rue de Bourbon. The two sovereigns afterwards
      proceeded together to M. de Talleyrand's, where they were when Napoleon's
      Commissioners arrived. The Commissioners being introduced to the two
      sovereigns, the Emperor Alexander, in answer to their proposition, replied
      that the Regency was impossible, as submissions to the Provisional
      Government were pouring in from all parts, and that if the army had formed
      contrary wishes those should have been sooner made known. "Sire," observed
      Macdonald, "that&mdash;was&mdash;impossible, as none of the Marshals were
      in Paris, and besides, who could foresee the turn which affairs have
      taken? Could we imagine that an unfounded alarm would have removed from
      Essonne the corps of the Duke of Ragusa, who has this moment left us to
      bring his troops back to order?" These words produced no change in the
      determination of the sovereigns, who would hear of nothing but the
      unconditional abdication of Napoleon. Before the Marshals took leave of
      the Emperor Alexander they solicited an armistice of forty-eight hours,
      which time they said was indispensable to negotiate the act of abdication
      with Napoleon. This request was granted without hesitation, and the
      Emperor Alexander, showing Macdonald a map of the environs of Paris,
      courteously presented him with a pencil, saying, "Here, Marshal, mark
      yourself the limits to be observed by the two armies."&mdash;"No, Sire,"
      replied Macdonald, "we are the conquered party, and it is for you to mark
      the line of demarcation." Alexander determined that the right bank of the
      Seine should be occupied by the Allied troops, and the left bank by the
      French; but it was observed that this arrangement would be attended with
      inconvenience, as it would cut Paris in two, and it was agreed that the
      line should turn Paris. I have been informed that on a map sent to the
      Austrian staff to acquaint Prince Schwartzenberg with the limits
      definitively agreed on, Fontainebleau, the Emperor's headquarters, was by
      some artful means included within the line. The Austrians acted so
      implicitly on this direction that Marshal Macdonald was obliged to
      complain on the subject to Alexander, who removed all obstacles.
    </p>
    <p>
      When, in discussing the question of the abdication conformably with the
      instructions he had received, Macdonald observed to the Emperor Alexander
      that Napoleon wished for nothing for himself, "Assure him," replied
      Alexander, "that a provision shall be made for him worthy of the rank he
      has occupied. Tell him that if he wishes to reside in my States he shall
      be well received, though he brought desolation there. I shall always
      remember the friendship which united us. He shall have the island of Elba,
      or something else." After taking leave of the Emperor Alexander, on the
      5th of April, Napoleon's Commissioners returned to Fontainebleau to render
      an account of their mission. I saw Alexander that same day, and it
      appeared to me that his mind was relieved of a great weight by the
      question of the Regency being brought to an end. I was informed that he
      intended to quit Paris in a few days, and that he had given full powers to
      M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, whom he appointed his Commissioner to the Provisional
      Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the same day, the 5th of April, Napoleon inspected his troops in the
      Palace yard of Fontainebleau. He observed some coolness among his
      officers, and even among the private soldiers, who had evinced such
      enthusiasm when he inspected them on the 2d of April. He was so much
      affected by this change of conduct that he remained but a short time on
      the parade, and afterwards retired to his apartments.
    </p>
    <p>
      About one o'clock on the morning of the 6th of April Ney, Macdonald, and
      Caulaincourt arrived at Fontainebleau to acquaint the Emperor with the
      issue of their mission, and the sentiments expressed by Alexander when
      they took leave of him. Marshal Ney was the first to announce to Napoleon
      that the Allies required his complete and unconditional abdication,
      unaccompanied by any stipulation, except that of his personal safety,
      which should be guaranteed. Marshal Macdonald and the Duke of Vicenza then
      spoke to the same effect, but in more gentle terms than those employed by
      Ney, who was but little versed in the courtesies of speech. When Marshal
      Macdonald had finished speaking Napoleon said with some emotion, "Marshal,
      I am sensible of all that you have done for me, and of the warmth with
      which you have pleaded the cause of my son. They wish for my complete and
      unconditional abdication. . . . Very well. I again empower you to act on
      my behalf. You shall go and defend my interests and those of my family."
      Then, after a moment's pause, he added, still addressing Macdonald,
      "Marshal, where shall I go?" Macdonald then informed the Emperor what
      Alexander had mentioned in the hypothesis of his wishing to reside in
      Russia. "Sire," added he, "the Emperor of Russia told me that he destined
      for you the island of Elba, or something else."&mdash;"Or something else!"
      repeated Napoleon hastily, "and what is that something else?"&mdash;"Sire,
      I know not."&mdash;"Ah! it is doubtless the island of Corsica, and he
      refrained from mentioning it to avoid embarrassment! Marshal, I leave all
      to you."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marshals returned to Paris as soon as Napoleon furnished them with new
      powers; Caulaincourt remained at Fontainebleau. On arriving in Paris
      Marshal Ney sent in his adhesion to the Provisional Government, so that
      when Macdonald returned to Fontainebleau to convey to Napoleon the
      definitive treaty of the Allies, Ney did not accompany him, and the
      Emperor expressed surprise and dissatisfaction at his absence. Ney, as all
      his friends concur in admitting, expended his whole energy in battle, and
      often wanted resolution when out of the field, consequently I was not
      surprised to find that he joined us before some other of his comrades. As
      to Macdonald, he was one of those generous spirits who may be most
      confidently relied on by those who have wronged them. Napoleon experienced
      the truth of this. Macdonald returned alone to Fontainebleau, and when he
      entered the Emperor's chamber he found him seated in a small armchair
      before the fireplace. He was dressed in a morning-gown of white dimity,
      and he wore his slippers without stockings. His elbows rested on his knees
      and his head was supported by his hands. He was motionless, and seemed
      absorbed in profound reflection. Only two persons were in the apartment,
      the Duke of Bassano; who was at a little distance from the Emperor, and
      Caulaincourt, who was near the fireplace. So profound was Napoleon's
      reverie that he did not hear Macdonald enter, and the Duke of Vicenza was
      obliged to inform him of the Marshal's presence. "Sire," said
      Caulaincourt, "the Duke of Tarantum has brought for your signature the
      treaty which is to be ratified to-morrow." The Emperor then, as if roused
      from a lethargic slumber, turned to Macdonald, and merely said, "Ah,
      Marshal! so you are here!" Napoleon's countenance was so altered that the
      Marshal, struck with the change, said, as if it were involuntarily, "Is
      your Majesty indisposed?"&mdash;"Yes," answered Napoleon, "I have passed a
      very bad night."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor continued seated for a moment, then rising, he took the
      treaty, read it without making any observation, signed it, and returned it
      to the Marshal, saying; "I am not now rich enough to reward these last
      services."&mdash;"Sire, interest never guided my conduct."&mdash;"I know
      that, and I now see how I have been deceived respecting you. I also see
      the designs of those who prejudiced me against you."&mdash;"Sire, I have
      already told you, since 1809 I am devoted to you in life and death."&mdash;"I
      know it. But since I cannot reward you as I would wish, let a token of
      remembrance, inconsiderable though it be, assure you that I shall ever
      bear in mind the services you have rendered me." Then turning to
      Caulaincourt Napoleon said, "Vicenza, ask for the sabre which was given me
      by Murad Bey in Egypt, and which I wore at the battle of Mount Thabor."
      Constant having brought the sabre, the Emperor took it from the hands of
      Caulaincourt and presented it to the Marshal "Here, my faithful friend,"
      said he, "is a reward which I believe will gratify you." Macdonald on
      receiving the sabre said, "If ever I have a son, Sire, this will be his
      most precious inheritance. I will never part with it as long as I live."&mdash;"Give
      me your hand," said the Emperor, "and embrace me." At these words Napoleon
      and Macdonald affectionately rushed into each other's arms, and parted
      with tears in their eyes. Such was the last interview between Macdonald
      and Napoleon. I had the above particulars from the Marshal himself in
      1814., a few days after he returned to Paris with the treaty ratified by
      Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the clauses of the treaty had been guaranteed Napoleon signed, on
      the 11th of April, at Fontainebleau, his act of abdication, which was in
      the following terms:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "The Allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is the
   only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the
   Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he renounces
   for himself and his heirs the thrones of France and Italy, and that
   there is no personal sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not
   ready to make for the interests of France."
</pre>
    <p>
      It was not until after Bonaparte had written and signed the above act that
      Marshal Macdonald sent to the Provisional Government his recognition,
      expressed in the following dignified and simple manner:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "Being released from my allegiance by the abdication of the Emperor
   Napoleon, I declare that I conform to the acts of the Senate and the
   Provisional Government."
</pre>
    <p>
      It is worthy of remark that Napoleon's act of abdication was published in
      the 'Moniteur' on the 12th of April, the very day on which the Comte
      d'Artois made his entry into Paris with the title of Lieutenant-General of
      the Kingdom conferred on him by Louis XVIII. The 12th of April was also
      the day on which the Imperial army fought its last battle before Toulouse,
      when the French troops, commanded by Soult, made Wellington purchase so
      dearly his entrance into the south of France.&mdash;[The battle of
      Toulouse was fought on the 10th not 12th April D.W.]
    </p>
    <p>
      Political revolutions are generally stormy, yet, during the great change
      of 1814 Paris was perfectly tranquil, thanks to the excellent discipline
      maintained by the commanders of the Allied armies, and thanks also to the
      services of the National Guard of Paris, who every night patrolled the
      streets. My duties as Director-General of the Post-office had of course
      obliged me to resign my captain's epaulette.
    </p>
    <p>
      When I first obtained my appointment I had been somewhat alarmed to hear
      that all the roads were covered with foreign troops, especially Cossacks,
      who even in time of peace are very ready to capture any horses that may
      fall in their way. On my application to the Emperor Alexander his Majesty
      immediately issued a ukase, severely prohibiting the seizure of horses or
      anything belonging to the Post-office department. The ukase was printed by
      order of the Czar, and filed up at all the post-offices, and it will be
      seen that after the 20th of March, when I was placed in an embarrassing
      situation, one of the postmasters on the Lille road expressed to me his
      gratitude for my conduct while I was in the service.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of April a ceremony took place in Paris which has been much
      spoken of; and which must have had a very imposing effect on those who
      allow themselves to be dazzled by mere spectacle. Early in the morning
      some regiments of the Allied troops occupied the north side of the
      Boulevard, from the site of the old Bastille to the Place Louis XV., in
      the middle of which an altar of square form was erected. Thither the
      Allied sovereigns came to witness the celebration of mass according to the
      rites of the Greek Church. I went to a window of the hotel of the Minister
      of the Marine to see the ceremony. After I had waited from eight in the
      morning till near twelve the pageant commenced by the arrival of half a
      dozen Greek priests, with long beards, and as richly dressed as the high
      priests who figure in the processions of the opera. About three-quarters
      of an hour after this first scene the infantry, followed by the cavalry,
      entered the place, which, in a few moments was entirely covered with
      military. The Allied sovereigns at length appeared, attended by brilliant
      staffs. They alighted from their horses and advanced to the altar. What
      appeared to me most remarkable was the profound silence of the vast
      multitude during the performance of the mass. The whole spectacle had the
      effect of a finely-painted panorama. For my own part, I must confess I was
      heartily tired of the ceremony, and was very glad when it was over. I
      could not admire the foreign uniforms, which were very inferior to ours.
      Many of them appeared fanciful, and even grotesque, and nothing can be
      more unsoldier-like than to see a man laced in stays till his figure
      resembles a wasp. The ceremony which took place two days after, though
      less pompous, was much more French. In the retinue which, on the 12th of
      April, momentarily increased round the Comte d'Artos, there were at least
      recollections for the old, and hopes for every one.
    </p>
    <p>
      When, on the departure of the Commissioners whom Napoleon had sent to
      Alexander to treat for the Regency, it was finally determined that the
      Allied sovereigns would listen to no proposition from Napoleon and his
      family, the Provisional Government thought it time to request that
      Monsieur would, by his presence, give a new impulse to the partisans of
      the Bourbons. The Abby de Montesquieu wrote to the Prince a letter, which
      was carried to him by Viscount Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, one of the
      individuals who, in these difficult circumstances, most zealously served
      the cause of the Bourbons. On the afternoon of the 11th Monsieur arrived
      at a country-house belonging to Madame Charles de Dames, where he passed
      the night. The news of his arrival spread through Paris with the rapidity
      of lightning, and every one wished to solemnise his entrance into the
      capital. The National Guard formed a double line from the barrier of Bondy
      to Notre Dame, whither the Prince was first to proceed, in observance of
      an old custom, which, however, had become very rare in France during the
      last twenty years.
    </p>
    <p>
      M. de Talleyrand, accompanied by the members of the Provisional
      Government, several Marshals and general officers, and the municipal body,
      headed by the prefect of the Seine, went in procession beyond the barrier
      to receive Monsieur. M. de Talleyrand, in the name of the Provisional
      Government, addressed the Prince, who in reply made that observation which
      has been so often repeated, "Nothing is changed in France: there is only
      one Frenchman more."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[These words were never really uttered by the Comte d'Artois, and
   we can in this case follow the manufacture of the phrase. The reply
   actually made to Talleyrand was, "Sir, and gentlemen, I thank you; I
   am too happy. Let us get on; I am too happy." When the day's work
   was done, "Let us see," said Talleyrand; "what did Monsieur say? I
   did not hear much: he seemed much moved, and desirous of hastening
   on, but if what he did say will not suit you (Beugnot), make an
   answer for him . . . and I can answer that Monsieur will accept it,
   and that so thoroughly that by the end of a couple of days he will
   believe he made it, and he will have made it: you will count for
   nothing." After repeated attempts, rejected by Talleyrand, Beugnot
   at last produced, "No more divisions. Peace and France! At last I
   see her once more, and nothing in her is changed, except that here
   is one more Frenchman." At last the great critic (Talleyrand) said,
   "This time I yield; that is really Monsieur's speech, and I will
   answer for you that he is the man who made it." Monsieur did not
   disdain to refer to it in his replies, and the prophecy of M. de
   Talleyrand was completely realised (Beugnot, vol. ii, p. 119)]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      This remark promised much. The Comte Artois next proceeded on horseback to
      the barrier St. Martin. I mingled in the crowd to see the procession and
      to observe the sentiments of the spectators. Near me stood an old knight
      of St. Louis, who had resumed the insignia of the order, and who wept for
      joy at again seeing one of the Bourbons. The procession soon arrived,
      preceded by a band playing the air, "Vive Henri Quatre!" I had never
      before seen Monsieur, and his appearance had a most pleasing effect upon
      me. His open countenance bore the expression of that confidence which his
      presence inspired in all who saw him. His staff was very brilliant,
      considering it was got together without preparation. The Prince wore the
      uniform of the National Guard, with the insignia of the Order of the Holy
      Ghost.
    </p>
    <p>
      I must candidly state that where I saw Monsieur pass, enthusiasm was
      chiefly confined to his own retinue, and to persons who appeared to belong
      to a superior class of society. The lower order of people seemed to be
      animated by curiosity and astonishment rather than any other feeling. I
      must add that it was not without painful surprise I saw a squadron of
      Cossacks close the procession; and my surprise was the greater when I
      learned from General Sacken that the Emperor Alexander had wished that on
      that day the one Frenchman more should be surrounded only by Frenchmen,
      and that to prove that the presence of the Bourbons was the signal of
      reconciliation his Majesty had ordered 20,000 of the Allied troops to quit
      Paris. I know not to what the presence of the Cossacks is to be
      attributed, but it was an awkward circumstance at the time, and one which
      malevolence did not fail to seize upon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two days only intervened between Monsieur's entrance into Paris and the
      arrival of the Emperor of Austria. That monarch was not popular among the
      Parisians. The line of conduct he had adopted was almost generally
      condemned, for, even among those who had most ardently wished for the
      dethronement of his daughter, through their aversion to the Bonaparte
      family, there were many who blamed the Emperor of Austria's behaviour to
      Maria Louisa: they would have wished that, for the honour of Francis II.,
      he had unsuccessfully opposed the downfall of the dynasty, whose alliance
      he considered as a safeguard in 1809. This was the opinion which the mass
      of the people instinctively formed, for they judged of the Emperor of
      Austria in his character of a father and not in his character of a
      monarch; and as the rights of misfortune are always sacred in France, more
      interest was felt for Maria Louisa when she was known to be forsaken than
      when she was in the height of her splendour. Francis II. had not seen his
      daughter since the day when she left Vienna to unite her destiny with that
      of the master of half of Europe, and I have already stated how he received
      the mission with which Maria Louisa entrusted the Duc de Cadore.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was then too intent on what was passing in Paris and at Fontainebleau to
      observe with equal interest all the circumstances connected with the fate
      of Maria Louisa, but I will present to the reader all the information I
      was able to collect respecting that Princess during the period immediately
      preceding her departure from France. She constantly assured the persons
      about her that she could rely on her father. The following words, which
      were faithfully reported to me, were addressed by her to an officer who
      was at Blois during the mission of M. de Champagny. "Even though it should
      be the intention of the Allied sovereigns to dethrone the Emperor
      Napoleon, my father will not suffer it. When he placed me on the throne of
      France he repeated to me twenty times his determination to uphold me on
      it; and my father is an honest man." I also know that the Empress, both at
      Blois and at Orleans, expressed her regret at not having followed the
      advice of the members of the Regency, who wished her to stay in Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      On leaving Orleans Maria Louisa proceeded to Rambouillet; and it was not
      one of the least extraordinary circumstances of that eventful period to
      see the sovereigns of Europe, the dethroned sovereigns of France, and
      those who had come to resume the sceptre, all crowded together within a
      circle of fifteen leagues round the capital. There was a Bourbon at the
      Tuileries, Bonaparte at Fontainebleau, his wife and son at Rambouillet,
      the repudiated Empress at Malmaison three leagues distant, and the
      Emperors of Russia and Austria and the King of Prussia in Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      When all her hopes had vanished Maria Louisa left Rambouillet to return to
      Austria with her son. She did not obtain permission to see Napoleon before
      her departure, though she had frequently expressed a wish to that effect.
      Napoleon himself was aware of the embarrassment which might have attended
      such a farewell, or otherwise he would no doubt have made a parting
      interview with Maria Louisa one of the clauses of the treaty of Paris and
      Fontainebleau, and of his definitive act of abdication. I was informed at
      the time that the reason which prevented Maria Louisa's wish from being
      acceded to was the fear that, by one of those sudden impulses common to
      women, she might have determined to unite herself to Napoleon's fallen
      fortune, and accompany him to Elba; and the Emperor of Austria wished to
      have his daughter back again.
    </p>
    <p>
      Things had arrived at this point, and there was no possibility of
      retracting from any of the decisions which had been formed when the
      Emperor of Austria went to see his daughter at Rambouillet. I recollect it
      was thought extraordinary at the time that the Emperor Alexander should
      accompany him on this visit; and, indeed, the sight of the sovereign, who
      was regarded as the head and arbiter of the coalition, could not be
      agreeable to the dethroned Empress.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Meneval (tome ii. p. 112), then with Maria Louisa as Secretary,
   who gives some details of her interview with the Emperor Francis on
   the 16th of April, says nothing about the Czar having been there; a
   fact he would have been sure to have remarked upon. It was only on
   the 19th of April that Alexander visited her, the King of Prussia
   coming in his turn on the 22d; but Bourrienne is right in saying
   that Maria Louisa complained bitterly of having to receive
   Alexander, and considered that she was forced by her father to do
   so. The poor little King of Rome, then only three years old, had
   also to be seen by the monarchs. He was not taken with his
   grandfather, remarking that he was not handsome. Maria Louisa
   seems, according to Meneval, to have been at this time really
   anxious to join Napoleon (Meneval, tome ii. p. 94). She left
   Rambouillet on the 28d of April stopped one day at Grossbois,
   receiving there her father and Berthier, and taking farewell of
   several persons who came from Paris for that purpose. On the 25th
   of April she started for Vienna, and later for Parma, which state
   she received under the treaty of 1814 and 1815. She yielded to the
   influence brought to bear on her, became estranged from Napoleon,
   and eventually married her chamberlain, the Comte de Neipperg, an
   Austrian general.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      The two Emperors set off from Paris shortly after each other. The Emperor
      of Austria arrived first at Rambouillet, where he was received with
      respect and affection by his daughter. Maria Louisa was happy to see him,
      but the many tears she shed were not all tears of joy. After the first
      effusion of filial affection she complained of the situation to which she
      was reduced. Her father sympathised with her, but could offer her no
      consolation, since her misfortunes were irreparable. Alexander was
      expected to arrive immediately, and the Emperor of Austria therefore
      informed his daughter that the Russian monarch wished to see her. At first
      Maria Louisa decidedly refused to receive him, and she persisted for some
      time in this resolution. She said to her father, "Would he too make me a
      prisoner before your eyes? If he enters here by force I will retire to my
      chamber. There, I presume, he will not dare to follow me while you are
      here." But there was no time to be lost; Francis II. heard the equipage of
      the Emperor of Russia rolling through the courtyard of Rambouillet, and
      his entreaties to his daughter became more and more urgent. At length she
      yielded, and the Emperor of Austria went himself to meet his ally and
      conduct him to the salon where Maria Louisa remained, in deference to her
      father. She did not, however, carry her deference so far as to give a
      favourable reception to him whom she regarded as the author of all her
      misfortunes. She listened with considerable coldness to the offers and
      protestations of Alexander, and merely replied that all she wished for was
      the liberty of returning to her family. A few days after this painful
      interview Maria Louisa and her son set off for Vienna.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[A few days after this visit Alexander paid his respects to
   Bonaparte's other wife, Josephine. In this great breaking up of
   empires and kingdoms the unfortunate Josephine, who had been
   suffering agonies on account of the husband who had abandoned her,
   was not forgotten. One of the first things the Emperor of Russia
   did on arriving at Paris was to despatch a guard for the protection
   of her beautiful little palace at Malmaison. The Allied sovereigns
   treated her with delicacy and consideration.

   "As soon as the Emperor Alexander knew that the Empress Josephine
   had arrived at Malmaison he hastened to pay her a visit. It is not
   possible to be more amiable than he was to her. When in the course
   of conversation he spoke of the occupation of Paris by the Allies,
   and of the position of the Emperor Napoleon, it was always in
   perfectly measured language: he never forgot for a single instant
   that he was speaking before one who had been the wife of his
   vanquished enemy. On her side the ex-Empress did not conceal the
   tender sentiments, the lively affection she still entertained for
   Napoleon. . . . Alexander had certainly something elevated and
   magnanimous in his character, which would not permit him to say a
   single word capable of insulting misfortune; the Empress had only
   one prayer to make to him, and that was for her children."]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      This visit was soon followed by those of the other Allied Princes.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "The King of Prussia and the Princes, his sons, came rather
   frequently to pay their court to Josephine; they even dined with her
   several times at Malmaison; but the Emperor Alexander come much more
   frequently. The Queen Hortense was always with her mother when she
   received the sovereigns, and assisted her in doing the honours of
   the house. The illustrious strangers exceedingly admired Malmaison,
   which seemed to them a charming residence. They were particularly
   struck with the fine gardens and conservatories."

   From this moment, however, Josephine's health rapidly declined, and
   she did not live to see Napoleon's return from Elba. She often said
   to her attendant, "I do not know what is the matter with me, but at
   times I have fits of melancholy enough to kill me." But on the very
   brink of the grave she retained all her amiability, all her love of
   dress, and the graces and resources of a drawing-room society. The
   immediate cause of her death was a bad cold she caught in taking a
   drive in the park of Malmaison on a damp cold day. She expired on
   the noon of Sunday, the 26th of May, in the fifty-third year of her
   age. Her body was embalmed, and on the sixth day after her death
   deposited in a vault in the church of Ruel, close to Malmaison. The
   funeral ceremonies were magnificent, but a better tribute to the
   memory of Josephine was to be found in the tears with which her
   children, her servants, the neighbouring poor, and all that knew her
   followed her to the grave. In 1826 a beautiful monument was erected
   over her remains by Eugène Beauharnais and his sisters with this
   simple inscription:

               TO JOSEPHINE.

           EUGENE.      HORTENSE.
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0106" id="link2HCH0106">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II.
    </h2>

      1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Italy and Eugène&mdash;Siege of Dantzic-Capitulation concluded but not
   ratified-Rapp made prisoner and sent to Kiew&mdash;Davoust's refusal to
   believe the intelligence from Paris&mdash;Projected assassination of one
   of the French Princes&mdash;Departure of Davoust and General Hogendorff
   from Hamburg&mdash;The affair of Manbreuil&mdash;Arrival of the Commissioners
   of the Allied powers at Fontainebleau&mdash;Preference shown by Napoleon
   to Colonel Campbell&mdash;Bonaparte's address to General Kohler&mdash;His
   farewell to his troops&mdash;First day of Napoleon's journey&mdash;The
   Imperial Guard succeeded by the Cossacks&mdash;Interview with Augereau&mdash;
   The first white cockades&mdash;Napoleon hanged in effigy at Orgon&mdash;His
   escape in the disguise of a courier&mdash;Scene in the inn of La Calade&mdash;
   Arrival at Aix&mdash;The Princess Pauline&mdash;Napoleon embarks for Elba&mdash;His
   life at Elba.
</pre>
    <p>
      I must now direct the attention of the reader to Italy, which was the
      cradle of Napoleon's glory, and towards which he transported himself in
      imagination from the Palace of Fontainebleau. Eugène had succeeded in
      keeping up his means of defence until April, but on the 7th of that month,
      being positively informed of the overwhelming reverses of France, he found
      himself constrained to accede to the propositions of the Marshal de
      Bellegarde to treat for the evacuation of Italy; and on the 10th a
      convention was concluded, in which it was stipulated that the French
      troops, under the command of Eugène, should return within the limits of
      old France. The clauses of this convention were executed on the 19th of
      April.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Lord William Bentinck and Sir Edward Pellew had taken Genoa on
   the 18th Of April. Murat was in the field with the Austrians
   against the French.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Eugène, thinking that the Senate of Milan was favourably disposed towards
      him, solicited that body to use its influence in obtaining the consent of
      the Allied powers to his continuance at the head of the Government of
      Italy; but this proposition was rejected by the Senate. A feeling of
      irritation pervaded the public mind in Italy, and the army had not
      proceeded three marches beyond Mantua when an insurrection broke out in
      Milan. The Finance Minister, Pizna, was assassinated, and his residence
      demolished, and nothing would have saved the Viceroy from a similar fate
      had he been in his capital. Amidst this popular excitement, and the
      eagerness of the Italians to be released from the dominion of the French,
      the friends of Eugène thought him fortunate in being able to join his
      father-in-law at Munich almost incognito.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Some time after Eugène visited France and had a long audience of
   Louis XVIII. He announced himself to that monarch by his father's
   title of Marquis de Beauharnais. The King immediately saluted him
   by the title of Monsieur le Marechal, and proposed that he should
   reside in France with that rank. But this invitation Eugène
   declined, because as a French Prince under the fallen Government he
   had commanded the Marshals, and he therefore could not submit to be
   the last in rank among those illustrious military chiefs.
   Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Thus, at the expiration of nine years, fell the iron crown which Napoleon
      had placed on his head saying, "Dieu me l'a donne; gare a qui la touche."
    </p>
    <p>
      I will now take a glance at the affairs of Germany. Rapp was not in France
      at the period of the fall of the Empire. He had, with extraordinary
      courage and skill, defended himself against a year's siege at Dantzic. At
      length, being reduced to the last extremity, and constrained to surrender,
      he opened the gates of the city, which presented nothing but heaps of
      ruins. Rapp had stipulated that the garrison of Dantzic should return to
      France, and the Duke of Wurtemberg, who commanded the siege, had consented
      to that condition; but the Emperor of Russia having refused to ratify it,
      Rapp, having no means of defence, was made prisoner with his troops; and
      conducted to Kiew, whence he afterwards returned to Paris, where I saw
      him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hamburg still held out, but at the beginning of April intelligence was
      received there of the extraordinary events which had delivered Europe from
      her oppressor. Davoust refused to believe this news, which at once
      annihilated all his hopes of power and greatness. This blindness was
      persisted in for some time at Hamburg. Several hawkers, who were marked
      out by the police as having been the circulators of Paris news, were shot.
      An agent of the Government publicly announced his design of assassinating
      one of the French Princes, in whose service he was said to have been as a
      page. He said he would go to his Royal Highness and solicit to be
      appointed one of his aides de camp, and that, if the application were
      refused, as it probably would be, the refusal would only confirm him in
      his purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      At length, when the state of things was beyond the possibility of doubt,
      Davoust assembled the troops, acquainted them with the dethronement of the
      Emperor, hoisted a flag of truce, and sent his adhesion to the Provisional
      Government. All then thought of their personal safety, without losing
      sight of their honestly-acquired wealth. Diamonds and other objects of
      value and small bulk were hastily collected and packed up. The Governor of
      Hamburg, Count Hogendorff, who, in spite of some signal instances of
      opposition, had too often co-operated in severe and vexatious measures,
      was the first to quit the city. He was, indeed, hurried off by Davoust;
      because he had mounted the Orange cockade and wished to take his Dutch
      troops away with him. After consigning the command to General Gerard,
      Davoust quitted Hamburg, and arrived at Paris on the 18th of June.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have left Napoleon at Fontainebleau. The period of his departure for
      Elba was near at hand: it was fixed for the 17th of April.
    </p>
    <p>
      On that day Maubreuil, a man who has become unfortunately celebrated,
      presented himself at the Post-office, and asked to speak with me. He
      showed me some written orders, signed by General Sacken, the Commander of
      the Russian troops in Palls, and by Baron Brackenhausen, chief of the
      staff. These orders set forth that Maubreuil was entrusted with an
      important mission, for the execution of which he was authorised to demand
      the assistance of the Russian troops; and the commanders of those men were
      enjoined to place at his disposal as many troops as he might apply for.
      Maubreuil was also the bearer of similar orders from General Dupont, the
      War Minister, and from M. Angles, the Provisional Commissary-General of
      the Police, who directed all the other commissaries to obey the orders
      they might receive from Maubreuil. On seeing these documents, of the
      authenticity of which there was no doubt, I immediately ordered the
      different postmasters to provide Maubreuil promptly with any number of
      horses he might require.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some days after I was informed that the object of Maubreuil's mission was
      to assassinate Napoleon. It may readily be imagined what was my
      astonishment on hearing this, after I had seen the signature of the
      Commander of the Russian forces, and knowing as I did the intentions of
      the Emperor Alexander. The fact is, I did not, and never can, believe that
      such was the intention of Maubreuil. This man has been accused of having
      carried off the jewels of the Queen of Westphalia.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon having consented to proceed to the island of Elba, conformably
      with the treaty he had ratified on the 13th, requested to be accompanied
      to the place of embarkation by a Commissioner from each of the Allied
      powers. Count Schouwaloff was appointed by Russia, Colonel Neil Campbell
      by England, General Kohler by Austria, and Count Waldbourg-Truchess by
      Prussia. On the 16th the four Commissioners came for the first time to
      Fontainebleau, where the Emperor, who was still attended by Generals
      Drouot and Bertrand, gave to each a private audience on the following day.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though Napoleon received with coldness the Commissioners whom he had
      himself solicited, yet that coldness was far from being manifested in an
      equal degree to all. He who experienced the best reception was Colonel
      Campbell, apparently because his person exhibited traces of wounds.
      Napoleon asked him in what battles he had received them, and on what
      occasions he had been invested with the orders he wore. He next questioned
      him as to the place of his birth, and Colonel Campbell having answered
      that he was a Scotchman, Napoleon congratulated him on being the
      countryman of Ossian, his favourite author, with whose poetry, however, he
      was only acquainted through the medium of wretched translations. On this
      first audience Napoleon said to the Colonel, "I have cordially hated the
      English. I have made war against you by every possible means, but I esteem
      your nation. I am convinced that there is more generosity in your
      Government than in any other. I should like to be conveyed from Toulon to
      Elba by an English frigate."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Austrian and Russian Commissioners were received coolly, but without
      any marked indications of displeasure. It was not so with the Prussian
      Commissioner, to whom he said duly, "Are there any Prussians in my
      escort?"&mdash;"No, Sire."&mdash;"Then why do you take the trouble to
      accompany me?"&mdash;"Sire, it is not a trouble, but an honour."&mdash;"These
      are mere words; you have nothing to do here."&mdash;"Sire, I could not
      possibly decline the honourable mission with which the King my master has
      entrusted me." At these words Napoleon turned his back on Count Truchess.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Commissioners expected that Napoleon would be ready to set out without
      delay; but they were deceived. He asked for a sight of the itinerary of
      his route, and wished to make some alterations in it. The Commissioners
      were reluctant to oppose his wish, for they had been instructed to treat
      him with all the respect and etiquette due to a sovereign. They therefore
      suspended the departure, and, as they could not take upon themselves to
      acquiesce in the changes wished for by the Emperor, they applied for fresh
      orders. On the night of the 18th of April they received these orders,
      authorising them to travel by any road the Emperor might prefer. The
      departure was then definitively fixed for the 20th.
    </p>
    <p>
      Accordingly, at ten on the morning of the 20th, the carriages were in
      readiness, and the Imperial Guard was drawn up in the grand court of the
      Palace of Fontainebleau, called the Cour du Cheval Blanc. All the
      population of the town and the neighbouring villages thronged round the
      Palace. Napoleon sent for General Kohler, the Austrian Commissioner, and
      said to him, "I have reflected on what I ought to do, and I am determined
      not to depart. The Allies are not faithful to their engagements with me. I
      can, therefore, revoke my abdication, which was only conditional. More
      than a thousand addresses were delivered to me last night: I am conjured
      to resume the reins of government. I renounced my rights to the crown only
      to avert the horrors of a civil war, having never had any other object in
      view than the glory and happiness of France. But, seeing as I now do, the
      dissatisfaction inspired by the measures of the new Government, I can
      explain to my Guard the reasons which induced me to revoke my abdication.
      It is true that the number of troops on which I can count will scarcely
      exceed 30,000 men, but it will be easy for me to increase their numbers to
      130,000. Know, then, that I can also, without injuring my honour, say to
      my Guard, that having nothing but the repose and happiness of the country
      at heart, I renounce all my rights, and exhort my troops to follow my
      example, and yield to the wish of the nation."
    </p>
    <p>
      I heard these words reported by General Kohler himself, after his return
      from his mission. He did not disguise the embarrassment which this
      unexpected address had occasioned; and I recollect having remarked at the
      time that had Bonaparte, at the commencement of the campaign of Paris,
      renounced his rights and returned to the rank of citizen, the immense
      masses of the Allies must have yielded to the efforts of France. General
      Kohler also stated that Napoleon complained of Maria Louisa not being
      allowed to accompany him; but at length, yielding to the reasons urged by
      those about him, he added, "Well, I prefer remaining faithful to my
      promise; but if I have any new ground of complaint, I will free myself
      from all my engagements."
    </p>
    <p>
      At eleven o'clock Comte de Bussy, one of the Emperor's aides de camp, was
      sent by the Grand Marshal (General Bertrand) to announce that all was
      ready for departure. "Am I;" said Napoleon, "to regulate my actions by the
      Grand Marshal's watch? I will go when I please. Perhaps I may not go at
      all. Leave me!"
    </p>
    <p>
      All the forms of courtly etiquette which Napoleon loved so much were
      observed; and when at length he was pleased to leave his cabinet to enter
      the salon, where the Commissioners were waiting; the doors were thrown
      open as usual, and "The Emperor" was announced; but no sooner was the word
      uttered than he turned back again. However, he soon reappeared, rapidly
      crossed the gallery, and descended the staircase, and at twelve o'clock
      precisely he stood at the head of his Guard, as if at a review in the
      court of the Tuileries in the brilliant days of the Consulate and the
      Empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      Then took place a really moving scene&mdash;Napoleon's farewell to his
      soldiers. Of this I may abstain from entering into any details, since they
      are known everywhere, and by everybody, but I may subjoin the Emperor's
      last address to his old companions-in-arms, because it belongs to history.
      This address was pronounced in a voice as firm and sonorous as that in
      which Bonaparte used to harangue his troops in the days of his triumphs.
      It was as follows:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   "Soldiers of my Old Guard, I bid you farewell. For twenty years I
   have constantly accompanied you on the road to honour and glory. In
   these latter times, as in the days of our prosperity, you have
   invariably been models of courage and fidelity. With men such as
   you our cause could not be lost, but the war would have been
   interminable; it would have been civil war, and that would have
   entailed deeper misfortunes on France. I have sacrificed all my
   interests to those of the country. I go; but you, my friends, will
   continue to serve France. Her happiness was my only thought.. It
   will still be the object of my wishes. Do not regret my fate: if I
   have consented to survive, it is to serve your glory. I intend to
   write the history of the great achievements we have performed
   together. Adieu, my friends. Would I could press you all to my,
   heart!"
</pre>
    <p>
      During the first day cries of "Vive l'Empereur!" resounded along the road,
      and Napoleon, resorting to his usual dissimulation, censured the
      disloyalty of the people to their legitimate sovereign, which he did with
      ill disguised irony. The Guard accompanied him as far as Briars. At that
      place Napoleon invited Colonel Campbell to breakfast with him. He
      conversed on the last war in Spain, and spoke in complimentary terms of
      the English nation and the military talents of Wellington. Yet by that
      time he must have heard of the battle of Toulouse.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the night of the 21st Napoleon slept at Nevers, where he was received
      by the acclamations of the people, who here, as in several other towns,
      mingled their cries in favour of their late sovereign with imprecations
      against the Commissioners of the Allies. He left Nevers at six on the
      morning of the 22d. Napoleon was now no longer escorted by the Guards, who
      were succeeded by a corps of Cossacks: the cries of "Vive l'Empereur!"
      accordingly ceased, and he had the mortification to hear in its stead,
      "Vivent les Allies!" However, I have been informed that at Lyons, through
      which the Emperor passed on the 23d at eleven at night, the cry of "Vive
      l'Empereur!" was still echoed among the groups who assembled before the
      post-office during the change of horses.
    </p>
    <p>
      Augereau, who was still a Republican, though he accepted the title of Duke
      of Castiglione from Napoleon, had always been among the discontented. On
      the downfall of the Emperor he was one of that considerable number of
      persons who turned Royalists not out of love for the Bourbons but out of
      hatred to Bonaparte. He held a command in the south when he heard of the
      forfeiture of Napoleon pronounced by the Senate, and he was one of the
      first to send his recognition to the Provisional Government. Augereau,
      who, like all uneducated men, went to extremes in everything, had
      published under his name a proclamation extravagantly violent and even
      insulting to the Emperor. Whether Napoleon was aware of this proclamation
      I cannot pretend to say, but he affected ignorance of the matter if he was
      informed of it, for on the 24th, having met Augereau at a little distance
      from Valence, he stopped his carriage and immediately alighted. Augereau
      did the same, and they cordially embraced in the presence of the
      Commissioners. It was remarked that in saluting Napoleon took off his hat
      and Augereau kept on his. "Where are you going?", said the Emperor; "to
      Court?"&mdash;"No, I am going to Lyons."&mdash;"You have behaved very
      badly to me." Augereau, finding that the Emperor addressed him in the
      second person singular, adopted the same familiarity; so they conversed as
      they were accustomed to do when they were both generals in Italy. "Of what
      do you complain?" said he. "Has not your insatiable ambition brought us to
      this? Have you not sacrificed everything to that ambition, even the
      happiness of France? I care no more for the Bourbons than for you. All I
      care for is the country." Upon this Napoleon turned sharply away from the
      Marshal, lifted his hat to him, and then stepped into his carriage. The
      Commissioners, and all the persons in Napoleon's suite, were indignant at
      seeing Augereau stand in the road still covered, with his hands behind his
      back, and instead of bowing, merely making a contemptuous salutation to
      Napoleon with his hand. It was at the Tuileries that these haughty
      Republicans should have shown their airs. To have done so on the road to
      Elba was a mean insult which recoiled upon themselves.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The following letter, taken from Captain Bingham's recently
   published selections from the Correspondence of the first Napoleon,
   indicates in emphatic language the Emperor's recent dissatisfaction
   with Marshal Augereau when in command at Lyons during the "death
   struggle" of 1814:

   To Marshal Augereau.

               NOGENT, 21st February, 1814,

   ....What! six hours after having received the first troops coming
   from Spain you were not in the field! Six hours repose was
   sufficient. I won the action of Naugis with a brigade of dragoons
   coming from Spain which, since it had left Bayonne, had not
   unbridled its horses. The six battalions of the division of Nimes
   want clothes, equipment, and drilling, say you? What poor reasons
   you give me there, Augereau! I have destroyed 80,000 enemies with
   conscripts having nothing but knapsacks! The National Guards, say
   you, are pitiable; I have 4000 here in round hats, without
   knapsacks, in wooden shoes, but with good muskets, and I get a great
   deal out of them. There is no money, you continue; and where do you
   hope to draw money from! You want waggons; take them wherever you
   can. You have no magazines; this is too ridiculous. I order you
   twelve hours after the reception of this letter to take the field.
   If you are still Augereau of Castiglione, keep the command, but if
   your sixty years weigh upon you hand over the command to your senior
   general. The country is in danger; and can be saved by boldness and
   alacrity alone....
                  (Signed)  NAPOLEON]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      At Valence Napoleon, for the first time, saw French soldiers with the
      white cockade in their caps. They belonged to Augereau's corps. At Orange
      the air resounded with tunes of "Vive le Roi!" Here the gaiety, real or
      feigned, which Napoleon had hitherto evinced, began to forsake him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Had the Emperor arrived at Avignon three hours later than he did there is
      no doubt that he would have been massacred.&mdash;[The Royalist mob of
      Avignon massacred Marshal Brune in 1816.]&mdash;He did not change horses
      at Avignon, through which he passed at five in the morning, but at St.
      Andiol, where he arrived at six. The Emperor, who was fatigued with
      sitting in the carriage, alighted with Colonel Campbell and General
      Bertrand, and walked with them up the first hill. His valet de chambre,
      who was also walking a little distance in advance, met one of the mail
      couriers, who said to him, "Those are the Emperor's carriages coming this
      way?"&mdash;"No, they are the equipages of the Allies."&mdash;"I say they
      are the Emperor's carriages. I am an old soldier. I served in the campaign
      of Egypt, and I will save the life of my General."&mdash;"I tell you again
      they are not the Emperor's carriages."&mdash;"Do not attempt to deceive
      me; I have just passed through Organ, where the Emperor has been hanged in
      effigy. The wretches erected a scaffold and hanged a figure dressed in a
      French uniform covered with blood. Perhaps I may get myself into a scrape
      by this confidence, but no matter. Do you profit by it." The courier then
      set off at full gallop. The valet de chambre took General Drouot apart,
      and told him what he had heard. Drouot communicated the circumstance to
      General Bertrand, who himself related it to the Emperor in the presence of
      the Commissioners. The latter, justly indignant, held a sort of council on
      the highway, and it was determined that the Emperor should go forward
      without his retinue. The valet de chambre was asked whether he had any
      clothes in the carriage. He produced a long blue cloak and a round hat. It
      was proposed to put a white cockade in the hat, but to this Napoleon would
      not consent. He went forward in the style of a courier, with Amaudru, one
      of the two outriders who had escorted his carriage, and dashed through
      Orgon. When the Allied Commissioners arrived there the assembled
      population were uttering exclamations of "Down with the Corsican! Down
      with the brigand!" The mayor of Orgon (the same man whom I had seen almost
      on his knees to General Bonaparte on his return from Egypt) addressed
      himself to Pelard, the Emperor's valet de chambre, and said, "Do you
      follow that rascal?"&mdash;"No," replied Pelard, "I am attached to the
      Commisairiers of the Allied powers."&mdash;Ah! that is well! I should like
      to hang the villain with my own hands.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Ah! if you knew, sir, how the scoundrel has deceived us! It was I who
      received him on his return from Egypt. We wished to take his horses out
      and draw his carriage. I should like to avenge myself now for the honours
      I rendered him at that time."
    </p>
    <p>
      The crowd augmented, and continued to vociferate with a degree of fury
      which may be imagined by those who have heard the inhabitants of the south
      manifest, by cries, their joy or their hatred. Some more violent than the
      rest wished to force Napoleon's coachman to cry "Vive le Roi!" He
      courageously refused, though threatened with a stroke of a sabre, when,
      fortunately; the carriage being ready to start, he whipped the horses and
      set off at full gallop. The Commissioners would not breakfast at Orgon;
      they paid for what had been prepared, and took some refreshments away with
      them. The carriages did not overtake the Emperor until they came to La
      Calade, where he had arrived a quarter of an hour before with Amaudru.
    </p>
    <p>
      They found him standing by the fire in the kitchen of the inn talking with
      the landlady. She had asked him whether the tyrant was soon to pass that
      way? "Ah! sir," said she, "it is all nonsense to say we have got rid of
      him. I always, have said, and always will say, that we shall never be sure
      of being done with him until he be laid at the bottom of a well, covered
      over with stones. I wish we had him safe in the well in our yard. You see,
      sir, the Directory sent him to Egypt to get rid of him; but he came back
      again! And he will come back again, you maybe sure of that, sir; unless&mdash;"
      Here the good woman, having finished skimming her pot, looked up and
      perceived that all the party were standing uncovered except the individual
      to whom, she had been speaking. She was confounded, and the embarrassment
      she experienced at having spoken so ill of the Emperor to the Emperor
      himself banished all her anger, and she lavished every mark of attention,
      and respect on Napoleon and his retinue. A messenger was immediately sent
      to Aix to purchase ribbons for making white cockades. All the carriages
      were brought into the courtyard of the inn, and the gate was closed; the
      landlady informed Napoleon that it would not be prudent for him to venture
      on passing through Aix, where a population of more than 20,000 were
      waiting to stone him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile dinner was served, and Napoleon sat down to table. He admirably
      disguised the agitation which he could not fail to experience, and I have
      been assured, by some of the individuals who were present on that
      remarkable occasion, that he never made himself more agreeable. His
      conversation, which was enriched by the resources of his memory and his
      imagination, charmed every one, and he remarked, with an air of
      indifference which was perhaps affected, "I believe the new French
      Government has a design on my life."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Commissioners, informed of what was going on at Aix, proposed sending
      to the Mayor an order for closing the gates and adopting measures for
      securing the public tranquillity. About fifty individuals had assembled
      round the inn, and one among them offered to carry a letter to the Mayor
      of Aix. The Commissioners accepted his services, and in their letter
      informed the Mayor that if the gates of the town were not closed within an
      hour they would advance with two regiments of uhlans and six pieces of
      artillery, and would fire upon all who might oppose them. This threat had
      the desired effect; and the Mayor returned for answer that the gates
      should be closed, and that he would take upon himself the responsibility
      of everything which might happen.
    </p>
    <p>
      The danger which threatened the Emperor at Aix was thus averted; but there
      was another to be braved. During the seven or eight hours he passed at La
      Calade a considerable number of people had gathered round the inn, and
      manifested every disposition to proceed to some excess. Most of them had
      in their hands five-franc pieces, in order to recognise the Emperor by his
      likeness on the coin. Napoleon, who had passed two nights without sleep,
      was in a little room adjoining the kitchen, where he had fallen into a
      slumber, reclining an the shoulder of his valet de chambre. In a moment of
      dejection he had said, "I now renounce the political world forever. I
      shall henceforth feel no interest about anything that may happen. At
      Porto-Ferrajo I may be happy&mdash;more happy than I have ever been! No!&mdash;if
      the crown of Europe were now offered to me I would not accept it. I will
      devote myself to science. I was right never to esteem mankind! But France
      and the French people&mdash;what ingratitude! I am disgusted with
      ambition, and I wish to rule no longer!"
    </p>
    <p>
      When the moment for departure arrived it was proposed that he should put
      on the greatcoat and fur cap of General Kohler, and that he should go into
      the carriage of the Austrian Commissioner. The Emperor, thus disguised,
      left the inn of La Calade, passing between two lines of spectators. On
      turning the walls of Aix Napoleon had again the mortification to hear the
      cries of "Down with the tyrant! Down with Nicolas!" and these
      vociferations resounded at the distance of a quarter of a league from the
      town.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonaparte, dispirited by these manifestations of hatred, said, in a tone
      of mingled grief and contempt, "These Provencals are the same furious
      brawlers that they used to be. They committed frightful massacres at the
      commencement of the Revolution. Eighteen years ago I came to this part of
      the country with some thousand men to deliver two Royalists who were to be
      hanged. Their crime was having worn the white cockade. I saved them; but
      it was not without difficulty that I rescued them from the hands of their
      assailants; and now, you see, they resume the same excesses against those
      who refuse to wear the white cockade.". At about a league from Aix the
      Emperor and his retinue found horses and an escort of gendarmerie to
      conduct them to the chateau of Luc.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Princess Pauline was at the country residence of M. Charles, member of
      the Legislative Body, near the castle of Luc. On hearing of the
      misfortunes of her brother she determined to accompany him to the isle of
      Elba, and she proceeded to Fréjus to embark with him. At Fréjus the
      Emperor rejoined Colonel Campbell, who had quitted the convoy on the road,
      and had brought into the port the English frigate the 'Undaunted' which
      was appointed to convey the Emperor to the place of his destination. In
      spite of the wish he had expressed to Colonel Campbell he manifested
      considerable reluctance to go on board. However, on the 28th of April he
      sailed for the island of Elba in the English frigate, in which it could
      not then be said that Caesar and his fortune were embarked.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   [It was on the 3d of May 1814 that Bonaparte arrived within sight of
   Porto-Ferrajo, the capital of his miniature empire; but he did not
   land till the next morning. At first he paid a short visit
   incognito, being accompanied by a sergeant's party of marines from
   the Undaunted. He then returned on board to breakfast, and at about
   two o'clock made his public entrance, the 'Undaunted' firing a royal
   salute.]
</pre>
    <p>
      In every particular of his conduct he paid great attention to the
      maintenance of his Imperial dignity. On landing he received the keys of
      his city of Porto-Ferrajo, and the devoirs of the Governor, prefect, and
      other dignitaries, and he proceeded immediately under a canopy of State to
      the parish church, which served as a cathedral. There he heard Te Deum,
      and it is stated that his countenance was dark and melancholy, and that he
      even shed tears.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of Bonaparte's first cares was to select a flag for the Elbese Empire,
      and after some hesitation he fixed on "Argent, on a bend gules, or three
      bees," as the armorial ensign of his new dominion. It is strange that
      neither he nor any of those whom he consulted should have been aware that
      Elba had an ancient and peculiar ensign, and it is still more remarkable
      that this ensign should be one singularly adapted to Bonaparte's
      situation; being no more than "a wheel,&mdash;the emblem," says M.
      Bernaud, "of the vicissitudes of human life, which the Elbese had borrowed
      from the Egyptian mysteries." This is as curious a coincidence as any we
      ever recollect to have met; as the medals of Elba with the emblem of the
      wheel are well known, we cannot but suppose that Bonaparte was aware of
      the circumstance; yet he is represented as having in vain made several
      anxious inquiries after the ancient arms of the island.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the first months of his residence there his life was, in general,
      one of characteristic activity and almost garrulous frankness. He gave
      dinners, went to balls, rode all day about his island, planned
      fortifications, aqueducts, lazarettos, harbours, and palaces; and the very
      second day after he landed fitted out an expedition of a dozen soldiers to
      take possession of a little uninhabited island called Pianosa, which lies
      a few leagues from Elba; on this occasion he said good-humouredly, "Toute
      l'Europe dira que j'ai deja fait une conqute" (All Europe will say I have
      already made a conquest). The cause of the island of Pianosa being left
      uninhabited was the marauding of the Corsairs from the coast of Barbary,
      against whom Bonaparte considered himself fully protected by the 4th
      Article of the Treaty of Fontainebleau.
    </p>
    <p>
      The greatest wealth of Elba consists in its iron mines, for which the
      island was celebrated in the days of Virgil. Soon after his arrival
      Napoleon visited the mines in company with Colonel Campbell, and being
      informed that they produced annually about 500,000 francs he exclaimed
      joyfully, "These, then, are my own!" One of his followers, however,
      reminded him that he had long since disposed of that revenue, having given
      it to his order of the Legion of Honour, to furnish pensions, etc. "Where
      was my head when I made that grant?" said he, "but I have made many
      foolish decrees of that sort!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Walter Scott, in telling a curious fact, makes a very curious mistake.
      "To dignify his capital," he says, "having discovered that the ancient
      name of Porto-Ferrajo was Comopoli (the city of Como), he commanded it to
      be called Cosmopoli, or the city of all nations." Now the old name of
      Porto-Ferrajo was in reality not Comopoli, but Cosmopoli, and it obtained
      that name from the Florentine Cosmo de' Medici, to whose ducal house Elba
      belonged, as an integral part of Tuscany. The name equally signified the
      city of Cosmo, or the city of all nations, and the vanity of the Medici
      had probably been flattered by the double meaning of the appellation. But
      Bonaparte certainly revived the old name, and did not add a letter to it
      to dignify his little capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      The household of Napoleon, though reduced to thirty-five persons, still
      represented an Imperial Court. The forms and etiquette of the Tuileries
      and St, Cloud were retained on a diminished scale, but the furniture and
      internal accommodations of the palace are represented as having been
      meaner by far than those of an English gentleman of ordinary rank. The
      Bodyguard of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Elba consisted of about
      700 infantry and 80 cavalry, and to this handful of troops Napoleon seemed
      to pay almost as much attention as he had formerly given to his Grande
      Armee. The men were constantly exercised, particularly in throwing shot
      and shells, and he soon began to look out for good recruits.
    </p>
    <p>
      He early announced that he would hold a Court and receive ladies twice a
      week; the first was on the 7th of May, and a great concourse assembled.
      Bonaparte at first paid great attention to the women, particularly those
      who possessed personal attractions, and asked them, in his rapid way,
      whether they were married? how many children they had, and who their
      husbands were? To the last question he received one universal answer; it
      happened that every lady was married to a merchant, but when it came to be
      further explained that they were merchant butchers and merchant bakers,
      his Imperial Majesty permitted some expression of his dissatisfaction to
      escape him and hastily retired. On the 4th of June there was a ball on
      board the British frigate, in honour of the King's birthday; the whole
      beauty and fashion of Elba were assembled, and dancing with great glee,
      when, about midnight, Bonaparte came in his barge, unexpectedly, and
      masked, to join the festivity. He was very affable, and visited every part
      of the ship, and all the amusements which had been prepared for the
      different classes of persons. On his birthday, the 15th of August, he
      ordered the mayor to give a ball, and for this purpose a temporary
      building, capable of holding 300 persons, was to be erected, and the whole
      entertainment, building and all, were to be at the expense of the
      inhabitants themselves. These were bad auspices, and accordingly the ball
      completely failed. Madame Mtire, Madame Bertrand, and the two ladies of
      honour, attended, but not above thirty of the fair islanders, and as the
      author of the Itineraire remarks, "Le bal fut triste quoique Bonaparte n'y
      parut pas."
    </p>
    <p>
      Having in an excursion reached the summit of one of the highest hills on
      the island, where the sea was visible all round him, he shook his head
      with affected solemnity, and exclaimed in a bantering tone, "Eh! il faut
      avouer que mon ile est bien petite."
    </p>
    <p>
      On this mountain one of the party saw a little church in an almost
      inaccessible situation, and observed that it was a most inconvenient site
      for a church, for surely no congregation could attend it. "It is on that
      account the more convenient to the parson," replied Bonaparte, "who may
      preach what stuff he pleases without fear of contradiction."
    </p>
    <p>
      As they descended the hill and met some peasants with their goats who
      asked for charity, Bonaparte told a story which the present circumstances
      brought to his recollection, that when he was crossing the Great St.
      Bernard, previously to the battle of Marengo, he had met a goatherd, and
      entered into conversation with him. The goatherd, not knowing to whom he
      was speaking, lamented his own hard lot, and envied the riches of some
      persons who actually had cows and cornfields. Bonaparte inquired if some
      fairy were to offer to gratify all his wishes what he would ask? The poor
      peasant expressed, in his own opinion, some very extravagant desires, such
      as a dozen of cows and a good farmhouse. Bonaparte afterwards recollected
      the incident, and astonished the goatherd by the fulfilment of all his
      wishes.
    </p>
    <p>
      But all his thoughts and conversations were not as light and pleasant as
      these. Sometimes he would involve himself in an account of the last
      campaign, of his own views and hopes, of the defection of his marshals, of
      the capture of Paris, and finally of his abdication; on these he would
      talk by the hour with great earnestness and almost fury, exhibiting in
      very rapid succession traits of eloquence, of military genius, of
      indignation; of vanity, and of selfishness. With regard to the audience to
      whom he addressed these tirades he was not very particular.
    </p>
    <p>
      The chief violence of his rage seemed to be directed against Marshal
      Marmont whom, as well as Augereau, he sometimes called by names too gross
      for repetition, and charged roundly with treachery. Marmont, when he could
      no longer defend Paris by arms, saved it by an honourable capitulation; he
      preserved his army for the service of his country and when everything else
      was lost stipulated for the safety of Bonaparte. This last stipulation,
      however, Bonaparte affected to treat with contempt and indignation.&mdash;[Editor
      of 1836 edition.]
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0107" id="link2HCH0107">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER III.
    </h2>

      1814.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Changes produced by time&mdash;Correspondence between the Provisional
   Government and Hartwell&mdash;Louis XVIII's reception in London&mdash;
   His arrival at Calais&mdash;Berthier's address to the King at Compiegne&mdash;
   My presentation to his Majesty at St. Ouen-Louis&mdash;XVIII's entry into
   Paris&mdash;Unexpected dismissal from my post&mdash;M. de Talleyrand's
   departure for the Congress of Vienna&mdash;Signs of a commotion&mdash;
   Impossibility of seeing M. de Blacas&mdash;The Abby Fleuriel&mdash;Unanswered
   letters&mdash;My letter to M. de Talleyrand at Vienna.
</pre>
    <p>
      No power is so great as that resulting from the changes produced by time.
      Wise policy consists in directing that power, but to do so it is requisite
      to know the wants of the age. For this reason Louis XVIII. appeared, in
      the eyes of all sensible persons, a monarch expressly formed for the
      circumstances in which we stood after the fall of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the winter of 1813-14 some Royalist proclamations had been circulated
      in Paris, and as they contained the germs of those hopes which the
      Charter, had it been executed, was calculated to realise, the police
      opposed their circulation, and I recollect that, in order to multiply the
      number of copies, my family and I daily devoted some hours to transcribing
      them. After the definitive declaration of Alexander a very active
      correspondence ensued between the Provisional Government and Hartwell, and
      Louis XVIII. was even preparing to embark for Bordeaux when he learned the
      events of the 31st of March. That news induced the King to alter his
      determination, and he soon quitted his retirement to proceed to London.
      Louis XVIII. and the Prince Regent of England exchanged the orders of the
      Holy Ghost and the Garter, and I believe I may affirm that this was the
      first occasion on which any but a Catholic Prince was invested with the
      order of the Holy Ghost.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis XVIII. embarked at Dover on board the Royal Sovereign, and landed at
      Calais on the 24th of April. I need not enter into any description of the
      enthusiasm which his presence excited; that is generally known through the
      reports of the journals of the time. It is very certain that all rational
      persons saw with satisfaction the Princes of the House of Bourbon reascend
      the throne of their ancestors, enlightened by experience and misfortune,
      which, as some ancient philosopher observes, are the best counsellors of
      kings.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had received a letter addressed to me from London by the Duc de Duras,
      pointing out the route which Louis XVIII. was to pursue from Calais to
      Paris: In this he said, "After the zeal, monsieur, you have shown for the
      service of the King, I do not doubt your activity to prevent his suffering
      in any way at a moment so happy and interesting for every Frenchman." The
      King's wishes on this subject were scrupulously fulfilled, and I recollect
      with pleasure the zeal with which my directions were executed by all the
      persons in the service of the Postoffice. His Majesty stopped for a short
      time at Amiens, and then proceeded to Compiegne, where the Ministers and
      Marshals had previously arrived to present to him their homage and the
      assurance of their fidelity. Berthier addressed the King in the name of
      the Marshals, and said, among other things, "that France, groaning for
      five and twenty years under the weight of the misfortunes that oppressed
      her, had anxiously looked forward to the happy day which she now saw
      dawning." Berthier might justly have said for "ten years"; but at all
      events, even had he spoken the truth, it was ill placed in the mouth of a
      man whom the Emperor had constantly loaded with favours: The Emperor
      Alexander also went to Compiegne to meet Louis XVIII., and the two
      monarchs dined together.
    </p>
    <p>
      I did not go to Compiegne because the business which I had constantly to
      execute did not permit me to leave Paris for so long an interval as that
      journey would have required, but I was at St. Ouen when Louis XVIII.
      arrived on the 2d of May. There I had to congratulate myself on being
      remembered by a man to whom I was fortunate enough to render some service
      at Hamburg. As the King entered the salon through which he had to pass to
      go to the dining-room M. Hue recognising me said to his Majesty, "There is
      M. de Bourrienne." The King then stepping up to me said, "Ah! M. de
      Bourrienne, I am very glad to see you. I am aware of the services you have
      rendered me in Hamburg and Paris, and I shall feel much pleasure in
      testifying my gratitude."
    </p>
    <p>
      At St. Ouen Louis XVIII. promulgated the declaration which preceded the
      Charter, and which repeated the sentiments expressed by the King twenty
      years before, in the Declaration of Colmar. It was also at St, Ouen that
      project of a Constitution was presented to him by the Senate in which that
      body, to justify 'in extremis' its title of conservative, stipulated for
      the preservation of its revenues and endowments.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3d of May Louis XVIII. made his solemn entrance into Paris, the
      Duchess d'Angouleme being in the carriage with the King. His Majesty
      proceeded first to Notre Dame. On arriving at the Pont Neuf he saw the
      model of the statue of Henri IV. replaced, on the pedestal of which
      appeared the following words: 'Ludovico reduce, Henricus redivivus', which
      were suggested by M. de Lally-Tollendal, and were greatly preferable to
      the long and prolix inscription composed for the bronze statue.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King's entrance into Paris did not excite so much enthusiasm as the
      entrance of Monsieur. In the places through which I passed on the 3d of
      May astonishment seemed to be the prevailing feeling among the people. The
      abatement of public enthusiasm was more perceptible a short time after,
      when Louis XVIII. restored "the red corps" which Louis XVI. had suppressed
      long before the Revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not a little extraordinary to see the direction of the Government
      consigned to a man who neither had nor could have any knowledge of France.
      From the commencement M. de Blacas affected ministerial omnipotence. When
      I went on the 11th of May to the Tuileries to present, as usual, my
      portfolio to the King, in virtue of my privilege of transacting business
      with the sovereign, M. de Blacas wished to take the portfolio from me,
      which appeared to me the more surprising as, during the seven days I had
      the honour of coming in contact with Louis XVIII., his Majesty had been
      pleased to bestow many compliments upon me. I at first refused to give up
      the portfolio, but M. de Blacas told me the King had ordered him to
      receive it; I then, of course, yielded the point.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, it, was not long before I had experience of a courtier's revenge,
      for two days after this circumstance, that is to say, on the 13th of May,
      on entering my cabinet at the usual hour, I mechanically took up the
      'Moniteur', which I found lying on my desk. On glancing hastily over it
      what was my astonishment to find that the Comte Ferrand had been appointed
      Director of the Post-office in my stead. Such was the strange mode in
      which M. de Blacas made me feel the promised gratitude of the sovereign.
      Certainly, after my proofs of loyalty, which a year afterwards procured
      for me the honour of being outlawed in quite a special way, I had reason
      to complain, and I might have said 'Sic vos non vobis' as justly as Virgil
      when he alluded to the unmerited favours lavished by Augustus on the
      Maevii and Bavii of his time.
    </p>
    <p>
      The measures of Government soon excited complaints in every quarter. The
      usages of the old system were gradually restored, and ridicule being
      mingled with more serious considerations, Paris was speedily inundated
      with caricatures and pamphlets. However, tranquillity prevailed until the
      month of September, when M. de Talleyrand departed for the Congress of
      Vienna. Then all was disorder at the Tuileries. Every one feeling himself
      free from restraint, wished to play the statesman, and Heaven knows how
      many follies were committed in the absence of the schoolmaster.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under a feeble Government there is but one step from discontent to
      insurrection, under an imbecile Government like that of France in 1814,
      after the departure of M. de Talleyrand, conspiracy has free Scope. During
      the summer of 1814 were initiated the events which reached their climax on
      the 20th of March 1815. I almost fancy I am dreaming when I look back on
      the miraculous incapacity of the persons who were then at the head of our
      Government. The emigrants, who, as it has been truly said, had neither
      learned nor forgotten anything, came back with all the absurd pretensions
      of Coblentz. Their silly vanity reminded one of a character in one of
      Voltaire's novels who is continually saying, "Un homme comme moi!" These
      people were so engrossed with their pretended merit that they were blind
      to everything else. They not only disregarded the wishes and the wants of
      France; which in overthrowing the Empire hoped to regain liberty, but they
      disregarded every warning they had received.
    </p>
    <p>
      I recollect one circumstance which was well calculated to excite
      suspicion. Prince Eugène proposed going to the waters of Plombieres to
      join his sister Hortense. The horses, the carriages, and one of the
      Prince's aides de camp had already arrived at Plombieres, and his
      residence was prepared; but he did not go. Eugène had, no doubt, received
      intimation of his sister's intrigues with some of the individuals of the
      late Court of Napoleon who were then at the waters, and as he had
      determined to reside quietly at the Court of his father-in-law; without
      meddling with public affairs, he remained at Munich. This fact, however,
      passed off unnoticed.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the end of 1814 unequivocal indications of a great catastrophe were
      observable. About that time a man, whom I much esteem, and with whom I
      have always been on terms of friendship, said to me, "You see how things
      are going on: they are committing fault upon fault. You must be convinced
      that such a state of things cannot last long. Between ourselves, I am of
      opinion that all will be over in the month of March; that month will
      repair the disgrace of last March. We shall then, once for all, be
      delivered from fanaticism and the emigrants. You see the intolerable
      spirit of hypocrisy that prevails, and you know that the influence of the
      priests is, of all things, the most hateful to the nation. We have gone
      back a long way within the last eight months. I fear you will repent of
      having taken too active a part in affairs at the commencement of the
      present year. You see we have gone a very different way from what you
      expected. However, as I have often told you before, you had good reason to
      complain; and after all, you acted to the best of your judgment."
    </p>
    <p>
      I did not attach much importance to this prediction of a change in the
      month of March. I deplored, as every one did, the inconceivable errors of
      "Ferrand and Company," and I hoped that the Government would gradually
      return to those principles which were calculated to conciliate the
      feelings of the people. A few days after another of my friends called on
      me. He had exercised important functions, and his name had appeared on a
      proscription list. He had claims upon the Government, which was by no
      means favourably disposed towards him. I asked him how things were going
      on, and he replied, "Very well; no opposition is made to my demands. I
      have no reason to complain." This reminded me of the man in the 'Lettres
      Persanes', who admired the excellent order of the finances under Colbert
      because his pension was promptly paid. I congratulated my friend on the
      justice which the Government rendered him, as well as on the justice which
      he rendered to the Government, and I remarked that if the same course were
      adopted towards every one all parties would speedily be conciliated. "I do
      not think so," said my friend. "If the Government persist in its present
      course it cannot possibly stand, and we shall have the Emperor back
      again."&mdash;"That," said I, "would be a very great misfortune; and even
      if such were the wish of France, it would be opposed by Europe. You who
      are so devotedly attached to France cannot be indifferent to the danger
      that would threaten her if the presence of Bonaparte should bring the
      foreigners back again. Can you endure to think of the dismemberment of our
      country?"&mdash;"That they would never dare to attempt. But you and I can
      never agree on the question of the Emperor and your Bourbons. We take a
      totally different view of the matter. You had cause to complain of
      Bonaparte, but I had only reason to be satisfied with him. But tell me,
      what would you do if he were to return?"&mdash; "Bonaparte return!"&mdash;"Yes."&mdash;"Upon
      my word, the best thing I could do would be to set off as speedily as I
      could, and that is certainly what I should do. I am thoroughly convinced
      that he would never pardon me for the part I have taken in the
      Restoration, and I candidly confess that I should not hesitate a moment to
      save my life by leaving France."&mdash;"Well, you are wrong, for I am
      convinced that if you would range yourself among the number of his friends
      you might have whatever you wished&mdash;titles, honours, riches. Of this
      I could give you assurance."&mdash;"All this, I must tell you, does not
      tempt me. I love France as dearly, as you do, and I am convinced that she
      can never be happy under Bonaparte. If he should return I will go and live
      abroad."
    </p>
    <p>
      This is only part of a conversation which lasted a considerable time, and,
      as is often the case after a long discussion, my friend retained his
      opinion, and I mine. However, this second warning, this hypothesis of the
      return of Bonaparte, made me reflect, and I soon received another hint
      which gave additional weight to the preceding ones. An individual with
      whom I was well acquainted, and whom I knew from his principles and
      connections to be entirely devoted to the royal cause, communicated to me
      some extraordinary circumstances which he said alarmed him. Among other
      things he said, "The day before yesterday I met Charles de Labedoyere,
      who, you know, is my intimate friend. I remarked that he had an air of
      agitation and abstraction. I invited him to come and dine with me, but he
      declined, alleging as an excuse that we should not be alone. He then asked
      me to go and dine with him yesterday, as he wanted to talk with me. I
      accepted his invitation, and we conversed a long time on political
      affair's and the situation of France. You know my sentiments are quite the
      reverse of his, so we disputed and wrangled, though we are still very good
      friends. But what alarms me is, that at parting Charles pressed my hand,
      saying, 'Adieu; to-morrow I set off for Grenoble. In a month you will hear
      something of Charles de Labedoyere.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      These three successive communications appeared to me very extraordinary.
      The two first were made to me by persons interested in the event, and the
      third by one who dreaded it. They all presented a striking coincidence
      with the intrigues at Plombieres a few months before. In the month of
      January I determined to mention the business to M. de Blacas, who then
      engrossed all credit and all power, and through whose medium alone
      anything could reach the sovereign. I need scarcely add that my intention
      was merely to mention to him the facts without naming the individuals from
      whom I obtained them. After all, however, M. de Blacas did not receive me,
      and I only had the honour of speaking to his secretary, who, if the fact
      deserve to be recorded, was an abbe named Fleuriel. This personage, who
      was an extraordinary specimen of impertinence and self-conceit, would have
      been an admirable study for a comic poet. He had all the dignity belonging
      to the great secretary of a great Minister, and, with an air of
      indifference, he told me that the Count was not there; but M. de Blacas
      was there, and I knew it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Devoted as I was to the cause of the Bourbons, I thought it my duty to
      write that very day to M. de Blacas to request an interview; I received no
      answer. Two days after I wrote a second letter, in which I informed M. de
      Blacas that I had something of the greatest importance to communicate to
      him; this letter remained unnoticed like the first. Unable to account for
      this strange treatment I again repaired to the Pavilion de Flore, and
      requested the Abbe Fleuriel to explain to me if he could the cause of his
      master's silence. "Sir," said he, "I received your two letters, and laid
      them before the Count; I cannot tell why he has not sent you an answer;
      but Monsieur le Comte is so much engaged. . . . Monsieur le Comte is so
      overwhelmed with business that"&mdash;"Monsieur le Comte may, perhaps,
      repent of it. Good morning, sir!"
    </p>
    <p>
      I thus had personal experience of the truth of what I had often heard
      respecting M. de Blacas. That favourite, who succeeded Comte d'Avaray,
      enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and concentrated the sovereign
      power in his own cabinet. The only means of transmitting any communication
      to Louis XVIII. was to get it addressed to M. de Blacas by one of his most
      intimate friends.
    </p>
    <p>
      Convinced as I was of the danger that threatened France, and unable to
      break through the blockade which M. de Blacas had formed round the person
      of the King, I determined to write to M. de Talleyrand at Vienna,' and
      acquaint him with the communications that had been made to me. M. de
      Talleyrand corresponded directly with the King, and I doubt not that my
      information at length reached the ears of his Majesty. But when Louis
      XVIII. was informed of what was to happen it was too late to avert the
      danger.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0108" id="link2HCH0108">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV.
    </h2>

      1814-1815.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Escape from Elba&mdash;His landing near Cannes&mdash;March on Paris.
</pre>
    <p>
      About the middle of summer Napoleon was visited by his mother and his
      sister the Princess Pauline. Both these ladies had very considerable
      talents for political intrigue, and then natural faculties in this way had
      not lain dormant or been injured by want of practice. In Pauline this
      finesse was partially concealed by a languor and indecision of manner and
      an occasional assumption of 'niaiserie'; or almost infantine simplicity;
      but this only threw people the more off their guard, and made her finesse
      the more sure in its operation. Pauline was handsome too, uncommonly
      graceful, and had all that power of fascination which has been attributed
      to the Bonaparte family. She could gain hearts with ease, and those whom
      her charms enslaved were generally ready to devote themselves absolutely
      to her brother. She went and came between Naples and Elba, and kept her
      brother-in-law, Murat, in mind of the fact that the lion was not yet dead
      nor so much as sleeping, but merely retiring the better to spring forward
      on his quarry.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having taken this resolution and chosen his time, Napoleon kept the secret
      of his expedition until the last moment; and means were found to privately
      make the requisite preparations. A portion of the soldiers was embarked in
      a brig called the 'Inconstant' and the remainder in six small craft. It
      was not till they were all on board that the troops first conceived a
      suspicion of the Emperor's purpose: 1000 or 1200 men had sailed to regain
      possession of an Empire containing a population of 30,000,000! He
      commenced his voyage on Sunday the 26th of February 1815, and the next
      morning at ten o'clock was not out of sight of the island, to the great
      annoyance of the few friends he had left behind. At this time Colonel Sir
      Neil Campbell was absent on a tour to Leghorn, but being informed by the
      French Consul and by Spanocchi, the Tuscan Governor of the town, that
      Napoleon was about to sail for the Continent, he hastened back, and gave
      chase to the little squadron in the Partridge sloop of war, which was
      cruising in the neighbourhood, but, being delayed by communicating with a
      French frigate, reached Antibes too late.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were between 400 and 500 men on board the brig (the 'Inconstant') in
      which Bonaparte embarked. On the passage they met with a French ship of
      war, with which they spoke. The Guards were ordered to pull off their caps
      and lie down on the deck or go below while the captain exchanged some
      words with the commander of the frigate, whom he afterwards proposed to
      pursue and capture. Bonaparte rejected the idea as absurd, and asked why
      he should introduce this new episode into his plan.
    </p>
    <p>
      As they stood over to the coast of France the Emperor was in the highest
      spirits. The die was cast, and he seemed to be quite himself again. He sat
      upon the deck and amused the officers collected round him with a narrative
      of his campaigns, particularly those of Italy and Egypt. When he had
      finished he observed the deck to be encumbered with several large chests
      belonging to him. He asked the maitre d'hotel what they contained. Upon
      being told they were filled with wine he ordered them to be immediately
      broken open, saying, "We will divide the booty." The Emperor superintended
      the distribution himself, and presented bottle by bottle to his comrades,
      till tired of this occupation he called out to Bertrand, "Grand Marshal,
      assist me, if you please. Let us help these gentlemen. They will help us
      some day." It was with this species of bonhomie that he captivated when he
      chose all around him. The following day he was employed in various
      arrangements, and among others in dictating to Colonel Raoul the
      proclamations to be issued on his landing. In one of these, after
      observing, "we must forget that we have given law to the neighbouring
      nations," Napoleon stopped. "What have I said?" Colonel Raoul read the
      passage. "Stop!" said Napoleon. "Omit the word 'neighbouring;' say simply
      'to nations.'" It was thus his pride revealed itself; and his ambition
      seemed to rekindle at the very recollections of his former greatness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon landed without any accident on the 1st of March at Cannes, a
      small seaport in the Gulf of St. Juan, not far from Fréjus, where he had
      disembarked on his return from Egypt sixteen years before, and where he
      had embarked the preceding year for Elba. A small party of the Guards who
      presented themselves before the neighbouring garrison of Antibes were made
      prisoners by General Corsin, the Governor of the place. Some one hinted
      that it was not right to proceed till they had released their comrades,
      but the Emperor observed that this was poorly to estimate the magnitude of
      the undertaking; before them were 30,000,000 men uniting to be set free!
      He, however, sent the Commissariat Officer to try what he could do,
      calling out after him, "Take care you do not get yourself made prisoner
      too!"
    </p>
    <p>
      At nightfall the troops bivouacked on the beach. Just before a postillion,
      in a splendid livery, had been brought to Napoleon. It turned out that
      this man had formerly been a domestic of the Empress Josephine, and was
      now in the service of the Prince of Monaco, who himself had been equerry
      to the Empress. The postillion, after expressing his great astonishment at
      finding the Emperor there, stated, in answer to the questions that were
      put to him, that he had just come from Paris; that all along the road, as
      far as Avignon, he had heard nothing but regret for the Emperor's absence;
      that his name was constantly echoed from mouth to mouth; and that, when
      once fairly through Provence, he would find the whole population ready to
      rally round him. The man added that his laced livery had frequently
      rendered him the object of odium and insult on the road. This was the
      testimony of one of the common class of society: it was very gratifying to
      the Emperor, as it entirely corresponded with his expectations. The Prince
      of Monaco himself, on being presented to the Emperor, was less explicit.
      Napoleon refrained from questioning him on political matters. The
      conversation therefore assumed a more lively character, and turned
      altogether on the ladies of the former Imperial Court, concerning whom the
      Emperor was very particular in his inquiries.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the moon had risen, which was about one or two in the morning
      of the 2d, the bivouacs were broken up, and Napoleon gave orders for
      proceeding to Grasse. There he expected to find a road which he had
      planned during the Empire, but in this he was disappointed, the Bourbons
      having given up all such expensive works through want of money. Bonaparte
      was therefore obliged to pass through narrow defiles filled with snow, and
      left behind him in the hands of the municipality his carriage and two
      pieces of cannon, which had been brought ashore. This was termed a capture
      in the bulletins of the day. The municipality of Grasse was strongly in
      favour of the Royalist cause, but the sudden appearance of the Emperor
      afforded but little time for hesitation, and they came to tender their
      submission to him. Having passed through the town he halted on a little
      height some way beyond it, where he breakfasted. He was soon surrounded by
      the whole population of the place; and he heard the same sentiments and
      the same prayers as before he quitted France. A multitude of petitions had
      already been drawn up, and were presented to him, just as though he had
      come from Paris and was making a tour through the departments. One
      complained that his pension had not been paid, another that his cross of
      the Legion of Honour had been taken from him. Some of the more
      discontented secretly informed Napoleon that the authorities of the town
      were very hostile to him, but that the mass of the people were devoted to
      him, and only waited till his back was turned to rid themselves of the
      miscreants. He replied, "Be not too hasty. Let them have the mortification
      of seeing our triumph without having anything to reproach us with." The
      Emperor advanced with all the rapidity in his power. "Victory," he said,
      "depended on my speed. To me France was in Grenoble. That place was a
      hundred miles distant, but I and my companions reached it in five days;
      and with what weather and what roads! I entered the city just as the Comte
      d'Artois, warned by the telegraph, was quitting the Tuileries."
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon himself was so perfectly convinced of the state of affairs that
      he knew his success in no way depended on the force he might bring with
      him. A 'piquet' of 'gens d'armes', he said, was all that was necessary.
      Everything turned out as he foresaw. At first he owned he was not without
      some degree of uncertainty and apprehension. As he advanced, however, the
      whole population declared themselves enthusiastically in his favour: but
      he saw no soldiers. It was not till he arrived between Mure and Vizille,
      within five or six leagues from Grenoble, and on the fifth day after his
      landing, that he met a battalion. The commanding officer refused to hold
      even a parley. The Emperor, without hesitation, advanced alone, and 100
      grenadiers marched at some distance behind him, with their arms reversed.
      The sight of Napoleon, his well-known costume, and his gray military
      greatcoat, had a magical effect on the soldiers, and they stood
      motionless. Napoleon went straight up to them and baring his breast said,
      "Let him that has the heart kill his Emperor!" The soldiers threw down
      their arms, their eyes moistened with tears, and cries of "Vive
      l'Empereur!" resounded on every side. Napoleon ordered the battalion to
      wheel round to the right, and all marched on together.
    </p>
    <p>
      At a short distance from Grenoble Colonel Labedoyere, who had been sent at
      the head of the 7th regiment to oppose his passage, came to join the
      Emperor. The impulse thus given in a manner decided the question.
      Labedoyere's superior officer in vain interfered to restrain his
      enthusiasm and that of his men. The tri-coloured cockades, which had been
      concealed in the hollow of a drum, were eagerly distributed by Labedoyere
      among them, and they threw away the white cockade as a badge of their
      nation's dishonour. The peasantry of Dauphiny, the cradle of the
      Revolution, lined the roadside: they were transported and mad with joy.
      The first battalion, which has just been alluded to, had shown some signs
      of hesitation, but thousands of the country people crowded round it, and
      by their shouts of "Vive l'Empereur!" endeavoured to urge the troops to
      decision, while others who followed in Napoleon's rear encouraged his
      little troop to advance by assuring them that they would meet with
      success. Napoleon said he could have taken 2,000,000 of these peasants
      with him to Paris, but that then he would have been called "the King of
      the Jaequerie."
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon issued two proclamations on the road. He at first regretted that
      he had not had them printed before he left Elba; but this could not have
      been done without some risk of betraying his secret designs. He dictated
      them on board the vessel, where every man who could write was employed in
      copying them. These copies soon became very scarce; many of them were
      illegible; and it was not till he arrived at Gap, on the 5th of March,
      that he found means to have them printed. They were from that time
      circulated and read everywhere with the utmost avidity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address to the army was considered as being still more masterly and
      eloquent, and it was certainly well suited to the taste of French
      soldiers, who, as Bourrienne remarks, are wonderfully pleased with
      grandiloquence, metaphor, and hyperbole, though they do not always
      understand what they mean. Even a French author of some distinction
      praises this address as something sublime. "The proclamation to the army,"
      says he, "is full of energy: it could not fail to make all military
      imaginations vibrate. That prophetic phrase, 'The eagle, with the national
      colours, will fly from church steeple to church steeple, till it settles
      on the towers of Notre Dame,' was happy in the extreme."
    </p>
    <p>
      These words certainly produced an immense effect on the French soldiery,
      who everywhere shouted, "Vive l'Empereur!" "Vive le petit Caporal!" "We
      will die for our old comrade!" with the most genuine enthusiasm.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was some distance in advance of Grenoble that Labedoyere joined, but he
      could not make quite sure of the garrison of that city, which was
      commanded by General Marchand, a man resolved to be faithful to his latest
      master. The shades of night had fallen when Bonaparte arrived in front of
      the fortress of Grenoble, where he stood for some minutes in a painful
      state of suspense and indecision.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was on the 7th of March, at nightfall, that Bonaparte thus stood before
      the walls of Grenoble. He found the gates closed, and the commanding
      officer refused to open them. The garrison assembled on the ramparts
      shouted "Vive l'Empereur!" and shook hands with Napoleon's followers
      through the wickets, but they could not be prevailed on to do more. It was
      necessary to force the gates, and this was done under the mouths of ten
      pieces of artillery, loaded with grapeshot. In none of his battles did
      Napoleon ever imagine himself to be in so much danger as at the entrance
      into Grenoble. The soldiers seemed to turn upon him with furious gestures:
      for a moment it might be supposed that they were going to tear him to
      pieces. But these were the suppressed transports of love and joy. The
      Emperor and his horse were both borne along by the multitude, and he had
      scarcely time to breathe in the inn where he alighted when an increased
      tumult was heard without; the inhabitants of Grenoble came to offer him
      the broken gates of the city, since they could not present him with the
      keys.
    </p>
    <p>
      From Grenoble to Paris Napoleon found no further opposition. During the
      four days of his stay at Lyons, where he had arrived on the 10th, there
      were continually upwards of 20,000 people assembled before his windows;
      whose acclamations were unceasing. It would never have been supposed that
      the Emperor had even for a moment been absent from the country. He issued
      orders, signed decrees, reviewed the troops, as if nothing had happened.
      The military corps, the public bodies, and all classes of citizens,
      eagerly came forward to tender their homage and their services. The Comte
      d'Artois, who had hastened to Lyons, as the Duc and Duchesse d'Augouleme
      had done to Bourdeaux, like them in vain attempted to make a stand. The
      Mounted National Guard (who were known Royalists) deserted him at this
      crisis, and in his flight only one of them chose to follow him. Bonaparte
      refused their services when offered to him, and with a chivalrous feeling
      worthy of being recorded sent the decoration of the Legion of Honour to
      the single volunteer who had thus shown his fidelity by following the
      Duke.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the Emperor quitted Lyons he wrote to Ney, who with his army
      was at Lons-le-Saulnier, to come and join him. Ney had set off from the
      Court with a promise to bring Napoleon, "like a wild beast in a cage, to
      Paris." Scott excuses Ney's heart at the expense of his head, and fancies
      that the Marshal was rather carried away by circumstances, by vanity, and
      by fickleness, than actuated by premeditated treachery, and it is quite
      possible that these protestations were sincerely uttered when Ney left
      Paris, but, infected by the ardour of his troops, he was unable to resist
      a contagion so much in harmony with all his antecedents, and to attack not
      only his leader in many a time of peril, but also the sovereign who had
      forwarded his career through every grade of the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      The facts of the case were these:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of March Ney, being at Besancon, learned that Napoleon was at
      Lyons. To those who doubted whether his troops would fight against their
      old comrades he said, "They shall fight! I will take a musket from a
      grenadier and begin the action myself! I will run my sword to the hilt in
      the body of the first man who hesitates to fire." At the same time he
      wrote to the Minister of War at Paris that he hoped to see a fortunate
      close to this mad enterprise.
    </p>
    <p>
      He then advanced to Lons-le-Saulnier, where, on the night between the 13th
      and 14th of March, not quite three days after his vehement protestations
      of fidelity, he received, without hesitation, a letter from Bonaparte,
      inviting him, by his old appellation of the "Bravest of the Brave," to
      join his standard. With this invitation Ney complied, and published an
      order of the day that declared the cause of the Bourbons, which he had
      sworn to defend, lost for ever.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is pleaded in extenuation of Ney's defection that both his officers and
      men were beyond his control, and determined to join their old Master; but
      in that case he might have given up his command, and retired in the same
      honourable way that Marshals Macdonald and Marmont and several other
      generals did. But even among his own officers Ney had an example set him,
      for many of them, after remonstrating in vain, threw up their commands.
      One of them broke his sword in two and threw the pieces at Ney's feet,
      saying, "It is easier for a man of honour to break iron than to break his
      word."
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon, when at St. Helena, gave a very different reading to these
      incidents. On this subject he was heard to say, "If I except Labedoyere,
      who flew to me with enthusiasm and affection, and another individual, who,
      of his own accord, rendered me important services, nearly all the other
      generals whom I met on my route evinced hesitation and uncertainty; they
      yielded only to the impulse about them, if indeed they did not manifest a
      hostile feeling towards me. This was the case with Ney, with Massena, St.
      Cyr, Soult, as well as with Macdonald and the Duke of Belluno, so that if
      the Bourbons had reason to complain of the complete desertion of the
      soldiers and the people, they had no right to reproach the chiefs of the
      army with conspiring against them, who had shown themselves mere children
      in politics, and would be looked upon as neither emigrants nor patriots."
    </p>
    <p>
      Between Lyons and Fontainebleau Napoleon often travelled several miles
      ahead of his army with no other escort than a few Polish lancers. His
      advanced guard now generally consisted of the troops (miscalled Royal) who
      happened to be before him on the road whither they had been sent to oppose
      him, and to whom couriers were sent forward to give notice of the
      Emperor's approach, in order that they might be quite ready to join him
      with the due military ceremonies. White flags and cockades everywhere
      disappeared; the tri-colour resumed its pride of place. It was spring, and
      true to its season the violet had reappeared! The joy of the soldiers and
      the lower orders was almost frantic, but even among the industrious poor
      there were not wanting many who regretted this precipitate return to the
      old order of things&mdash;to conscription, war, and bloodshed, while in
      the superior classes of society there was a pretty general consternation.
      The vain, volatile soldiery, however, thought of nothing but their
      Emperor, saw nothing before them but the restoration of all their laurels,
      the humiliation of England, and the utter defeat of the Russians,
      Prussians, and Austrians.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the night between the 19th and 20th of March Napoleon reached
      Fontainebleau, and again paused, as had formerly been his custom, with
      short, quick steps through the antiquated but splendid galleries of that
      old palace. What must have been his feelings on revisiting the chamber in
      which, the year before, it is said he had attempted suicide!
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis XVIII., left the Palace of the Tuileries at nearly the same hour
      that Bonaparte entered that of Fontainebleau.
    </p>
    <p>
      The most forlorn hope of the Bourbons was now in a considerable army
      posted between Fontainebleau and Paris. Meanwhile the two armies
      approached each other at Melun; that of the King was commanded by Marshal
      Macdonald. On the 20th his troops were drawn up in three lines to receive
      the invaders, who were said to be advancing from Fontainebleau. There was
      a long pause of suspense, of a nature which seldom fails to render men
      more accessible to strong and sudden emotions. The glades of the forest,
      and the acclivity which leads to it, were in full view of the Royal army,
      but presented the appearance of a deep solitude. All was silence, except
      when the regimental bands of music, at the command of the officers, who
      remained generally faithful, played the airs of "Vive Henri Quatre," "O
      Richard," "La Belle Gabrielle," and other tunes connected with the cause
      and family of the Bourbons. The sounds excited no corresponding sentiments
      among the soldiers.
    </p>
    <p>
      At length, about noon, a galloping of horse was heard. An open carriage
      appeared, surrounded by a few hussars, and drawn by four horses. It came
      on at full speed, and Napoleon, jumping from the vehicle, was in the midst
      of the ranks which had been formed to oppose him. His escort threw
      themselves from their horses, mingled with their ancient comrades, and the
      effect of their exhortations was instantaneous on men whose minds were
      already half made up to the purpose which they now accomplished. There was
      a general shout of "Vive Napoleon!" The last army of the Bourbons passed
      from their side, and no further obstruction existed betwixt Napoleon and
      the capital, which he was once more&mdash;but for a brief space&mdash;to
      inhabit as a sovereign.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis, accompanied only by a few household troops, had scarcely turned his
      back on the capital of his ancestors when Lavalette hastened from a place
      of concealment and seized on the Post-office in the name of Napoleon. By
      this measure all the King's proclamations' were intercepted, and the
      restoration of the Emperor was announced to all the departments. General
      Excelmans, who had just renewed his oath to Louis, pulled down with his
      own hands the white flag that was floating over the Tuileries, and hoisted
      the three-coloured banner.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was late in the evening of the 20th that Bonaparte entered Paris in an
      open carriage, which was driven straight to the gilded gates of the
      Tuileries. He received the acclamations of the military and of the lower
      classes of the suburbs, but most of the respectable citizens looked on in
      silent wonderment. It was quite evident then that he was recalled by a
      party&mdash;a party, in truth, numerous and powerful, but not by the
      unanimous voice of the nation. The enthusiasm of his immediate adherents,
      however, made up for the silence and lukewarmness of others. They filled
      and crammed the square of the Carrousel, and the courts and avenues of the
      Tuileries; they pressed so closely upon him that he was obliged to cry
      out, "My friends, you stifle me!" and his aides de camp were compelled to
      carry him in their arms up the grand staircase, and thence into the royal
      apartments. It was observed, however, that amongst these ardent friends
      were many men who had been the first to desert him in 1814, and that these
      individuals were the most enthusiastic in their demonstrations, the
      loudest in their shouts!
    </p>
    <p>
      And thus was Napoleon again at the Tuileries, where, even more than at
      Fontainebleau, his mind was flooded by the deep and painful recollections
      of the past! A few nights after his return thither he sent for M. Horan,
      one of the physicians who had attended Josephine during her last illness.
      "So, Monsieur Horan," said he, "you did not leave the Empress during her
      malady?"&mdash;"No, Sire."
    </p>
    <p>
      "What was the cause of that malady?"&mdash;"Uneasiness of mind . . .
      grief."&mdash;"You believe that?" (and Napoleon laid a strong emphasis on
      the word believe, looking steadfastly in the doctor's face). He then
      asked, "Was she long ill? Did she suffer much?"&mdash;"She was ill a week,
      Sire; her Majesty suffered little bodily pain."&mdash;"Did she see that
      she was dying? Did she show courage?"&mdash;"A sign her Majesty made when
      she could no longer express herself leaves me no doubt that she felt her
      end approaching; she seamed to contemplate it without fear."&mdash;"Well!&mdash;well!"
      and then Napoleon much affected drew close to M. Horan, and added, "You
      say that she was in grief; from what did that arise?"&mdash;"From passing
      events, Sire; from your Majesty's position last year."&mdash;"Ah! she used
      to speak of me then?"&mdash;"Very often." Here Napoleon drew his hand
      across his eyes, which seemed filled with tears. He then went on. "Good
      woman!&mdash;Excellent Josephine! She loved me truly&mdash;she&mdash;did
      she not? . . . Ah! She was a Frenchwoman!"&mdash;"Yes, Sire, she loved
      you, and she would have proved it had it not been for dread of displeasing
      you: she had conceived an idea."&mdash;"How? . . . What would she have
      done?" "She one day said that as Empress of the French she would drive
      through Paris with eight horses to her coach, and all her household in
      gala livery, to go and rejoin you at Fontainebleau, and never quit you
      more."&mdash;"She would have done it&mdash;she was capable of doing it!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon again betrayed deep emotion, on recovering from which he asked
      the physician the most minute questions about the nature of Josephine's
      disease, the friends and attendants who were around her at the hour of her
      death, and the conduct of her two children, Eugène and Hortense.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0109" id="link2HCH0109">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER V.
    </h2>

      1815.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Message from the Tuileries&mdash;My interview with the King&mdash;
   My appointment to the office of Prefect of the Police&mdash;Council at
   the Tuileries&mdash;Order for arrests&mdash;Fouches escape&mdash;Davoust
   unmolested&mdash;Conversation with M. de Blacas&mdash;The intercepted letter,
   and time lost&mdash;Evident understanding between Murat and Napoleon&mdash;
   Plans laid at Elba&mdash;My departure from Paris&mdash;The post-master of
   Fins&mdash;My arrival at Lille&mdash;Louis XVIII. detained an hour at the
   gates&mdash;His majesty obliged to leave France&mdash;My departure for
   Hamburg&mdash;The Duc de Berri at Brussels.
</pre>
    <p>
      Those who opposed the execution of the treaty concluded with Napoleon at
      the time of his abdication were guilty of a great error, for they afforded
      him a fair pretext for leaving the island of Elba. The details of that
      extraordinary enterprise are known to every one, and I shall not repeat
      what has been told over and over again. For my own part, as soon as I saw
      with what rapidity Bonaparte was marching upon Lyons, and the enthusiasm
      with which he was received by the troops and the people, I prepared to
      retire to Belgium, there to await the denouement of this new drama.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every preparation for my departure was completed on the evening of the
      13th of March, and I was ready to depart, to avoid the persecutions of
      which I expected I should be the object, when I received a message from
      the Tuileries stating that the King desired to see me. I of course lost no
      time in proceeding to the Palace, and went straight to M. Hue to inquire
      of him why I had been sent for. He occupied the apartments in which I
      passed the three most laborious and anxious years of my life. M. Hue,
      perceiving that I felt a certain degree of uneasiness at being summoned to
      the Tuileries at that hour of the night, hastened to inform me that the
      King wished to appoint me Prefect of the Police. He conducted me to the
      King's chamber, where his Majesty thus addressed me kindly, but in an
      impressive manner, "M. de Bourrienne, can we rely upon you? I expect much
      from your zeal and fidelity."&mdash;"Your Majesty," replied I, "shall have
      no reason to complain of my betraying your confidence."&mdash;"Well, I
      re-establish the Prefecture of the Police, and I appoint you Prefect. Do
      your best, M. de Bourrienne, in the discharge of your duties; I count upon
      you."
    </p>
    <p>
      By a singular coincidence, on the very day (the 13th of March) when I
      received this appointment Napoleon, who was at Lyons, signed the decree
      which excluded from the amnesty he had granted thirteen individuals, among
      whose names mine was inscribed. This decree confirmed me in the
      presentiments I had conceived as soon as I heard of the landing of
      Bonaparte. On returning home from the Tuileries after receiving my
      appointment a multitude of ideas crowded on my mind. At the first moment I
      had been prompted only by the wish to serve the cause of the King, but I
      was alarmed when I came to examine the extent of the responsibility I had
      taken upon myself. However, I determined to meet with courage the
      difficulties that presented themselves, and I must say that I had every
      reason to be satisfied with the manner in which I was seconded by M.
      Foudras, the Inspector-General of the Police.
    </p>
    <p>
      Even now I am filled with astonishment when I think of the Council that
      was held at the Tuileries on the evening of the 13th of March in M. de
      Blacas' apartments. The ignorance of the members of that Council
      respecting our situation, and their confidence in the useless measures
      they had adopted against Napoleon, exceed all conception.
    </p>
    <p>
      Will it be believed that those great statesmen, who had the control of the
      telegraph, the post-office, the police and its agents, money-in short,
      everything which constitutes power&mdash;asked me to give them information
      respecting the advance of Bonaparte? What could I say to them? I could
      only repeat the reports which were circulated on the Exchange, and those
      which I had collected here and there during the last twenty-four hours. I
      did not conceal that the danger was imminent, and that all their
      precautions would be of no avail. The question then arose as to what
      course should be adapted by the King. It was impossible that the monarch
      could remain at the Capital, and yet, where was he to go? One proposed
      that he should go to Bordeaux, another to La Vendée, and a third to
      Normandy, and a fourth member of the Council was of opinion that the King
      should be conducted to Melun. I conceived that if a battle should take
      place anywhere it would probably be in the neighbourhood of that town, but
      the councillor who made this last suggestion assured us that the presence
      of the King in an open carriage and eight horses would produce a wonderful
      effect on the minds of the troops. This project was merely ridiculous; the
      others appeared to be dangerous and impracticable. I declared to the
      Council that, considering the situation of things, it was necessary to
      renounce all idea of resistance by force of arms; that no soldier would
      fire a musket, and that it was madness to attempt to take any other view
      of things. "Defection," said I, "is inevitable. The soldiers are drinking
      in their barracks the money which you have been giving them for some days
      past to purchase their fidelity. They say Louis XVIII., is a very decent
      sort of man, but 'Vive le petit Caporal!'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Immediately on the landing of Napoleon the King sent an extraordinary
      courier to Marmont, who was at Chatillon whither he had gone to take a
      last leave of his dying mother. I saw him one day after he had had an
      interview with the King; I think it was on the 6th or 7th of March. After
      some conversation on the landing of Napoleon, and the means of preventing
      him from reaching Paris, Marmont said to me, "This is what I dwelt most
      strongly upon in the interview I have just had with the King. 'Sire,' said
      I, 'I doubt not Bonaparte's intention of coming to Paris, and the best way
      to prevent him doing so would be for your Majesty to remain here. It is
      necessary to secure the Palace of the Tuileries against a surprise, and to
      prepare it for resisting a siege, in which it would be indispensable to
      use cannon. You must shut yourself up in your palace, with the individuals
      of your household and the principal public functionaries, while the Duc
      d'Angoulome should go to Bordeaux, the Duc de Berri to La Vendée, and
      Monsieur to, the Franche-Comte; but they must set off in open day, and
      announce that they are going to collect defenders for your Majesty.&mdash;[Monsieur,
      the brother of the King, the Comte d'Artois later Charles X.]
    </p>
    <p>
      ". . . This is what I said to the King this morning, and I added that I
      would answer for everything if my advice were followed. I am now going to
      direct my aide de camp, Colonel Fabvier, to draw up the plan of defence."
      I did not concur in Marmont's opinion. It is certainly probable that had
      Louis XVIII. remained in his palace the numerous defections which took
      place before the 20th of March would have been checked and some persons
      would not have found so ready an excuse for breaking their oaths of
      allegiance. There can be little doubt, too, but Bonaparte would have
      reflected well before he attempted the siege of the Tuileries.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Marmont (tome vii. p. 87) gives the full details of his scheme
   for provisioning and garrisoning the Tuileries which the King was to
   hold while his family spread themselves throughout the provinces.
   The idea had nothing strange in it, for the same advice was given by
   General Mathieu Dumas (Souvenirs, tome iii. p. 564), a man not
   likely to suggest any rash schemes. Jaucourt, writing to
   Talleyrand, obviously believed in the wisdom of the King's
   remaining, as did the Czar; see Talleyrand's Correspondence, vol.
   ii. pp. 94, 122, 129. Napoleon would certainly have been placed
   in a strange difficulty, but a king capable of adopting such a
   resolution would never have been required to consider it.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      Marmont supported his opinion by observing that the admiration and
      astonishment excited by the extraordinary enterprise of Napoleon and his
      rapid march to Paris would be counterbalanced by the interest inspired by
      a venerable monarch defying his bold rival and courageously defending his
      throne. While I rendered full justice to the good intentions of the Duke
      of Ragusa, yet I did not think that his advice could be adopted. I opposed
      it as I opposed all the propositions that were made in the Council
      relative to the different places to which the King should retire. I myself
      suggested Lille as being the nearest, and as presenting the greatest
      degree of safety, especially in the first instance.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was after midnight when I left the Council of the Tuileries. The
      discussion had terminated, and without coming to any precise resolution it
      was agreed that the different opinions which had been expressed should be
      submitted to Louis XVIII. in order that his Majesty might adopt that which
      should appear to him the best. The King adopted my opinion, but it was not
      acted upon until five days after.
    </p>
    <p>
      My appointment to the Prefecture of the Police was, as will be seen, a
      late thought of measure, almost as late indeed as Napoleon's proposition
      to send me as his Minister Plenipotentiary to Switzerland. In now
      accepting office I was well convinced of the inutility of any effort that
      might be made to arrest the progress of the fast approaching and menacing
      events. Being introduced into the King's cabinet his Majesty asked me what
      I thought of the situation of affairs. "I think, Sire, that Bonaparte will
      be here in five or six days."&mdash;"What, sir?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire."&mdash;"But
      proper measures are taken, the necessary orders given, and the Marshals
      are faithful to me."&mdash;"Sire, I suspect no man's fidelity; but I can
      assure your Majesty that, as Bonaparte has landed, he will be here within
      a week. I know him, and your Majesty cannot know him as well as I do; but
      I can venture to assure your Majesty with the same confidence that he will
      not be here six months hence. He will be hurried into acts of folly which
      will ruin him."&mdash;"De Bourrienne, I hope the best from events, but if
      misfortune again compel me to leave France, and your second prediction be
      fulfilled, you may rely on me." During this short conversation the King
      appeared perfectly tranquil and resigned.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day I again visited the Tuileries, whither I had at those
      perilous times frequent occasion to repair. On that day I received a list
      of twenty-five persons whom I was ordered to arrest. I took the liberty to
      observe that such a proceeding was not only useless but likely to produce
      a very injurious effect at that critical moment. The reasons I urged had
      not all the effect I expected. However, some relaxation as to twenty-three
      of the twenty-five was conceded, but it was insisted that Fouché and
      Davoust should be arrested without delay. The King repeatedly said, "I
      wish you to arrest Fouché."&mdash;"Sire, I beseech your Majesty to
      consider the inutility of such a measure."&mdash;"I am resolved upon
      Fouches arrest. But I am sure you will miss him, for Andre could not catch
      him."
    </p>
    <p>
      My nocturnal installation as Prefect of the Police took place some time
      after midnight. I had great repugnance to the arrest of Fouché, but the
      order having been given, there was no alternative but to obey it. I
      communicated the order to M. Foudras, who very coolly observed, "Since we
      are to arrest him you need not be afraid, we shall have him fast
      tomorrow."
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day my agents repaired to the Duke of Otranto's hotel, in the Rue
      d'Artois. On showing their warrant Fouché said, "What does this mean? Your
      warrant is of no force; it is mere waste-paper. It purports to come from
      the Prefect of the Police, but there is no such Prefect." In my opinion
      Fouché was right, for my appointment, which took place during the night,
      had not been legally announced. Be that as it may, on his refusal to
      surrender, one of my agents applied to the staff of the National Guard,
      requesting the support, in case of need, of an armed force. General
      Dessolles repaired to the Tuileries to take the King's orders on the
      subject. Meanwhile Fouché, who never lost his self-possession, after
      talking to the police officers who remained with him, pretended to step
      aside for some indispensable purpose, but the door which he opened led
      into a dark passage through which he slipped, leaving my unfortunate
      agents groping about in the obscurity. As for himself, he speedily gained
      the Rue Taitbout, where he stepped into a coach, and drove off. This is
      the whole history of the notable arrest of Fouché.
    </p>
    <p>
      As for Davoust, I felt my hands tied with respect to him. I do not mean to
      affect generosity, for I acknowledge the enmity I bore him; but I did not
      wish it to be supposed that I was acting towards him from a spirit of
      personal vengeance. I therefore merely ordered him to be watched. The
      other twenty-three were to me in this matter as if they had never existed;
      and some of them, perhaps, will only learn in reading my Memoirs what
      dangerous characters they were thought to be.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of March, after the conversation which, as I have already
      related, I had with Louis XVIII, I went to M. de Blacas and repeated to
      him what I had stated to the King on the certainty of Bonaparte's speedy
      arrival in Paris. I told him that I found it necessary to devote the short
      time still in our power to prevent a reaction against the Royalists, and
      to preserve public tranquillity until the departure of the Royal family,
      and that I would protect the departure of all persons who had reasons for
      withdrawing themselves from the scene of the great and perhaps disastrous
      events that might ensue. "You may readily believe, Count," added I, "that
      considering the great interests with which I am entrusted, I am not
      inclined to lose valuable time in arresting the persons of whose names I
      have received a list. The execution of such a measure would be useless; it
      would lead to nothing, or rather it would serve to irritate public
      feeling. My conviction of this fact has banished from me all idea of
      keeping under restraint for four or five days persons whose influence,
      whether real or supposed, is nil, since Bonaparte is at Auxerre. Mere
      supervision appears to me sufficient, and to that I propose confining
      myself."&mdash;"The King," replied M. de Blacas, "relies on you. He knows
      that though only forty-eight hours have elapsed since you entered upon
      your functions, you have already rendered greater services than you are
      perhaps aware of." I then asked M. de Blacas whether he had not received
      any intimation of Bonaparte's intended departure from the island of Elba
      by letters or by secret agents. "The only positive information we
      received," answered the Minister, "was an intercepted letter, dated Elba,
      6th February. It was addressed to M. &mdash;&mdash;-, near Grenoble. I
      will show it you." M. de Blacas opened a drawer of his writing-table and
      took out the letter, which he gave to me. The writer thanked his
      correspondent for the information he had transmitted to "the inhabitant of
      Elba." He was informed that everything was ready for departure, and that
      the first favourable opportunity would be seized, but that it would be
      desirable first to receive answers to some questions contained in the
      letter. These questions related to the regiments which had been sent into
      the south, and the places of their cantonment. It was inquired whether the
      choice of the commanders was conformable to what had been agreed on in
      Paris, and whether Labedoyere was at his post. The letter was rather long
      and it impressed me by the way in which the plan of a landing on the coast
      of Provence was discussed. Precise answers were requested on all these
      points. On returning the letter to M. de Blacas I remarked that the
      contents of the letter called for the adoption of some decided measures,
      and I asked him what had been done. He answered, "I immediately sent a
      copy of the letter to M. d'Andre, that he might give orders for arresting
      the individual to whom it was addressed."
    </p>
    <p>
      Having had the opportunity of closely observing the machinery of a
      vigilant and active Government, I was, I must confess, not a little amazed
      at the insufficiency of the measures adopted to defeat this well-planned
      conspiracy. When M. de Blacas informed me of all that had been done, I
      could not repress an exclamation of surprise. "Well," said he, "and what
      would you have done?"&mdash;"In the first place I would not have lost
      twenty-four hours, which were an age in such a crisis." I then explained
      the plan I would have adopted. A quarter of an hour after the receipt of
      the letter I would have sent trustworthy men to Grenoble, and above all
      things I would have taken care not to let the matter fall into the hands
      of the police. Having obtained all information from the correspondent at
      Grenoble, I would have made him write a letter to his correspondent at
      Elba to quiet the eagerness of Napoleon, telling him that the movement of
      troops he spoke of had not been made, that it would take eight days to
      carry it out, and that it was necessary to the success of the enterprise
      to delay the embarkation for some days. While Bonaparte was thus delayed I
      would have sent to the coast of Provence a sufficient body of men devoted
      to the Royal cause, sending off in another direction the regiments whose
      chiefs were gained over by Napoleon, as the correspondence should reveal
      their names. "You are perhaps right, sir," said M. de Blacas, "but what
      could I do? I am new here. I had not the control of the police, and I
      trusted to M. d'Andre."&mdash;"Well," said I, "Bonaparte will be here on
      the 20th of March." With these words I parted from M. de Blacas. I
      remarked a great change in him. He had already lost a vast deal of that
      hauteur of favouritism which made him so much disliked.
    </p>
    <p>
      When I entered upon my duties in the Prefecture of Police the evil was
      already past remedy. The incorrigible emigres required another lesson, and
      the temporary resurrection of the Empire was inevitable. But, if Bonaparte
      was recalled, it was not owing to any attachment to him personally; it was
      not from any fidelity to the recollections of the Empire. It was resolved
      at any price to get rid of those imbecile councillors, who thought they
      might treat France like a country conquered by the emigrants. The people
      determined to free themselves from a Government which seemed resolved to
      trample on all that was dear to France. In this state of things some
      looked upon Bonaparte as a liberator, but the greater number regarded him
      as an instrument. In this last character he was viewed by the old
      Republicans, and by a new generation, who thought they caught a glimpse of
      liberty in promises, and Who were blind enough to believe that the idol of
      France would be restored by Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      In February 1815, while everything was preparing at Elba for the
      approaching departure of Napoleon, Murat applied to the Court of Vienna
      for leave to march through the Austrian Provinces of Upper Italy an army
      directed on France. It was on the 26th of the same month that Bonaparte
      escaped from Elba. These two facts were necessarily connected together,
      for, in spite of Murat's extravagant ideas, he never could have
      entertained the expectation of obliging the King of France, by the mere
      force of arms, to acknowledge his continued possession of the throne of
      Naples. Since the return of Louis XVIII. the Cabinet of the Tuileries had
      never regarded Murat in any other light than as a usurper, and I know from
      good authority that the French Plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Vienna
      were especially instructed to insist that the restoration of the throne of
      Naples in favour of the Bourbons of the Two Sicilies should be a
      consequence of the restoration of the throne of France. I also know that
      the proposition was firmly opposed on the part of Austria, who had always
      viewed with jealousy the occupation of three thrones of Europe by the
      single House of Bourbon.
    </p>
    <p>
      According to information, for the authenticity of which I can vouch, the
      following were the plans which Napoleon conceived at Elba. Almost
      immediately after his arrival in France he was to order the Marshals on
      whom he could best rely to defend to the utmost the entrances to the
      French territory and the approaches to Paris, by pivoting on the triple
      line of fortresses which gird the north and east of France. Davoust was
      'in petto' singled out for the defence of Paris. He, was to arm the
      inhabitants of the suburbs, and to have, besides, 20,000 men of the
      National Guard at his disposal. Napoleon, not being aware of the situation
      of the Allies, never supposed that they could concentrate their forces and
      march against him so speedily as they did. He hoped to take them by
      surprise, and defeat their projects, by making Murat march upon Milan, and
      by stirring up insurrections in Italy. The Po being once crossed, and
      Murat approaching the capital of Lombardy, Napoleon with the corps of
      Suchet, Brune, Grouchy, and Massena, augmented by troops sent, by forced
      marches, to Lyons, was to cross the Alps and revolutionise Piedmont.
      There, having recruited his army and joined the Neapolitans in Milan, he
      was to proclaim the independence of Italy, unite the whole country under a
      single chief, and then march at the head of 100,000 men on Vienna, by the
      Julian Alps, across which victory had conducted him in 1797. This was not
      all: numerous emissaries scattered through Poland and Hungary were to
      foment discord and raise the cry of liberty and independence, to alarm
      Russia and Austria. It must be confessed it would have been an
      extraordinary spectacle to see Napoleon giving liberty to Europe in
      revenge for not having succeeded in enslaving her.
    </p>
    <p>
      By means of these bold manoeuvres and vast combinations Napoleon
      calculated that he would have the advantage of the initiative in military
      operations. Perhaps his genius was never more fully developed than in this
      vast conception. According to this plan he was to extend his operations
      over a line of 500 leagues, from Ostend to Vienna, by the Alps and Italy,
      to provide himself with immense resources of every kind, to prevent the
      Emperor of Austria from marching his troops against France, and probably
      force him to terminate a war from which the hereditary provinces would
      have exclusively suffered. Such was the bright prospect which presented
      itself to Napoleon when he stepped on board the vessel which was to convey
      him from Elba to France. But the mad precipitation of Murat put Europe on
      the alert, and the brilliant illusion vanished like a dream.
    </p>
    <p>
      After being assured that all was tranquil, and that the Royal family was
      secure against every danger, I myself set out at four o'clock on the
      morning of the 20th of March, taking the road to Lille.&mdash;Nothing
      extraordinary occurred until I arrived at the post-office of Fins, in
      front of which were drawn up a great number of carriages, which had
      arrived before mine, and the owners of which, like myself, were
      impatiently waiting for horses. I soon observed that some one called the
      postmaster aside in a way which did not appear entirely devoid of mystery,
      and I acknowledge I felt some degree of alarm. I was in the room in which
      the travellers were waiting, and my attention was attracted by a large
      bill fixed against the wall. It was printed in French and Russian, and it
      proved to be the order of the day which I had been fortunate enough to
      obtain from the Emperor Alexander to exempt posthorses, etc., from the
      requisitions of the Allied troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was standing looking at the bill when the postmaster came into the room
      and advanced towards me. "Sir," said he, "that is an order of the day
      which saved me from ruin."&mdash;"Then surely you would not harm the man
      by whom it is signed?"&mdash;"I know you, sir, I recognised you
      immediately. I saw you in Paris when you were Director of the Post-office,
      and you granted a just claim which I had upon you. I have now come to tell
      you that they are harnessing two horses to your calash, and you may set
      off at full speed." The worthy man had assigned to my use the only two
      horses at his disposal; his son performed the office of postilion, and I
      set off to the no small dissatisfaction of some of the travellers who had
      arrived before me, and who, perhaps, had as good reasons as I to avoid the
      presence of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      We arrived at Lille at eleven o'clock on the night of the 21st. Here I
      encountered another vexation, though not of an alarming kind. The gates of
      the town were closed, and I was obliged to content myself with a miserable
      night's lodging in the suburb.
    </p>
    <p>
      I entered Lille on the 22d, and Louis XVIII. arrived on the 23d. His
      Majesty also found the gates closed, and more than an hour elapsed before
      an order could be obtained for opening them, for the Duke of Orleans, who
      commanded the town, was inspecting the troops when his Majesty arrived.
      The King was perfectly well received at Lille. There indeed appeared some
      symptoms of defection, but it must be acknowledged that the officers of
      the old army had been so singularly sacrificed to the promotion of the
      returned emigrants that it was very natural the former should hail the
      return of the man who had so often led them to victory. I put up at the
      Hotel de Grand, certainly without forming any prognostic respecting the
      future residence of the King. When I saw his Majesty's retinue I went down
      and stood at the door of the hotel, where as soon as Louis XVIII.
      perceived me he distinguished me from among all the persons who were
      awaiting his arrival, and holding out his hand for me to kiss he said,
      "Follow me, M. de Bourrienne."
    </p>
    <p>
      On entering the apartments prepared for him the King expressed to me his
      approval of my conduct since the Restoration, and especially during the
      short interval in which I had discharged the functions of Prefect of the
      Police. He did me the honour to invite me to breakfast with him. The
      conversation naturally turned on the events of the day, of which every one
      present spoke according to his hopes or fears. Observing that Louis XVIII.
      concurred in Berthier's discouraging view of affairs, I ventured to repeat
      what I had already said at the Tuileries, that, judging from the
      disposition of the sovereigns of Europe and the information which I had
      received, it appeared very probable that his Majesty would be again seated
      on his throne in three months. Berthier bit his nails as he did when he
      wanted to leave the army of Egypt and return to Paris to the object of his
      adoration. Berthier was not hopeful; he was always one of those men who
      have the least confidence and the most depression. I could perceive that
      the King regarded my observation as one of those compliments which he was
      accustomed to receive, and that he had no great confidence in the
      fulfilment of my prediction. However, wishing to seem to believe it, he
      said, what he had more than hinted before, "M. de Bourrienne, as long as I
      am King you shall be my Prefect of the Police."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was the decided intention of Louis XVIII. to remain in France as long
      as he could, but the Napoleonic fever, which spread like an epidemic among
      the troops, had infected the garrison of Lille. Marshal Mortier, who
      commanded at Lille, and the Duke of Orleans, expressed to me their
      well-founded fears, and repeatedly recommended me to urge the King to quit
      Lille speedily, in order to avoid any fatal occurrence. During the two
      days I passed with his Majesty I entreated him to yield to the imperious
      circumstances in which he was placed. At length the King, with deep
      regret, consented to go, and I left Lille the day before that fixed for
      his Majesty's departure.
    </p>
    <p>
      In September 1814 the King had appointed me charge d'affaires from France
      to Hamburg, but not having received orders to repair to my post I have not
      hitherto mentioned this nomination. However, when Louis XVIII. was on the
      point of leaving France he thought that my presence in Hamburg might be
      useful for the purpose of making him acquainted with all that might
      interest him in the north of Germany. But it was not there that danger was
      to be apprehended. There were two points to be watched&mdash;the
      headquarters of Napoleon and the King's Council at Ghent. I, however, lost
      no time in repairing to a city where I was sure of finding a great many
      friends. On passing through Brussels I alighted at the Hotel de Bellevue,
      where the Duc de Berri arrived shortly after me. His Royal Highness then
      invited me to breakfast with him, and conversed with me very
      confidentially. I afterwards continued my journey.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0110" id="link2HCH0110">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI.
    </h2>

      1815.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Message to Madame de Bourrienne on the 20th of March&mdash;Napoleon's
   nocturnal entrance into Paris&mdash;General Becton sent to my family by
   Caulaincourt&mdash;Recollection of old persecutions&mdash;General Driesen&mdash;
   Solution of an enigma&mdash;Seals placed on my effects&mdash;Useless searches
   &mdash;Persecution of women&mdash;Madame de Stael and Madame de Recamier&mdash;
   Paris during the Hundred Days&mdash;The federates and patriotic songs&mdash;
   Declaration of the Plenipotentiaries at Vienna.
</pre>
    <p>
      At Lille, and again at Hamburg, I received letters from my family, which I
      had looked for with great impatience. They contained particulars of what
      had occurred relative to me since Bonaparte's return to Paris. Two hours
      after my departure Madame de Bourrienne also left Paris, accompanied by
      her children, and proceeded to an asylum which had been offered her seven
      leagues from the capital. She left at my house in Paris her sister, two of
      her brothers, and her friend the Comtesse de Neuilly, who had resided with
      us since her return from the emigration.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the very morning of my wife's departure (namely, the 20th of March) a
      person, with whom I had always been on terms of friendship, and who was
      entirely devoted to Bonaparte, sent to request that Madame de Bourrienne
      would call on him, as he wished to speak to her on most important and
      urgent business. My sister-in-law informed the messenger that my wife had
      left Paris, but, begging a friend to accompany her, she went herself to
      the individual, whose name will be probably guessed, though I do not
      mention it. The person who came with the message to my house put many
      questions to Madame de Bourrienne's sister respecting my absence, and
      advised her, above all things, to conjure me not to follow the King,
      observing that the cause of Louis XVIII. was utterly lost, and that I
      should do well to retire quietly to Burgundy, as there was no doubt of my
      obtaining the Emperor's pardon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nothing could be more gloomy than Bonaparte's entrance into Paris. He
      arrived at night in the midst of a thick fog. The streets were almost
      deserted, and a vague feeling of terror prevailed almost generally in the
      capital.
    </p>
    <p>
      At nine o'clock on the same evening, the very hour of Bonaparte's arrival
      at the Tuileries, a lady, a friend, of my family, and whose son served in
      the Young Guard, called and requested to see Madame de Bourrienne. She
      refused to enter the house lest she should be seen, and my sister-in-law
      went down to the garden to speak to her without a light. This lady's
      brother had been on the preceding night to Fontainebleau to see Bonaparte,
      and he had directed his sister to desire me to remain in Paris, and to
      retain my post in the Prefecture of the Police, as I was sure of a full
      and complete pardon.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 21st General Becton, who has since been the victim
      of his mad enterprises, called at my house and requested to speak with me
      and Madame de Bourrienne. He was received by my wife's sister and
      brothers, and stated that he came from M. de Caulaincourt to renew the
      assurances of safety which had already been given to me. I was, I confess,
      very sensible of these proofs of friendship when they came to my
      knowledge, but I did not for a single moment repent the course I adopted.
      I could not forget the intrigues of which I had been the object since
      1811, nor the continual threats of arrest which, during that year, had not
      left me a moment's quiet; and since I now revert to that time, I may take
      the opportunity of explaining how in 1814 I was made acquainted with the
      real causes of the persecution to which I had been a prey. A person, whose
      name prudence forbids me mentioning, communicated to me the following
      letter, the original copy of which is in my possession:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   MONSIEUR LE DUC DE BASSANO&mdash;I send you some very important documents
   respecting the Sieur Bourrienne, and beg you will make me a
   confidential report on this affair. Keep these documents for
   yourself alone. This business demands the utmost secrecy.
   Everything induces me to believe that Bourrienne has carried a
   series of intrigues with London. Bring me the report on Thursday.
   I pray God, etc.
                  (Signed) NAPOLEON
   PARIS, 25th December 1811.
</pre>
    <p>
      I could now clearly perceive what to me had hitherto been enveloped in
      obscurity; but I was not, as yet, made acquainted with the documents
      mentioned in Napoleon's epistle. Still, however, the cause of his
      animosity was an enigma which I was unable to guess, but I obtained its
      solution some time afterwards.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Driesen, who was the Governor of Mittau while Louis XVIII. resided
      in that town, came to Paris in 1814. I had been well acquainted with him
      in 1810 at Hamburg, where he lived for a considerable time. While at
      Mittau he conceived a chivalrous and enthusiastic friendship for the King
      of France. We were at first distrustful of each other, but afterwards the
      most intimate confidence arose between us. General Driesen looked forward
      with certainty to the return of the Bourbons to France, and in the course
      of our frequent conversations on his favourite theme he gradually threw
      off all reserve, and at length disclosed to me that he was maintaining a
      correspondence with the King.
    </p>
    <p>
      He told me that he had sent to Hartwell several drafts of proclamations,
      with none of which, he said, the King was satisfied. On allowing me the
      copy of the last of these drafts I frankly told him that I was quite of
      the King's opinion as to its unfitness. I observed that if the King should
      one day return to France and act as the general advised he would not keep
      possession of his throne six months. Driesen then requested me to dictate
      a draft of a proclamation conformably with my ideas. This I consented to
      do on one condition, viz. that he would never mention my name in
      connection with the business, either in writing or conversation. General
      Driesen promised this, and then I dictated to him a draft which I would
      now candidly lay before the reader if I had a copy of it. I may add that
      in the different proclamations of Louis XVIII. I remarked several passages
      precisely corresponding with the draft I had dictated at Hamburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the four years which intervened between my return to Paris and the
      downfall of the Empire it several times occurred to me that General
      Driesen had betrayed my secret, and on his very first visit to me after
      the Restoration, our conversation happening to turn on Hamburg, I asked
      him whether he had not disclosed what I wished him to conceal? "Well,"
      said he, "there is no harm in telling the truth now. After you had left
      Hamburg the King wrote to me inquiring the name of the author of the last
      draft I had sent him, which was very different from all that had preceded
      it. I did not answer this question, but the King having repeated it in a
      second letter, and having demanded an answer, I was compelled to break my
      promise to you, and I put into the post-office of Gothenberg in Sweden a
      letter for the King, in which I mentioned your name."
    </p>
    <p>
      The mystery was now revealed to me. I clearly saw what had excited in
      Napoleon's mind the suspicion that I was carrying on intrigues with
      England. I have no doubt as to the way in which the affair came to his
      knowledge. The King must have disclosed my name to one of those persons
      whose situations placed them above the suspicion of any betrayal of
      confidence, and thus the circumstance must have reached the ear of
      Bonaparte. This is not a mere hypothesis, for I well know how promptly and
      faithfully Napoleon was informed of all that was said and done at
      Hartwell.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having shown General Driesen Napoleon's accusatory letter, he begged that
      I would entrust him with it for a day or two, saying he would show it to
      the King at a private audience. His object was to serve me, and to excite
      Louis XVIII.'s interest in my behalf, by briefly relating to him the whole
      affair. The general came to me on leaving the Tuileries, and assured me
      that the King after perusing the letter, had the great kindness to observe
      that I might think myself very happy in not having been shot. I know not
      whether Napoleon was afterwards informed of the details of this affair,
      which certainly had no connection with any intrigues with England, and
      which, after all, would have been a mere peccadillo in comparison with the
      conduct I thought it my duty to adopt at the time of the Restoration.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile Madame de Bourrienne informed me by an express that seals were
      to be placed on the effects of all the persons included in the decree of
      Lyons, and consequently upon mine. As soon as my wife received information
      of this she quitted her retreat and repaired to Paris to face the storm.
      On the 29th of March, at nine in the evening, the police agents presented
      themselves at my house. Madame de Bourrienne remonstrated against the
      measure and the inconvenient hour that was chosen for its execution; but
      all was in vain, and there was no alternative but to submit.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the matter did not end with the first formalities performed by
      Fouché's alguazils. During the month of May seven persons were appointed
      to examine, my papers, and among the inquisitorial septemvirate were two
      men well known and filling high situations. One of these executed his
      commission, but the other, sensible of the odium attached to it, wrote to
      say he was unwell, and never came. The number of my inquisitors, 'in
      domo', was thus reduced to six. They behaved with great rudeness, and
      executed their mission with a rigour and severity exceedingly painful to
      my family. They carried their search so far as to rummage the pockets of
      my old clothes, and even to unrip the linings. All this was done in the
      hope of finding something that would commit me in the eyes of the new
      master of France. But I was not to be caught in that way, and before
      leaving home I had taken such precautions as to set my mind perfectly at
      ease.
    </p>
    <p>
      However, those who had declared themselves strongly against Napoleon were
      not the only persons who had reason to be alarmed at his return. Women
      even, by a system of inquisition unworthy of the Emperor, but
      unfortunately quite in unison with his hatred of all liberty, were
      condemned to exile, and had cause to apprehend further severity. It is for
      the exclusive admirers of the Chief of the Empire to approve of everything
      which proceeded from him, even his rigour against a defenceless sex; it is
      for them to laugh at the misery of a woman, and a writer of genius,
      condemned without any form of trial to the most severe punishment short of
      death. For my part, I saw neither justice nor pleasantry in the exile of
      Madame de Chevreuse for having had the courage (and courage was not common
      then even among men) to say that she was not made to be the gaoler of the
      Queen of Spain. On Napoleon's return from. the isle of Elba, Madame de
      Stael was in a state of weakness, which rendered her unable to bear any
      sudden and violent emotion. This debilitated state of health had been
      produced by her flight from Coppet to Russia immediately after the birth
      of the son who was the fruit of her marriage with M. Rocca. In spite of
      the danger of a journey in such circumstances she saw greater danger in
      staying where she was, and she set out on her new exile. That exile was
      not of long duration, but Madame de Stael never recovered from the effect
      of the alarm and fatigue it occasioned her.
    </p>
    <p>
      The name of the authoress of Corinne, naturally calls to mind that of the
      friend who was most faithful to her in misfortune, and who was not herself
      screened from the severity of Napoleon by the just and universal
      admiration of which she was the object. In 1815 Madame Recamier did not
      leave Paris, to which she had returned in 1814, though her exile was not
      revoked. I know positively that Hortense assured her of the pleasure she
      would feel in receiving her, and that Madame Recamier, as an excuse for
      declining the perilous honour, observed that she had determined never
      again to appear in the world as long as her friends should be persecuted.
      The memorial de Sainte Helene, referring to the origin of the ill-will of
      the Chief of the Empire towards the society of Madame de Stael and Madame
      Recamier, etc., seems to reproach Madame Recamier, "accustomed," says the
      Memorial, "to ask for everything and to obtain everything," for having
      claimed nothing less than the complete reinstatement of her father.
      Whatever may have been the pretensions of Madame Recamier, Bonaparte, not
      a little addicted to the custom he complains of in her, could not have,
      with a good grace, made a crime of her ingratitude if he on his side had
      not claimed a very different sentiment from gratitude. I was with the
      First Consul at the time M. Bernard, the father of Madame Reamier, was
      accused, and I have not forgotten on what conditions the re-establishment
      would have been granted.
    </p>
    <p>
      The frequent interviews between Madame Recamier and Madame de Stael were
      not calculated to bring Napoleon to sentiments and measures of moderation.
      He became more and more irritated at this friendship between two women
      formed for each other's society; and, on the occasion of one of Madame
      Recamier's journeys to Coppet he informed her, through the medium of
      Fouché, that she was perfectly at liberty to go to Switzerland, but not to
      return to Paris. "Ah, Monseigneur! a great man may be pardoned for the
      weakness of loving women, but not for fearing them." This was the only
      reply of Madame Recamier to Fouché when she set out for Coppet. I may here
      observe that the personal prejudices of the Emperor would not have been of
      a persevering and violent character if some of the people who surrounded
      him had not sought to foment them. I myself fell a victim to this.
      Napoleon's affection for me would perhaps have got the upper hand if his
      relenting towards me had not been incessantly combated by my enemies
      around him.
    </p>
    <p>
      I had no opportunity of observing the aspect of Paris during that
      memorable period recorded in history by the name of the Hundred Days, but
      the letters which I received at the time, together with all that, I
      afterwards heard, concurred in assuring me that the capital never
      presented so melancholy a picture as: during those three months. No one
      felt any confidence in Napoleon's second reign, and it was said, without
      any sort of reserve, that Fouché, while serving the cause of usurpation,
      would secretly betray it. The future was viewed with alarm, and the
      present with dissatisfaction. The sight of the federates who paraded the
      faubourgs and the boulevards, vociferating, "The Republic for ever!" and
      "Death to the Royalists!" their sanguinary songs, the revolutionary airs
      played in our theatres, all tended to produce a fearful torpor in the
      public mind, and the issue of the impending events was anxiously awaited.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the circumstances which, at the commencement of the Hundred Days,
      most contributed to open the eyes of those who were yet dazzled by the
      past glory of Napoleon, was the assurance with which he declared that the
      Empress and his son would be restored to him, though nothing warranted
      that announcement. It was evident that he could not count on any ally; and
      in spite of the prodigious activity with which a new army was raised those
      persons must have been blind indeed who could imagine the possibility of
      his triumphing over Europe, again armed to oppose him. I deplored the
      inevitable disasters which Bonaparte's bold enterprise would entail, but I
      had such certain information respecting the intentions of the Allied
      powers, and the spirit which animated the Plenipotentiaries at Vienna,
      that I could not for a moment doubt the issue of the conflict: Thus I was
      not at all surprised when I received at Hamburg the minutes of the
      conferences at Vienna in May 1815.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the first intelligence of Bonaparte's landing was received at Vienna
      it must be confessed that very little had been done at the Congress, for
      measures calculated to reconstruct a solid and durable order of things
      could only be framed and adopted deliberately, and upon mature reflection.
      Louis XVIII. had instructed his Plenipotentiaries to defend and support
      the principles of justice and the law of nations, so as to secure the
      rights of all parties and avert the chances of a new war. The Congress was
      occupied with these important objects when intelligence was received of
      Napoleon's departure from Elba and his landing at the Gulf of Juan. The
      Plenipotentiaries then signed the protocol of the conferences to which I
      have above alluded.
    </p>

      [ANNEX TO THE PRECEDING CHAPTER.]

    <p>
      The following despatch of Napoleon's to Marshal Davoust (given in Captain
      Bingham's Translation, vol. iii. p. 121), though not strictly bearing upon
      the subject of the Duke of Bassano's inquiry (p. 256), may perhaps find a
      place here, as indicative of the private feeling of the Emperor towards
      Bourrienne. As the reader will remember, it has already been alluded to
      earlier in the work:
    </p>
    <p>
      To MARSHAL DAVOUST. COMPIEGNE, 3d September 1811.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
I have received your letter concerning the cheating of Bourrienne at
Hamburg. It will be important to throw light upon what he has done.
Have the Jew, Gumprecht Mares, arrested, seize his papers, and place him
in solitary confinement. Have some of the other principal agents of
Bourrienne arrested, so as to discover his doings at Hamburg, and the
embezzlements he has committed there.
                    (Signed) NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0111" id="link2HCH0111">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[By the Editor of the 1836 edition]&mdash;
</pre>

      1815.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Napoleon at Paris&mdash;Political manoeuvres&mdash;The meeting of the
   Champ-de-Mai&mdash;Napoleon, the Liberals, and the moderate
   Constitutionalists&mdash;His love of arbitrary power as strong as ever&mdash;
   Paris during the Cent Jours&mdash;Preparations for his last campaign&mdash;
   The Emperor leaves Paris to join the army&mdash;State of Brussels&mdash;
   Proclamation of Napoleon to the Belgians&mdash;Effective strength of the
   French and Allied armies&mdash;The Emperor's proclamation to the French
   army.
</pre>
    <p>
      Napoleon was scarcely reseated on his throne when he found he could not
      resume that absolute power he had possessed before his abdication at
      Fontainebleau. He was obliged to submit to the curb of a representative
      government, but we may well believe that he only yielded, with a mental
      reservation that as soon as victory should return to his standards and his
      army be reorganised he would send the representatives of the people back
      to their departments, and make himself as absolute as he had ever been.
      His temporary submission was indeed obligatory.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Republicans and Constitutionalists who had assisted, or not opposed
      his return, with Carnot, Fouché, Benjamin Constant, and his own brother
      Lucien (a lover of constitutional liberty) at their head, would support
      him only on condition of his reigning as a constitutional sovereign; he
      therefore proclaimed a constitution under the title of "Acte additionnel
      aux Constitutions de l'Empire," which greatly resembled the charter
      granted by Louis XVIII. the year before. An hereditary Chamber of Peers
      was to be appointed by the Emperor, a Chamber of Representatives chosen by
      the Electoral Colleges, to be renewed every five years, by which all taxes
      were to be voted, ministers were to be responsible, judges irremovable,
      the right of petition was acknowledged, and property was declared
      inviolable. Lastly, the French nation was made to declare that they would
      never recall the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      Even before reaching Paris, and while resting on his journey from Elba at
      Lyons, the second city in France, and the ancient capital of the Franks,
      Napoleon arranged his ministry, and issued sundry decrees, which show how
      little his mind was prepared for proceeding according to the majority of
      votes in representative assemblies.
    </p>
    <p>
      Cambacérès was named Minister of Justice, Fouché Minister of Police (a
      boon to the Revolutionists), Davoust appointed Minister of War. Decrees
      upon decrees were issued with a rapidity which showed how laboriously
      Bonaparte had employed those studious hours at Elba which he was supposed
      to have dedicated to the composition of his Memoirs. They were couched in
      the name of "Napoleon, by the grace of God, Emperor of France," and were
      dated on the 13th of March, although not promulgated until the 21st of
      that month. The first of these decrees abrogated all changes in the courts
      of justice and tribunals which had taken place during the absence of
      Napoleon. The second banished anew all emigrants who had returned to
      France before 1814 without proper authority, and displaced all officers
      belonging to the class of emigrants introduced into the army by the King.
      The third suppressed the Order of St. Louis, the white flag, cockade, and
      other Royal emblems, and restored the tri-coloured banner and the Imperial
      symbols of Bonaparte's authority. The same decree abolished the Swiss
      Guard and the Household troops of the King. The fourth sequestered the
      effects of the Bourbons. A similar Ordinance sequestered the restored
      property of emigrant families.
    </p>
    <p>
      The fifth decree of Lyons suppressed the ancient nobility and feudal
      titles, and formally confirmed proprietors of national domains in their
      possessions. (This decree was very acceptable to the majority of
      Frenchmen). The sixth declared sentence of exile against all emigrants not
      erased by Napoleon from the list previously to the accession of the
      Bourbons, to which was added confiscation of their property. The seventh
      restored the Legion of Honour in every respect as it had existed under the
      Emperor; uniting to its funds the confiscated revenues of the Bourbon
      order of St. Louis. The eighth and last decree was the most important of
      all. Under pretence that emigrants who had borne arms against France had
      been introduced into the Chamber of Peers, and that the Chamber of
      Deputies had already sat for the legal time, it dissolved both Chambers,
      and convoked the Electoral Colleges of the Empire, in order that they
      might hold, in the ensuing month of May, an extraordinary assembly&mdash;the
      Champ-de-Mai.
    </p>
    <p>
      This National Convocation, for which Napoleon claimed a precedent in the
      history of the ancient Franks, was to have two objects: first, to make
      such alterations and reforms in the Constitution of the Empire as
      circumstances should render advisable; secondly, to assist at the
      coronation of the Empress Maria Louisa. Her presence, and that of her son,
      was spoken of as something that admitted of no doubt, though Bonaparte
      knew there was little hope of their return from Vienna. These various
      enactments were well calculated to serve Napoleon's cause. They flattered
      the army, and at the same time stimulated their resentment against the
      emigrants, by insinuating that they had been sacrificed by Louis to the
      interest of his followers. They held out to the Republicans a prospect of
      confiscation, proscription, and, revolution of government, while, the
      Imperialists were gratified with a view of ample funds for pensions,
      offices, and honorary decorations. To proprietors of the national domains
      security was promised, to the Parisians the grand spectacle of the
      Champ-de-Mai, and to. France peace and tranquillity, since the arrival of
      the Empress and her son, confidently asserted to be at hand, was taken as
      a pledge of the friendship of Austria.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon at the same time endeavoured to make himself popular with the
      common people&mdash;the mob of the Faubourg St. Antoine and other obscure
      quarters of Paris. On the first evening of his return, as he walked round
      the glittering circle met to welcome him, in the State apartments of the
      Tuileries, he kept repeating, "Gentlemen, it is to the poor and
      disinterested mass of the people that I owe everything; it is they who
      have brought me back to the capital. It is the poor subaltern officers and
      common soldiers that have done all this. I owe everything to the common
      people and the ranks of the army. Remember that! I owe everything to the
      army and the people!" Some time after he took occasional rides through the
      Faubourg St. Antoine, but the demonstrations of the mob gave him little
      pleasure, and, it was easy to detect a sneer in his addresses to them. He
      had some slight intercourse with the men of the Revolution&mdash;the
      fierce, blood-thirsty Jacobins&mdash;but even now he could not conceal his
      abhorrence of them, and, be it said to his honour, he had as little to do
      with them as possible.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Napoleon, departed for the summer campaign he took care beforehand to
      leave large sums of money for the 'federes'; in the hands of the devoted
      Real; under whose management the mob was placed. These sums were to be
      distributed at appropriate seasons, to make the people cry in the streets
      of Paris, "Napoleon or death." He also left in the hands of Davoust a
      written authority for the publication of his bulletins, many clauses of
      which were written long before the battles were fought that they were to
      describe. He gave to the same Marshal a plan of his campaign, which he had
      arranged for the defensive. This was not confided to him without an
      injunction of the strictest secrecy, but it is said that Davoust
      communicated the plan to Fouché. Considering Davoust's character this is
      very unlikely, but if so, it is far from improbable that Fouché
      communicated the plan to the Allies with whom, and more particularly with
      Prince Metternich, he is well known to have been corresponding at the
      time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Shortly after the Emperor's arrival in Paris Benjamin Constant, a moderate
      and candid man, was deputed by the constitutional party to ascertain
      Napoleon's sentiments and intentions. Constant was a lover of
      constitutional liberty, and an old opponent of Napoleon, whose headlong
      career of despotism, cut out by the sword, he had vainly endeavoured to
      check by the eloquence of his pen.
    </p>
    <p>
      The interview took place at the Tuileries. The Emperor, as was his wont,
      began the conversation, and kept it nearly all to himself during the rest
      of the audience. He did not affect to disguise either his past actions or
      present dispositions.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The nation," he said, "has had a respite of twelve years from every kind
      of political agitation, and for one year has enjoyed a respite from war.
      This double repose has created a craving after activity. It requires, or
      fancies it requires, a Tribune and popular assemblies. It did not always
      require them. The people threw themselves at my feet when I took the reins
      of government. You ought to recollect this, who made a trial of
      opposition. Where was your support&mdash;your strength? Nowhere. I assumed
      less authority than I was invited to assume. Now all is changed. A feeble
      government, opposed to the national interests, has given to these
      interests the habit of standing on the defensive and evading authority.
      The taste for constitutions, for debates, for harangues, appears to have
      revived. Nevertheless it is but the minority that wishes all this, be
      assured. The people, or if you like the phrase better; the multitude, wish
      only for me. You would say so if you had only seen this multitude pressing
      eagerly on my steps, rushing down from the tops of the mountains, calling
      on me, seeking me out, saluting me. On my way from Cannes hither I have
      not conquered&mdash;I have administered. I am not only (as has been
      pretended) the Emperor of the soldiers; I am that of the peasants of the
      plebeians of France. Accordingly, in spite of all that has happened, you
      see the people come back to me. There is sympathy between us. It is not as
      with the privileged classes. The noblesse have been in my service; they
      thronged in crowds into my antechambers. There is no place that they have
      not accepted or solicited. I have had the Montmorencys, the Noailles, the
      Rohans, the Beauveaus, the Montemarts, in my train. But there never was
      any cordiality between us. The steed made his curvets&mdash;he was well
      broken in, but I felt him quiver under me. With the people it is another
      thing. The popular fibre responds to mine. I have risen from the ranks of
      the people: my voice sets mechanically upon them. Look at those
      conscripts, the sons of peasants: I never flattered them; I treated them
      roughly. They did not crowd round me the less; they did not on that
      account cease to cry, 'Vive l'Empereur!' It is that between them and me
      there is one and the same nature. They look to me as their support, their
      safeguard against the nobles. I have but to make a sign, or even to look
      another way, and the nobles would be massacred in every province. So well
      have they managed matters in the last ten months! but I do not desire to
      be the King of a mob. If there are the means to govern by a constitution
      well and good. I wished for the empire of the world, and to ensure it
      complete liberty of action was necessary to me. To govern France merely it
      is possible that a constitution may be better. I wished for the empire of
      the world, as who would not have done in my place? The world invited me to
      rule over it. Sovereigns and subjects alike emulously bowed the neck under
      my sceptre. I have seldom met with opposition in France, but still I have
      encountered more of it from some obscure and unarmed Frenchmen than from
      all these Kings so resolute, just now, no longer to have a man of the
      people for their equal! See then what appears to you possible; let me know
      your ideas. Public discussion, free elections, responsible ministers, the
      liberty of the press, I have no objection to all that, the liberty of the
      press especially; to stifle it is absurd. I am convinced on this point. I
      am the man of the people: if the people really wish for liberty let them
      have it. I have acknowledged their sovereignty. It is just that I should
      lend an ear to their will, nay, even to their caprices. I have never been
      disposed to oppress them for my pleasure. I conceived great designs; but
      fate has been against me; I am no longer a conqueror, nor can I be one. I
      know what is possible and what is not.&mdash;I have no further object than
      to raise up France and bestow on her a government suitable to her. I have
      no hatred to liberty, I have set it aside when it obstructed my path, but
      I understand what it means; I was brought up in its school: besides, the
      work of fifteen years is overturned, and it is not possible to recommence
      it. It would take twenty years, and the lives of 2,000,000 of men to be
      sacrificed to it. As for the rest, I desire peace, but I can only obtain
      it by means of victory. I would not inspire you with false expectations. I
      permit it to be said that negotiations are going on; there are none. I
      foresee a hard struggle, a long war. To support it I must be seconded by
      the nation, but in return I believe they will expect liberty. They shall
      have it: the circumstances are new. All I desire is to be informed of the
      truth. I am getting old. A man is no longer at forty-five what he was at
      thirty. The repose enjoyed by a constitutional king may suit me: it will
      still more certainly be the best thing, for my son."
    </p>
    <p>
      From this remarkable address. Benjamin Constant concluded that no change
      had taken place in Bonaparte's views or feelings in matters of government,
      but, being convinced that circumstances had changed, he had made up his
      mind to conform to them. He says, and we cannot doubt it, "that he
      listened to Napoleon with the deepest interest, that there was a breadth
      and grandeur of manner as he spoke, and a calm serenity seated on a brow
      covered with immortal laurels."
    </p>
    <p>
      Whilst believing the utter incompatibility of Napoleon and constitutional
      government we cannot in fairness omit mentioning that the causes which
      repelled him from the altar and sanctuary of freedom were strong: the real
      lovers of a rational and feasible liberty&mdash;the constitutional
      monarchy men were few&mdash;the mad ultra-Liberals, the Jacobins, the
      refuse of one revolution and the provokers of another, were numerous,
      active, loud, and in pursuing different ends these two parties, the
      respectable and the disreputable, the good and the bad, got mixed and
      confused with one another.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of May, when the 'federes' were marshalled in processional
      order and treated with what was called a solemn festival, as they moved
      along the boulevards to the Court of the Tuileries, they coupled the name
      of Napoleon with Jacobin curses and revolutionary songs. The airs and the
      words that had made Paris tremble to her very centre during the Reign of
      Terror&mdash;the "Marseillaise," the "Carmagnole," the "Jour du depart,"
      the execrable ditty, the burden of which is, "And with the entrails of the
      last of the priests let us strangle the last of the kings," were all
      roared out in fearful chorus by a drunken, filthy, and furious mob. Many a
      day had elapsed since they had dared to sing these blasphemous and
      antisocial songs in public. Napoleon himself as soon as he had power
      enough suppressed them, and he was as proud of this feat and his triumph
      over the dregs of the Jacobins as he was of any of his victories; and in
      this he was right, in this he proved himself the friend of humanity. As
      the tumultuous mass approached the triumphal arch and the grand entrance
      to the Palace he could not conceal his abhorrence. His Guards were drawn
      up under arms, and numerous pieces of artillery, already loaded were
      turned out on the Place du Carrousel. He hastily dismissed these dangerous
      partisans with some praise, some money, and some drink. On coming into
      close contact with such a mob he did not feel his fibre respond to that of
      the populace! Like Frankenstein, he loathed and was afraid of the mighty
      monster he had put together.
    </p>
    <p>
      But it was not merely the mob that checked the liberalism or constitution
      of Napoleon, a delicate and doubtful plant in itself, that required the
      most cautious treatment to make it really take root and grow up in such a
      soil: Some of his councillors, who called themselves "philosophical
      statesmen," advised him to lay aside the style of Emperor, and assume that
      of High President or Lord General of the Republic! Annoyed with such
      puerilities while the enemy was every day drawing nearer the frontiers he
      withdrew from the Tuileries to the comparatively small and retired palace
      of the Elysee, where he escaped these talking-dreamers, and felt himself
      again a sovereign: Shut up with Benjamin Constant and a few other
      reasonable politicians, he drew up the sketch of a new constitution, which
      was neither much better nor much worse than the royal charter of Louis
      XVIII. We give an epitome of its main features.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor was to have executive power, and to exercise legislative power
      in concurrence with the two Chambers. The Chamber of Peers was to be
      hereditary, and nominated by the Emperor, and its number was unlimited.
      The Second Chamber was to be elected by the people, and to consist of 629
      members; none to be under the age of twenty-five. The President was to be
      appointed by the members, but approved of by the Emperor. Members were to
      be paid at the rate settled by the Constituent Assembly, which was to be
      renewed every five years. The Emperor might prorogue, adjourn, or dissolve
      the House of Representatives, whose sittings were to be public. The
      Electoral Colleges were maintained. Land tax and direct taxes were to be
      voted only for a year, indirect taxes might be imposed for several years.
      No levy of men for the army nor any exchange of territory was to be made
      but by a law. Taxes were to be proposed by the Chamber of Representatives.
      Ministers to be responsible. Judges to be irremovable. Juries to be
      established. Right of petition, freedom of worship, inviolability of
      property, were recognised. Liberty of the press was given under legal
      responsibility, and press offences were to be judged with a jury. No place
      or part of the territory could be placed in a state of siege except in
      case of foreign invasion or civil troubles. Finally, the French people
      declared that in the delegation it thus made of its powers it was not to
      be taken as giving the right to propose the re-establishment of the
      Bourbons, or of any Prince of that family on the throne, even in case of
      the extinction of the imperial dynasty. Any such proposal was formally
      interdicted to the Chambers or to the citizens, as well as any of the
      following measures, viz. the re-establishment of the former, feudal
      nobility, of the feudal and seignorial rights, of tithes, of any
      privileged and dominant religion, as well as of the power of making any
      attack on the irrevocability of the sale of the national goods.
    </p>
    <p>
      Shortly after the return of Napoleon from Elba, believing it to be
      impossible to make the Emperor of Austria consent to his wife's rejoining
      him (and Maria Louisa had no inclination to a renewal of conjugal
      intercourse), Napoleon had not been many days in Paris when he concocted a
      plan for carrying off from Vienna both his wife and his son: In this
      project force was no less necessary than stratagem. A number of French of
      both sexes much devoted to the Emperor, who, had given them rank and
      fortune, had accompanied Maria Louisa in 1814 from Paris to Blois and
      thence to Vienna. A correspondence was opened with these persons, who
      embarked heart and soul in the plot; they forged passports, procured
      relays, of horses; and altogether arranged matters so well that but for a
      single individual&mdash;one who revealed the whole project a few days
      previously to that fixed upon for carrying it into effect&mdash;there is
      little room to doubt that the plan would have succeeded, and that the
      daughter of Austria and the titular King of home would have given such,
      prestige as their presence could give at the Tuileries and the
      Champs-de-Mai. No sooner had the Emperor of Austria discovered this plot,
      which, had it been successful, would have placed him in a very awkward
      predicament, than he dismissed all the French people about his daughter,
      compelled her to lay aside the armorial bearings and liveries of Napoleon,
      and even to relinquish the title of Empress of the French: No force, no
      art, no police could conceal these things from the people of Paris; who,
      moreover, and at nearly the same time; were made very uneasy by the
      failure of Murat's attempt in Italy, which greatly increased the power and
      political influence of Austria. Murat being disposed of, the Emperor
      Francis was enabled to concentrate all his forces in Italy, and to hold
      them in readiness for the re-invasion of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Napoleon," says Lavallette, "had undoubtedly expected that the Empress
      and his son would be restored to him; he had published his wishes as a
      certainty, and to prevent it was, in fact, the worst injury the Emperor of
      Austria could have done, him. His hope was, however, soon destroyed.
    </p>
    <p>
      "One evening I was summoned to the palace. I found the Emperor in a
      dimly-lighted closet, warming himself in a corner of the fireplace, and
      appearing to suffer already from the complaint which never afterwards left
      him. 'Here is a letter,' he said, 'which the courier from Vienna says is
      meant for you&mdash;read it.' On first casting my eyes on the letter I
      thought I knew the handwriting, but as it was long I read it slowly, and
      came at last to the principal object. The writer said that we ought not to
      reckon upon the Empress, as she did not even attempt to conceal her
      dislike of the Emperor, and was disposed to approve all the measures that
      could be taken against him; that her return was not to be thought of, as
      she herself would raise the greatest obstacles in the way of it; in case
      it should be proposed; finally, that it was not possible for him to
      dissemble his indignation that the Empress, wholly enamoured of &mdash;&mdash;,
      did not even take pains to hide her ridiculous partiality for him. The
      handwriting of the letter was disguised, yet not so much but that I was
      able to discover whose it was. I found; however, in the manner in which
      the secret was expressed a warmth of zeal and a picturesque style that did
      not belong to the author of the letter. While reading it, I all of a
      sudden suspected it was a counterfeit, and intended to mislead the
      Emperor. I communicated this idea to him, and the danger I perceived in
      this fraud. As I grew more and more animated I found plausible reasons
      enough to throw the Emperor himself into some uncertainty. 'How is it
      possible,' I said, 'that &mdash;&mdash;&mdash; should have been imprudent
      enough to write such things to me, who am not his friend, and who have had
      so little connection with him? How can one suppose that the Empress should
      forget herself, in such circumstances, so far as to manifest aversion to
      you, and, still more, to cast herself away upon a man who undoubtedly
      still possesses some power to please, but who is no longer young, whose
      face is disfigured, and whose person, altogether, has nothing agreeable in
      it?' 'But,' answered the Emperor, &mdash;&mdash;- is attached to me; and
      though he is not your friend, the postscript sufficiently explains the
      motive of the confidence he places in you.' The following words were, in
      fact, written at the bottom of the letter: 'I do not think you ought to
      mention the truth to the Emperor, but make whatever use of it you think
      proper.' I persisted, however, in maintaining that the letter was a
      counterfeit; and the Emperor then said to me, 'Go to Caulaincourt. He
      possesses a great many others in the same handwriting. Let the comparison
      decide between your opinion and mine.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "I went to Caulaincourt, who said eagerly to me, 'I am sure the letter is
      from &mdash;&mdash;-, and I have not the least doubt of the truth of the
      particulars it contains. The best thing the Emperor can do is to be
      comforted; there is no help to be expected from that side.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "So sad a discovery was very painful to the Emperor, for he was sincerely
      attached to the Empress, and still hoped again to see his son, whom he
      loved most tenderly.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "Fouché had been far from wishing the return of the Emperor. He was long
      tired of obeying, and had, besides, undertaken another plan, which
      Napoleon's arrival had broken off. The Emperor, however, put him again at
      the head of the police, because Savary was worn out in that employment,
      and a skillful man was wanted there. Fouché accepted the office, but
      without giving up his plan of deposing the Emperor, to put in his place
      either his son or a Republic under a President. He had never ceased to
      correspond with Prince Metternich, and, if he is to be believed, he tried
      to persuade the Emperor to abdicate in favour of his son. That was also my
      opinion; but; coming from such a quarter, the advice was not without
      danger for the person to whom it was given. Besides, that advice having
      been rejected, it: was the duty of the Minister either to think no more of
      his plan or to resign his office. Fouché, however, remained in the
      Cabinet; and continued his correspondence. The Emperor, who placed but
      little confidence in him; kept a careful eye upon him. One evening the
      Emperor: had a great deal of company at the Elysee, he told me not to go
      home, because he wished to speak to me. When everybody was gone the
      Emperor stopped with Fouché in the apartment next to the one I was in. The
      door remained half open. They walked up and down together talking very
      calmly. I was therefore greatly astonished when, after a quarter of, an
      hour, I heard the Emperor say to him' gravely, 'You are a traitor! Why do
      you remain Minister of the Police if you wish to betray me? It rests with
      me to have you hanged, and everybody would rejoice at your death!' I did
      not hear Fouché's reply, but the conversation lasted above half an hour
      longer, the parties all the time walking up and down. When Fouché went
      away he bade me cheerfully, good-night, and said that the Emperor had gone
      back to his apartments.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The next day the Emperor spoke to me of the previous night's
      conversation. 'I suspected,' he said, 'that the wretch was in
      correspondence with Vienna. I have had a banker's clerk arrested on his
      return from that city. He has acknowledged that he brought a letter for
      Fouché from Metternich, and that the answer was to be sent at a fixed time
      to Bale, where a man was to wait for the bearer on the bridge: I sent for
      Fouché a few days ago, and kept him three hours long in my garden, hoping
      that in the course of a friendly conversation he would mention that letter
      to me, but he said nothing. At last, yesterday evening, I myself opened
      the subject.' (Here the Emperor repeated to me the words I had heard the
      night before, 'You are a traitor,' etc.) He acknowledged, in fact,
      continued the Emperor, 'that he had received such a letter, but that it
      was not signed and that he had looked upon it as a mystification. He
      showed it me. Now that letter was evidently an answer, in which the writer
      again declared that he would listen to nothing more concerning the
      Emperor, but that, his person excepted, it would be easy to agree to all
      the rest. I expected that the Emperor would conclude his narrative by
      expressing his anger against Fouché, but our conversation turned on some
      other subject, and he talked no more of him.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Two days afterwards I went to Fouché to solicit the return to Paris of an
      officer of musqueteers who had been banished far from his family. I found
      him at breakfast, and sat down next to him. Facing him sat a stranger. 'Do
      you see this man?' he said to me; pointing with his spoon to the stranger;
      'he is an aristocrat, a Bourbonist, a Chouan; it is the Abbe &mdash;&mdash;-,
      one of the editors of the Journal des Debats&mdash;a sworn enemy to
      Napoleon, a fanatic partisan of the Bourbons; he is one of our men. I
      looked, at him. At every fresh epithet of the Minister the Abbe bowed his
      head down to his plate with a smile of cheerfulness and self-complacency,
      and with a sort of leer. I never saw a more ignoble countenance. Fouché
      explained to me, on leaving the breakfast table, in what manner all these
      valets of literature were men of his, and while I acknowledged to myself
      that the system might be necessary, I scarcely knew who were really more
      despicable&mdash;the wretches who thus sold themselves to the highest
      bidder, or the minister who boasted of having bought them, as if their
      acquisition were a glorious conquest. Judging that the Emperor had spoken
      to me of the scene I have described above, Fouché said to me, 'The
      Emperor's temper is soured by the resistance he finds, and he thinks it is
      my fault. He does not know that I have no power but by public opinion. To
      morrow I might hang before my door twenty persons obnoxious to public
      opinion, though I should not be able to imprison for four-and-twenty hours
      any individual favoured by it. As I am never in a hurry to speak I
      remained silent, but reflecting on what the Emperor had said concerning
      Fouché I found the comparison of their two speeches remarkable. The master
      could have his minister hanged with public applause, and the minister
      could hang&mdash;whom? Perhaps the master himself, and with the same
      approbation. What a singular situation!&mdash;and I believe they were both
      in the right; so far public opinion, equitable in regard to Fouché, had
      swerved concerning the Emperor."
    </p>
    <p>
      The wrath of Napoleon was confined to the Lower House, the Peers, from the
      nature of their composition, being complacent and passive enough. The vast
      majority of them were in fact mere shadows gathered round the solid
      persons of Joseph, Lucien, Louis, and Jerome Bonaparte, and Sieyès,
      Carnot, and the military men of the Revolution. As a political body
      Napoleon despised them himself, and yet he wanted the nation to respect
      them. But respect was impossible, and the volatile Parisians made the
      Peers a constant object of their witticisms. The punsters of Paris made
      the following somewhat ingenious play upon words. Lallemand, Labedogure,
      Drouot, and Ney they called Las Quatre Pairs fides (perfides), which in
      pronunciation may equally mean the four faithful peers or the four
      perfidious men. The infamous Vandamme and another were called
      Pair-siffles, the biased peers, or the biased pair, or (persiffles) men
      made objects of derision. It was thus the lower orders behaved while the
      existence of France was at stake.
    </p>
    <p>
      By this time the thunder-cloud of war had gathered and was ready to burst.
      Short as the time at his disposal was Napoleon prepared to meet it with
      his accustomed energy. Firearms formed one of the most important objects
      of attention. There were sufficient sabres, but muskets were wanting. The
      Imperial factories could, in ordinary times, furnish monthly 20,000 stands
      of new arms; by the extraordinary activity and inducements offered this
      number was doubled. Workmen were also employed in repairing the old
      muskets. There was displayed at this momentous period the same activity in
      the capital as in 1793, and better directed, though without the same
      ultimate success. The clothing of the army was another difficulty, and
      this was got over by advancing large sums of money to the cloth
      manufacturers beforehand. The contractors delivered 20,000 cavalry horses
      before the 1st of June, 10,000 trained horses had been furnished by the
      dismounted gendarmerie. Twelve thousand artillery horses were also
      delivered by the 1st of June, in addition to 6000 which the army already
      had.
    </p>
    <p>
      The facility with which the Ministers of Finance and of the Treasury
      provided for all these expenses astonished everybody, as it was necessary
      to pay for everything in ready money. The system of public works was at
      the same time resumed throughout France. "It is easy to see," said the
      workmen, "that 'the great contractor' is returned; all was dead, now
      everything revives."
    </p>
    <p>
      "We have just learnt," says a writer who was at Brussels at this time,
      "that Napoleon had left the capital of France on the 12th; on the 15th the
      frequent arrival of couriers excited extreme anxiety, and towards evening
      General Muffing presented himself at the hotel of the Duke of Wellington
      with despatches from Blücher. We were all aware that the enemy was in
      movement, and the ignorant could not solve the enigma of the Duke going
      tranquilly to the ball at the Duke of Richmond's&mdash;his coolness was
      above their comprehension. Had he remained at his own hotel a panic would
      have probably ensued amongst the inhabitants, which would have embarrassed
      the intended movement of the British division of the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I returned home late, and we were still talking over our uneasiness when
      we heard the trumpets sound. Before the sun had risen in full splendour I
      heard martial music approaching, and soon beheld from my windows the 5th
      reserve of the British army passing; the Highland brigade were the first
      in advance, led by their noble thanes, the bagpipes playing their several
      pibrochs; they were succeeded by the 28th, their bugles' note falling more
      blithely upon the ear. Each regiment passed in succession with its band
      playing."
    </p>
    <p>
      The gallant Duke of Brunswick was at a ball at the assembly-rooms in the
      Rue Ducale on the night of the 15th of June when the French guns, which he
      was one of the first to hear, were clearly distinguished at Brussels.
      "Upon receiving the information that a powerful French force was advancing
      in the direction of Charleroi. 'Then it is high time for me to be off,' he
      exclaimed, and immediately quitted, the ball-room."
    </p>
    <p>
      "At four the whole disposable force under the Duke of Wellington was
      collected together, but in such haste that many of the officers had no
      time to change their silk stockings and dancing-shoes; and some, quite
      overcome by drowsiness, were seen lying asleep about the ramparts, still
      holding, however, with a firm hand, the reins of their horses, which were
      grazing by their sides.
    </p>
    <p>
      "About five o'clock the word march' was heard in all directions, and
      instantly the whole mass appeared to move simultaneously. I conversed with
      several of the officers previous to their departure, and not one appeared
      to have the slightest idea of an approaching engagement.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Duke of Wellington and his staff did not quit Brussels till past
      eleven o'clock, and it was not till some time after they were gone that it
      was generally known the whole French army, including a strong corps of
      cavalry, was within a few miles of Quatre Bras."
    </p>
    <p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[Like the preceding, this chapter first appeared in the 1836
   edition, and is not from the pen of M. de Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>

      1815.


      THE BATTLES OF LIGNY AND QUATRE BRAS.

    <p>
      The moment for striking a decisive blow had now come, and accordingly,
      early on the morning of the 15th, the whole of the French army was in
      motion. The 2d corps proceeded to Marchiennes to attack the Prussian
      outposts at Thuin and Lobes, in order to secure the communication across
      the Sambre between those places. The 3d corps, covered by General Pajol's
      cavalry, advanced upon Charleroi, followed by the Imperial Guard and the
      6th corps, with the necessary detachments of pontoniers. The remainder of
      the cavalry, under Grouchy, also advanced upon Charleroi, on the flanks of
      the 3d and 6th corps. The 4th corps was ordered to march upon the bridge
      of Chatelet.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the approach of the French advanced guards an incessant skirmish was
      maintained during the whole morning with the Prussians, who, after losing
      many men, were compelled to yield to superior numbers. General Zieten,
      finding it impossible, from the extent of frontier he had to cover, to
      check the advance of the French, fell back towards Fleurus by the road to
      Charleroi, resolutely contesting the advance of the enemy wherever it was
      possible. In the repeated attacks sustained by him he suffered
      considerable loss. It was nearly mid-day before a passage through
      Charleroi was secured by the French army, and General Zieten continued his
      retreat upon Fleurus, where he took up his position for the night. Upon
      Zieten's abandoning, in the course of his retreat, the chaussee which
      leads to Brussels through Quatre Bras, Marshal Ney, who had only just been
      put in command on the left of the French army, was ordered to advance by
      this road upon Gosselies, and found at Frasnes part of the Duke of
      Wellington's army, composed of Nassau troops under the command of Prince
      Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who, after some skirmishing, maintained his
      position. "Notwithstanding all the exertions of the French at a moment
      when time was of such importance, they had only been able to advance about
      fifteen English miles during the day, with nearly fifteen hours of
      daylight."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was the intention of Napoleon during his operations on this day to
      effect a separation between the English and Prussian armies, in which he
      had nearly succeeded. Napoleon's plan for this purpose, and the execution
      of it by his army, were alike admirable, but it is hardly probable that
      the Allied generals were taken by surprise, as it was the only likely
      course which Napoleon could have taken. His line of operation was on the
      direct road to Brussels, and there were no fortified works to impede his
      progress, while from the nature of the country his numerous and excellent
      cavalry could be employed with great effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the French accounts Marshal Ney was much blamed for not occupying
      Quatre Bras with the whole of his force on the evening of the 16th. "Ney
      might probably have driven back the Nassau troops at Quatre Bras, and
      occupied that important position, but hearing a heavy cannonade on his
      right flank, where General Zieten had taken up his position, he thought it
      necessary to halt and detach a division in the direction of Fleurus. He
      was severely censured by Napoleon for not having literally followed his
      orders and pushed on to Quatre Bras." This accusation forms a curious
      contrast with that made against Grouchy, upon whom Napoleon threw the
      blame of the defeat at Waterloo, because he strictly fulfilled his orders,
      by pressing the Prussians at Wavre, unheeding the cannonade on his left,
      which might have led him to conjecture that the more important contest
      between the Emperor and Wellington was at that moment raging.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was at six o'clock in the evening of the 16th that the Duke of
      Wellington received the first information of the advance of the French
      army; but it was not, however, until ten o'clock that positive news
      reached him that the French army had moved upon the line of the Sambre.
      This information induced him to push forward reinforcements on Quatre
      Bras, at which place he himself arrived at an early hour on the 16th, and
      immediately proceeded to Bry, to devise measures with Marshal Blücher in
      order to combine their efforts. From the movement of considerable masses
      of the French in front of the Prussians it was evident that their first
      grand attack would be directed against them. That this was Napoleon's
      object on the 16th maybe seen by his orders to Ney and Grouchy to turn the
      right of the Prussians, and drive the British from their position at
      Quatre Bras, and then to march down the chaussee upon Bry in order
      effectually to separate the two armies. Ney was accordingly detached for
      this purpose with 43,000 men. In the event of the success of Marshal Ney
      he would have been enabled to detach a portion of his forces for the
      purpose of making a flank attack upon the Prussians in the rear of St.
      Amend, whilst Napoleon in person was directing his main efforts against
      that village the strongest in the Prussian position. Ney's reserve was at
      Frasnes, disposable either for the purpose of supporting the attack on
      Quatre Bras or that at St. Amand; and in case of Ney's complete success to
      turn the Prussian right flank by marching on Bry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX.
    </h2>

      1815


      THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.

    <p>
      One of the most important struggles of modern times was now about to
      commence&mdash;a struggle which for many years was to decide the fate of
      Europe. Napoleon and Wellington at length stood opposite one another. They
      had never met; the military reputation of each was of the highest kind,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[For full details of the Waterloo campaign see Siborne's History
   of the War in France and Belgium in 1815, giving the English
   contemporary account; Chesney's Waterloo Lectures, the best English
   modern account, which has been accepted by the Prussians as pretty
   nearly representing their view; and Waterloo by Lieutenant-Colonel
   Prince Edouard de la Tour d'Auvergne (Paris, Plon, 1870), which may
   be taken as the French modern account.
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   In judging this campaign the reader must guard himself from looking
   on it as fought by two different armies-the English and the
   Prussian-whose achievements are to be weighed against one another.
   Wellington and Blücher were acting in a complete unison rare even
   when two different corps of the same nation are concerned, but
   practically unexampled in the case of two armies of different
   nations. Thus the two forces became one army, divided into two
   wings, one, the left (or Prussian wing) having been defeated by the
   main body of the French at Ligny on the 16th of June, the right (or
   English wing) retreated to hold the position at Waterloo, where the
   left (or Prussian wing) was to join it, and the united force was to
   crush the enemy. Thus there is no question as to whether the
   Prussian army saved the English by their arrival, or whether the
   English saved the Prussians by their resistance at Waterloo. Each
   army executed well and gallantly its part in a concerted operation.
   The English would never have fought at Waterloo if they had not
   relied on the arrival of the Prussians. Had the Prussians not come
   up on the afternoon of the 18th of June the English would have been
   exposed to the same great peril of having alone to deal with the
   mass of the French army, as the Prussians would have had to face if
   they had found the English in full retreat. To investigate the
   relative performances of the two armies is much the same as to
   decide the respective merits of the two Prussian armies at Sadowa,
   where one held the Austrians until the other arrived. Also in
   reading the many interesting personal accounts of the campaign it
   most be remembered that opinions about the chance of success in a
   defensive struggle are apt to warp with the observer's position, as
   indeed General Grant has remarked in answer to criticisms on his
   army's state at the end of the first day of the battle of Shiloh or
   Pittsburg Landing. The man placed in the front rank or fighting
   line sees attack after attack beaten off. He sees only part of his
   own losses, and most of the wounded disappear, and he also knows
   something of the enemy's loss by seeing the dead in front of him.
   Warmed by the contest, he thus believes in success. The man placed
   in rear or advancing with reinforcements, having nothing of the
   excitement of the struggle, sees only the long and increasing column
   of wounded, stragglers, and perhaps of fliers. He sees his
   companion fall without being able to answer the fire. He sees
   nothing of the corresponding loss of the enemy, and he is apt to
   take a most desponding view of the situation. Thus Englishmen
   reading the accounts of men who fought at Waterloo are too ready to
   disbelieve representations of what was taking place in the rear of
   the army, and to think Thackeray's life-like picture in Vanity Fair
   of the state of Brussels must be overdrawn. Indeed, in this very
   battle of Waterloo, Zieten began to retreat when his help was most
   required, because one of his aides de camp told him that the right
   wing of the English was in full retreat. "This inexperienced young
   man," says Muffling, p. 248, "had mistaken the great number of
   wounded going, or being taken, to the rear to be dressed, for
   fugitives, and accordingly made a false report." Further, reserves
   do not say much of their part or, sometimes, no part of the fight,
   and few people know that at least two English regiments actually
   present on the field of Waterloo hardly fired a shot till the last
   advance.

   The Duke described the army as the worst he ever commanded, and said
   that if he had had his Peninsular men, the fight would have been
   over much sooner. But the Duke, sticking to ideas now obsolete, had
   no picked corps. Each man, trusting in and trusted by his comrades,
   fought under his own officers and under his own regimental colours.
   Whatever they did not know, the men knew how to die, and at the end
   of the day a heap of dead told where each regiment and battery had
   stood.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      the career of both had been marked by signal victory; Napoleon had carried
      his triumphant legions across the stupendous Alps, over the north of
      Italy, throughout Prussia, Austria, Russia, and even to the foot of the
      Pyramids, while Wellington, who had been early distinguished in India, had
      won immortal renown in the Peninsula, where he had defeated, one after
      another, the favourite generals of Napoleon. He was now to make trial of
      his prowess against their Master.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the most critical events of modern times the battle of Waterloo
      stands conspicuous. This sanguinary encounter at last stopped the torrent
      of the ruthless and predatory ambition of the French, by which so many
      countries had been desolated. With the peace which immediately succeeded
      it confidence was restored to Europe.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER X.
    </h2>

      1815

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Interview with Lavallette&mdash;Proceedings in the French Chambers&mdash;
   Second abdication of Napoleon&mdash;He retires to Rochefort, negotiates
   with Captain Maitland, and finally embarks in the 'Bellerophon'.
</pre>
    <p>
      One of the first public men to see Napoleon after his return from Waterloo
      was Lavallette. "I flew," says he, "to the Elysee to see the Emperor: he
      summoned me into his closet, and as soon as he saw me, he came to meet me
      with a frightful epileptic 'laugh. 'Oh, my God!' he said, raising his eyes
      to heaven, and walking two or three times up and down the room. This
      appearance of despair was however very short. He soon recovered his
      coolness, and asked me what was going forward in the Chamber of
      Representatives. I could not attempt to hide that party spirit was there
      carried to a high pitch, and that the majority seemed determined to
      require his abdication, and to pronounce it themselves if he did not
      concede willingly. 'How is that?' he said. 'If proper measures are not
      taken the enemy will be before the gates of Paris in eight days. Alas!' he
      added, 'have I accustomed them to such great victories that they knew not
      how to bear one day's misfortune? What will become of poor France? I have
      done all I could for her!' He then heaved a deep sigh. Somebody asked to
      speak to him, and I left him, with a direction to come back at a later
      hour.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I passed the day in seeking information among all my friends and
      acquaintances. I found in all of them either the greatest dejection or an
      extravagant joy, which they disguised by feigned alarm and pity for
      myself, which I repulsed with great indignation. Nothing favourable was to
      be expected from the Chamber of Representatives. They all said they wished
      for liberty, but, between two enemies who appeared ready to destroy it,
      they preferred the foreigners, the friends of the Bourbons, to Napoleon,
      who might still have prolonged the struggle, but that he alone would not
      find means to save them and erect the edifice of liberty. The Chamber of
      Peers presented a much sadder spectacle. Except the intrepid Thibaudeau,
      who till, the last moment expressed himself with admirable energy against
      the Bourbons, almost all the others thought of nothing else but getting
      out of the dilemma with the least loss they could. Some took no pains to
      hide their wish of bending again under the Bourbon yoke."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of Napoleon's return to Paris he sent for Benjamin Constant
      to come to him at the Elysee about seven o'clock. The Chambers had decreed
      their permanence, and proposals for abdication had reached the Emperor. He
      was serious but calm. In reply to some words on the disaster of Waterloo
      he said, "The question no longer concerns me, but France. They wish me to
      abdicate. Have they calculated upon the inevitable consequences of this
      abdication? It is round me, round my name, that the army rallies: to
      separate me from it is to disband it. If I abdicate to-day, in two days'
      time you will no longer have an army. These poor fellows do not understand
      all your subtleties. Is it believed that axioms in metaphysics,
      declarations of right, harangues from the tribune, will put a stop to the
      disbanding of an army? To reject me when I landed at Cannes I can conceive
      possible; to abandon me now is what I do not understand. It is not when
      the enemy is at twenty-five leagues' distance that any Government can be
      overturned with impunity. Does any one imagine that the Foreign Powers
      will be won over by fine words? If they had dethroned me fifteen days ago
      there would have been some spirit in it; but as it is, I make part of what
      strangers attack, I make part, then, of what France is bound to defend. In
      giving me up she gives up herself, she avows her weakness, she
      acknowledges herself conquered, she courts the insolence of the conqueror.
      It is not the love of liberty which deposes me, but Waterloo; it is fear,
      and a fear of which your enemies will take advantage. And then what title
      has the Chamber to demand my abdication? It goes out of its lawful sphere
      in doing so; it has no authority. It is my right, it is my duty to
      dissolve it."
    </p>
    <p>
      "He then hastily ran over the possible consequences of such a step.
      Separated from the Chambers, he could only be considered as a military
      chief: but the army would be for him; that would always join him who can
      lead it against foreign banners, and to this might be added all that part
      of the population which is equally powerful and easily, led in such a
      state of things. As if chance intended to strengthen Napoleon in this
      train of thought, while he was speaking the avenue of Marigny resounded
      with the cries of 'Vive l'Empereur!' A crowd of men, chiefly of the poor
      and labouring class, pressed forward into the avenue, full of wild
      enthusiasm, and trying to scale the walls to make an offer to Napoleon to
      rally round and defend him. Bonaparte for some time looked attentively at
      this group. 'You see it is so,' said he; 'those are not the men whom I
      have loaded with honours and riches. What do these people owe me? I found
      them&mdash;I left them&mdash;poor. The instinct of necessity enlightens
      them; the voice of the country speaks by their months; and if I choose, if
      I permit it, in an hour the refractory Chambers will have ceased to exist.
      But the life of a man is not worth purchasing at such a price: I did not
      return from the Isle of Elba that Paris should be inundated with blood: He
      did not like the idea of flight.' 'Why should I not stay here?' he
      repeated. 'What do you suppose they would do to a man disarmed like me? I
      will go to Malmaison: I can live there in retirement with some friends,
      who most certainly will come to see me only for my own sake.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "He then described with complacency and even with a sort of gaiety this
      new kind of life. Afterwards, discarding an idea which sounded like mere
      irony, he went on. 'If they do not like me to remain in France, where am I
      to go? To England? My abode there would be ridiculous or disquieting. I
      should be tranquil; no one would believe it. Every fog would be suspected
      of concealing my landing on the coast. At the first sign of a green coat
      getting out of a boat one party would fly from France, the other would put
      France out of the pale of the law. I should compromise everybody, and by
      dint of the repeated "Behold he comes!" I should feel the temptation to
      set out. America would be more suitable; I could live there with dignity.
      But once more, what is there to fear? What sovereign can, without injuring
      himself, persecute me? To one I have restored half his dominions; how
      often has the other pressed my hand, calling me a great man! And as to the
      third, can he find pleasure or honour in humiliation of his son-in-law?
      Would they wish to proclaim in the face of the world that all they did was
      through fear? As to the rest, I shall see: I do not wish to employ open
      force. I came in the hope of combining our last resources: they abandoned
      me; they do so with the same facility with which they received me back.
      Well, then, let them efface, if possible, this double stain of weakness
      and levity! Let them cover it over with some sacrifice, with some glory!
      Let them do for the country what they will not do for me. I doubt it.
      To-day, those who deliver up Bonaparte say that it is to save France:
      to-morrow, by delivering up France, they will prove that it was to save
      their own heads.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The humiliating scenes which rapidly succeeded one another; and which
      ended in Napoleon's unconditional surrender, may be briefly told. As soon
      as possible after his arrival at Paris he assembled his counsellors, when
      he declared himself in favour of still resisting. The question, however,
      was, whether the Chambers would support him; and Lafayette being
      treacherously informed, it is said by Fouché, that it was intended to
      dissolve the Chambers, used his influence to get the chambers to adopt the
      propositions he laid before them. By these the independence of the nation
      was asserted to be in danger; the sittings of the Chamber were declared
      permanent, and all attempts to dissolve it were pronounced treasonable.
      The propositions were adopted, and being communicated to the Chamber of
      Peers, that body also declared itself permanent. Whatever might have been
      the intentions of Bonaparte, it was now manifest that there were no longer
      any hopes of his being able to make his will the law of the nation; after
      some vacillation, therefore, on 22d June he published the following
      declaration:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
              TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE

   FRENCHMEN!&mdash;In commencing war for maintaining the national
   independence, I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills,
   and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason
   to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers
   against me. Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself a
   sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove
   sincere in their declarations, and really have directed them only
   against my power. My political life is terminated, and I proclaim
   my son under the title of:

               NAPOLEON II.,

             EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH.

   The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the
   Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to
   invite the Chambers to form without delay the Regency by a law.
   Unite all for the public safety, that you may continue an
   independent nation.
                  (Signed)   NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      This declaration was conveyed to both the Chambers, which voted
      deputations to the late Emperor, accepting this abdication, but in their
      debates the nomination of his son to the succession was artfully eluded.
      The Chamber of Representatives voted the nomination of a Commission of
      five persons, three to be chosen from that Chamber, and two from the
      Chamber of Peers, for the purpose of provisionally exercising the
      functions of Government, and also that the Ministers should continue their
      respective functions under the authority of this Commission. The persons
      chosen by the Chamber of Representatives were Carnot, Fouché, and Grenier,
      those nominated by the Peers were the Duke of Vicenza (Caulaincourt) and
      Baron Quinette. The Commission nominated five persons to the Allied army
      for the purpose of proposing peace. These proceedings were, however,
      rendered of little importance by the resolution of the victors to advance
      to Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon's behaviour just before and immediately after the crisis is well
      described by Lavallette. "The next day," he observes, "I returned to the
      Emperor. He had received the most positive accounts of the state of
      feeling in the Chamber of Representatives. The reports had, however, been
      given to him with some little reserve, for he did not seem to me convinced
      that the resolution was really formed to pronounce his abdication, I was
      better informed on the matter, and I came to him without having the least
      doubt in my mind that the only thing he could do was to descend once more
      from the throne. I communicated to him all the particulars I had just
      received, and I did not hesitate to advise him to follow the only course
      worthy of him. He listened to me with a sombre air, and though he was in
      some measure master of himself, the agitation of his mind and the sense of
      his position betrayed themselves in his face and in all his motions. 'I
      know,' said I, 'that your Majesty may still keep the sword drawn, but with
      whom, and against whom? Defeat has chilled the courage of every one; the
      army is still in the greatest confusion. Nothing is to be expected from
      Paris, and the coup d'etat of the 18th Brumaire cannot be renewed.'&mdash;'That
      thought,' he replied, stopping, 'is far from my mind. I will hear nothing
      more about myself. But poor France!' At that moment Savary and
      Caulaincourt entered, and having drawn a faithful picture of the
      exasperation of the Deputies, they persuaded him to assent to abdication.
      Some words he uttered proved to us that he would have considered death
      preferable to that step; but still he took it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The great act of abdication being performed, he remained calm during the
      whole day, giving his advice on the position the army should take, and on
      the manner in which the negotiations with the enemy ought to be conducted.
      He insisted especially on the necessity of proclaiming his son Emperor,
      not so much for the advantage of the child as with a view to concentrate
      all the power of sentiments and affections. Unfortunately, nobody would
      listen to him. Some men of sense and courage rallied found that
      proposition in the two Chambers, but fear swayed the majority; and among
      those who remained free from it many thought that a public declaration of
      liberty, and the resolution to defend it at any price, would make the
      enemy and the Bourbons turn back. Strange delusion of weakness and want of
      experience! It must, however, be respected, for it had its source in love
      of their country; but, while we excuse it, can it be justified? The
      population of the metropolis had resumed its usual appearance, which was
      that of complete indifference, with a resolution to cry 'Long live the
      King!' provided the King arrived well escorted; for one must not judge of
      the whole capital by about one-thirtieth part of the inhabitants, who
      called for arms, and declared themselves warmly against the return of the
      exiled family.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the 23d I returned to the Elysee. The Emperor had been for two hours
      in his bath. He himself turned the discourse on the retreat he ought to
      choose, and spoke of the United States. I rejected the idea without
      reflection, and with a degree of vehemence that surprised him. 'Why not
      America?' he asked. I answered, 'Because Moreau retired there.' The
      observation was harsh, and I should never have forgiven myself for having
      expressed it; if I had not retracted my advice a few days afterwards. He
      heard it without any apparent ill-humour, but I have no doubt that it must
      have made an unfavourable impression on his mind. I strongly urged on his
      choosing England for his asylum.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Emperor went to Malmaison. He was accompanied thither by the Duchesse
      de St. Leu, Bertrand and his family, and the Duc de Bassano. The day that
      he arrived there he proposed to me to accompany him abroad. Drouot,' he
      said, 'remains in France. I see the Minister of War wishes him not to be
      lost to his country. I dare not complain, but it is a great loss for me; I
      never met with a better head, or a more upright heart. That man was formed
      to be a prime minister anywhere.' I declined to accompany him at the time,
      saying, 'My wife is enceinte; I cannot make up my mind to leave her. Allow
      me some time, and I will join you wherever you may be. I have remained
      faithful to your Majesty in better times, and you may reckon upon me now.
      Nevertheless, if my wife did not require all my attention, I should do
      better to go with you, for I have sad forebodings respecting my fate."
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Emperor made no answer; but I saw by the expression of his
      countenance that he had no better augury of my fate than I had. However,
      the enemy was approaching, and for the last three days he had solicited
      the Provisional Government to place a frigate at his disposal, with which
      he might proceed to America. It had been promised him; he was even pressed
      to set off; but he wanted to be the bearer of the order to the captain to
      convey him to the United States, and that order did not arrive. We all
      felt that the delay of a single hour might put his freedom in jeopardy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "After we had talked the subject over among ourselves, I went to him and
      strongly pointed out to him how dangerous it might be to prolong his stay.
      He observed that he could not go without the order. 'Depart,
      nevertheless,' I replied; your presence on board the ship will still have
      a great influence over Frenchmen; cut the cables, promise money to the
      crew, and if the captain resist have him put on shore, and hoist your
      sails. I have no doubt but Fouché has sold you to the Allies.'&mdash; 'I
      believe it also; but go and make the last effort with the Minister of
      Marine.' I went off immediately to M. Decres. He was in bed, and listened
      to me with an indifference that made my blood boil. He said to me, 'I am
      only a Minister. Go to Fouché; speak to the Government. As for me, I can
      do nothing. Good-night.' And so saying he covered himself up again in his
      blankets. I left him; but I could not succeed in speaking either to Fouché
      or to any of the others. It was two o'clock in the morning when I returned
      to Malmaison; the Emperor was in bed. I was admitted to his chamber, where
      I gave him an account of the result of my mission, and renewed my
      entreaties. He listened to me, but made no answer. He got up, however, and
      spent a part of the night in walking up and down the room.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The following day was the last of that sad drama. The Emperor had gone to
      bed again, and slept a few hours. I entered his cabinet at about twelve
      o'clock. 'If I had known you were here,' he said, 'I would have had you
      called in.' He then gave me, on a subject that interested him personally,
      some instructions which it is needless for me to repeat. Soon after I left
      him, full of anxiety respecting his fate, my heart oppressed with grief,
      but still far from suspecting the extent to which both the rigour of
      fortune and the cruelty of his enemies would be carried."
    </p>
    <p>
      All the morning of the 29th of June the great road from St. Germain rung
      with the cries of "Vive l'Empereur!" proceeding from the troops who passed
      under the walls of Malmaison. About mid-day General Becker, sent by the
      Provisional Government, arrived. He had been appointed to attend Napoleon.
      Fouché knew that General Becker had grievances against the Emperor, and
      thought to find in him willing agent. He was greatly deceived, for the
      General paid to the Emperor a degree of respect highly to his honour. Time
      now became pressing. The Emperor, at the moment of departure, sent a
      message by General Becker himself to the Provisional Government, offering
      to march as a private citizen at the head of the troops. He promised to
      repulse Blücher, and afterwards to continue his route. Upon the refusal of
      the Provisional Government he quitted Malmaison on the 29th. Napoleon and
      part of his suite took the road to Rochefort. He slept at Rambouillet on
      the 29th of June, on the 30th at Tours, on the 1st of July he arrived at
      Niort, and on the 3d reached Rochefort, on the western coast of France,
      with the intention of escaping to America; but the whole western seaboard
      was so vigilantly watched by British men-of-war that, after various plans
      and devices, he was obliged to abandon the attempt in despair. He was
      lodged at the house of the prefect, at the balcony of which he
      occasionally showed himself to acknowledge the acclamations of the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      During his stay here a French naval officer, commanding a Danish merchant
      vessel, generously offered to some of Napoleon's adherents to further his
      escape. He proposed to take Napoleon alone, and undertook to conceal his
      person so effectually as to defy the most rigid scrutiny, and offered to
      sail immediately to the United States of America. He required no other
      compensation than a small sum to indemnify the owners of his ship for the
      loss this enterprise might occasion them. This was agreed to by Bertrand
      upon certain stipulations.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the evening of the 8th of July Napoleon reached Fouras, receiving
      everywhere testimonies of attachment. He proceeded on board the Saale, one
      of the two frigates appointed by the Provisional Government to convey him
      to the United States, and slept on board that night. Very early on the
      following morning he visited the fortifications of that place, and
      returned to the frigate for dinner. On the evening of the 9th of July he
      despatched Count Las Cases and the Duke of Rovigo to the commander of the
      English squadron, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the passports
      promised by the Provisional Government to enable him to proceed to America
      had been received. A negative answer was returned; it was at the same time
      signified that the Emperor would be attacked by the English squadron if he
      attempted to sail under a flag of truce, and it was intimated that every
      neutral vessel would be examined, and probably sent into an English port.
      Las Cases affirms that Napoleon was recommended to proceed to England by
      Captain Maitland, who assured him that he would experience no
      ill-treatment there. The English ship 'Bellerophon' then anchored in the
      Basque roads, within sight of the French vessels of war. The coast being,
      as we have stated, entirely blockaded by the English squadron, the Emperor
      was undecided as to the course he should pursue. Neutral vessels and
      'chasse-marees', manned by young naval officers, were proposed, and many
      other plans were devised.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon disembarked on the 12th at the Isle of Aix with acclamations
      ringing on every side. He had quitted the frigates because they refused to
      sail, owing either to the weakness of character of the commandant, or in
      consequence of his receiving fresh orders from the Provisional Government.
      Many persons thought that the enterprise might be undertaken with some
      probability of success; the wind, however, remained constantly in the
      wrong quarter.
    </p>
    <p>
      Las Cases returned to the Bellerophon at four o'clock in the morning of
      the 14th, to inquire whether any reply had been received to the
      communication made by Napoleon. Captain Maitland stated that he expected
      to receive it every moment, and added that, if the Emperor would then
      embark for England, he was authorized to convey him thither. He added,
      moreover, that in his own opinion, and many other officers present
      concurred with him, he had no doubt Napoleon would be treated in England
      with all-possible attention and respect; that in England neither the King
      nor Ministers exercised the same arbitrary power as on the Continent; that
      the English indeed possessed generosity of sentiment and a liberality of
      opinions superior even to those of the King. Las Cases replied that he
      would make Napoleon acquainted with Captain Maitland's offer, and added,
      that he thought the Emperor would not hesitate to proceed to England, so
      as to be able to continue his voyage to the United States. He described
      France, south of the Loire, to be in commotion, the hopes of the people
      resting on Napoleon as long as he was present; the propositions everywhere
      made to him, and at every moment; his decided resolution not to become the
      pretext of a civil war; the generosity he had exhibited in abdicating, in
      order to render the conclusion of a peace more practicable; and his
      settled determination to banish himself, in order to render that peace
      more prompt and more lasting.
    </p>
    <p>
      The messengers returned to their Master, who, after some doubt and
      hesitation, despatched General Gourgaud with the following well-known
      letter to the Prince Regent:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
               ROCHEFORT, 13th July 1815.

   ROYAL HIGHNESS&mdash;A victim to the factions which divide my country,
   and to the hostility of the greatest Powers of Europe, I have
   terminated my political career, and come, like Themistocles, to
   share the hospitality of the British people. I place myself under
   the protection of their laws, and I claim that from your Royal
   Highness as the most powerful, the most constant, and the most
   generous of my enemies.
               (Signed)  NAPOLEON.
</pre>
    <p>
      About four P.M. Las Cases and Savory returned to the 'Bellerophon', where
      they had a long conversation with Captain Maitland, in the presence of
      Captains Sartorius and Gambler, who both declare that Maitland repeatedly
      warned Napoleon's adherents not to entertain the remotest idea that he was
      enabled to offer any pledge whatever to their Master beyond the simple
      assurance that he would convey him in safety to the English coast, there
      to await the determination of the British Government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon had begun to prepare for his embarkation before daylight on the
      15th. It was time that he did so, for a messenger charged with orders to
      arrest him had already arrived at Rochefort from the new Government. The
      execution of this order was delayed by General Becker for a few hours in
      order to allow Napoleon sufficient time to escape. At daybreak, he quitted
      the 'Epervier', and was enthusiastically cheered by the ship's company so
      long as the boat was within hearing. Soon after six he was received on
      board the 'Bellerophon' with respectful silence, but without those honours
      generally paid to persons of high rank. Bonaparte was dressed in the
      uniform of the 'chasseurs a cheval' of the Imperial Guard, and wore the
      Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      On entering the vessel he took off his hat, and addressing Captain
      Maitland, said, "I am come to throw myself on the protection of the laws
      of England." Napoleon's manner was well calculated to make a favourable
      impression on those with whom he conversed. He requested to be introduced
      to the officers of the ship, and put various questions to each. He then
      went round the ship, although he was informed that the men were cleaning
      and scouring, and remarked upon anything which struck him as differing
      from what he had seen on French vessels. The clean appearance of the men
      surprised him. "He then observed," says Captain Maitland, to whose
      interesting narrative we refer, "'I can see no sufficient reason why your
      ships should beat the French ones with so much ease. The finest men-of-war
      in your service are French; a French ship is heavier in every respect than
      one of yours; she carries more guns, and those guns are of a larger
      calibre, and she has a great many more men.'" His inquiries, which were
      minute, proved that he had directed much attention to the French navy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the first morning Napoleon took breakfast in the English fashion, but
      observing that his distinguished prisoner did not eat much, Captain
      Maitland gave direction that for the future a hot breakfast should be
      served up after the French manner. 'The Superb', the Admiral's ship, which
      had been seen in the morning, was now approaching. Immediately on her
      anchoring Captain Maitland went on board to give an account of all that
      had happened, and received the Admiral's approbation of what he had done.
      In the afternoon Admiral Sir Henry Hotham was introduced to Napoleon, and
      invited by him to dinner. This was arranged, in order to make it more
      agreeable to him, by Bonaparte's maitre d'hotel. On dinner being announced
      Napoleon led the way, and seated himself in the centre at one side of the
      table, desiring Sir Henry Hotham to take the seat on his right, and Madame
      Bertrand that on his left hand. On this day Captain Maitland took his seat
      at the end of the table, but on the following day, by Napoleon's request,
      he placed himself on his right hand, whilst General Bertrand took the top.
      Two of the ship's officers dined with the Emperor daily, by express
      invitation. The conversation of Napoleon was animated. He made many
      inquiries as to the family and connections of Captain Maitland, and in
      alluding to Lord Lauderdale, who was sent as ambassador to Paris during
      the administration of Mr. Fox, paid that nobleman some compliments and
      said of the then Premier, "Had Mr. Fox lived it never would have come to
      this; but his death put an end to all hopes of peace."
    </p>
    <p>
      On one occasion he ordered his camp-bed to be displayed for the inspection
      of the English officers. In two small leather packages were comprised the
      couch of the once mighty ruler of the Continent. The steel bedstead which,
      when folded up, was only two feet long, and eighteen inches wide, occupied
      one case, while the other contained the mattress and curtains. The whole
      was so contrived as to be ready for use in three minutes.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon spoke in terms of high praise of the marines on duty in the
      Bellerophon, and on going through their ranks exclaimed to Bertrand, "How
      much might be done with a hundred thousand such soldiers as these!" In
      putting them through their exercise he drew a contrast between the charge
      of the bayonet as made by the English and the French, and observed that
      the English method of fixing the bayonet was faulty, as it might easily be
      twisted off when in close action. In visiting Admiral Hotham's flag-ship,
      the 'Superb', he manifested the same active curiosity as in former
      instances, and made the same minute inquiries into everything by which he
      was surrounded. During breakfast one of Napoleon's suite, Colonel Planat,
      was much affected, and even wept, on witnessing the humiliation of his
      Master.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the return of Bonaparte from the Superb to the 'Bellerophon' the latter
      ship was got under weigh and made sail for England. When passing within a
      cable's length of the 'Superb' Napoleon inquired of Captain Maitland if he
      thought that distance was sufficient for action. The reply of the English
      officer was characteristic; he told the Emperor that half the distance, or
      even less, would suit much better. Speaking of Sir Sidney Smith, Bonaparte
      repeated the anecdote connected with his quarrel at St. Jean d'Acre with
      that officer, which has already been related in one of the notes earlier
      in these volumes. Patting Captain Maitland on the shoulder, he observed,
      that had it not been for the English navy he would have been Emperor of
      the East, but that wherever he went he was sure to find English ships in
      the way.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 'Bellerophon', with Bonaparte on board, sighted the coast of England
      on Sunday, the 23d of July 1815, and at daybreak on the 24th the vessel
      approached Dartmouth. No sooner had the ship anchored than an order from
      Loral Keith was delivered to Captain Maitland, from which the following is
      an extract:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Extract of an Order from Admiral Viscount Keith, G. C. B., addressed
   to Captain Maitland, of H. M. S. "Bellerophon," dated Ville de
   Paris, Hamoaze, 23d July 1815.

   Captain Sartorius, of His Majesty's ship 'Slaney', delivered to me
   last night, at eleven o'clock, your despatch of the 14th instant,
   acquainting me that Bonaparte had proposed to embark on board the
   ship you command, and that you had acceded thereto, with the
   intention of proceeding to Torbay, there to wait for further orders.
   I lost no time in forwarding your letter by Captain Sartorius to the
   Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in order that their Lordships
   might, through him, be acquainted with every circumstance that had
   occurred on an occasion of so much importance; and you may expect
   orders from their Lordships for your further guidance. You are to
   remain in Torbay until you receive such orders; and in the meantime,
   in addition to the directions already in your possession, you are
   most positively ordered to prevent every person whatever from coming
   on board the ship you command, except the officers and men who
   compose her crew; nor is any person whatever, whether in His
   Majesty's service or not, who does not belong, to the ship, to be
   suffered to come on board, either for the purpose of visiting the
   officers, or on any pretence whatever, without express permission
   either from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty or from me. As
   I understand from Captain Sartorius that General Gourgaud refused to
   deliver the letter with which he was charged for the Prince Regent
   to any person except His Royal Highness, you are to take him out of
   the 'Slaney' into the ship you command, until you receive directions
   from the Admiralty on the subject, and order that ship back to
   Plymouth Sound, when Captain Sartorius returns from London.
</pre>
    <p>
      It was stated about this time, in some of the English newspapers, that St.
      Helena would be the place of exile of the ex-Emperor, the bare report of
      which evidently caused great pain to Napoleon and his suite. General
      Gourgaud was obliged to return to the 'Bellerophon', not having been
      suffered to go on shore to deliver the letter from Bonaparte to the Prince
      Regent with which he had been entrusted. The ship which bore the modern
      Alexander soon became a natural object of attraction to the whole
      neighbourhood, and was constantly surrounded by crowds of boats. Napoleon
      frequently showed himself to the people from shore with a view of
      gratifying their curiosity. On the 25th of July the number of guard-boats
      which surrounded the vessel was greatly increased; and the alarm of the
      captives became greater as the report was strengthened as to the intention
      of conveying Bonaparte to St. Helena.
    </p>
    <p>
      In conversation with Captain Maitland, Napoleon, who seemed to be aware
      that the English fishermen united the occupation of smugglers to their
      usual trade; stated that many of them had been bribed by him, and had
      assisted in the escape of French prisoners of war. They had even proposed
      to deliver Louis XVIII. into his power, but as they would .not answer for
      the safety of his life, Napoleon refused the offer. Upon the arrival of
      despatches from London the 'Bellerophon' got under weigh for Plymouth
      Sound on the 26th of July. This movement tended still further to
      disconcert the ex-Emperor and his followers. In passing the breakwater
      Bonaparte could not withhold his admiration of that work, which he
      considered highly honourable to the public spirit of the nation, and,
      alluding to his own improvements at Cherbourg, expressed his apprehensions
      that they would now be suffered to fall into decay.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Maitland was directed by Lord Keith to observe the utmost
      vigilance to prevent the escape of his prisoners, and with this view no
      boat was permitted to approach the Bellerophon; the 'Liffey' and 'Eurotas'
      were ordered to take up an anchorage on each side of the ship, and further
      precautions were adopted at night.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of July Captain Maitland proceeded to Lord Keith, taking with
      him Bonaparte's original letter to the Prince Regent, which, as General
      Gourgaud had not been permitted to deliver it personally, Napoleon now
      desired to be transmitted through the hands of the Admiral. As Lord Keith
      had now received instructions from his Government as to the manner in
      which Napoleon was to be treated, he lost no time in paying his respects
      to the fallen chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 31st of July the anxiously-expected order of the English Government
      arrived. In this document, wherein the ex-Emperor was styled "General
      Bonaparte," it was notified that he was to be exiled to St. Helena, the
      place of all others most dreaded by him and his devoted adherents. It was,
      moreover, specified that he might be allowed to take with him three
      officers, and his surgeon, and twelve servants. To his own selection was
      conceded the choice of these followers, with the exclusion, however, of
      Savary and Lallemand, who were on no account to be permitted any further
      to share his fortunes. This prohibition gave considerable alarm to those
      individuals, who became excessively anxious as to their future disposal,
      and declared that to deliver them up to the vengeance of the Bourbons
      would be a violation of faith and honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon himself complained bitterly on the subject of his destination,
      and said, "The idea, of it is horrible to me. To be placed for life on an
      island within the tropics, at an immense distance from any land, cut off
      from all communication with the world, and everything that I hold dear in
      it!&mdash;c'est pis que la cage de fer de Tamerlan. I would prefer being
      delivered up to the Bourbons. Among other insults," said he,&mdash;"but
      that is a mere bagatelle, a very secondary consideration&mdash;they style
      me General! They can have no right to call me General; they may as well
      call me 'Archbishop,' for I was Head of the Church as well as of the Army.
      If they do not acknowledge me as Emperor they ought as First Counsul; they
      have sent ambassadors to me as such; and your King, in his letters, styled
      me 'Brother.' Had they confined me in the Tower of London, or one of the
      fortresses in England (though not what I had hoped from the generosity of
      the English people), I should not have so much cause of complaint; but to
      banish me to an island within the tropics! They might as well have signed
      my death-warrant at once, for it is impossible a man of my habit of body
      can live long in such a climate."
    </p>
    <p>
      Having so expressed himself, he wrote a second letter to the Prince
      Regent, which was forwarded through Lord Keith. It was the opinion of
      Generals Montholon and Gourgaud that Bonaparte would sooner kill himself
      than go to St. Helena. This idea arose from his having been heard
      emphatically to exclaim, "I will not go to St. Helena!" The generals,
      indeed, declared that were he to give his own consent to be so exiled they
      would themselves prevent him. In consequence of this threat Captain
      Maitland was instructed by Lord Keith to tell those gentlemen that as the
      English law awarded death to murderers, the crime they meditated would
      inevitably conduct them to the gallows.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early on the morning of the 4th of August the 'Bellerophon' was ordered to
      be ready at a moment's notice for sea. The reason of this was traced to a
      circumstance which is conspicuous among the many remarkable incidents by
      which Bonaparte's arrival near the English coast was characterised. A
      rumour reached Lord Keith that a 'habeas corpus' had been procured with a
      view of delivering Napoleon from the custody he was then in. This,
      however, turned out to be a subpoena for Bonaparte as a witness at a trial
      in the Court of King's Bench; and, indeed, a person attempted to get on
      board the Bellerophon to serve the document; but he was foiled in his
      intention; though, had he succeeded, the subpoena would, in the situation
      wherein the ex-Emperor then stood, have been without avail.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th Captain Maitland, having been summoned to the flag-ship of Lord
      Keith, acquainted General Bertrand that he would convey to the Admiral
      anything which Bonaparte (who had expressed an urgent wish to see his
      lordship) might desire to say to him. Bertrand requested the captain to
      delay his departure until a document, then in preparation, should be
      completed: the "PROTEST OF HIS MAJESTY THE LATE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH,
      ETC."
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Maitland denied that any snare was laid for Bonaparte, either by
      himself or by the English Government, and stated that the precautions for
      preventing the escape of Napoleon from Rochefort were so well ordered that
      it was impossible to evade them; and that the fugitive was compelled to
      surrender himself to the English ship.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 7th of August Bonaparte, with the suite he had selected, was
      transferred from the 'Bellerophon' to the 'Northumberland'. Lord Keith's
      barge was prepared for his conveyance to the latter vessel, and his
      lordship was present on the occasion. A captain's guard was turned out,
      and as Napoleon left the 'Bellerophon' the marines presented arms, and the
      drum was beaten as usual in saluting a general officer. When he arrived on
      board the Northumberland the squadron got under weigh, and Napoleon sailed
      for the place of his final exile and grave.'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[For the continuation of Napoleon's voyage see Chapter XIII.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0115" id="link2HCH0115">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI.
    </h2>

      1815.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   My departure from Hamburg-The King at St. Denis&mdash;Fouché appointed
   Minister of the Police&mdash;Delay of the King's entrance into Paris&mdash;
   Effect of that delay&mdash;Fouché's nomination due to the Duke of
   Wellington&mdash;Impossibility of resuming my post&mdash;Fouché's language
   with respect to the Bourbons&mdash;His famous postscript&mdash;Character of
   Fouché&mdash;Discussion respecting the two cockades&mdash;Manifestations of
   public joy repressed by Fouché&mdash;Composition of the new Ministry&mdash;
   Kind attention of Blücher&mdash;The English at St. Cloud&mdash;Blücher in
   Napoleon's cabinet&mdash;My prisoner become my protector&mdash;Blücher and the
   innkeeper's dog&mdash;My daughter's marriage contract&mdash;Rigid etiquette&mdash;
   My appointment to the Presidentship of the Electoral College of the
   Yonne&mdash;My interview with Fouché&mdash;My audience of the King&mdash;His
   Majesty made acquainted with my conversation with Fouché&mdash;The Duke
   of Otranto's disgrace&mdash;Carnot deceived by Bonaparte&mdash;My election as
   deputy&mdash;My colleague, M. Raudot&mdash;My return to Paris&mdash;Regret caused
   by the sacrifice of Ney&mdash;Noble conduct of Macdonald&mdash;A drive with
   Rapp in the Bois de Boulogne&mdash;Rapp's interview with Bonaparte in
   1815&mdash;The Duc de Berri and Rapp&mdash;My nomination to the office of
   Minister of State&mdash;My name inscribed by the hand of Louis XVIII.&mdash;
   Conclusion.
</pre>
    <p>
      The fulfilment of my prediction was now at hand, for the result of the
      Battle of Waterloo enabled Louis XVIII. to return to his dominions. As
      soon as I heard of the King's departure from Ghent I quitted Hamburg, and
      travelled with all possible haste in the hope of reaching Paris in time to
      witness his Majesty's entrance. I arrived at St. Denis on the 7th of July,
      and, notwithstanding the intrigues that were set on foot, I found an
      immense number of persons assembled to meet the King. Indeed, the place
      was so crowded that it was with the greatest difficulty I could procure
      even a little garret for my lodging.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having resumed my uniform of a captain of the National Guard, I proceeded
      immediately to the King's palace. The salon was filled with ladies and
      gentlemen who had come to congratulate the King on his return. At St.
      Denis I found my family, who, not being aware that I had left Hamburg,
      were much surprised to see me.
    </p>
    <p>
      They informed me that the Parisians were all impatient for the return of
      the King&mdash;a fact of which I could judge by the opposition manifested
      to the free expression of public feeling. Paris having been declared in a
      state of blockade, the gates were closed, and no one was permitted to
      leave the capital, particularly by the Barriere de la Chapelle. It is true
      that special permission might be obtained, and with tolerable ease, by
      those who wished to leave the city; but the forms to be observed for
      obtaining the permission deterred the mass of the people from proceeding
      to St. Denis, which, indeed, was the sole object of the regulation. As it
      had been resolved to force Fouché and the tri-coloured cockade upon the
      King, it was deemed necessary to keep away from his Majesty all who might
      persuade him to resist the proposed measures. Madame de Bourrienne told me
      that on her arrival at St. Denis she called upon M. Hue and M. Lefebvre,
      the King's physician, who both acquainted her with those fatal
      resolutions. Those gentlemen, however, assured her that the King would
      resolutely hold out against the tri-coloured cockade, but the nomination
      of the ill-omened man appeared inevitable.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché Minister of the Police! If, like Don Juan, I had seen a statue
      move, I could not have been more confounded than when I heard this news. I
      could not credit it until it was repeated to me by different persons. How;
      indeed, could I think that at the moment of a reaction the King should
      have entrusted the most important ministerial department to a man to whose
      arrest he had a hundred days before attached so much consequence? to a
      man, moreover, whom Bonaparte had appointed, at Lyons, to fill the same
      office! This was inconceivable! Thus, in less than twenty-four hours, the
      same man had been entrusted to execute measures the most opposite, and to
      serve interests the most contradictory. He was one day the minister of
      usurpation, and the next the minister of legitimacy! How can I express
      what I felt when Fouché took the oath of fidelity to Louis XVIII. when I
      saw the King clasp in his hands the hands of Fouché! I was standing near
      M. de Chateaubriand, whose feelings must have been similar to mine, to
      judge from a passage in his admirable work, 'La Monarchie selon la
      Charte'. "About nine in the evening," he says, "I was in one of the royal
      antechambers. All at once the door opened, and I saw the President of the
      Council enter leaning on the arm of the new minister. Oh, Louis-le-Desire!
      Oh, my unfortunate master! you have proved that there is no sacrifice
      which your people may not expect from your paternal heart!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché was resolved to have his restoration as well as M. de Talleyrand,
      who had had his the year before; he therefore contrived to retard the
      King's entry into Paris for four days. The prudent members of the Chamber
      of Peers, who had taken no part in the King's Government in 1814, were the
      first to declare that it was for the interest of France to hasten his
      Majesty's entrance into Paris, in order to prevent foreigners from
      exercising a sort of right of conquest in a city which was a prey to civil
      dissension and party influence. Blücher informed me that the way in which
      Fouché contrived to delay the King's return greatly contributed to the
      pretensions of the foreigners who, he confessed, were very well pleased to
      see the population of Paris divided in opinion, and to hear the alarming
      cries raised by the confederates of the Faubourgs when the King was
      already at St. Denis.
    </p>
    <p>
      I know for a fact that Louis XVIII. wished to have nothing to do with
      Fouché, and indignantly refused to appoint him when he was first proposed.
      But he had so nobly served Bonaparte during the Hundred Days that it was
      necessary he should be rewarded. Fouché, besides, had gained the support
      of a powerful party among the emigrants of the Faubourg St. Germain, and
      he possessed the art of rendering himself indispensable. I have heard many
      honest men say very seriously that to him was due the tranquillity of
      Paris. Moreover, Wellington was the person by whose influence in
      particular Fouché was made one of the counsellors of the King. After all
      the benefits which foreigners had conferred upon us Fouché was indeed an
      acceptable present to France and to the King.
    </p>
    <p>
      I was not ignorant of the Duke of Wellington's influence upon the affairs
      of the second Restoration, but for a long time I refused to believe that
      his influence should have outweighed all the serious considerations
      opposed to such a perfect anomaly as appointing Fouché the Minister of a
      Bourbon. But I was deceived. France and the King owed to him Fouché's
      introduction into the Council, and I had to thank him for the
      impossibility of resuming a situation which I had relinquished for the
      purpose of following the King into Belgium. Could I be Prefect of Police
      under a Minister whom a short time before I had received orders to arrest,
      but who eluded my agents? That was impossible. The King could not offer me
      the place of Prefect under Fouché, and if he had I could not have accepted
      it. I was therefore right in not relying on the assurances which had been
      given me; but I confess that if I had been told to guess the cause why
      they could not be realised I never should have thought that cause would
      have been the appointment of Fouché as a Minister of the King of France.
      At first, therefore, I was of course quite forgotten, as is the custom of
      courts when a faithful subject refrains from taking part in the intrigues
      of the moment.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have already frequently stated my opinion of the pretended talent of
      Fouché; but admitting his talent to have been as great as was supposed,
      that would have been an additional reason for not entrusting the general
      police of the kingdom to him. His principles and conduct were already
      sufficiently known. No one could be ignorant of the language he held
      respecting the Bourbons, and in which he indulged as freely after he
      became the Minister of Louis XVIII. as when he was the Minister of
      Bonaparte. It was universally known that in his conversation the Bourbons
      were the perpetual butt for his sarcasms, that he never mentioned them but
      in terms of disparagement, and that he represented them as unworthy of
      governing France. Everybody must have been aware that Fouché, in his
      heart, favoured a Republic, where the part of President might have been
      assigned to him. Could any one have forgotten the famous postscript he
      subjoined to a letter he wrote from Lyons to his worthy friend
      Robespierre: "To celebrate the fete of the Republic suitably, I have
      ordered 250 persons to be shot?" And to this man, the most furious enemy
      of the restoration of the monarchy, was consigned the task of
      consolidating it for the second time! But it would require another
      Claudian to describe this new Rufinus!
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché never regarded a benefit in any other light than as the means of
      injuring his benefactor. The King, deceived, like many other persons, by
      the reputation which Fouché's partisans had conjured up for him, was
      certainly not aware that Fouché had always discharged the functions of
      Minister in his own interest, and never for the interest of the Government
      which had the weakness to entrust him with a power always dangerous in his
      hands. Fouché had opinions, but he belonged to no party, and his political
      success is explained by the readiness with which he always served the
      party he knew must triumph, and which he himself overthrew in its turn. He
      maintained himself in favour from the days of blood and terror until the
      happy time of the second Restoration only by abandoning and sacrificing
      those who were attached to him; and it might be said that his ruling
      passion was the desire of continual change. No man was ever characterised
      by greater levity or inconstancy of mind. In all things he looked only to
      himself, and to this egotism he sacrificed both subjects and Governments.
      Such were the secret causes of the sway exercised by Fouché during the
      Convention, the Directory, the Empire, the Usurpation, and after the
      second return of the Bourbons. He helped to found and to destroy every one
      of those successive Governments. Fouché's character is perfectly unique. I
      know no other man who, loaded with honours, and almost escaping disgrace,
      has passed through so many eventful periods, and taken part in so many
      convulsions and revolutions.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 7th of July the King was told that Fouché alone could smooth the
      way for his entrance into Paris, that he alone could unlock the gates of
      the capital, and that he alone had power to control public opinion. The
      reception given to the King on the following day afforded an opportunity
      of judging of the truth of these assertions. The King's presence was the
      signal for a feeling of concord, which was manifested in a very decided
      way. I saw upon the boulevards, and often in company with each other,
      persons, some of whom had resumed the white cockade, while others still
      retained the national colours, and harmony was not in the least disturbed
      by these different badges.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having returned to private life solely on account of Fouché's presence in
      the Ministry, I yielded to that consolation which is always left to the
      discontented. I watched the extravagance and inconsistency that were
      passing around me, and the new follies which were every day committed; and
      it must be confessed that a rich and varied picture presented itself to my
      observation. The King did not bring back M. de Blacas. His Majesty had
      yielded to prudent advice, and on arriving at Mons sent the unlucky
      Minister as his ambassador to Naples. Vengeance was talked of, and there
      were some persons inconsiderate enough to wish that advantage should be
      taken of the presence of the foreigners in order to make what they termed
      "an end of the Revolution," as if there were any other means of effecting
      that object than frankly adopting whatever good the Revolution had
      produced. The foreigners observed with satisfaction the disposition of
      these shallow persons, which they thought might be turned to their own
      advantage. The truth is, that on the second Restoration our pretended
      allies proved themselves our enemies.
    </p>
    <p>
      But for them, but for their bad conduct, their insatiable exactions, but
      for the humiliation that was felt at seeing foreign cannon planted in the
      streets of Paris, and beneath the very windows of the Palace, the days
      which followed the 8th of July might have been considered by the Royal
      Family as the season of a festival. Every day people thronged to the
      garden of the Tuileries, and expressed their joy by singing and dancing
      under the King's windows.
    </p>
    <p>
      This ebullition of feeling might perhaps be thought absurd, but it at
      least bore evidence of the pleasure caused by the return of the Bourbons.
    </p>
    <p>
      This manifestation of joy by numbers of persons of both sexes, most of
      them belonging to the better classes of society, displeased Fouché, and he
      determined to put a stop to it. Wretches were hired to mingle with the
      crowd and sprinkle corrosive liquids on the dresses of the females some of
      them were even instructed to commit acts of indecency, so that all
      respectable persons were driven from the gardens through the fear of being
      injured or insulted: As it was wished to create disturbance under the very
      eyes of the King, and to make him doubt the reality of the sentiments so
      openly expressed in his favour, the agents of the Police mingled the cry
      of "Vive l'Empereur!" with that of "Vive le Roi!" and it happened oftener
      than once that the most respectable persons were arrested and charged by
      Fouché's infamous agents with having uttered seditious cries. A friend of
      mine, whose Royalist opinions were well known, and whose father had been
      massacred during the Revolution, told me that while walking with two
      ladies he heard some individuals near him crying out "Vive l'Empereur!"
      This created a great disturbance. The sentinel advanced to the spot, and
      those very individuals themselves had the audacity to charge my friend
      with being guilty of uttering the offensive cry. In vain the bystanders
      asserted the falsehood of the accusation; he was seized and dragged to the
      guard-house, and after being detained for some hours he was liberated on
      the application of his friends. By dint of such wretched manoeuvres Fouché
      triumphed. He contrived to make it be believed that he was the only person
      capable of preventing the disorders of which he himself was the sole
      author: He got the Police of the Tuileries under his control. The singing
      and dancing ceased, and the Palace was the abode of dulness.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the King was at St. Denis he restored to General Dessoles the
      command of the National Guard. The General ordered the barriers to be
      immediately thrown open. On the day of his arrival in Paris the King
      determined, as a principle, that the throne should be surrounded by a
      Privy Council, the members of which were to be the princes and persons
      whom his Majesty might appoint at a future period. The King then named his
      new Ministry, which was thus composed:
    </p>
    <p>
      Prince Talleyrand, peer of France, President of the Council of Ministers,
      and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Baron Louis, Minister of Finance.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duke of Otranto, Minister of the Police.
    </p>
    <p>
      Baron Pasquier, Minister of Justice, and Keeper of the Seals.
    </p>
    <p>
      Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, War Minister.
    </p>
    <p>
      Comte de Jaucourt, peer of France, Minister of the Marine.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duc de Richelieu, peer of France, Minister of the King's Household.
    </p>
    <p>
      The portfolio of the Minister of the Interior, which was not immediately
      disposed of, was provisionally entrusted to the Minister of Justice. But
      what was most gratifying to the public in the composition of this new
      ministry was that M. de Blacas, who had made himself so odious to
      everybody, was superseded by M. de Richelieu, whose name revived the
      memory of a great Minister, and who, by his excellent conduct throughout
      the whole course of his career, deserves to be distinguished as a model of
      honour and wisdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      General satisfaction was expressed on the appointment of Marshal Macdonald
      to the post of Grand Chancellor of the Legion of Honour in lieu of M. de
      Pradt. M. de Chabrol resumed the Prefecture of the Seine, which, during
      the Hundred Days, had been occupied by M. de Bondi, M. de Mole was made
      Director-General of bridges and causeways. I was superseded in the
      Prefecture of Police by M. Decazes, and M. Beugnot followed M. Ferrand as
      Director-General of the Post-office.
    </p>
    <p>
      I think it was on the 10th of July that I went to St. Cloud to pay a visit
      of thanks to Blücher. I had been informed that as soon as he learned I had
      a house at St. Cloud he sent a guard to protect it. This spontaneous mark
      of attention was well deserving of grateful acknowledgment, especially at
      a time when there was so much reason to complain of the plunder practised
      by the Prussians. My visit to Blücher presented to observation a striking
      instance of the instability of human greatness. I found Blücher residing
      like a sovereign in the Palace of St. Cloud, where I had lived so long in
      the intimacy of Napoleon, at a period when he dictated laws to the Kings
      of Europe before he was a monarch himself.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[The English occupied St. Cloud after the Prussians. My large
   house, in which the children of the Comte d'Artois were inoculated,
   was respected by them, but they occupied a small home forming part
   of the estate. The English officer who commanded the troops
   stationed a guard at the large house. One morning we were informed
   that the door had been broken open and a valuable looking-glass
   stolen. We complained to the commanding officer, and on the affair
   being inquired into it was discovered that the sentinel himself had
   committed the theft. The man was tried by a court-martial, and
   condemned to death, a circumstance which, as may naturally be
   supposed, was very distressing to us. Madame de Bourrienne applied
   to the commanding officer for the man's pardon, but could only
   obtain his reprieve. The regiment departed some weeks after, and we
   could never learn what was the fate of the criminal.&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      In that cabinet in which Napoleon and I had passed so many busy hours, and
      where so many great plans had their birth, I was received by the man who
      had been my prisoner at Hamburg. The Prussian General immediately reminded
      me of the circumstance. "Who could have foreseen," said he, "that after
      being your prisoner I should become the protector of your property? You
      treated me well at Hamburg, and I have now an opportunity of repaying your
      kindness. Heaven knows what will be the result of all this! One thing,
      however, is certain, and that is, that the Allies will now make such
      conditions as will banish all possibility of danger for a long time to
      come. The Emperor Alexander does not wish to make the French people
      expiate too dearly the misfortunes they have caused us. He attributes them
      to Napoleon, but Napoleon cannot pay the expenses of the war, and they
      must be paid by some one. It was all very well for once, but we cannot pay
      the expense of coming back a second time. However," added he, "you will
      lose none of your territory; that is a point on which I can give you
      positive assurance. The Emperor Alexander has several times repeated in my
      presence to the King my master, 'I honour the French nation, and I am
      determined that it shall preserve its old limits.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The above are the very words which Blücher addressed to me. Profiting by
      the friendly sentiments he expressed towards me I took the opportunity of
      mentioning the complaints that were everywhere made of the bad discipline
      of the troops under his command. "What can I do?" said he. "I cannot be
      present everywhere; but I assure you that in future and at your
      recommendation I will severely punish any misconduct that may come to my
      knowledge."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the result of my visit to Blücher; but, in spite of his promises,
      his troops continued to commit the most revolting excesses. Thus the
      Prussian troops have left in the neighbourhood of Paris recollections no
      less odious than those produced by the conduct of Davoust's corps in
      Prussia.&mdash;Of this an instance now occurs to my memory, which I will
      relate here. In the spring of 1816, as I was going to Chevreuse, I stopped
      at the Petit Bicetre to water my horse. I seated myself for a few minutes
      near the door of the inn, and a large dog belonging to the innkeeper began
      to bark and growl at me. His master, a respectable-looking old man,
      exclaimed, "Be quiet, Blücher!"&mdash;"How came you to give your dog that
      name?" said I.&mdash;"Ah, sir! it is the name of a villain who did a great
      deal of mischief here last year. There is my house; they have left
      scarcely anything but the four walls. They said they came for our good;
      but let them come back again . . . we will watch them, and spear them like
      wild boars in the wood." The poor man's house certainly exhibited traces
      of the most atrocious violence, and he shed tears as he related to me his
      disasters.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the King departed for Ghent he had consented to sign the contract
      of marriage between one of my daughters and M. Massieu de Clerval, though
      the latter was at that time only a lieutenant in the navy. The day
      appointed for the signature of the contract happened to be Sunday, the
      19th of March, and it may well be imagined that in the critical
      circumstances in which we then stood, a matter of so little importance
      could scarcely be thought about. In July I renewed my request to his
      Majesty; which gave rise to serious discussions in the Council of
      Ceremonies. Lest any deviation from the laws of rigid etiquette should
      commit the fate of the monarchy, it was determined that the marriage
      contract of a lieutenant in the navy could be signed only at the petty
      levee. However, his Majesty, recollecting the promise he had given me,
      decided that the signature should be given at the grand levee. Though all
      this may appear exceedingly ludicrous, yet I must confess that the triumph
      over etiquette was very gratifying to me.
    </p>
    <p>
      A short time after the King appointed me a Councillor of State; a title
      which I had held under Bonaparte ever since his installation at the
      Tuileries, though I had never fulfilled the functions of the office. In
      the month of August; the King having resolved to convoke a new Chamber of
      Deputies, I was appointed President of the Electoral College of the
      department of the Yonne. As soon as I was informed of my nomination I
      waited on M. de Talleyrand for my instructions, but he told me that, in
      conformity with the King's intentions, I was to receive my orders from the
      Minister of Police. I observed to M. de Talleyrand that I must decline
      seeing Fouché, on account of the situation in which we stood with
      reference to each other. "Go to him, go to him," said M. de Talleyrand,
      "and be assured Fouché will say to you nothing on the subject."
    </p>
    <p>
      I felt great repugnance to see Fouché, and consequently I went to him
      quite against my inclination. I naturally expected a very cold reception.
      What had passed between us rendered our interview exceedingly delicate. I
      called on Fouché at nine in the morning, and found him alone, and walking
      in his garden. He received me as a man might be expected to receive an
      intimate friend whom he had not seen for a long time. On reflection I was
      not very much surprised at this, for I was well aware that Fouché could
      make his hatred yield to calculation. He said not a word about his arrest,
      and it may well be supposed that I did not seek to turn the conversation
      on that subject. I asked him whether he had any information to give me
      respecting the elections of the Yonne. "None at all," said he; "get
      yourself nominated if you can, only use your endeavours to exclude General
      Desfouinaux. Anything else is a matter of indifference to me."&mdash;"What
      is your objection to Desfournaux?"&mdash;"The Ministry will not have him."
    </p>
    <p>
      I was about to depart when Fouché; called me back saying, "Why are you in
      such haste? Cannot you stay a few minutes longer?" He then began to speak
      of the first return of the Bourbons, and asked me how I could so easily
      bring myself to act in their favour. He then entered into details
      respecting the Royal Family which I conceive it to be my duty to pass over
      in silence: It may be added, however, that the conversation lasted a long
      time, and to say the least of it, was by no means in favour of "divine
      right."
    </p>
    <p>
      I conceived it to be my duty to make the King acquainted with this
      conversation, and as there was now no Comte de Blacas to keep truth and
      good advice from his Majesty's ear, I was; on my first solicitation,
      immediately admitted to, the Royal cabinet. I cautiously suppressed the
      most startling details, for, had I literally reported what Fouché said,
      Louis XVIII. could not possibly have given credit to it. The King thanked
      me for my communication, and I could perceive he was convinced that by
      longer retaining Fouché in office he would become the victim of the
      Minister who had been so scandalously forced upon him on the 7th of July.
      The disgrace of the Duke of Otranto speedily followed, and I had the
      satisfaction of having contributed to repair one of the evils with which
      the Duke of Wellington visited France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fouché was so evidently a traitor to the cause he feigned to serve, and
      Bonaparte was so convinced of this,&mdash;that during the Hundred Days,
      when the Ministers of the King at Ghent were enumerated in the presence of
      Napoleon, some one said, "But where is the Minister of the Police?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "E-h! Parbleu," said Bonaparte, "that is Fouché?" It was not the same with
      Carnot, in spite of the indelible stain of his vote: if he had served the
      King, his Majesty could have depended on him, but nothing could shake the
      firmness of his principles in favour of liberty. I learned, from a person
      who had the opportunity of being well informed, that he would not accept
      the post of Minister of the Interior which was offered to him at the
      commencement of the Hundred Days until he had a conversation with
      Bonaparte, to ascertain whether he had changed his principles. Carnot
      placed faith in the fair promises of Napoleon, who deceived him, as he had
      deceived others.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after my audience with the King I set off to discharge my duties in
      the department of the Yonne, and I obtained the honour of being elected to
      represent my countrymen in the Chamber of Deputies. My colleague was M.
      Raudot, a man who, in very trying circumstances, had given proofs of
      courage by boldly manifesting his attachment to the King's Government. The
      following are the facts which I learned in connection with this episode,
      and which I circulated as speedily as possible among the electors of whom
      I had the honour to be President. Bonaparte, on his way from Lyons to
      Paris, after his landing at the gulf of Juan, stopped at Avalon, and
      immediately sent for the mayor, M. Raudot. He instantly obeyed the
      summons. On coming into Napoleon's presence he said, "What do you want,
      General?" This appellation displeased Napoleon, who nevertheless put
      several questions to M. Raudot, who was willing to oblige him as a
      traveller, but not to serve him as an Emperor. Napoleon having given him
      some orders, this worthy servant of the King replied, "General, I can
      receive no orders from you, for I acknowledge no sovereign but the King,
      to whom I have sworn allegiance." Napoleon then directed M. Raudot, in a
      tone of severity, to withdraw, and I need not add that it was not long
      before he was dismissed from the mayoralty of Avalon.
    </p>
    <p>
      The elections of the Yonne being over, I returned to Paris, where I took
      part in public affairs only as an amateur, while waiting for the opening
      of the session. I was deeply grieved to see the Government resort to
      measures of severity to punish faults which it would have been better
      policy to attribute only to the unfortunate circumstances of the times. No
      consideration can ever make me cease to regret the memory of Ney, who was
      the victim of the influence of foreigners. Their object, as Blücher
      intimated to me at St. Cloud, was to disable France from engaging in war
      for a long time to come, and they hoped to effect that object by stirring
      up between the Royal Government and the army of the Loire that spirit of
      discord which the sacrifice of Ney could not fail to produce. I have no
      positive proofs of the fact, but in my opinion Ney's life was a pledge of
      gratitude which Fouché thought he must offer to the foreign influence
      which had made him Minister.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this time I learned a fact which will create no surprise, as it
      affords another proof of the chivalrous disinterestedness of Macdonald's
      character. When in 1815 several Marshals claimed from the Allied powers
      their endowments in foreign countries, Madame Moreau, to whom the King had
      given the honorary title of 'Madame la Marechale', and who was the friend
      of the Duke of Tarentum, wrote, without Macdonald's knowledge, to M. de
      Blacas; our ambassador at Naples, begging him to endeavour to preserve for
      the Marshal the endowment which had been given him in the Kingdom of
      Naples. As soon as Macdonald was informed of this circumstance he waited
      upon Madame Moreau, thanked her for her kind intentions, but at the same
      time informed her that he should disavow all knowledge of her letter, as
      the request it contained was entirely averse to his principles. The
      Marshal did, in fact, write the following letter to M. de Blacas:&mdash;"I
      hasten to inform you, sir, that it was not with my consent that Madame
      Moreau wrote to you, and I beg you will take no step that might expose me
      to a refusal. The King of Naples owes me no recompense for having beaten
      his army, revolutionised his kingdom, and forced him to retire to Sicily."
      Such conduct was well worthy of the man who was the last to forsake
      Napoleon in, 1814, and the first to rejoin him, and that without the
      desire of accepting any appointment in 1815. M. de Blacas, who was himself
      much surprised at Macdonald's letter, communicated it to the King of
      Naples, whose answer deserves to be recorded. It was as follows:&mdash;"If
      I had not imposed a law upon myself to acknowledge none of the French
      endowments, the conduct of Marshal Macdonald would have induced me to make
      an exception in his favour." It is gratifying to see princes such
      scrupulous observers of the laws they make for themselves!
    </p>
    <p>
      About the end of August 1815, as I was walking on the Boulevard des
      Capucines, I had the pleasure of meeting Rapp, whom I had not seen for a
      long time. He had just come out of the house of Lagrenee, the artist, who
      was painting his portrait. I was on foot, and Rapp's carriage was waiting,
      so we both stepped into it, and set off to take a drive in the Bois de
      Boulogne. We had a great deal to say to each other, for we had not met
      since the great events of the two Restorations. The reason of this was,
      that in 1814 I passed a part of the year at Sens, and since the
      occurrences of March 1815 Rapp himself had been absent from Paris. I found
      him perfectly resigned to his change of condition, though indulging in a
      few oaths against the foreigners. Rapp was not one of those, generals who
      betrayed the King on the 20th of March. He told me that he remained at the
      head of the division which he commanded at Ecouen, under the orders of the
      Duc de Berry, and that he did not resign it to the War Minister until
      after the King's departure. "How did Napoleon receive you?" I inquired. "I
      waited till he sent for me. You know what sort of fellow I am: I know
      nothing about politics; not I. I had sworn fidelity to the King. I know my
      duty, and I would have fought against the Emperor."&mdash;"Indeed!"&mdash;"Yes,
      certainly I would, and I told him so myself."&mdash;"How! did you venture
      so far?"&mdash;"To be sure. I told him that my resolution was definite.
      'Pshaw! . . . replied he angrily. 'I knew well that you were opposed to
      me. If we had come to an action I should have sought you out on the field
      of battle. I would have shown you the Medusa's head. Would you have dared
      to fire on me?'&mdash;'Without doubt,' I replied. 'Ah! parbleu this is too
      much,' he said. 'But your troops would not have obeyed you. They had
      preserved all their affection for me.'&mdash;'What could I do?' resumed I.
      'You abdicated, you left France, you recommended us to serve the King&mdash;and
      then you return! Besides; I tell you frankly, I do not augur well of what
      will happen. We shall have war again. France has had enough of that.' Upon
      this," continued Rapp, "he assured me that he had other thoughts; that he
      had no further desire for war; that he wished to govern in peace, and
      devote himself solely to the happiness of his people. When I hinted
      opposition on the part of the Foreign Powers, he said that he had made
      alliances. He then spoke to me of the King, and I said I had been much
      pleased with him; indeed, the King gave me a very gratifying reception on
      my return from Kiew, and I see no reason why I should complain, when I am
      so well used. During the conversation the Emperor much extolled the
      conduct of the Duke of Orleans. He then gave me some description of his
      passage from the Isle of Elba and his journey to Paris. He complained of
      being accused of ambition; and observing that I looked astonished and
      doubtful&mdash;'What?' he continued, 'am I ambitious then?' And patting
      his belly with both his hands, 'Can a man,' he asked, 'so fat as I am be
      ambitious?' I could not for my soul help saying, 'Ah! Sire, your Majesty
      is surely joking.' He pretended, however, to be serious, and after a few
      moments, noticing my decorations, he began to banter me about the Cross of
      St. Louis and the Cross of the Lily, which I still wore."
    </p>
    <p>
      I asked Rapp whether all was true that had been said about the enthusiasm
      which was manifested along the whole of Napoleon's route from the Gulf of
      Juan to Paris. "Ma foi!" he replied, "I was not there any more than you,
      but all those who accompanied him have assured me of the truth of the
      details which have been published; but I recollect having heard Bertrand
      say that on one occasion he was fearful for the safety of the Emperor, in
      case any assassin should have presented himself. At Fossard, where the
      Emperor stopped to breakfast on his way to Paris, his escort was so
      fatigued as to be unable to follow, so that he was for some time almost
      alone on the road, until a squadron which was in garrison at Melun met him
      and escorted him to Fontainebleau. As to anything else, from all I have
      heard, the Emperor was exposed to no danger."
    </p>
    <p>
      We then began to talk of our situation, and the singular chances of our
      fortune. Rapp told me how, within a few days only, he had ceased to be one
      of the discontented; for the condition of the generals who had commanded
      army corps in the campaign of Waterloo was very different in 1815 from
      what it had been in 1814. "I had determined," he said, "to live a quiet
      life, to meddle with nothing, and not even to wear my uniform. I had,
      therefore, since the King's return never presented myself at Court; when,
      a week ago, while riding on horseback two or three hundred paces from this
      spot, I saw a group of horsemen on the other side of the avenue, one of
      whom galloped towards me. I immediately recognised the Duc de Berry, 'How,
      Monseigneur, is it you?' I exclaimed. 'It is, my dear General; and since
      you will not come to us, I must come to you. Will you breakfast with me
      tomorrow morning?'&mdash;'Ma foi!" continued Rapp, "what could I do? The
      tone of kindness in which he gave this invitation quite charmed me. I
      went, and I was treated so well that I shall go again. But I will ask for
      nothing: I only want these Prussians and English rascals out of the way!"
      I complimented Rapp on his conduct, and told him that it was impossible
      that so loyal and honest a man as he should not, at some time or other,
      attract the King's notice. I had the happiness to see this prediction
      accomplished. Since that time I regularly saw Rapp whenever we both
      happened to be in Paris, which was pretty often.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have already mentioned that in the month of August the King named me
      Councillor of State. On the 19th of the following month I was appointed
      Minister of State and member of the Privy Council. I may close these
      volumes by relating a circumstance very flattering to me, and connected
      with the last-mentioned nomination. The King had directed M. de Talleyrand
      to present to him, in his official character of President of the Council
      of Ministers, a list of the persons who might be deemed suitable as
      members of the Privy Council. The King having read the list, said to his
      Minister, "But, M. de Talleyrand, I do not see here the names of two of
      our best friends, Bourrienne and Alexis de Noailles."&mdash;"Sire, I
      thought their nomination would seem more flattering in coming directly
      from your Majesty." The King then added my name to the list, and
      afterwards that of the Comte Alexis de Noailles, so that both our names
      are written in Louis XVIII.'s own hand in the original Ordinance.
    </p>
    <p>
      I have now brought to a conclusion my narrative of the extraordinary
      events in which I have taken part, either as a spectator or an actor,
      during the course of a strangely diversified life, of which nothing now
      remains but recollections.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[I discharged the functions of Councillor of State until 1818, at
   which time an Ordinance appeared declaring those functions
   Incompatible with the title of Minister of State&mdash;Bourrienne.]&mdash;
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0116" id="link2HCH0116">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII.
    </h2>

      THE CENT JOURS.

    <p>
      The extraordinary rapidity of events during the Cent fours, or Hundred
      Days of Napoleon's reign in 1815, and the startling changes in the parts
      previously filled by the chief personages, make it difficult to consider
      it as an historical period; it more resembles a series of sudden
      theatrical transformations, only broken by the great pause while the
      nation waited for news from the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first Restoration of the Bourbons had been so unexpected, and was so
      rapidly carried out, that the Bonapartists, or indeed all France, had
      hardly realized the situation before Napoleon was again in the Tuileries;
      and during the Cent Jours both Bonapartists and Royalists were alike
      rubbing their eyes, asking whether they were awake, and wondering which
      was the reality and which the dream, the Empire or the Restoration.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is both difficult and interesting to attempt to follow the history of
      the chief characters of the period; and the reader must pardon some abrupt
      transitions from person to person, and from group to group, while the
      details of some subsequent movements of the Bonaparte family must be
      thrown in to give a proper idea of the strange revolution in their
      fortunes. We may divide the characters with which we have to deal into
      five groups,&mdash;the Bonaparte family, the Marshals, the Statesmen of
      the Empire, the Bourbons, and the Allied Monarchs. One figure and one name
      will be missing, but if we omit all account of poor, bleeding, mutilated
      France, it is but leaving her in the oblivion in which she was left at the
      time by every one except by Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      The disaster of 1814 had rather dispersed than crushed the Bonaparte
      family, and they rallied immediately on the return from Elba. The final
      fall of the Empire was total ruin to them. The provisions of the Treaty of
      Fontainebleau, which had been meant to ensure a maintenance to them, had
      not been carried out while Napoleon was still a latent power, and after
      1815 the Bourbons were only too happy to find a reason for not paying a
      debt they had determined never to liquidate; it was well for any of the
      Bourbons in their days of distress to receive the bounty of the usurper,
      but there was a peculiar pleasure in refusing to pay the price promised
      for his immediate abdication.
    </p>
    <p>
      The flight of the Bonapartes in 1815 was rapid. Metternich writes to Maria
      Louisa in July 1815: "Madame Mere and Cardinal Fesch left yesterday for
      Tuscany. We do not know exactly where Joseph is. Lucien is in England
      under a false name, Jerome in Switzerland, Louis at Rome. Queen Hortense
      has set out for Switzerland, whither General de Flahault and his mother
      will follow her. Murat seems to be still at Toulon; this, however, is not
      certain." Was ever such an account of a dynasty given? These had all been
      among the great ones of Europe: in a moment they were fugitives, several
      of them having for the rest of their lives a bitter struggle with poverty.
      Fortunately for them the Pope, the King of Holland, and the Grand-Duke of
      Tuscany, were not under heavy obligations to Napoleon, and could thus
      afford to give to his family the protection denied them by those monarchs
      who believed themselves bound to redeem their former servility.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Napoleon landed Maria Louisa was in Austria, and she was eager to
      assist in taking every precaution to prevent her son, the young King of
      Rome, being spirited off to join his father, whose fortunes she had sworn
      to share: She herself was fast falling under the influence of the one-eyed
      Austrian General, Neipperg, just then left a widower, who was soon to be
      admitted to share her bed. By 1823 she seemed to have entirely forgotten
      the different members of the Bonaparte family, speaking of her life in
      France as "a bad dream." She obtained the Grand-Duchy of Parma, where she
      reigned till 1847, marrying a third time, it is said, the Count Bombellea,
      and dying, just too soon to be hunted from her Duchy by the Revolution of
      1848.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is something very touching in most that we know of the poor young
      King of Rome, from his childish but strangely prescient resistance to his
      removal from Paris to Blois on the approach of the Allies in 1814, to the
      message of remembrance sent in after years to the column of the Place
      Vendome, "his only friend in Paris."
    </p>
    <p>
      At four years of age Meneval describes him as gentle, but quick in
      answering, strong, and with excellent health. "Light curly hair in
      ringlets set off a fresh face, while fine blue eyes lit up his regular
      features: He was precociously intelligent, and knew more than most
      children older than himself." When Meneval&mdash;the former secretary of
      his father, giving up his post in Austria with Maria Louisa, as he was
      about to rejoin Napoleon&mdash;took farewell of the Prince in May 1815,
      the poor little motherless child drew me towards the window, and, giving
      me a touching look, said in a low tone, "Monsieur Meva, tell him
      (Napoleon) that I always love him dearly." We say "motherless," because
      Maria Louisa seems to have yielded up her child at the dictates of policy
      to be closely guarded as easily as she gave up her husband. "If," wrote
      Madame de Montesquieu, his governess, "the child had a mother, I would
      leave him in her hands, and be happy, but she is nothing like a mother,
      she is more indifferent to his fate than the most utter stranger in her
      service." His grandfather, the Emperor Francis, to do him justice, seems
      to have been really kind to the lad, and while, in 1814, 1816, and in
      1830, taking care to deprive him of all chance of, his glorious
      inheritance, still seems to have cared for him personally, and to have
      been always kind to him. There is no truth in the story that the Austrians
      neglected his education and connived at the ruin of his faculties. Both
      his tutor, the Count Maurice Dietrichstein, and Marshal Marmont, who
      conversed with him in 1831, agree in speaking highly of him as full of
      promise: Marmont's evidence being especially valuable as showing that the
      Austrians did not object to the Duke of Reichstadt (as he had been created
      by his grandfather in 1818), learning all he could of his father's life
      from one of the Marshals. In 1831 Marmont describes him: "I recognised his
      father's look in him, and in that he most resembled Napoleon. His eyes,
      not so large as those of Napoleon, and sunk deeper in their sockets, had
      the same expression, the same fire, the same energy. His forehead was like
      that of his father, and so was the lower part of his face and his chin.
      Then his complexion was that of Napoleon in his youth, with the same
      pallor and the same colour of the skin, but all the rest of his face
      recalled his mother and the House of Austria. He was taller than Napoleon
      by about three inches."
    </p>
    <p>
      As long as the Duke lived his name was naturally the rallying-point of the
      Bonapartes, and was mentioned in some of the many conspiracies against the
      Bourbons. In 1830 Joseph Bonaparte tried to get the sanction of the
      Austrians to his nephew being put forward as a claimant to the throne of
      France, vacant by the flight of Charles X., but they held their captive
      firmly. A very interesting passage is given in the 'Memoirs of Charles
      Greville', who says that Prince Esterhazy told him a great deal about the
      Duke of Reichstadt, who, if he had lived, would have probably played a
      great part in the world. He died of a premature decay, brought on,
      apparently, by over-exertion and over-excitement; his talents were very
      conspicuous, he was 'petri d'ambition', worshipped the memory of his
      father, and for that reason never liked his mother; his thoughts were
      incessantly turned towards France, and when he heard of the Days of July
      (overthrow of Charles X.) he said, "Why was I not there to take my chance?
      He evinced great affection and gratitude to his grandfather, who, while he
      scrupulously observed all his obligations towards Louis Philippe, could
      not help feeling a secret pride in the aspiring genius of Napoleon's son.
      He was well educated, and day and night pored over the history of his
      father's glorious career. He delighted in military exercises, and not only
      shone at the head of his regiment, but had already acquired the hereditary
      art of ingratiating himself with the soldiers." Esterhazy went on to
      describe how the Duke abandoned everything at a ball when he met there
      Marshals Marmont and Maison. "He had no eyes or ears but for them; from
      nine in the evening to five the next morning he devoted himself to these
      Marshals." There was the true Napoleonic ring in his answer to advice
      given by Marmont when the Duke said that he would not allow himself to be
      put forward by the Sovereigns of Europe. "The son of Napoleon should be
      too great to serve as an instrument; and in events of that nature I wish
      not to be an advanced guard, but a reserve,&mdash;that is, to come as a
      succour, recalling great memories."
    </p>
    <p>
      His death in 1832, on the 22d of July, the anniversary of the battle of
      Salamanca, solved many questions. Metternich visited the Duke on his
      deathbed: "It was a heartrending sight. I never remember to have seen a
      more mournful picture of decay." When Francis was told of the death of his
      grandson he answered, "I look upon the Duke's death as a blessing for him.
      Whether it be detrimental or otherwise to the public good I do not know.
      As for myself, I shall ever lament the loss of my grandson."
    </p>
    <p>
      Josephine was in her grave at Rueil when Napoleon returned. She had died
      on the 29th of May 1814, at Malmaison, while the Allies were exhibiting
      themselves in Paris. It seems hard that she should not have lived to enjoy
      a triumph, however brief, over her Austrian rival. "She, at least," said
      Napoleon truly, "would never have abandoned me."
    </p>
    <p>
      Josephine's daughter, Hortense, separated from her husband, Louis
      Bonaparte, and created Duchess of St Leu by Louis XVIII., was in Paris,
      much suspected by the Bourbons, but really engaged in a lawsuit with her
      husband about the custody of her sons. She had to go into hiding when the
      news of the landing arrived, but her empty house, left unwatched, became
      very useful for receiving the Bonapartists, who wished for a place of
      concealment, amongst them, as we shall see, being, of all people, Fouché!
      Hortense was met by Napoleon with some reproaches for accepting a title
      from the Bourbons, but she did the honours of the Elysee for him, and it
      is creditable to both of them that, braving the vile slanders about their
      intercourse, she was with him to the end; and that one of the last persons
      to embrace him at Malmaison before he started for the coast was his
      adopted daughter, the child of his discarded wife. Hortense's presence in
      Paris was thought to be too dangerous by the Prussian Governor; and she
      was peremptorily ordered to leave. An appeal to the Emperor Francis
      received a favourable answer, but Francis always gave way where any act
      against his son-in-law was in question, and she had to start at the
      shortest notice on a wandering life to Aix, Baden, and Constance, till the
      generosity of the small but brave canton of Thurgau enabled her to get a
      resting-place at the Chateau of Arenenberg.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1831 she lost her second son, the eldest then surviving, who died from
      fever in a revolutionary attempt in which he and his younger brother, the
      future Napoleon. III., were engaged. She was able to visit France
      incognito, and even to see Louis Philippe and his Queen; but her presence
      in the country was soon thought dangerous, and she was urged to leave. In
      1836 Hortense's last child, Louis Napoleon, made his attempt at an
      'emeule' at Strasburg, and was shipped off to America by the Government.
      She went to France to plead for him, and then, worn out by grief and
      anxiety, returned to Arenenberg, which her son, the future Emperor, only
      succeeded in reaching in time to see her die in October 1837. She was laid
      with Josephine at Rueil.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hortense's brother, Prince Eugène, the Viceroy of Italy, was at Vienna
      when Napoleon returned, and fell under the suspicion of the Allies of
      having informed the Emperor of the intention of removing him from Elba. He
      was detained in Bavaria by his father-in-law the King, to whose Court he
      retired, and who in 1817 created him Duke of Leuchtenberg and Prince of
      Eichstadt. With the protection of Bavaria he actually succeeded in
      wringing from the Bourbons some 700,000 francs of the property of his
      mother. A first attack of apoplexy struck him in 1823, and he died from a
      second in February 1824 at Munich. His descendants have intermarried into
      the Royal Families of Portugal, Sweden, Brazil, Russia, 'and Wartemberg;
      his grandson now (1884) holds the title of Leuchtenberg.
    </p>
    <p>
      Except Louis, an invalid, all the brothers of the Emperor were around him
      in the Cent Jours, the supreme effort of their family. Joseph had left
      Spain after Vittoria, and had remained in an uncomfortable and
      unrecognised state near Paris until in 1814 he was again employed, and
      when, rightly or not, he urged the retreat of the Regency from Paris to
      Blois. He then took refuge at his chateau of Prangins in the canton Vaud
      in Switzerland, closely watched by the Bourbonists, who dreaded danger
      from every side except the real point, and who preferred trying to hunt
      the Bonapartists from place to place, instead of making their life
      bearable by carrying out the engagements with them.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1816, escaping from the arrest with which he was threatened, after
      having written to urge Murat to action with fatal effect, Joseph joined
      Napoleon in Paris, and appeared at the Champ de Mai, sitting also in the
      Chamber of Peers, but, as before, putting forward ridiculous pretensions
      as to his inherent right to the peerage, and claiming a special seat. In
      fact, he never could realise how entirely he owed any position to the
      brother he wished to treat as an equal.
    </p>
    <p>
      He remained in Paris during the brief campaign, and after Waterloo was
      concealed in the house of the Swedish Ambassador, where his sister-in-law,
      the Crown Princess of Sweden, the wife of Bernadotte, was living.
      Muffling, the Prussian Governor of Paris, wished to arrest him, but as the
      Governor could not violate the domicile of an Ambassador, he had to apply
      to the Czar, who arranged for the escape of the ex-King before the
      Governor could seize him Joseph went to the coast, pretty much following
      the route of Napoleon. He was arrested once at Saintes, but was allowed to
      proceed, and he met his brother on the 4th of July, at Rochefort.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is significant as to the possibility of the escape of Napoleon that
      Joseph succeeded in getting on the brig Commerce as "M. Bouchard," and,
      though the ship was thrice searched by the English, he got to New York on
      the 28th of August, where he was mistaken for Carnot. He was well
      received, and, taking the title of Comte de Survilliers, he first lived at
      Lansdowne, Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, where he afterwards always passed
      part of the year while he was in America. He also bought the property of
      Point Breeze, at Bordentown, on the Delaware, where he built a house with
      a fine view of the river. This first house was burnt down, but he erected
      another, where he lived in some state and in great comfort, displaying his
      jewels and pictures to his admiring neighbours, and showing kindness to
      impecunious nephews.
    </p>
    <p>
      The news of the Revolution of July in 1830, which drove Charles X. from
      the throne, excited Joseph's hopes for the family of which he considered
      himself the Regent, and he applied to Metternich to get the Austrian
      Government to allow or assist in the placing his nephew, the Duke of
      Reichstadt, on the throne of France. Austria would not even answer.
    </p>
    <p>
      In July 1832 Joseph crossed to England, where he met Lucien, just arrived
      from Italy, bringing the news of the death of his nephew. Disappointed, he
      stayed in England for some time, but returned to America in 1836. In he
      finally left America, and again came to England, where he had a paralytic
      stroke, and in 1843 he went to Florence, where he met his wife after a
      long separation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Joseph lived long enough to see the two attempts of another nephew, Louis
      Napoleon, at Strasburg in 1836, and at Boulogne in 1840, which seem to
      have been undertaken without his knowledge, and to have much surprised
      him. He died in Florence in 1844; his body was buried first in Santa
      Croce, Florence, but was removed to the Invalides in 1864. His wife the
      ex-Queen, had retired in 1815 to Frankfort and to Brussels, where she was
      well received by the King, William, and where she stayed till 1823, when
      she went to Florence, dying there in 1845. Her monument is in the Cappella
      Riccardi, Santa Croce, Florence.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lucien had retired to Rome in 1804, on the creation of the Empire, and had
      continued embroiled with his brother, partly from his so-called Republican
      principles, but chiefly from his adhering to his marriage, his second one,
      with Madame Jouberthon,&mdash;a union which Napoleon steadily refused to
      acknowledge, offering Lucien anything, a kingdom or the hand of a queen
      (if we take Lucien's account), if he would only consent to the annulment
      of the contract.
    </p>
    <p>
      In August 1810, affecting uneasiness as Napoleon stretched his power over
      Rome, Lucien embarked for America, but he was captured by the English and
      taken, first to Malta and then to England, where he passed the years till
      1814 in a sort of honourable captivity, first at Ludlow and then at
      Thorngrove, not far from that town.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1814 Lucien was released, when he went to Rome, where he was welcomed
      by the kindly old Pope, who remembered the benefits conferred by Napoleon
      on the Church, while he forgot the injuries personal to himself; and the
      stiff-necked Republican, the one-time "Brutus" Bonaparte, accepted the
      title of Duke of Musignano and Prince of Canino.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1815 Lucien joined his brother, whom he wished to abdicate at the Champ
      de Mai in favour of the King of Rome, placing his sword only at the
      disposal of France. This step was seriously debated, but, though it might
      have placed the Allies in a more difficult position, it would certainly
      have been disregarded by them, at least unless some great victory had
      given the dynasty firmer footing. After Waterloo he was in favour of a
      dissolution of the Chambers, but Napoleon had become hopeless and almost
      apathetic, while Lucien himself, from his former connection with the 18th
      and 19th Brumaire, was looked on with great distrust by the Chambers, as
      indeed he was by his brother. Advantage was taken of his Roman title to
      taunt him with not being a Frenchman; and all his efforts failed. At the
      end he fled, and failing to cross to England or to get to Rochefort, he
      reached Turin on the 12th of July only to find himself arrested. He
      remained there till the 15th of September, when he was allowed to go to
      Rome. There he was interned and carefully watched; indeed in 1817 the Pope
      had to intervene to prevent his removal to the north of Germany, so
      anxious were the Allies as to the safety of the puppet they had put on the
      throne of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The death of Napoleon in 1821 released Lucien and the Bonaparte family
      from the constant surveillance exercised over them till then. In 1830 he
      bought a property, the Croce del Biacco, near Bologna. The flight of the
      elder branch of the Bourbons from France in 1830 raised his hopes, and, as
      already said, he went to England in 1832 to meet Joseph and to plan some
      step for raising Napoleon II. to the throne. The news of the death of his
      nephew dashed all the hopes of the family, and after staying in England
      for some time he returned to Italy, dying at Viterbo in 1840, and being
      buried at Canino, where also his second wife lies. Lucien had a taste for
      literature, and was the author of several works, which a kindly posterity
      will allow to die.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis Bonaparte had fled from his Kingdom of Holland in 1810, after a
      short reign of four years, disgusted with being expected to study the
      interests of the brother to whom he owed his throne, and with being
      required to treat his wife Hortense with ordinary consideration. He had
      taken refuge in Austria, putting that Court in great anxiety how to pay
      him the amount of attention to be expected by the brother of the Emperor,
      and at the same time the proper coldness Napoleon might wish shown to a
      royal deserter. Thanks to the suggestions of Metternich, they seem to have
      been successful in this task. Taking the title of Comte de, St. Len from
      an estate in France; Louis went first to Toplitz, then to Gratz, and in
      1813 he took refuge in Switzerland. In 1814 he went to Rome; and then to
      Florence, where the Grand-Duke Ferdinand received any of the family who
      came there with great kindness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis was the least interesting of the family, and it is difficult to
      excuse his absence from France in 1815. After all, the present of a
      kingdom is not such an unpardonable offence as to separate brothers for
      ever, and Napoleon seems to have felt deeply the way in which he was
      treated by a brother to whom he had acted as a father; still ill-health
      and the natural selfishness of invalids may account for much. While his
      son Louis Napoleon was flying about making his attempts on France, Louis
      remained in the Roman Palace of the French Academy, sunk in anxiety about
      his religious state. He disclaimed his son's proceedings, but this may
      have been due to the Pope, who sheltered him. Anyhow, it is strange to
      mark the difference between the father and his two sons who came of age,
      and who took to revolution so kindly.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1846 Louis was ill at Leghorn when his son escaped from Ham, where he
      had been imprisoned after his Boulogne attempt. Passports were refused to
      the son to go from Italy to his father, and Louis died alone on the 25th
      of July 1846. He was buried at Santa Croce, Florence, but the body was
      afterwards removed to the village church of St. Leu Taverny, rebuilt by
      his son Napoleon III.
    </p>
    <p>
      Jerome, the youngest of the whole family, the "middy," as Napoleon liked
      to call him, had been placed in the navy, in which profession he passed as
      having distinguished himself, after leaving his admiral in rather a
      peculiar manner, by attacking an English convoy, and eventually escaping
      the English by running into the port of Concarneau, believed to be
      inaccessible. At that time it was an event for a French man-of-war to
      reach home.
    </p>
    <p>
      Jerome had incurred the anger of Napoleon by marrying a beautiful young
      lady of Baltimore, a Mica Paterson, but, more obedient than Lucien, he
      submitted to have this marriage annulled by his all-powerful brother, and
      in reward he received the brand-new Kingdom of Westphalia, and the hand of
      a daughter of the King of Wartemberg, "the cleverest King in Europe,"
      according to Napoleon. Jerome is said to have ruled rather more as a
      Heliogabalus than a Solomon, but the new Kingdom had the advantage of
      starting with good administrators, and with the example of "the Code."
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1812 Jerome was given the command of the right wing of the Grand Army
      in its advance against Russia, but he did not fulfil the expectations of
      his brother, and Davoust took the command instead. Every king feels
      himself a born general: whatever else they cannot do, war is an art which
      comes with the crown, and Jerome, unwilling to serve under a mere Marshal,
      withdrew in disgust. In 1813 he had the good feeling and the good sense to
      refuse the treacherous offer of the Allies to allow him to retain his
      kingdom if he joined them against his brother, a snare his sister Caroline
      fell into at Naples.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the downfall of Napoleon, Jerome, as the Count of Gratz, went to
      Switzerland, and then to Gratz and Trieste.
    </p>
    <p>
      His wife, the ex-Queen Catherine, fell into the hands of Maubreuil, the
      officer sent on a mysterious mission, believed to be intended for the
      murder of Napoleon, but which only resulted in the robbery of the Queen's
      jewels and of some 80,000 francs. The jewels were for the most part
      recovered, being fished up from the bed of the Seine, but not the cash.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1815 Jerome joined his brother, and appeared at the Champ de Mai. A
      true Bonaparte, his vanity was much hurt, however, by having&mdash;he, a
      real king&mdash;to sit on the back seat of the carriage, while his elder
      brother Lucien; a mere Roman-prince, occupied a seat of honour by the side
      of Napoleon. In the Waterloo campaign he was given the 6th division,
      forming part of Reille's corps, General Guilleminot being sent with him to
      prevent any of the awkwardnesses of 1812. His division was engaged with
      the Prussians on the 15th of June, and at Quatre Bras he was severely
      wounded. At Waterloo his division formed the extreme left of the French
      infantry, opposite Hougomont, and was engaged in the struggle for that
      post. Whatever his failings may have been, he is acknowledged to have
      fought gallantly. After the battle he was given the command of the army by
      his brother, and was told to cover the retreat to Laon, which he reached
      on the 21st of June, with 18,000 infantry, 3000 cavalry and two batteries
      which he had rallied. This, be it observed, is a larger force than Ney
      told the Chambers even Grouchy (none of whose men are included) could
      have, and Jerome's strength had swollen to 25,000 infantry and 6000
      cavalry when he handed over the army to Soult at Laon. Napoleon had
      intended to leave Jerome with the command of the army, but he eventually
      took him to Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Napoleon left the country Jerome was assured by the ambassador of
      Wurtemberg that he would find a refuge in the dominions of his
      father-in-law; but when he arrived there he was informed that if he did
      not wish to be, according to the original intentions of the Allies, handed
      over to the Prussians, and separated from his wife, he must sign an
      engagement to remain in Wurtemberg under strict surveillance. He was then
      imprisoned at Guppingen, and afterwards at Ellwangen, where he was not
      even allowed to write or receive letters except through the captain of the
      chateau.
    </p>
    <p>
      Part of Jerome's troubles came from the conduct of his wife Catherine, who
      had the idea that, as she had been given in marriage by her father to
      Jerome, as she had lived for seven years as his wife, and as she had borne
      a child to him, she was really his wife, and bound to remain with him in
      his misfortunes! The royal family of Wurtemberg, however, following the
      illustrious example of that of Austria, looked on her past life as a mere
      state of concubinage, useful to the family, and to be respected while her
      husband could retain his kingdom, but which should end the moment there
      was nothing more to be gained from Napoleon or his brother. It was all
      proper and decorous to retain the title of King of Wurtemberg, which the
      former Duke and then Elector had owed to the exile of St. Helena, but King
      Frederick, and still less his son William, who succeeded him in 1816,
      could not comprehend Catherine's clinging to her husband when he had lost
      his kingdom. "I was a Queen; I am still a wife and mother," wrote the
      Princess to her disgusted father. Another complaint against this
      extraordinary Princess was that she actually saw Las Cases on his return
      from St. Helena, and thus obtained news of the exile.
    </p>
    <p>
      After constant ill treatment Jerome and his wife, as the Count and
      Countess of Montfort, a rank the King of Wurtemberg afterwards raised to
      Prince, were allowed to proceed to Hainburg near Vienna, then to Florence,
      and, later to Trieste, where Jerome was when his sister Elisa died. In
      1823 they were permitted to go to Rome, and in 1835 they went to Lausanne,
      where his true-hearted wife died the same year. Jerome went to Florence,
      and lived to see the revival of the Empire, and to once more enjoy the
      rank of a French Prince. He died in 1860 at the chateau of Villegenis in
      France, and was buried in the Invalides.
    </p>
    <p>
      The mother of the Emperor, Letitia, in 1814, had retained her title of
      Imperatrice Mere, and had retired to Rome. She then went to Elba in June,
      and stayed there with her daughter Pauline until Napoleon had sailed for
      France. On 2d March 1814 she went from Elba to San Vicenzo near Leghorn,
      and then to Rome. Her son sent a frigate for her, the 'Melpomene', which
      was captured by the English 'Rivoli'; another vessel, the 'Dryade',
      brought her to France, and she joined Napoleon in Paris. We must have a
      regard for this simple old lady, who was always careful and saving, only
      half believing in the stability of the Empire; and, like a true mother,
      always most attentive to the most unfortunate of her children. Her life
      had been full of startling changes; and it must have been strange for the
      woman who had been hunted out of Corsica, flying from her house just in
      time to save her life from the adherents of Paoli, to find herself in
      grandeur in Paris. She saw her son just before he left, as she thought,
      for America, and then retired to the Rinuccini&mdash;now the
      Bonaparte-Palace at Rome, where she died in 1836. She had been anxious to
      join Napoleon at St. Helena, and had refused, as long as Napoleon was
      alive, to forgive her daughter Caroline, the wife of Murat, for her
      abandonment of her brother. She was buried at Albano.
    </p>
    <p>
      Letitia's youngest daughter, the beautiful but frail Pauline, Duchess of
      Guastalla, married first to General Leclerc, and then to Prince Camille
      Borgelle, was at Nice when her brother abdicated in 1814. She retired with
      her mother to Rome, and in October 1814 went to Elba, staying there till
      Napoleon left, except when she was sent to Naples with a message of
      forgiveness for Murat. There was a characteristic scene between her and
      Colonel Campbell when the English Commissioner arrived to find Napoleon
      gone. Pauline professed ignorance till the last of her brother's
      intentions, and pressed the Colonel's hand to her heart that he might feel
      how agitated she was. "She did not appear to be so," says the battered old
      Colonel, who seems to have been proof against her charms. She then went to
      Rome, and later to Pisa. Her health was failing, and, unable to join her
      brother in France, she sent him her only means of assistance, her jewels,
      which were captured at Waterloo. Her offer to go to St. Helena, repeated
      several times, was never accepted by Napoleon. She died in 1825 at
      Florence, from consumption, reconciled to her husband, from whom she had
      been separated since 1807. She was buried at Sta Maria Maggiore, Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      Elisa, the eldest sister of Napoleon, the former Grand Duchess of Tuscany,
      which Duchy she had ruled well, being a woman of considerable talent, was
      the first of all to die. In 1814 she had been forced to fly from her
      Government, and, accompanied by her husband, she had attempted to reach
      France. Finding herself cut off by the Austrians; she took shelter with
      Augereau's army, and then returned to Italy. She took the title of
      Comtesse de Campignana, and retired to Trieste, near which town, at the
      Chateau of Sant Andrea, under a wearisome surveillance, she expired in
      1820, watched by her husband, Felix Baeciocchi, and her sister Caroline.
      Her monument is in the Bacciocchi Chapel in San Petronio, Bologna.
    </p>
    <p>
      Caroline, the wife of Murat, was the only one of the family untrue to
      Napoleon. Very ambitious, and forgetting how completely she owed her
      Kingdom of Naples to her brother, she had urged Murat in 1814 to separate
      from Napoleon, and, still worse, to attack Eugène, who held the north of
      Italy against the Austrians. She relied on the formal treaty with Austria
      that Murat should retain his Kingdom of Naples, and she may also have
      trusted to the good offices of her former admirer Metternich. When the
      Congress of Vienna met, the French Minister, Talleyrand, at once began to
      press for the removal of Murat. A trifling treaty was not considered an
      obstacle to the Heaven-sent deliverers of Europe, and Murat, believing his
      fate sealed, hearing of Napoleon's landing, and urged on by a misleading
      letter from Joseph Bonaparte, at once marched to attack the Austrians. He
      was easily routed by the Austrians under Neipperg, the future husband of
      Maria Louisa. Murat fled to France, and Caroline first took refuge in an
      English man-of-war, the 'Tremendous', being, promised a free passage to
      England. She was, however, handed over to the Austrians; who kept her in
      confinement at Hainburg near Vienna. In October 1815 Murat landed in
      Calabria in a last wild attempt to recover his throne. He was arrested and
      immediately shot. After his murder Caroline, taking the title of Countess
      of Lipona (an anagram of Napoli), was permitted to retire to Trieste with
      Elisa, Jerome, and his wife. Caroline was almost without means of
      existence, the Neapolitan Bourbons refusing even to give up the property
      she had brought there. She married a General Macdonald. When Hortense was
      buried at Rueil Caroline obtained permission to attend the sad ceremony.
      In 1838 she went to France to try to obtain a pension, and succeeded in
      getting one of 100,000 francs. She died from cancer in the stomach in
      1839, and was buried in the Campo Santo, Bologna.
    </p>
    <p>
      Cardinal Fesch, the half-uncle of Napoleon, the Archbishop of Lyons, who
      had fallen into disgrace with Napoleon for taking the side of the Pope and
      refusing to accept the see of Paris, to which he was nominated by
      Napoleon, had retired to Rome in 1814, where he remained till the return
      of Napoleon, when he went to Paris, and accepted a peerage. After Waterloo
      he again sought the protection of the Pope, and he remained at Rome till
      his death in 1839, a few days before Caroline Bonaparte's. He was buried
      in S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Rome. He had for years been a great collector of
      pictures, of which he left a large number (1200) to the town of Ajaccio.
      The Cardinal, buying at the right time when few men had either enough
      leisure or money to think of pictures, got together a most valuable
      collection. This was sold in 1843-44 at Rome. Its contents now form some
      of the greatest treasures in the galleries of Dudley House and of the
      Marquis of Hertford, now Sir Richard Wallace's. In a large collection
      there are generally some daubs, but it is an amusing instance of party
      spirit to find the value of his pictures run down by men who are unwilling
      to allow any one connected with Napoleon to have even taste in art. He
      always refused the demands of the Restoration that he should resign his
      see of Lyons, though under Louis Philippe he offered to do so, and leave
      his pictures to France, if the Bonaparte family were allowed to enter
      France: this was refused.
    </p>
    <p>
      It can hardly be denied that the fate of the Bonapartes was a hard one.
      Napoleon had been undisputed sovereign of France for fourteen years, Louis
      had been King of Holland for four years, Jerome was King of Westphalia for
      six years, Caroline was Queen of Naples for seven years. If Napoleon had
      forfeited all his rights by leaving Elba after the conditions of his
      abdication had been broken by the Allies, still there was no reason why
      the terms stipulated for the other members of the family should not have
      been carried out, or at least an ordinary income insured to them. With all
      Napoleon's faults he was always ready to shower wealth on the victims of
      his policy:&mdash;The sovereigns of the Continent had courted and
      intermarried with the Bonapartes in the fame of that family's grandeur:
      there was neither generosity nor wisdom in treating them as so many
      criminals the moment fortune had declared against them. The conduct of the
      Allies was not influenced simply by the principle of legitimacy, for the
      King of Saxony only kept his throne by the monarchs falling out over the
      spoil. If sovereigns were to be respected as of divine appointment, it was
      not well to make their existence only depend on the fate of war.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nothing in the history of the Cent Jours is more strange than the small
      part played in it by the Marshals, the very men who are so identified in
      our minds with the Emperor, that we might have expected to find that
      brilliant band playing a most prominent part in his last great struggle,
      no longer for mere victory, but for very existence. In recording how the
      Guard came up the fatal hill at Waterloo for their last combat, it would
      seem but natural to have to give a long roll of the old historic names as
      leading or at least accompanying them; and the reader is apt to ask, where
      were the men whose very titles recalled such glorious battle-fields, such
      achievements, and such rewards showered down by the man who, almost alone
      at the end of the day, rode forward to invite that death from which it was
      such cruel kindness to save him?
    </p>
    <p>
      Only three Marshals were in Belgium in 1815, and even of them one did but
      count his promotion from that very year, so it is but natural for French
      writers to dream of what might have been the course of the battle if
      Murat's plume had waved with the cavalry, if Mortier had been with the
      Guard, and if Davoust or one of his tried brethren had taken the place of
      Grouchy. There is, however, little real ground for surprise at this
      absence of the Marshals. Death, time, and hardships had all done their
      work amongst that grand array of commanders. Some were old men, veterans
      of the Revolutionary wars, when first created Marshals in 1804; others,
      such as Massena, were now but the wreck of themselves; and even before
      1812 Napoleon had been struck with the failing energy of some of his
      original companions: indeed, it might have been better for him if he had
      in 1813, as he half resolved, cast away his dislike to new faces, and
      fought his last desperate campaigns with younger men who still had
      fortunes to win, leaving "Berthier to hunt at Grosbois," and the other
      Marshals to enjoy their well-deserved rest in their splendid hotels at
      Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      Davoust, Duke of Auerstadt, Prince of Eckmuhl, whose name should be
      properly spelt Davout, was one of the principal personages at the end of
      the Cent Jours. Strict and severe, having his corps always in good order,
      and displaying more character than most of the military men under
      Napoleon, one is apt to believe that the conqueror at Auerstadt bade fair
      to be the most prominent of all the Marshals. In 1814 he had returned from
      defending Hamburg to find himself under a cloud of accusations, and the
      Bourbons ungenerously and unwisely left him undefended for acts which they
      must have known were part of his duty as governor of a besieged place. At
      the time he was attacked as if his first duty was not to hold the place
      for France, but to organise a system of outdoor relief for the
      neighbouring population, and to surrender as soon as he had exhausted the
      money in the Government chest and the provisions in the Government stores.
      Sore and discontented, practically proscribed, still Davoust would not
      join in the too hasty enterprise of the brothers Lallemand, who wished him
      to lead the military rising on the approach of Napoleon; but he was with
      the Emperor on the day after his arrival in Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      Davoust might have expected high command in the army, but, to his
      annoyance, Napoleon fixed on him as War Minister. For several years the
      War Minister had been little more than a clerk, and neither had nor was
      expected to have much influence with the army. Napoleon now wanted a man
      of tried devotion, and of stern enough character to overawe the capital
      and the restless spirits in the army. Much against his will Davoust was
      therefore forced to content himself with the organisation of the forces
      being hastily raised, but he chafed in his position; and it is
      characteristic of him that Napoleon was eventually forced to send him the
      most formal orders before the surly Minister would carry out the Emperor's
      unlucky intention of giving a command to Bourmont, whom Davoust strongly
      and rightly suspected of treachery. When Napoleon left the capital Davoust
      became its governor, and held his post unmoved by the intrigues of the
      Republicans and the Royalists. When Napoleon returned from the great
      disaster Davoust gave his voice for the only wise policy,&mdash;resistance
      and the prorogation of the factious Chambers. On the abdication of
      Napoleon the Provisional Government necessarily gave Davoust the command
      of the army which was concentrated round Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      If Davoust had restricted himself less closely to his duty as a soldier,
      if he had taken more on himself, with the 100,000 men he soon had under
      him, he might have saved France from much of her subsequent humiliation,
      or at least he might have preserved the lives of Ney and of the brave men
      whom the Bourbons afterwards butchered. Outwitted by Fouché, and unwilling
      to face the hostility of the Chambers, Davoust at last consented to the
      capitulation of Paris, though he first gave the Prussian cavalry a sharp
      lesson. While many of his comrades were engaged in the great struggle for
      favour or safety, the stern Marshal gave up his Ministry, and, doing the
      last service in his power to France, stopped all further useless bloodshed
      by withdrawing the army, no easy task in their then humour, behind the
      Loire, where he kept what the Royalists called the "Brigands of the Loire"
      in subjection till relieved by Macdonald. He was the only one of the
      younger Marshals who had not been tried in Spain, and so far he was
      fortunate; but, though he was not popular with the army, his character and
      services seem to point him out as the most fit of all the Marshals for an
      independent command. Had Napoleon been successful in 1812, Davoust was to
      have received the Viceroyalty of Poland; and he would probably have left a
      higher name in history than the other men placed by Napoleon to rule over
      his outlying kingdoms. In any case it was fortunate for France and for the
      Allies that a man of his character ruled the army after Napoleon
      abdicated; there would otherwise have been wild work round Paris, as it
      was only with the greatest difficulty and by the force of his authority
      and example that Davoust succeeded in getting the army to withdraw from
      the capital, and to gradually adopt the white cockade. When superseded by
      Macdonald he had done a work no other man could have accomplished. He
      protested against the proscription, but it was too late; his power had
      departed. In 1819 he was forgiven for his services to France, and was made
      a peer, but he died in 1823, only fifty-three years old.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the Marshals who gave an active support to Napoleon Ney takes the
      leading part in most eyes; if it were only for his fate, which is too well
      known for much to be said here concerning it. In 1815 Ney was commanding
      in Franche-Comte, and was called up to Paris and ordered to go to Besancon
      to march so as to take Napoleon in flank. He started off, not improbably
      using the rough brags afterwards attributed to him as most grievous sins,
      such as that "he would bring back Napoleon in an iron cage." It had been
      intended to have sent the Duc de Berry, the second son of the Comte
      d'Artois, with Ney; and it was most unfortunate for the Marshal that this
      was not done. There can be no possible doubt that Ney spoke and acted in
      good faith when he left Paris. One point alone seems decisive of this. Ney
      found under him in command, as General of Division, Bourmont, an officer
      of well-known Royalist opinions, who had at one time served with the
      Vendean insurgents, and who afterwards deserted Napoleon just before
      Waterloo, although he had entreated to be employed in the campaign. Not
      only did Ney leave Bourmont in command, but, requiring another Divisional
      General, instead of selecting a Bonapartist, he urged Lecourbe to leave
      his retirement and join him. Now, though Lecourbe was a distinguished
      General, specially famed for mountain warfare&mdash;witness his services
      in 1799 among the Alps above Lucerne&mdash;he had been long left
      unemployed by Napoleon on account of his strong Republican opinions and
      his sympathy with Moreau. These two Generals, Bourmont and Lecourbe, the
      two arms of Ney as commander, through whom alone he could communicate with
      the troops, he not only kept with him, but consulted to the last, before
      he declared for Napoleon. This would have been too dangerous a thing for a
      tricky politician to have attempted as a blind, but Ney was well known to
      be only too frank and impulsive. Had the Duc de Berry gone with him, had
      Ney carried with him such a gage of the intention of the Bourbons to
      defend their throne, it is probable that he would have behaved like
      Macdonald; and it is certain that he would have had no better success. The
      Bonapartists themselves dreaded what they called the wrong-headedness of
      Ney. It was, however, thought better to keep the Duc de Berry in safety.
    </p>
    <p>
      Ney found himself put forward singly, as it were, to oppose the man whom
      all France was joining; he found, as did every officer sent on a similar
      mission, that the soldiers were simply waiting to meet Napoleon; and while
      the Princes sought security, while the soldiers plotted against their
      leaders, came the calls of the Emperor in the old trumpet tone. The eagle
      was to fly&mdash;nay, it was flying from tower to tower, and victory was
      advancing with a rush. Was Ney to be the one man to shoot down his old
      leader? could he, as he asked, stop the sea with his hands? On his trial
      his subordinate, Bourmont, who had by that time shown his devotion to the
      Bourbons by sacrificing his military honour, and deserting to the Allies,
      was asked whether Ney could have got the soldiers to act against the
      Emperor. He could only suggest that if Ney had taken a musket and himself
      charged, the men would have followed his example. "Still," said Bourmont,
      "I would not dare to affirm that he (the Marshal) would have won." And who
      was Ney to charge? We know how Napoleon approached the forces sent to
      oppose him: he showed himself alone in the front of his own troops. Was
      Ney to deliberately kill his old commander? was any general ever expected
      to undergo such a test? and can it be believed that the soldiers who
      carried off the reluctant Oudinot and chased the flying Macdonald, had
      such a reverence for the "Rougeot," as they called him, that they would
      have stood by while he committed this murder? The whole idea is absurd: as
      Ney himself said at his trial, they would have "pulverized" him.
      Undoubtedly the honourable course for Ney would have been to have left his
      corps when he lost control over them; but to urge, as was done afterwards,
      that he had acted on a preconceived scheme, and that his example had such
      weight, was only malicious falsehood. The Emperor himself knew well how
      little he owed to the free will of his Marshal, and he soon had to send
      him from Paris, as Ney, sore at heart, and discontented with himself and
      with both sides, uttered his mind with his usual freedom. Ney was first
      ordered to inspect the frontier from Dunkirk to Bale, and was then allowed
      to go to his home. He kept so aloof from Napoleon that when he appeared on
      the Champ de Mai the Emperor affected surprise, saying that he thought Ney
      had emigrated. At the last moment Marshal Mortier fell ill. Ney had
      already been sent for. He hurried up, buying Mortier's horses (presumably
      the ill-fated animals who died under him at Waterloo), and reached the
      army just in time to be given the command of the left wing.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been well remarked that the very qualities which made Ney
      invaluable for defence or for the service of a rear-guard weighed against
      him in such a combat as Quatre Bras. Splendid as a corps leader, he had
      not the commander's eye to embrace the field and surmise the strength of
      the enemy at a glance. At Bautzen in 1818 his staff had been unable to
      prevent him from leaving the route which would have brought him on the
      very rear of the enemy, because seeing the foe, and unable to resist the
      desire of returning their fire, he turned off to engage immediately. At
      Quatre Bras, not seeing the force he was engaged with, believing he had
      the whole English army on his hands from the first, he let himself at the
      beginning of the day be imposed upon by a mere screen of troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      We cannot here go into Ney's behaviour at Waterloo except to point out
      that too little importance is generally given to the fact of the English
      cavalry having, in a happy moment, fallen on and destroyed the artillery
      which was being brought up to sweep the English squares at close quarters.
      At Waterloo, as in so many other combats, the account of Ney's behaviour
      more resembles that of a Homeric hero than of a modern general. To the
      ideal commander of to-day, watching the fight at a distance, calmly
      weighing its course, undisturbed except by distant random shots, it is
      strange to compare Ney staggering through the gate of Konigsberg all
      covered with blood; smoke and snow, musket in hand, announcing himself as
      the rear-guard of France, or appearing, a second Achilles, on the ramparts
      of Smolensko to encourage the yielding troops on the glacis, or amidst the
      flying troops at Waterloo, with uncovered head and broken sword, black
      with powder, on foot, his fifth horse killed under him, knowing that life,
      honour, and country were lost, still hoping against hope and attempting
      one more last desperate rally. If he had died&mdash;ah! if he had died
      there&mdash;what a glorious tomb might have risen, glorious for France as
      well as for him, with the simple inscription, "The Bravest of the Brave."
    </p>
    <p>
      Early on the 19th June a small band of officers retreating from the field
      found Ney asleep at Marchiennes, "the first repose he had had for four
      days," and they did not disturb him for orders. "And indeed what order
      could Marshal Ney have given?" The disaster of the day, the overwhelming
      horror of the flight of the beaten army, simply crushed Ney morally as
      well as physically. Rising in the Chambers he denounced all attempt at
      further resistance. He did not know, he would not believe, that Grouchy
      was safe, and that the army was fast rallying. Fresh from the field, with
      all its traces on him, the authority of Ney was too great for the
      Government. Frightened friends, plotting Royalists, echoed the wild words
      of Ney brave only against physical dangers. Instead of dying on the
      battle-field, he had lived to ensure the return of the Bourbons, the fall
      of Bonaparte, his own death, and the ruin of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before his exception from the amnesty was known Ney left Paris on the 6th
      of July, and went into the country with but little attempt at concealment,
      and with formal passports from Fouché. The capitulation of Paris seemed to
      cover him, and he was so little aware of the thirst of the Royalists for
      his blood that he let his presence be known by leaving about a splendid
      sabre presented to him by the Emperor on his marriage, and recognised by
      mere report by an old soldier as belonging to Ney or Murat; and Ney
      himself let into the house the party sent to arrest him on the 5th of
      August, and actually refused the offer of Excelmans, through whose troops
      he passed, to set him free. No one at the time, except the wretched
      refugees of Ghent, could have suspected, after the capitulation, that
      there was any special danger for Ney, and it is very difficult to see on
      what principle the Bourbons chose their victims or intended victims.
      Drouot, for example, had never served Louis XVIII., he had never worn the
      white cockade, he had left France with Napoleon for Elba, and had served
      the Emperor there. In 1815 he had fought under his own sovereign. After
      Waterloo he had exerted all his great influence, the greater from his
      position, to induce the Guard to retire behind the Loire, and to submit to
      the Bourbons. It was because Davoust so needed him that Drouot remained
      with the army. Stilt Drouot was selected for death, but the evidence of
      his position was too strong to enable the Court to condemn him. Cambronne,
      another selection, had also gone with Napoleon to Elba. Savory, another
      selection, had, as was eventually acknowledged, only joined Napoleon when
      he was in full possession of the reins of Government. Bertrand, who was
      condemned while at St. Helena, was in the same position as Drouot. In
      fact, if any one were to draw up a list of probable proscriptions and
      compare it with those of the 24th of July 1815, there would probably be
      few names common to both except Labedoyere, Mouton Duvernet, etc. The
      truth is that the Bourbons, and, to do them justice, still more the
      rancorous band of mediocrities who surrounded them, thirsted for blood.
      Even they could feel the full ignominy of the flight to Ghent.
    </p>
    <p>
      While they had been chanting the glories of the Restoration, the devotion
      of the people, the valour of the Princes, Napoleon had landed, the
      Restoration had vanished like a bad dream, and the Princes were the first
      to lead the way to the frontier. To protest that there had been a
      conspiracy, and that the conspirators must suffer, was the only possible
      cloak for the shame of the Royalists, who could not see that the only
      conspiracy was the universal one of the nation against the miserable men
      who knew not how to govern a high-spirited people.
    </p>
    <p>
      Ney, arrested on the 5th of August, was first brought before a Military
      Court on the 9th of November composed of Marshal Jourdan (President),
      Marshals Massena, Augereau, and Mortier, Lieutenants-General Gazan,
      Claparede, and Vilatte (members). Moncey had refused to sit, and Massena
      urged to the Court his own quarrels with Ney in Spain to get rid of the
      task, but was forced to remain. Defended by both the Berryers, Ney
      unfortunately denied the jurisdiction of the court-martial over him as a
      peer. In all probability the Military Court would have acquitted him. Too
      glad at the moment to be free from the trial of their old comrade, not
      understanding the danger of the proceeding, the Court, by a majority of
      five against two, declared themselves non-competent, and on the 21st of
      November Ney was sent before the Chamber of Peers, which condemned him on
      the 6th of December.
    </p>
    <p>
      To beg the life of his brave adversary would have been such an obvious act
      of generosity on the part of the Duke of Wellington that we maybe pardoned
      for examining his reasons for not interfering. First, the Duke seems to
      have laid weight on the fact that if Ney had believed the capitulation had
      covered him he would not have hidden. Now, even before Ney knew of his
      exception from the amnesty, to appear in Paris would have been a foolish
      piece of bravado. Further, the Royalist reaction was in full vigour, and
      when the Royalist mobs, with the connivance of the authorities, were
      murdering Marshal Brune and attacking any prominent adherents of Napoleon,
      it was hardly the time for Ney to travel in full pomp. It cannot be said
      that, apart from the capitulation, the Duke had no responsibility.
      Generally a Government executing a prisoner, may, with some force, if
      rather brutally, urge that the fact of their being able to try and execute
      him in itself shows their authority to do so. The Bourbons could not even
      use this argument. If the Allies had evacuated France Louis le Desiree
      would have ordered his carriage and have been at the frontier before they
      had reached it. If Frenchmen actually fired the shots which killed Ney,
      the Allies at least shared the responsibility with the French Government.
      Lastly, it would seem that the Duke would have asked for the life of Ney
      if the King, clever at such small artifices, had not purposely affected a
      temporary coldness to him. Few men would have been so deterred from asking
      for the life of a dog. The fact is, the Duke of Wellington was a great
      general, he was a single-hearted and patriotic statesman, he had a
      thousand virtues, but he was never generous. It cannot be said that he
      simply shared the feelings of his army, for there was preparation among
      some of his officers to enable Ney to escape, and Ney had to be guarded by
      men of good position disguised in the uniform of privates. Ney had written
      to his wife when he joined Napoleon, thinking of the little vexations the
      Royalists loved to inflict on the men who had conquered the Continent.
      "You will no longer weep when you leave the Tuileries." The unfortunate
      lady wept now as she vainly sought some mercy for her husband. Arrested on
      the 5th of August, sentenced on the 6th of December, Ney was shot on the
      7th of December, and the very manner of his execution shows that, in
      taking his life there was much more of revenge than of justice.
    </p>
    <p>
      If Ney were to be shot, it is obvious that it should have been as a high
      act of justice. If neither the rank nor the services of the criminal were
      to save him, his death could not be too formal, too solemn, too public.
      Even an ordinary military execution is always carried out with grave and
      striking forms: there is a grand parade of the troops, that all may see
      with their own eyes the last act of the law. After the execution the
      troops defile past the body, that all may see the criminal actually dead:
      There was nothing of all this in the execution of Ney. A few chance
      passers, in the early morning of the 7th of December 1815, saw a small
      body of troops waiting by the wall of the garden of the Luxemburg. A
      fiacre drove up, out of which got Marshal Ney in plain clothes, himself
      surprised by the everyday aspect of the place. Then, when the officer of
      the firing party (for such the spectators now knew it to be) saw whom it
      was he was to fire on, he became, it is said, perfectly petrified; and a
      peer, one of the judges of Ney, the Duke de la Force, took his place. Ney
      fell at the first volley with six balls in his breast, three in the head
      and neck, and one in the arm, and in a quarter of an hour the body was
      removed; "plain Michel Ney" as he had said to the secretary enunciating
      his title in reading his sentence, "plain Michel Ney, soon to be a little
      dust."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Communists caught red-handed in the streets of Paris in 1870 died with
      hardly less formality than was observed at the death-scene of the Prince
      of the Moskowa and Duke of Elchingen, and the truth then became plain. The
      Bourbons could not, dared not, attempt to carry out the sentence of the
      law with the forms of the law. The Government did not venture to let the
      troops or the people face the Marshal. The forms of the law could not be
      carried out, the demands of revenge could be. And if this be thought any
      exaggeration, the proof of the ill effects of this murder, for its form
      makes it difficult to call it anything else, is ready to our hands. It was
      impossible to get the public to believe that Ney had really been killed in
      this manner, and nearly to this day we have had fresh stories recurring of
      the real Ney being discovered in America. The deed, however, had really
      been done. The Marshals now knew that when the Princes fled they
      themselves must remain to die for the Royal cause; and Louis had at last
      succeeded in preventing his return to his kingdom amongst the baggage
      waggons of the Allies from being considered as a mere subject for jeers.
      One detail of the execution of Ney, however, we are told nothing of: we do
      not know if his widow, like Madame Labedoyere, had to pay three francs a
      head to the soldiers of the firing party which shot her husband. Whatever
      were the faults of the Bourbons, they at least carried out their
      executions economically.
    </p>
    <p>
      The statesmen of France, distinguished as they were, certainly did not
      rise to a level with the situation either in 1814 or in 1815. In 1814, it
      is true, they were almost stunned by the crash of the Empire, and little
      as they foresaw the restoration of the Bourbons, still less could they
      have anticipated the extraordinary follies which were to be perpetrated.
      In 1815 there was less excuse for their helplessness, and, overawed as
      they were by the mass of foes which was pouring on them to complete the
      disaster of Waterloo, still it is disappointing to find that there was no
      one to seize the helm of power, and, confronting the Allies, to stipulate
      proper terms for France, and for the brave men who had fought for her. The
      Steady Davoust was there with his 100,000 men to add weight to their
      language, and the total helplessness of the older line of the Bourbons had
      been too evidently displayed to make their return a certainty, so that
      there is no reason to doubt that a firm-hearted patriot might have saved
      France from much of the degradation and loss inflicted on her when once
      the Allies had again got her at their mercy. At-the least the Bourbons
      might have been deprived of the revenge they sought for in taking some of
      the best blood of France. Better for Ney and his comrades to have fallen
      in a last struggle before Paris than to be shot by Frenchmen emboldened by
      the presence of foreign troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      Talleyrand, the most prominent figure among the statesmen, was away. His
      absence at Vienna during the first Restoration was undoubtedly the cause
      of many of the errors then committed. His ability as displayed under
      Napoleon has been much exaggerated, for, as the Duke of Wellington said,
      it was easy enough to be Foreign Minister to a Government in military
      possession of Europe, but at least he was above the petty trivialities and
      absurdities of the Bourbon' Court. On the receipt of the news of the
      landing of Napoleon he really seems to have believed that the enterprise
      would immediately end in disaster, and he pressed on the outlawing of the
      man who had overwhelmed him with riches, and who had, at the worst, left
      him when in disgrace in quiet possession of all his ill-gotten wealth.
      But, as the power of Napoleon became more and more displayed, as perhaps
      Talleyrand found that the Austrians were not quite so firm as they wished
      to be considered, and as he foresaw the possible chances of the Orleans
      family, he became rather lukewarm in his attention to the King, to whom he
      had recently been bewailing the hardships of his separation from his loved
      monarch. He suddenly found that, after a Congress, the first duty of a
      diplomatist was to look after his liver, and Carlsbad offered an agreeable
      retreat where he could wait till he might congratulate the winner in the
      struggle.
    </p>
    <p>
      Louis deeply resented this conduct of his Foreign Minister, and when
      Talleyrand at last joined him with all his doubts resolved, the King took
      the first opportunity of dismissing him, leaving the calm Talleyrand for
      once stuttering with rage. Louis soon, however, found that he was not the
      free agent he believed. The Allies did not want to have to again replace
      their puppet on the throne, and they looked on Talleyrand and Fouché as
      the two necessary men. Talleyrand was reinstated immediately, and remained
      for some time at the head of the Ministry. He was, however, not the man
      for Parliamentary Government, being too careless in business, and trying
      to gain his ends more by clever tricks than straightforward measures. As
      for the state into which he let the Government fall, it was happily
      characterised by M. Beugnot. "Until now," said he, "we have only known
      three sorts of governments&mdash;the Monarchical, the Aristocratic, and
      the Republican. Now we have invented a new one, which has never been heard
      of before,&mdash;Paternal Anarchy."
    </p>
    <p>
      In September 1815 the elections to the Chamber were bringing in deputies
      more Royalist than the King, and Talleyrand sought to gain popularity by
      throwing over Fouché. To his horror it appeared that, well contented with
      this step, the deputies next asked when the former Bishop was to be
      dismissed. Taking advantage of what Talleyrand conceived to be a happy way
      of eliciting a strong expression of royal support by threatening to
      resign, the King replaced him by the Duc de Richelieu. It was well to cut
      jokes at the Duke and say that he was the man in France who knew most of
      the Crimea (the Duke had been long in the Russian service, with the
      approval of Napoleon), but Talleyrand was overwhelmed. He received the
      same office at Court which he had held under Napoleon, Grand Chamberlain,
      and afterwards remained a sardonic spectator of events, a not unimposing
      figure attending at the Court ceremonials and at the heavy dinners of the
      King, and probably lending a helping hand in 1830 to oust Charles X. from
      the throne. The Monarchy of July sent him as Ambassador to England, where
      he mixed in local politics, for example, plotting against Lord Palmerston,
      whose brusque manners he disliked; and in 1838 he ended his strange life
      with some dignity, having, as one of his eulogists puts it, been faithful
      to every Government he had served as long as it was possible to save them.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the darker side of Talleyrand's character we have nothing to do here;
      it is sufficient for our purposes to say that the part the leading
      statesman of France took during the Cent Jours was simply nil. In 1814, he
      had let the reins slip through his hands; 1815 he could only follow the
      King, who even refused to adopt his advice as to the proper way in which
      to return to France, and though he once more became Chief Minister,
      Talleyrand, like Louis XVIII., owed his restoration in 1815 solely to the
      Allies.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Comte d'Artois, the brother of the King, and later King himself as
      Charles X., was sent to Lyons, to which place the Duc d'Orleans followed
      him, and where the two Princes met Marshal Macdonald. The Marshal did all
      that man could do to keep the soldiers true to the Bourbons, but he had to
      advise the Princes to return to Paris, and he himself had to fly for his
      life when he attempted to stop Napoleon in person. The Duc d'Orleans was
      then sent to the north to hold Lille, where the King intended to take
      refuge, and the Comte d'Artois remained with the Court.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Court was very badly off for money, the King, and Clarke, Duke of
      Feltre, the War Minister, were the only happy possessors of carriages.
      They passed their time, as the Abbe Louis once bitterly remarked, in
      saying foolish things till they had a chance of doing them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Comte d'Artois, who, probably wisely, certainly cautiously, had
      refused to go with De Vitrolles to stir up the south until he had placed
      the King in safety, had ended by going to Ghent too, while the Duc de
      Berry was at Alost, close by, with a tiny army composed of the remains of
      the Maison du Roi, of which the most was made in reports. The Duc
      d'Orleans, always an object of suspicion to the King, had left France with
      the Royal party, but had refused to stay in Belgium, as he alleged that it
      was an enemy's country. He crossed to England where he remained, greatly
      adding to the anxiety of Louis by refusing to join him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The end of these Princes is well known. Louis died in 1824, leaving his
      throne to his brother; but Charles only held it till 1830, when after the
      rising called "the three glorious days of July," he was civilly escorted
      from France, and took shelter in England. The Duc Angouleme died without
      issue. The Duc de Berry was assassinated in 1820, but his widow gave birth
      to a posthumous son the Duc de Bordeaux, or, to fervid Royalists, Henri
      V., though better known to us as the Comte de Chambord, who died in 1883
      without issue, thus ending the then eldest line of Bourbons, and
      transmitting his claims to the Orleans family. On the fall of Charles X.
      the Duc d'Orleans became King of the French, but he was unseated by the
      Revolution of 1848, and died a refugee in England. As the three Princes of
      the House of Condé, the Prince de Condé, his son, the Duc de Bourbon, and
      his: grandson, the Duc d'Enghien, all died without further male issue,
      that noble line is extinct.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the news of the escape of Napoleon from Elba reached Vienna on the
      7th of March 1815, the three heads of the Allies, the Emperors of Austria
      and Russia, and the King of Prussia, were still there. Though it was said
      that the Congress danced but did not advance, still a great deal of work
      had really been done, and the news of Napoleon's landing created a fresh
      bond of union between the Allies which stopped all further chances of
      disunion, and enabled them to practically complete their work by the 9th
      of June 1815, though the treaties required cobbling for some years
      afterwards.
    </p>
    <p>
      France, Austria, and England had snatched the greater part of Saxony from
      the jaws of Prussia, and Alexander had been forced to leave the King of
      Saxony to reign over half of his former subjects, without, as he wished,
      sparing him the pain of such a degradation by taking all from him. Russia
      had to be contented with a large increase of her Polish dominions, getting
      most of the Grand-Duchy of Westphalia. Austria had, probably unwisely,
      withdrawn from her former outlying provinces in Swabia and the
      Netherlands, which had before the Revolution made her necessarily the
      guardian of Europe against France, preferring to take her gains in Italy,
      gains which she has gradually lost in our days; while Prussia, by
      accepting the Rhine provinces, completely stepped into the former post of
      Austria. Indeed, from the way in which Prussia was, after 1815, as it
      were, scattered across Germany, it was evident that her fate must be
      either to be crushed by France, or else, by annexing the states enclosed
      in her dominions, to become the predominating power in Germany. It was
      impossible for her to remain as she was left.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Allies tightly bound France. They had no desire to have again to march
      on Paris to restore Louis to the subjects who had such unfortunate
      objections to being subjected to that desirable monarch. By the second
      Treaty of Paris, on the 20th of November 1815, France was to be occupied
      by an Allied force, in military positions on the frontier, not to exceed
      150,000 men, to be taken from all the Allied armies, under a commander who
      was eventually the Duke of Wellington. Originally the occupation was not
      to exceed five years, but in February 1817 the army was reduced by 30,000
      men, one-fifth of each contingent; and by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle of
      9th October 1818, France was to-be evacuated by the 30th of November 1818.
    </p>
    <p>
      The three monarchs were probably not sorry to get the Congress over on any
      terms. Alexander had had his fill of displaying himself in the salons in
      his favourite part of an Agamemnon generous towards Troy, and he had worn
      out his first popularity. He was stung by finding some of his favourite
      plans boldly opposed by Talleyrand and by Metternich, and, indeed, was
      anxious to meet the last in open combat. Francis had required all the
      firmness of what he called his Bohemian head to resist the threats,
      entreaties, and cajoleries employed to get him to acquiesce in the
      dethronement of the King of Saxony, and the wiping out of the Saxon
      nationality by the very alliance which professed to fight only for the
      rights of nations and of their lawful sovereigns.
    </p>
    <p>
      All three monarchs had again the satisfaction of entering Paris, but
      without enjoying the full glories of 1814. "Our friends, the enemies" were
      not so popular then in France, and the spoliation of the Louvre was not
      pleasant even to the Royalists. The foreign monarchs soon returned to
      their own drained and impoverished States.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor Francis had afterwards a quiet reign to his death in 1835,
      having only to assist his Minister in snuffing out the occasional flashes
      of a love of freedom in Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Prussia returned in a triumph well won by his sturdy subjects,
      and, in the light of his new honours, the Countess Von Voss tells us he
      was really handsome. He was now at leisure to resume the discussions on
      uniform, and the work of fastening and unfastening the numerous buttons of
      his pantaloons, in which he had been so roughly interrupted by Jena. The
      first institution of the Zollverein, or commercial union with several
      States, gradually extended, was a measure which did much for the
      unification of Germany. With his brother sovereigns he revisited Paris at
      the end of the military occupation in 1818, remaining there longer than
      the others, "because," said the Parisians, "he had discovered an actor at
      a small theatre who achieved the feat of making him laugh." He died in
      1840. His Queen&mdash;heartbroken, it was said&mdash;had died in 1810.
    </p>
    <p>
      Alexander was still brimming over with the best and most benevolent
      intentions towards every one. The world was to be free, happy, and
      religious; but he had rather vague ideas as to how his plans were to be
      carried out. Thus it is characteristic that when his successor desired to
      have a solemn coronation as King of Poland it was found that Alexander had
      not foreseen the difficulties which were met with in trying to arrange for
      the coronation of a Sovereign of the Greek Church as King of a Roman
      Catholic State. The much-dreaded but very misty Holy Alliance was one of
      the few fruits of Alexander's visions. His mind is described as passing
      through a regular series of stages with each influence under which he
      acted. He ended his life, tired out, disillusioned, "deceived in
      everything, weighed down with regret;" obliged to crush the very hopes of
      his people he had encouraged, dying in 1825 at Taganrog, leaving his new
      Polish Kingdom to be wiped out by-his successors.
    </p>
    <p>
      The minor sovereigns require little mention. They retained any titles they
      had received from Napoleon, while they exulted, at being free from his
      heavy hand and sharp superintendence. Each got a share, small or great, of
      the spoil except the poor King of Denmark, who, being assured by Alexander
      on his departure that he carried away all hearts, answered, "Yes, but not
      any souls."
    </p>
    <p>
      The reintroduction of much that was bad in the old system (one country
      even going so far as to re-establish torture), the steady attack on
      liberty and on all liberal ideas, Wurtemberg being practically the only
      State which grumbled at the tightening of the reins so dear to Metternich,&mdash;all
      formed a fitting commentary on the proclamations by which the Sovereigns
      had hounded on their people against the man they represented as the one
      obstacle to the freedom and peace of Europe. In gloom and disenchantment
      the nations sat down to lick their wounds: The contempt shown by the
      monarchs for everything but the right of conquest, the manner in which
      they treated the lands won from Napoleon as a gigantic "pool" which was to
      be shared amongst them, so many souls to each; their total failure to
      fulfil their promises to their subjects of granting liberty,&mdash;all
      these slowly bore their fruits in after years, and their effects are not
      even yet exhausted. The right of a sovereign to hold his lands was now, by
      the public law of Europe, to be decided by his strength, The rights of the
      people were treated as not existing. Truly, as our most gifted poetess has
      sung&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
       "The Kings crept out&mdash;the peoples sat at home,
        And finding the long invocated peace
        (A pall embroidered with worn images
        Of rights divine) too scant to cover doom
        Such as they suffered, nursed the corn that grew
        Rankly to bitter bread, on Waterloo."
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2HCH0117" id="link2HCH0117">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
   &mdash;[This chapter; by the editor of the 1836 edition, is based upon
   the 'Memorial', and O'Meara's and Antommarchi's works.]&mdash;
</pre>

      1815-1821.

<pre xml:space="preserve">
   Voyage to St. Helena&mdash;Personal traits of the Emperor&mdash;Arrival at
   James Town&mdash;Napoleon's temporary residence at The Briars&mdash;Removal to
   Longwood&mdash;The daily routine there-The Campaign of Italy&mdash;The arrival
   of Sir Hudson Lowe&mdash;Unpleasant relations between the Emperor and the
   new Governor&mdash;Visitors at St. Helena&mdash;Captain Basil Hall's interview
   with Napoleon&mdash;Anecdotes of the Emperor&mdash;Departure of Las Cases and
   O'Meara&mdash;Arrivals from Europe&mdash;Physical habits of the Emperor&mdash;Dr.
   Antommarchi&mdash;The Emperor's toilet&mdash;Creation of a new bishopric&mdash;
   The Emperor's energy with the spade&mdash;His increasing illness&mdash;
   Last days of Napoleon&mdash;His Death&mdash;Lying in state&mdash;Military funeral&mdash;
   Marchand's account of the Emperor's last moments&mdash;Napoleon's last
   bequests&mdash;The Watch of Rivoli.
</pre>
    <p>
      The closing scenes in the life of the great Emperor only now remain to be
      briefly touched upon. In a previous chapter we have narrated the surrender
      of Napoleon, his voyage to England, and his transference from the
      Bellerophon to the Northumberland. The latter vessel was in great
      confusion from the short notice at which she had sailed, and for the two
      first days the crew was employed in restoring order. The space abaft the
      mizenmast contained a dining-room about ten feet broad, and extending the
      whole width of the ship, a saloon, and two cabins. The Emperor occupied
      the cabin on the left; in which his camp-bedstead had been put up; that on
      the right was appropriated to the Admiral. It was peremptorily enjoined
      that the saloon should be in common. The form of the dining-table
      resembled that of the dining-room. Napoleon sat with his back to the
      saloon; on his left sat Madame Bertrand, and on his right the Admiral,
      who, with Madame de Montholon, filled up one side of the table. Next that
      lady, but at the end of the table, was Captain Ross, who commanded the
      ship, and at the opposite end M. de Montholon; Madame Bertrand, and the
      Admiral's secretary. The side of the table facing the Emperor was occupied
      by the Grand-Marshal, the Colonel of the field Regiment, Las Cases, and
      Gourgaud. The Admiral invited one or two of the officers to dinner every
      day, and the band of the 53d, newly-formed, played during dinner-time.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of August the Northumberland cleared the Channel, and lost
      sight of land. The course of the ship was shaped to cross the Bay of
      Biscay and double Cape Finisterre. The wind was fair, though light, and
      the heat excessive. Napoleon breakfasted in his own cabin at irregular
      hours. He sent for one of his attendants every morning to know the
      distance run, the state of the wind, and other particulars connected with
      their progress. He read a great deal, dressed towards four o'clock, and
      then came into the public saloon; here he played at chess with one of the
      party; at five o'clock the Admiral announced that dinner was on the table.
      It is well known that Napoleon was scarcely ever more than fifteen minutes
      at dinner; here the two courses alone took up nearly an hour and a half.
      This was a serious annoyance to him, though his features and manner always
      evinced perfect equanimity. Neither the new system of cookery nor the
      quality of the dishes ever met with his censure. He was waited on by two
      valets, who stood behind his chair. At first the Admiral was in the habit
      of offering several dishes to the Emperor, but the acknowledgment of the
      latter was expressed so coldly that the practice was given up. The Admiral
      thenceforth only pointed out to the servants what was preferable. Napoleon
      was generally silent, as if unacquainted with the language, though it was
      French. If he spoke, it was to ask some technical or scientific question,
      or to address a few words to those whom the Admiral occasionally asked to
      dinner.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor rose immediately after coffee had been handed round, and went
      on deck, followed by the Grand-Marshal and Las Cases. This disconcerted
      Admiral Cockburn, who expressed his surprise to his officers; but Madame
      Bertrand, whose maternal language was English, replied with spirit, "Do
      not forget, sir, that your guest is a man who has governed a large portion
      of the world, and that kings once contended for the honour of being
      admitted to his table."&mdash;"Very true," rejoined the Admiral; and from
      that time he did his utmost to comply with Napoleon's habits. He shortened
      the time of sitting at table, ordering coffee for Napoleon and those who
      accompanied him even before the rest of the company had finished their
      dinner. The Emperor remained walking on deck till dark. On returning to
      the after-cabin he sat down to play vingt et un with some of his suite,
      and generally retired in about half an hour. On the morning of the 15th of
      August all his suite asked permission to be admitted to his presence. He
      was not aware of the cause of this visit; it was his birthday, which
      seemed to have altogether escaped his recollection.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the following day they doubled Cape Finisterre, and up to the 21st,
      passing off the Straits of Gibraltar, continued their course along the
      coast of Africa towards Madeira. Napoleon commonly remained in his cabin
      the whole morning, and from the extreme heat he wore a very slight dress.
      He could not sleep well, and frequently rose in the night. Reading was his
      chief occupation. He often sent for Count Las Cases to translate whatever
      related to St. Helena or the countries by which they were sailing.
      Napoleon used to start a subject of conversation; or revive that of some
      preceding day, and when he had taken eight or nine turns the whole length
      of the deck he would seat himself on the second gun from the gangway on
      the larboard side. The midshipmen soon observed this habitual
      predilection, so that the cannon was thenceforth called the Emperor's gun.
      It was here that Napoleon often conversed for hours together.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22d of August they came within sight of Madeira, and at night
      arrived off the port. They stopped for a day or two to take in provisions.
      Napoleon was indisposed. A sudden gale arose and the air was filled with
      small particles of sand and the suffocating exhalations from the deserts
      of Africa. On the evening of the 24th they got under weigh again, and
      progressed smoothly and rapidly. The Emperor added to his amusements a
      game at piquet. He was but an indifferent chess-player, and there was no
      very good one on board. He asked, jestingly, "How it was that he
      frequently beat those who beat better players than himself?" Vingt et un
      was given up, as they played too high at it; and Napoleon had a great
      aversion to gaming. One night a negro threw himself overboard to avoid a
      flogging, which occasioned a great noise and bustle. A young midshipman
      meeting Las Cases descending into the cabin, and thinking he was going to
      inform Napoleon, caught hold of his coat and in a tone of great concern
      exclaimed, "Ah sir, do not alarm the Emperor! Tell him the noise is owing
      to an accident!" In general the midshipmen behaved with marked respect and
      attention to Bonaparte, and often by signs or words directed the sailors
      to avoid incommoding him: He sometimes noticed this conduct, and remarked
      that youthful hearts were always prone to generous instincts.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of September they found themselves in the latitude of the Cape
      de Verd Islands. Everything now promised a prosperous passage, but the
      time hung heavily. Las Cases had undertaken to teach his son English, and
      the Emperor also expressed a wish to learn. He, however, soon grew tired
      and laid it aside, nor was it resumed until long afterwards. His manners
      and habits were always the same; he invariably appeared contented,
      patient, and good-humoured. The Admiral gradually laid aside his reserve,
      and took an interest in his great captive. He pointed out the danger
      incurred by coming on deck after dinner, owing to the damp of the evening:
      the Emperor, would then sometimes take his arm and prolong the
      conversation, talking sometimes on naval affairs, on the French resources
      in the south, and on the improvements he had contemplated in the ports and
      harbours of the Mediterranean, to all which the Admiral listened with deep
      attention.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile Napoleon observed that Las Cases was busily employed, and
      obtained a sight of his journal, with which he was not displeased. He,
      however, noticed that some of the military details and anecdotes gave but
      a meagre idea of the subject of war: This first led to the proposal of his
      writing his own Memoirs. At length the Emperor came to a determination,
      and on Saturday, the 9th of September he called his secretary into his
      cabin and dictated to him some particulars of the siege of Toulon. On
      approaching the line they fell in with the trade-winds, that blow here
      constantly from the east. On the 16th there was a considerable fall of
      rain, to the great joy of the sailors, who were in want of water. The rain
      began to fall heavily just as the Emperor had got upon deck to take his
      afternoon walk. But this did not disappoint him of his usual exercise; he
      merely called for his famous gray greatcoat, which the crew regarded with
      much interest.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23d of September they passed the line. This was a day of great
      merriment and disorder among the crew: it was the ceremony which the
      English sailors call the "christening." No one is spared; and the officers
      are generally more roughly handled than any one else. The Admiral, who had
      previously amused himself by giving an alarming description of this
      ceremony, now very courteously exempted his guests from the inconvenience
      and ridicule attending it. Napoleon was scrupulously respected through the
      whole of this Saturnalian festivity. On being informed of the decorum
      which had been observed with regard to him he ordered a hundred Napoleons
      to be presented to the grotesque Neptune and his crew; which the Admiral
      opposed, perhaps from motives of prudence as well as politeness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Owing to the haste with which they had left England the painting of the
      ship had been only lately finished, and this circumstance confined
      Napoleon, whose sense of smell was very acute, to his room for two days.
      They were now, in the beginning of October, driven into the Gulf of
      Guinea, where they met a French vessel bound for the Isle of Bourbon. They
      spoke with the captain, who expressed his surprise and regret when he
      learnt that Napoleon was on board. The wind was unfavourable, and the ship
      made little progress. The sailors grumbled at the Admiral, who had gone
      out of the usual course. At length they approached the termination of
      their voyage. On the 14th of October the Admiral had informed them that he
      expected to come within sight of St. Helena that day. They had scarcely
      risen from table when their ears were saluted with the cry of "land!" This
      was within a quarter of an hour of the time that had been fixed on. The
      Emperor went on the forecastle to see the island; but it was still hardly
      distinguishable. At daybreak next morning they had a tolerably clear view
      of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      At length, about seventy days after his departure from England, and a
      hundred and ten after quitting Paris, Napoleon reached St. Helena. In the
      harbour were several vessels of the squadron which had separated from
      them, and which they thought they had left behind. Napoleon, contrary to
      custom, dressed early and went upon deck: he went forward to the gangway
      to view the island. He beheld a kind of village surrounded by numerous
      barren hills towering to the clouds. Every platform, every aperture, the
      brow of every hill was planted with cannon. The Emperor viewed the
      prospect through his glass. His countenance underwent no change. He soon
      left the deck; and sending for Las Cases, proceeded to his day's work. The
      Admiral, who had gone ashore very early, returned about six much fatigued.
      He had been walking over various parts of the island, and at length
      thought he had found a habitation that would suit his captives. The place
      stood in need of repairs, which might occupy two months. His orders were
      not to let the French quit the vessel till a house should be prepared to
      receive them. He, however, undertook, on his own responsibility, to set
      them on shore the next day.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 16th, after dinner, Napoleon, accompanied by the Admiral and the
      Grand-Marshal, Bertrand, got into a boat to go ashore. As he passed, the
      officers assembled on the quarter-deck, and the greater part of the crew
      on the gangways. The Emperor, before he stepped into the boat, sent for
      the captain of the vessel, and took leave of him, desiring him at the same
      time to convey his thanks to the officers and crew. These words appeared
      to produce the liveliest sensation in all by whom they were understood, or
      to whom they were interpreted. The remainder of his suite landed about
      eight. They found the Emperor in the apartments which had been assigned to
      him, a few minutes after he went upstairs to his chamber. He was lodged in
      a sort of inn in James Town, which consists only, of one short street, or
      row of houses built in a narrow valley between two rocky hills.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day the Emperor, the Grand-Marshal, and the Admiral, riding out
      to visit Longwood, which had been chosen for the Emperor's residence, on
      their return saw a small villa, with a pavilion attached to it, about two
      miles from the town, the residence of Mr. Balcombe; a merchant of the
      island. This spot pleased Napoleon, and the Admiral was of opinion that it
      would be better for him to remain here than to return to the town, where
      the sentinels at his door, with the crowds collected round it, in a manner
      confined him to his chamber. The pavilion was a sort of summer-house on a
      pyramidal eminence, about thirty or forty paces from the house, where the
      family were accustomed to resort in fine weather: this was hired for the
      temporary abode of the Emperor, and he took possession of it immediately.
      There was a carriage-road from the town, and the valley was in this part
      less rugged in its aspect. Las Cases was soon sent for. As he ascended the
      winding path leading to the pavilion he saw Napoleon standing at the
      threshold of the door. His body was slightly bent, and his hands behind
      his back: he wore his usual plain and simple uniform and the well-known
      hat. The Emperor was alone. He took a fancy to walk a little; but there
      was no level ground on any side of the pavilion, which was surrounded by
      huge pieces of rock. Taking the arm of his companion, however, he began to
      converse in a cheerful strain. When Napoleon was about to retire to rest
      the servants found that one of the windows was open close to the bed: they
      barricaded it as well as they could, so as to exclude the air, to the
      effects of which the Emperor was very susceptible. Las Cases ascended to
      an upper room. The valets de chambres lay stretched in their cloaks across
      the threshold of the door. Such was the first night Napoleon passed at the
      Briars.
    </p>
    <p>
      An English officer was lodged with them in the house as their guard, and
      two non-commissioned officers were stationed near the house to watch their
      movements. Napoleon the next day proceeded with his dictation, which
      occupied him for several hours, and then took a walk in the garden, where
      he was met by the two Misses Balcombe, lively girls about fourteen years
      of age, who presented him with flowers, and overwhelmed him with whimsical
      questions. Napoleon was amused by their familiarity, to which he had been
      little accustomed. "We have been to a masked ball," said he, when the
      young ladies had taken their leave.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day a chicken was brought for breakfast, which the Emperor
      undertook to carve himself, and was surprised at his succeeding so well,
      it being a long time since he had done so much. The coffee he considered
      so bad that on tasting it he thought himself poisoned, and sent it away.
    </p>
    <p>
      The mornings were passed in business; in the evening Napoleon sometimes
      strolled to the neighbouring villa, where the young ladies made him play
      at whist. The Campaign of Italy was nearly finished, and Las Cases
      proposed that the other followers of Napoleon who were lodged in the town
      should come up every morning to assist in transcribing The Campaign of
      Egypt, the History of the Consulate, etc. This suggestion pleased the
      ex-Emperor, so that from that time one or two of his suite came regularly
      every day to write to his dictation, and stayed to dinner. A tent, sent by
      the Colonel of the 53d Regiment, was spread out so as to form a
      prolongation of the pavillion. Their cook took up his abode at the Briars.
      The table linen was taken from the trunks, the plate was set forth, and
      the first dinner after these new arrangements was a sort of fete.
    </p>
    <p>
      One day at dinner Napoleon, casting his eye on one of the dishes of his
      own campaign-service, on which the-arms of the King had been engraved,
      "How they have spoiled that!" he exclaimed; and he could not refrain from
      observing that the King was in great haste to take possession of the
      Imperial plate, which certainly did not belong to him. Amongst the baggage
      was also a cabinet in which were a number of medallions, given him by the
      Pope and other potentates, some letters of Louis XVIII. which he had left
      behind him on his writing-table in the suddenness of his flight from the
      Tuileries on the 20th of March, and a number of other letters found in the
      portfolio of M. De Blacas intended to calumniate Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor never dressed until about four o'clock, he then walked in the
      garden, which was particularly agreeable to him on account of its solitude&mdash;the
      English soldiers having been removed at Mr. Balcombe's request. A little
      arbour was covered with canvas; and a chair and table placed in it, and
      here Napoleon dictated a great part of his Memoirs. In the evening, when
      he did not go out, he generally contrived to prolong the conversation till
      eleven or twelve o'clock.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus time passed with little variety or interruption. The weather in the
      winter became delightful. One day, his usual task being done; Napoleon
      strolled out towards the town, until he came within sight of the road and
      shipping. On his return he met Mrs. Balcombe and a Mrs. Stuart, who was on
      her way back from Bombay to England. The Emperor conversed with her on the
      manners and customs of India, and on the inconveniences of a long voyage
      at sea, particularly to ladies. He alluded to Scotland, Mrs. Stuart's
      native country, expatiated on the genius of Ossian, and congratulated his
      fair interlocutor on the preservation of her clear northern complexion.
      While the parties were thus engaged some heavily burdened slaves passed
      near to them. Mrs. Balcombe motioned them to make a detour; but Napoleon
      interposed, exclaiming, "Respect the burden, madam!" As he said this the
      Scotch lady, who had been very eagerly scanning the features of Napoleon,
      whispered to her friend, "Heavens! what a character, and what an
      expression of countenance! How different to the idea I had formed of him!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon shortly after repeated the same walk, and went into the house of
      Major Hudson. This visit occasioned considerable alarm to the constituted
      authorities.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Governor gave a ball, to which the French were invited; and Las Cases
      about the same time rode over to Longwood to see what advance had been
      made in the preparations for their reception. His report on his return was
      not very favourable. They had now been six weeks at the Briars, during
      which Napoleon had been nearly as much confined as if on board the vessel.
      His health began to be impaired by it. Las Cases gave it as his opinion
      that the Emperor did not possess that constitution of iron which was
      usually ascribed to him; and that it was the strength of his mind, not of
      his body, that carried him through the labours of the field and of the
      cabinet. In speaking on this subject Napoleon himself observed that nature
      had endowed him with two peculiarities: one was the power of sleeping at
      any hour or in any place; the other, his being incapable of committing any
      excess either in eating or drinking: "If," said he, "I go the least beyond
      my mark my stomach instantly revolts." He was subject to nausea from very
      slight causes, and to colds from any change of air.
    </p>
    <p>
      The prisoners removed to Longwood on the 10th of December 1815. Napoleon
      invited Mr. Balcombe to breakfast with him that morning, and conversed
      with him in a very cheerful manner. About two Admiral Cockburn was
      announced; he entered with an air of embarrassment. In consequence of the
      restraints imposed upon him at the Briars, and the manner in which those
      of his suite residing in the town had been treated, Bonaparte had
      discontinued receiving the visits of the Admiral; yet on the present
      occasion he behaved towards him as though nothing had happened. At length
      they left the Briars and set out for Longwood. Napoleon rode the horse, a
      small, sprightly, and tolerably handsome animal, which had been brought
      for him from the Cape. He wore his uniform of the Chasseurs of the Guard,
      and his graceful manner and handsome countenance were particularly
      remarked. The Admiral was very attentive to him. At the entrance of
      Longwood they found a guard under arms who rendered the prescribed honours
      to their illustrious captive. His horse, unaccustomed to parades, and
      frightened by the roll of the drum, refused to pass the gate till spurred
      on by Napoleon, while a significant look passed among the escort. The
      Admiral took great pains to point out the minutest details at Longwood. He
      had himself superintended all the arrangements, among which was a
      bath-room. Bonaparte was satisfied with everything, and the Admiral seemed
      highly pleased. He had anticipated petulance and disdain, but Napoleon
      manifested perfect good-humour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The entrance to the house was through a room which had been just built to
      answer the double purpose of an ante-chamber and a dining-room. This
      apartment led to the drawing-room; beyond this was a third room running in
      a cross direction and very dark. This was intended to be the depository of
      the Emperor's maps and books, but it was afterwards converted into the
      dining-room. The Emperor's chamber opened into this apartment on the right
      hand side, and was divided into two equal parts, forming a cabinet and
      sleeping-room; a little external gallery served for a bathing-room:
      Opposite the Emperor's chamber, at the other extremity of the building,
      were the apartments of Madame Montholon, her husband, and her son,
      afterward used as the Emperors library. Detached from this part of the
      house was a little square room on the ground floor, contiguous to the
      kitchen, which was assigned to Las Cases. The windows and beds had no
      curtains. The furniture was mean and scanty. Bertrand and his family
      resided at a distance of two miles, at a place called Rut's Gate. General
      Gourgaud slept under a tent, as well as Mr. O'Meara, and the officer
      commanding the guard. The house was surrounded by a garden. In front, and
      separated by a tolerably deep ravine, was encamped the 53d Regiment,
      different parties of which were stationed on the neighbouring heights.
    </p>
    <p>
      The domestic establishment of the Emperor consisted of eleven persons. To
      the Grand-Marshal was confided the general superintendence; to M. de
      Montholon the domestic details; Las Cases was to take care of the
      furniture and property, and General Gourgaud to have the management of the
      stables. These arrangements, however, produced discontent among Napoleon's
      attendants. Las Cases admits that they were no longer the members of one
      family, each using his best efforts to promote the advantage of all. They
      were far from practising that which necessity dictated. He says also, "The
      Admiral has more than once, in the midst of our disputes with him, hastily
      exclaimed that the Emperor was decidedly the most good-natured, just, and
      reasonable of the whole set."
    </p>
    <p>
      On his first arrival he went to visit the barracks occupied by some
      Chinese living on the island, and a place called Longwood Farm. He
      complained to Las Cases that they had been idle of late; but by degrees
      their hours and the employment of them became fixed and regular. The
      Campaign of Italy being now finished, Napoleon corrected it, and dictated
      on other subjects. This was their morning's work. They dined between eight
      and nine, Madame Montholon being seated on Napoleon's right; Las Cases on
      his left, and Gourgaud, Montholon, and Las Cases' son sitting opposite.
      The smell of the paint not being yet gone off, they remained not more than
      ten minutes at table, and the dessert was prepared in the adjoining
      apartment, where coffee was served up and conversation commenced. Scenes
      were read from Molière, Racine, and Voltaire; and regret was always
      expressed at their not having a copy of Corneille. They then played at
      'reversis', which had been Bonaparte's favourite game in his youth. The
      recollection was agreeable to him, and he thought he could amuse himself
      at it for any length of time, but was soon undeceived. His aim was always
      to make the 'reversis', that is, to win every trick. Character is
      displayed in the smallest incidents.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon read a libel on himself, and contrasted the compliments which had
      passed between him and the Queen of Prussia with the brutal-behaviour
      ascribed to him in the English newspapers. On the other hand, two common
      sailors had at different times, while he was at Longwood and at the
      Briars, in spite of orders and at all risks, made their way through the
      sentinels to gain a sight of Napoleon. On seeing the interest they took in
      him he exclaimed, "This is fanaticism! Yes, imagination rules the world!"
    </p>
    <p>
      The instructions of the English Ministers with regard to the treatment of
      Napoleon at St. Helena had been prepared with the view completely to
      secure his person. An English officer was to be constantly at his table.
      This order, however, was not carried into effect. An officer was also to
      accompany Napoleon in all his rides; this order was dispensed with within
      certain prescribed limits, because Napoleon had refused to ride at all on
      such conditions. Almost everyday brought with it some new cause of
      uneasiness and complaint. Sentinels were posted beneath Napoleon's windows
      and before his doors. This order was, however, doubtless given to prevent
      his being annoyed by impertinent curiosity. The French were certainly
      precluded from all free communication with the inhabitants of the island;
      but this precaution was of unquestionable necessity for the security of
      the Emperor's person. Las Cases complains that the passwords were
      perpetually changed, so that they lived in constant perplexity and
      apprehension of being subjected to some unforeseen insult. "Napoleon," he
      continues, "addressed a complaint to the Admiral, which obtained for him
      no redress. In the midst of these complaints the Admiral wished to
      introduce some ladies (who had arrived in the Doric) to Napoleon; but he
      declined, not approving this alternation of affronts and civilities." He,
      however, consented, at the request of their Colonel, to receive the
      officers of the 53d Regiment. After this officer took his leave, Napoleon
      prolonged his walk in the garden. He stopped awhile to look at a flower in
      one of the beds, and asked his companion if it was not a lily. It was
      indeed a magnificent one. The thought that he had in his mind was obvious.
      He then spoke of the number of times he had been wounded; and said it had
      been thought he had never met with these accidents from his having kept
      them secret as much as possible.'
    </p>
    <p>
      It was near the end of December. One day, after a walk and a tumble in the
      mud, Bonaparte returned and found a packet of English newspapers, which
      the Grand-Marshal translated to him. This occupied him till late, and he
      forgot his dinner in discussing their contents. After dinner had been
      served Las Cases wished to continue the translation, but Napoleon would
      not suffer him to proceed, from consideration for the weak state of his
      eyes. "We must wait till to-morrow," said he. A few days afterwards the
      Admiral came in person to visit him, and the interview was an agreeable
      one. After some animated discussion it was arranged that Napoleon should
      henceforth ride freely about the island; that the officer should follow
      him only at a distance; and that visitors should be admitted to him, not
      with the permission of the Admiral as the Inspector of Longwood, but with
      that of the Grand-Marshal, who was to do the honours of the establishment.
      These concessions were, however, soon recalled. On the 30th of this month
      Piontkowsky, a Pole; who had been left behind, but whose entreaties
      prevailed upon the English Government, joined Bonaparte. On New-Year's Day
      all their little party was collected together, and Napoleon, entering into
      the feelings of the occasion, begged that they might breakfast and pass it
      together. Every day furnished some new trait of this kind.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of April 1816 Sir Hudson Lowe, the new Governor, arrived at
      St. Helena. This epoch is important, as making the beginning of a
      continued series of accusations, and counter-accusations, by which the
      last five years of Napoleon's life were constantly occupied, to the great
      annoyance of himself and all connected with him, and possibly to the
      shortening of his own existence.
    </p>
    <p>
      It would be tedious to detail the progress of this petty war, but, as a
      subject which has formed so great a portion of the life of Napoleon, it
      must not be omitted. To avoid anything which may appear like a bias
      against Napoleon, the details, unless when otherwise mentioned, will be
      derived from Las Cases, his devoted admirer.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the first visit of the new Governor; which was the 16th of April,
      Napoleon refused to admit him, because he himself was ill, and also
      because the Governor had not asked beforehand for an audience. On the
      second visit the Governor, was admitted to an audience, and Napoleon seems
      to have taken a prejudice at first sight, as he remarked to his suite that
      the Governor was "hideous, and had a most ugly countenance," though he
      allowed he ought not to judge too hastily. The spirit of the party was
      shown by a remark made, that the first two days had been days of battle.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Governor saw Napoleon again on the 30th April, and the interview was
      stormy. Napoleon argued with the Governor on the conduct of the Allies
      towards him, said they had no right to dispose of him, who was their equal
      and sometimes their master. He then declaimed on the eternal disgrace the
      English had inflicted on themselves by sending him to St. Helena; they
      wished to kill him by a lingering death: their conduct was worse than that
      of the Calabrians in shooting Murat. He talked of the cowardliness of
      suicide, complained of the small extent and horrid climate of St. Helena,
      and said it would be an act of kindness to deprive him of life at once.
      Sir H. Lowe said that a house of wood, fitted up with every possible
      accommodation, was then on its way from England for his use. Napoleon
      refused it at once, and exclaimed that it was not a house but an
      executioner and a coffin that he wanted; the house was a mockery, death
      would be a favour. A few minutes after Napoleon took up some reports of
      the campaigns of 1814, which lay on the table, and asked Sir H. Lowe if he
      had written them. Las Cases, after saying that the Governor replied in the
      affirmative, finishes his account of the interview, but according to
      O'Meara, Napoleon said they were full of folly and falsehood. The
      Governor, with a much milder reply than most men would have given,
      retired, and Napoleon harangued upon the sinister expression of his
      countenance, abused him in the coarsest manner, and made his servant throw
      a cup of coffee out of the window because it had stood a moment on a table
      near the Governor.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was required that all persons who visited at Longwood or at Hut's Gate
      should make a report to the Governor, or to Sir Thomas Reade, of the
      conversations they had held with the French. Several additional sentinels
      were posted around Longwood House and grounds.
    </p>
    <p>
      During some extremely wet and foggy weather Napoleon did not go out for
      several days. Messengers and letters continually succeeded one another
      from Plantation House. The Governor appeared anxious to see Napoleon, and
      was evidently distrustful, although the residents at Longwood were assured
      of his actual presence by the sound of his voice. He had some
      communications with Count Bertrand on the necessity that one of his
      officers should see Napoleon daily. He also went to Longwood frequently
      himself, and finally, after some difficulty, succeeded in obtaining an
      interview with Napoleon in his bedchamber, which lasted about a quarter of
      an hour. Some days before he sent for Mr. O'Meara, asked a variety of
      questions concerning the captive, walked round the house several times and
      before the windows, measuring and laying down the plan of a new ditch,
      which he said he would have dug in order to prevent the cattle from
      trespassing.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 5th of May Napoleon sent for his surgeon O'Meara to
      come to him. He was introduced into Napoleon's bed-chamber, a description
      of which is thus given: "It was about fourteen feet by twelve, and ten or
      eleven feet in height. The walls were lined with brown nankeen, bordered
      and edged with common green bordering paper, and destitute of skirting.
      Two small windows without pulleys, one of which was thrown up and fastened
      by a piece of notched wood, looked towards the camp of the 53d Regiment.
      There were window-curtains of white long-cloth, a small fire-place, a
      shabby grate and fire-irons to match, with a paltry mantelpiece of wood,
      painted white, upon which stood a small marble bust of his son. Above the
      mantelpiece hung the portrait of Maria Louisa, and four or five of young
      Napoleon, one of which was embroidered by the hands of his mother. A
      little more to the right hung also the portrait of the Empress Josephine;
      and to the left was suspended the alarm chamber-watch of Frederick the
      Great, obtained by Napoleon at Potsdam; while on the right the Consular
      watch, engraved with the cipher B, hung, by a chain of the plaited hair of
      Maria Louisa, from a pin stuck in the nankeen lining. In the right-hand
      corner was placed the little plain iron camp-bedstead, with green silk
      curtains, on which its master had reposed on the fields of Marengo and
      Austerlitz. Between the windows there was a chest of drawers, and a
      bookcase with green blinds stood on the left of the door leading to the
      next apartment. Four or five cane-bottomed chairs painted green were
      standing here and there about the room. Before the back door there was a
      screen covered with nankeen, and between that and the fireplace an
      old-fashioned sofa covered with white long-cloth, on which Napoleon
      reclined, dressed in his white morning-gown, white loose trousers and
      stockings all in one, a chequered red handkerchief upon his head, and his
      shirt-collar open without a cravat. His air was melancholy and troubled.
      Before him stood a little round table, with some books, at the foot of
      which lay in confusion upon the carpet a heap of those which he had
      already perused, and at the opposite side of the sofa was suspended
      Isabey's portrait of the Empress Maria Louisa, holding her son in her
      arms. In front of the fireplace stood Las Cases with his arms folded over
      his breast and some papers in one of his hands. Of all the former
      magnificence of the once mighty Emperor of France nothing remained but a
      superb wash-hand-stand containing a silver basin and water-jug of the same
      metal, in the lefthand corner." The object of Napoleon in sending for
      O'Meara on this occasion was to question him whether in their future
      intercourse he was to consider him in the light of a spy and a tool of the
      Governor or as his physician? The doctor gave a decided and satisfactory
      answer on this point.
    </p>
    <p>
      "During the short interview that this Governor had with me in my
      bedchamber, one of the first things he proposed was to send you away,"
      said Napoleon to O'Meara, "and that I should take his own surgeon in your
      place. This he repeated, and so earnest was he to gain his object that,
      though I gave him a flat refusal, when he was going out he turned about
      and again proposed it."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th a proclamation was issued by the Governor, "forbidding any
      persons on the island from sending letters to or receiving them from
      General Bonaparte or his suite, on pain of being immediately arrested and
      dealt with accordingly." Nothing escaped the vigilance of Sir Hudson Lowe.
      "The Governor," said Napoleon, "has just sent an invitation to Bertrand
      for General Bonaparte to come to Plantation House to meet Lady Moira. I
      told Bertrand to return no answer to it. If he really wanted me to see her
      he would have put Plantation House within the limits, but to send such an
      invitation, knowing I must go in charge of a guard if I wished to avail
      myself of it, was an insult."
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after came the Declaration of the Allies and the Acts of Parliament
      authorising the detention of Napoleon Bonaparte as a prisoner of war and
      disturber of the peace of Europe. Against the Bill, when brought into the
      House of Lords, there were two protests, those of Lord Holland and of the
      Duke of Sussex. These official documents did not tend to soothe the temper
      or raise the spirits of the French to endure their captivity.
    </p>
    <p>
      In addition to the misery of his own captivity, Napoleon had to contend
      with the unmanageable humours of his own followers. As often happens with
      men in such circumstances, they sometimes disagreed among themselves, and
      part of their petulance and ill-temper fell upon their Chief. He took
      these little incidents deeply to heart. On one occasion he said in
      bitterness, "I know that I am fallen; but to feel this among you! I am
      aware that man is frequently unreasonable and susceptible of offence.
      Thus, when I am mistrustful of myself I ask, should I have been treated so
      at the Tuileries? This is my test."
    </p>
    <p>
      A great deal of pains has been taken by Napoleon's adherents and others to
      blacken the character of Sir Hudson Lowe, and to make it appear that his
      sole object was to harass Napoleon and to make his life miserable. Now,
      although it may be questioned whether Sir Hudson Lowe was the proper
      person to be placed in the delicate situation of guard over the fallen
      Emperor, there is no doubt that quarrels and complaints began long before
      that officer reached the island; and the character of those complaints
      will show that at best the prisoners were persons very difficult to
      satisfy. Their detention at the Briars was one of the first causes of
      complaint. It was stated that the Emperor was very ill there, that he was
      confined "in a cage" with no attendance, that his suite was kept from him,
      and that he was deprived of exercise. A few pages farther in the journal
      of Las Cases we find the Emperor in good health, and as soon as it was
      announced that Longwood was ready to receive him, then it was urged that
      the gaolers wished to compel him to go against his will, that they desired
      to push their authority to the utmost, that the smell of the paint at
      Longwood was very disagreeable, etc. Napoleon himself was quite ready to
      go, and seemed much vexed when Count Bertrand and General Gourgaud arrived
      from Longwood with the intelligence that the place was as yet
      uninhabitable. His displeasure, however, was much more seriously excited
      by the appearance of Count Montholon with the information that all was
      ready at Longwood within a few minutes after receiving the contrary
      accounts from Bertrand and Gourgaud. He probably perceived that he was
      trifled with by his attendants, who endeavoured to make him believe that
      which suited their own convenience. We may also remark that the systematic
      opposition which was carried to such a great length against Sir Hudson
      Lowe had begun during the stay of Admiral Cockburn. His visits were
      refused; he was accused of caprice, arrogance, and impertinence, and he
      was nicknamed "the Shark" by Napoleon himself; his own calmness alone
      probably prevented more violent ebullitions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The wooden house arrived at last, and the Governor waited on Napoleon to
      consult with him how and where it should be erected. Las Cases, who heard
      the dispute in an adjoining room, says that it was long and clamorous.
    </p>
    <p>
      He gives the details in Napoleon's own words, and we have here the
      advantage of comparing his statement with the account transmitted by Sir
      Hudson Lowe to the British Government, dated 17th May 1816. The two
      accounts vary but little. Napoleon admits that he was thrown quite out of
      temper, that he received the Governor with his stormy countenance, looked
      furiously at him, and made no reply to his information of the arrival of
      the house but by a significant look. He told him that he wanted nothing,
      nor would receive anything at his hands; that he supposed he was to be put
      to death by poison or the sword; the poison would be difficult to
      administer, but he had the means of doing it with the sword. The sanctuary
      of his abode should not be violated, and the troops should not enter his
      house but by trampling on his corpse. He then alluded to an invitation
      sent to him by Sir Hudson Lows to meet Lady Loudon at his house, and said
      there could not be an act of more refined cruelty than inviting him to his
      table by the title of "General," to make him an object of ridicule or
      amusement to his guests. What right had he to call him "General"
      Bonaparte? He would not be deprived of his dignity by him, nor by any one
      in the world. He certainly should have condescended to visit Lady Loudon
      had she been within his limits, as he did not stand upon strict etiquette
      with a woman, but he should have deemed that he was conferring an honour
      upon her. He would not consider himself a prisoner of war, but was placed
      in his present position by the most horrible breach of trust. After a few
      more words he dismissed the Governor without once more alluding to the
      house which was the object of the visit. The fate of this unfortunate
      house may be mentioned here. It was erected after a great many disputes,
      but was unfortunately surrounded by a sunk fence and ornamental railing.
      This was immediately connected in Napoleon's mind with the idea of a
      fortification; it was impossible to remove the impression that the ditch
      and palisade were intended to secure his person. As soon as the objection
      was made known, Sir Hudson Lowe ordered the ground to be levelled and the
      rails taken away. But before this was quite completed Napoleon's health
      was too much destroyed to permit his removal, and the house was never
      occupied.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon seems to have felt that he had been too violent in his conduct.
      He admitted, when at table with his suite a few days after, that he had
      behaved very ill, and that in any other situation he should blush for what
      he had done. "I could have wished, for his sake," he said, "to see him
      evince a little anger, or pull the door violently after him when he went
      away." These few words let us into a good deal of Napoleon's character: he
      liked to intimidate, but his vehement language was received with a
      calmness and resolute forbearance to which he was quite unaccustomed, and
      he consequently grew more angry as his anger was less regarded.
    </p>
    <p>
      The specimens here given of the disputes with Sir Hudson Lowe may probably
      suffice: a great many more are furnished by Las Cases, O'Meara, and other
      partisans of Napoleon, and even they always make him the aggressor.
      Napoleon himself in his cooler moments seemed to admit this; after the
      most violent quarrel with the Governor, that of the 18th of August 1816,
      which utterly put an end to anything like decent civility between the
      parties; he allowed that he had used the Governor very ill, that he
      repeatedly and purposely offended him, and that Sir Hudson Lowe had not in
      a single instance shown a want of respect, except perhaps that he retired
      too abruptly.
    </p>
    <p>
      Great complaints were made of the scanty way in which the table of the
      exiles was supplied; and it was again and again alleged by them that they
      had scarcely anything to eat. The wine, too, was said to be execrable, so
      bad that in fact it could not be drunk; and, of such stuff as it was, only
      one bottle a day was allowed to each person&mdash;an allowance which Las
      Cases calls ridiculously small. Thus pressed, but partly for effect,
      Napoleon resolved to dispose of his plate in monthly proportions; and as
      he knew that some East India captains had offered as much as a hundred
      guineas for a single plate, in order to preserve a memorial of him, he
      determined that what was sold should be broken up, the arms erased, and no
      trace left which could show that they had ever been his. The only portions
      left uninjured were the little eagles with which some of the dish-covers
      were mounted. These last fragments were objects of veneration for the
      attendants of Napoleon, they were looked upon as relics, with a feeling at
      once melancholy and religious. When the moment came for breaking up the
      plate Las Cases bears testimony to the painful emotions and real grief
      produced among the servants. They could not, without the utmost
      reluctance, bring themselves to apply the hammer to those objects of their
      veneration.
    </p>
    <p>
      The island of St. Helena was regularly visited by East India ships on the
      return voyage, which touched there to take in water, and to leave
      gunpowder for the use of the garrison. On such occasions there were always
      persons anxious to pay a visit to the renowned captive. The regulation of
      those visits was calculated to protect Napoleon from being annoyed by the
      idle curiosity of strangers, to which he professed a great aversion. Such
      persons as wished to wait upon him were, in the first place, obliged to
      apply to the Governor, by whom their names were forwarded to Count
      Bertrand. This gentleman, as Grand-Marshal of the household, communicated
      the wishes of those persons to Napoleon, and in case of a favourable reply
      fixed the hour for an interview.
    </p>
    <p>
      Those visitors whom Napoleon admitted were chiefly persons of rank and
      distinction, travellers from distant countries, or men who had
      distinguished themselves in the scientific world, and who could
      communicate interesting information in exchange for the gratification they
      received. Some of those persons who were admitted to interviews with him
      have published narratives of their conversation, and all agree in
      extolling the extreme grace, propriety, and appearance of benevolence
      manifested by Bonaparte while holding these levees. His questions were
      always put with great tact, and on some subject with which the person
      interrogated was well acquainted, so as to induce him to bring forth any
      new or curious information of which he might be possessed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Basil Hall, in August 1817, when in command of the Lyra, had an
      interview with the Emperor, of whom he says: "Bonaparte struck me as
      differing considerably from the pictures and busts' I had seen of him. His
      face and figure looked much broader and more square&mdash;larger, indeed,
      in every way than any representation I had met with. His corpulency, at
      this time universally reported to be excessive, was by no means
      remarkable. His flesh looked, on the contrary, firm and muscular. There
      was not the least trace of colour in his cheeks; in fact his skin was more
      like marble than ordinary flesh. Not the smallest trace of a wrinkle was
      discernible on his brow, nor an approach to a furrow on any part of his
      countenance. His health and spirits, judging from appearances, were
      excellent, though at this period it was generally believed in England that
      he was fast sinking under a complication of diseases, and that his spirits
      were entirely gone. His manner of speaking was rather slow than otherwise,
      and perfectly distinct; he waited with great patience and kindness for my
      answers to his questions, and a reference to Count Bertrand was necessary
      only once during the whole conversation. The brilliant and sometimes
      dazzling expression of his eye could not be overlooked. It was not,
      however, a permanent lustre, for it was only remarkable when he was
      excited by some point of particular interest. It is impossible to imagine
      an expression of more entire mildness, I may almost call it of benignity
      and kindness, than that which played over his features during the whole
      interview. If, therefore he were at this time out of health and in low
      spirits, his power of self-command must have been even more extraordinary
      than is generally supposed, for his whole deportment, his conversation,
      and the expression of his countenance indicated a frame in perfect health
      and a mind at ease."
    </p>
    <p>
      The manner assumed by Napoleon in the occasional interviews he had with
      such visitors was so very opposite to that which he constantly maintained
      towards the authorities in whose custody he was placed, that we can
      scarcely doubt he was acting a part in one of those situations. It was
      suggested by Mr. Ellis that he either wished, by means of his continual
      complaints, to keep alive his interest in England, where he flattered
      himself there was a party favourable to him, or that his troubled mind
      found an occupation in the annoyance which he caused to the Governor.
      Every attempt at conciliation on the part of Sir Hudson Lowe furnished
      fresh causes for irritation. He sent fowling-pieces to Longwood, and the
      thanks returned were a reply from Napoleon that it was an insult to send
      fowling-pieces where there was no game. An invitation to a ball was
      resented vehemently, and descanted upon by the French party as a great
      offence. Sir Hudson Lowe at one time sent a variety of clothes and other
      articles received from England which he imagined might be useful at
      Longwood. Great offence was taken at this; they were treated, they said,
      like paupers; the articles, ought to have been left at the Governor's
      house, and a list sent respectfully to the household, stating that such
      things were at their command if they wanted them.
    </p>
    <p>
      An opinion has already been expressed that much of this annoyance was due
      to the offended pride of Napoleon's attendants, who were at first
      certainly far more captious than himself. He admitted as much himself on
      one occasion in a conversation with O'Meara. He said, "Las Cases certainly
      was greatly irritated against Sir Hudson, and contributed materially
      towards forming the impressions existing in my mind." He attributed this
      to the sensitive mind of Las Cases, which he said was peculiarly alive to
      the ill-treatment Napoleon and himself had been subjected to. Sir Hudson
      Lowe also felt this, and remarked, like Sir George Cockburn, on more than
      one occasion, that he always found Napoleon himself more reasonable than
      the persons about him.
    </p>
    <p>
      A fertile source of annoyance was the resolution of Napoleon not upon any
      terms to acknowledge himself a prisoner, and his refusal to submit to such
      regulations as would render his captivity less burdensome. More than once
      the attendance of an officer was offered to be discontinued if he would
      allow himself to be seen once every day, and promise to take no means of
      escaping. "If he were to give me the whole of the island," said Napoleon,
      "on condition that I would pledge my word not to attempt an escape, I
      would not accept it; because it would be equivalent to acknowledging
      myself a prisoner, although at the same time I would not make the attempt.
      I am here by force, and not by right. If I had been taken at Waterloo
      perhaps I might have had no hesitation in accepting it, although even in
      that case it would be contrary to the law of nations, as now there is no
      war. If they were to offer me permission to reside in England on similar
      conditions I would refuse it." The very idea of exhibiting himself to an
      officer every day, though but for a moment, was repelled with indignation.
      He even kept loaded pistols to shoot any person who should attempt an
      intrusion on his privacy. It is stated in a note in O'Meara's journal that
      "the Emperor was so firmly impressed with the idea that an attempt would
      be made forcibly to intrude on his privacy, that from a short time after
      the departure of Sir George Cockburn he always kept four or five pairs of
      loaded pistols and some swords in his apartment, with which he was
      determined to despatch the first who entered against his will." It seems
      this practice was continued to his death.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon continued to pass the mornings in dictating his Memoirs and the
      evenings in reading or conversation. He grew fonder of Racine, but his
      favourite was Corneille. He repeated that, had he lived in his time, he
      would have made him a prince. He had a distaste to Voltaire, and found
      considerable fault with his dramas, perhaps justly, as conveying opinions
      rather than sentiments. He criticised his Mahomet, and said he had made
      him merely an impostor and a tyrant, without representing him as a great
      man. This was owing to Voltaire's religious and political antipathies; for
      those who are free from common prejudices acquire others of their own in
      their stead, to which they are equally bigoted, and which they bring
      forward on all occasions. When the evening passed off in conversation
      without having recourse to books he considered it a point gained.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some one having asked the Emperor which was the greatest battle that he
      had fought, he replied it was difficult to answer that question without
      inquiring what was implied by the greatest battle. "Mine," continued he,
      "cannot be judged of separately: they formed a portion of extensive plans.
      They must therefore be estimated by their consequences. The battle of
      Marengo, which was so long undecided, procured for us the command of all
      Italy. Ulm annihilated a whole army; Jena laid the whole Prussian monarchy
      at our feet; Friedland opened the Russian empire to us; and Eckmuhl
      decided the fate of a war. The battle of the Moskwa was that in which the
      greatest talent was displayed, and by which we obtained the fewest
      advantages. Waterloo, where everything failed, would, had victory crowned
      our efforts, have saved France and given peace to Europe."
    </p>
    <p>
      Madame Montholon having inquired what troops he considered the best,
      "Those which are victorious, madam," replied the Emperor. "But," added he,
      "soldiers are capricious and inconstant, like you ladies. The best troops
      were the Carthaginians under Hannibal, the Romans under the Scipios, the
      Macedonians under Alexander, and the Prussians under Frederick." He
      thought, however, that the French soldiers were of all others those which
      could most easily be rendered the best, and preserved so. "With my
      complete guard of 40,000 or 50,000 men I would have undertaken to march
      through Europe. It is perhaps possible to produce troops as good as those
      that composed my army of Italy and Austerlitz, but certainly none can ever
      surpass them."
    </p>
    <p>
      The anniversary of the battle of Waterloo produced a visible impression on
      the Emperor. "Incomprehensible day!" said he, dejectedly; "concurrence of
      unheard-of fatalities! Grouchy, Ney, D'Erlon&mdash;was there treachery or
      was it merely misfortune? Alas! poor France!" Here he covered his eyes
      with his hands. "And yet," said he, "all that human skill could do was
      accomplished! All was not lost until the moment when all had succeeded." A
      short time afterwards, resuming the subject, he exclaimed, "In that
      extraordinary campaign, thrice, in less than a week, I saw the certain
      triumph of France slip through my fingers. Had it not been for a traitor I
      should have annihilated the enemy at the outset of the campaign. I should
      have destroyed him at Ligny if my left wing had only done its duty. I
      should have destroyed him again at Waterloo if my right had seconded me.
      Singular defeat, by which, notwithstanding the most fatal catastrophe, the
      glory of the conquered has not suffered."
    </p>
    <p>
      We shall here give Napoleon's own opinion of the battle of Waterloo. "The
      plan of the battle," said he, "will not in the eyes of the historian
      reflect any credit on Lord Wellington as a general. In the first place, he
      ought not to have given battle with the armies divided. They ought to have
      been united and encamped before the 15th. In the next, the choice of
      ground was bad; because if he had been beaten he could not have retreated,
      as there was only one road leading through the forest in his rear. He also
      committed a fault which might have proved the destruction of all his army,
      without its ever having commenced the campaign, or being drawn out in
      battle; he allowed himself to be surprised. On the 15th I was at
      Charleroi, and had beaten the Prussians without his knowing anything about
      it. I had gained forty-eight hours of manoeuvres upon him, which was a
      great object; and if some of my generals had shown that vigour and genius
      which they had displayed on other occasions, I should have taken his army
      in cantonments without ever fighting a battle. But they were discouraged,
      and fancied that they saw an army of 100,000 men everywhere opposed to
      them. I had not time enough myself to attend to the minutiae of the army.
      I counted upon surprising and cutting Wellington up in detail. I knew of
      Bulow's arrival at eleven o'clock, but I did not regard it. I had still
      eighty chances out of a hundred in my favour. Notwithstanding the great
      superiority of force against me I was convinced that I should obtain the
      victory, I had about 70,000 men, of whom 15,000 were cavalry. I had also
      260 pieces of cannon; but my troops were so good that I esteemed them
      sufficient to beat 120,000. Of all those troops, however, I only reckoned
      the English as being able to cope with my own. The others I thought little
      of. I believe that of English there were from 35,000 to 40,000. These I
      esteemed to be as brave and as good as my own troops; the English army was
      well known latterly on the Continent, and besides, your nation possesses
      courage and energy. As to the Prussians, Belgians, and others, half the
      number of my troops, were sufficient to beat them. I only left 34,000 men
      to take care of the Prussians. The chief causes of the loss of that battle
      were, first of all, Grouchy's great tardiness and neglect in executing his
      orders; next, the 'grenadiers a cheval' and the cavalry under General
      Guyot, which I had in reserve, and which were never to leave me, engaged
      without orders and without my knowledge; so that after the last charge,
      when the troops were beaten and the English cavalry advanced, I had not a
      single corps of cavalry in reserve to resist them, instead of one which I
      esteemed to be equal to double their own number. In consequence of this
      the English attacked, succeeded, and all was lost. There was no means of
      rallying. The youngest general would not have committed the fault of
      leaving an army entirely without reserve, which, however, occurred here,
      whether in consequence of treason or not I cannot say. These were the two
      principal causes of the loss of the battle of Waterloo."
    </p>
    <p>
      "If Lord Wellington had intrenched himself," continued Napoleon, "I would
      not have attacked him. As a general, his plan did not show talent. He
      certainly displayed great courage and obstinacy; but a little must be
      taken away even from that when you consider that he had no means of
      retreat, and that had he made the attempt not a man of his army would have
      escaped. First, to the firmness and bravery of his troops, for the English
      fought with the greatest courage and obstinacy, he is principally indebted
      for the victory, and not to his own conduct as a general; and next, to the
      arrival of Blücher, to whom the victory is more to be attributed than to
      Wellington, and more credit is due as a general; because he, although
      beaten the day before, assembled his troops, and brought them into action
      in the evening. I believe, however," continued Napoleon, "that Wellington
      is a man of great firmness. The glory of such a victory is a great thing;
      but in the eye of the historian his military reputation will gain nothing
      by it."
    </p>
    <p>
      "I always had a high opinion of your seamen," said Napoleon one day to
      O'Meara, in a conversation arising out of the expedition to Algiers. "When
      I was returning from Holland along with the Empress Maria Louisa we
      stopped to rest at Givet. During the night a violent storm of wind and
      rain came on, which swelled the Meuse so much that the bridge of boats
      over it was carried away. I was very anxious to depart, and ordered all
      the boatmen in the place to be assembled that I might be enabled to cross
      the river. They said that the waters were so high that it would be
      impossible to pass before two or three days. I questioned some of them,
      and soon discovered that they were fresh-water seamen. I then recollected
      that there were English prisoners in the barracks, and ordered that some
      of the oldest and best seamen among them should be brought before me to
      the banks of the river. The waters were very high, and the current rapid
      and dangerous. I asked them if they could join a number of boats together
      so that I might pass over. They answered that it was possible, but
      hazardous. I desired them to set about it instantly. In the course of a
      few hours they succeeded in effecting what the others had pronounced to be
      impossible, and I crossed before the evening was over. I ordered those who
      had worked at it to receive a sum of money each, a suit of clothes, and
      their liberty. Marchand was with me at the time."
    </p>
    <p>
      In December 1816 Las Cases was compelled to leave St. Helena. He had
      written a letter to Lucien Bonaparte, and entrusted it to a mulatto
      servant to be forwarded to Europe. He was detected; and as he was thus
      endeavouring to carry on (contrary to the regulations of the island) a
      clandestine correspondence with Europe, Las Cases and his son were sent
      off, first to the Cape and then to England, where they were only allowed
      to land to be sent to Dover and shipped off to Ostend.
    </p>
    <p>
      Not long after their arrival at St. Helena, Madame Bertrand gave birth to
      a son, and when Napoleon went to visit her she said, "I have the honour of
      presenting to your Majesty the first French subject who has entered
      Longwood without the permission of Lord Bathurst."
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been generally supposed that Napoleon was a believer in the
      doctrine of predestination. The following conversation with Las Cases
      clearly decides that point. "Pray," said he, "am I not thought to be given
      to a belief in predestination?"&mdash;"Yes, Sire; at least by many
      people."&mdash;"Well, well! let them say what they please, one may
      sometimes be tempted to set a part, and it may occasionally be useful. But
      what are men? How much easier is it to occupy their attention and to
      strike their imaginations by absurdities than by rational ideas! But can a
      man of sound sense listen for one moment to such a doctrine? Either
      predestination admits the existence of free-will, or it rejects it. If it
      admits it, what kind of predetermined result can that be which a simple
      resolution, a step, a word, may alter or modify ad infinitum? If
      predestination, on the contrary, rejects the existence of free-will it is
      quite another question; in that case a child need only be thrown into its
      cradle as soon as it is born, there is no necessity for bestowing the
      least care upon it, for if it be irrevocably decreed that it is to live,
      it will grow though no food should be given to it. You see that such a
      doctrine cannot be maintained; predestination is but a word without
      meaning. The Turks themselves, the professors of predestination, are not
      convinced of the doctrine, for in that case medicine would not exist in
      Turkey, and a man residing in a third floor would not take the trouble of
      going down stairs, but would immediately throw himself out of the window.
      You see to what a string of absurdities that will lead?"
    </p>
    <p>
      The following traits are characteristic of the man. In the common
      intercourse of life, and his familiar conversation, Napoleon mutilated the
      names most familiar to him, even French names; yet this would not have
      occurred on any public occasion. He has been heard many times during his
      walks to repeat the celebrated speech of Augustus in Corneille's tragedy,
      and he has never missed saying, "Take a seat, Sylla," instead of Cinna. He
      would frequently create names according to his fancy, and when he had once
      adopted them they remained fixed in his mind, although they were
      pronounced properly a hundred times a day in his hearing; but he would
      have been struck if others had used them as he had altered them. It was
      the same thing with respect to orthography; in general he did not attend
      to it, yet if the copies which were made contained any faults of spelling
      he would have complained of it. One day Napoleon said to Las Cases, "Your
      orthography is not correct, is it?" This question gave occasion to a
      sarcastic smile from a person who stood near, who thought it was meant to
      convey a reproach. The Emperor, who saw this, continued, "At least I
      suppose it is not, for a man occupied with important public business, a
      minister, for instance, cannot and need not attend to orthography. His
      ideas must flow faster than his hand can trace them, he has only time to
      dwell upon essentials; he must put words in letters, and phrases in words,
      and let the scribes make it out afterwards." Napoleon indeed left a great
      deal for the copyists to do; he was their torment; his handwriting
      actually resembled hieroglyphics&mdash;he often could not decipher it
      himself. Las Cases' son was one day reading to him a chapter of The
      Campaign of Italy; on a sudden he stopped short, unable to make out the
      writing. "The little blockhead," said Napoleon, "cannot read his own
      handwriting."&mdash;"It is not mine, Sire."&mdash;"And whose, then?"&mdash;"Your
      Majesty's."&mdash;"How so, you little rogue; do you mean to insult me?"
      The Emperor took the manuscript, tried a long while to read it, and at
      last threw it down, saying, "He is right; I cannot tell myself what is
      written." He has often sent the copyists to Las Cases to read what he had
      himself been unable to decipher.
    </p>
    <p>
      We are now approaching the last melancholy epoch of Napoleon's life, when
      he first felt the ravages of that malady which finally put a period to his
      existence. Occasional manifestations of its presence had been exhibited
      for some years, but his usual health always returned after every attack,
      and its fatal nature was not suspected, although Napoleon himself had
      several times said that he should die of a scirrhus in the pylorus, the
      disease which killed his father, and which the physicians of Montpelier
      declared would be hereditary in his family. About the middle of the year
      1818 it was observed that his health grew gradually worse, and it was
      thought proper by O'Meara to report to the Governor the state in which he
      was. Even on these occasions Napoleon seized the opportunity for renewing
      his claim to the title of Emperor. He insisted that the physician should
      not send any bulletin whatever unless he named him in it by his Imperial
      designation. O'Meara explained that the instructions of his Government and
      the orders of Sir Hudson Lowe prohibited him from using the term; but it
      was in vain. After some difficulty it was agreed upon that the word
      "patient" should be used instead of the title of General, which caused so
      much offence, and this substitution got rid of the difficulty.
    </p>
    <p>
      O'Meara afterwards proposed to call in the assistance of Dr. Baxter, the
      principal medical officer of the island, but this offer Napoleon refused
      at once, alleging that, although "it was true he looked like an honest
      man, he was too much attached to that hangman" (Lows), he also persisted
      in rejecting the aid of medicine, and determined to take no exercise
      out-of-doors as long as he should be subjected to the challenge of
      sentinels. To a representation that his determination might convert a
      curable to a fatal malady, he replied, "I shall at least have the
      consolation that my death will be an eternal dishonour to the English
      nation who sent me to this climate to die under the hands of . . ."
    </p>
    <p>
      An important incident in Napoleon's monotonous life was the removal of
      O'Meara, who had attended him as his physician from the time of his
      arrival on the island. The removal of this gentleman, was occasioned by
      the suspicion of similar conduct to that which brought about the dismissal
      of Las Cases twenty months previously, namely, the carrying on secret
      correspondence with persons out of the island. Napoleon complained
      bitterly of the loss of his medical attendant, though he had most
      assuredly very seldom attended to his advice, and repelled as an insult
      the proffered assistance of Dr. Baxter, insinuating that the Governor
      wished to have his life in his power. Some time after Dr. Stokes, a naval
      surgeon, was called in, but withdrawn and eventually tried by
      court-martial for furnishing information to the French at Longwood. After
      this Napoleon expressed his determination to admit no more visits from any
      English physician whatever, and Cardinal Fesch was requested by the
      British Ministry to select some physician of reputation in Italy who
      should be sent to St. Helena to attend on Napoleon. The choice fell on Dr.
      Antommarchi, a young surgeon, who was accordingly sent to St. Helena in
      company with two Catholic priests, the Abbes Buonavita and Vignale, and
      two domestics, in compliance with the wish of Napoleon to that effect. The
      party reached the island on 10th September 1819.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his first visit the Emperor overwhelmed Antommarchi with questions
      concerning his mother and family, the Princess Julie (wife of Joseph), and
      Las Cases, whom Antommarchi had seen in passing through Frankfort,
      expatiated with satisfaction on the retreat which he had at one time
      meditated in Corsica, entered into some discussions with the doctor on his
      profession, and then directed his attention to the details of his
      disorder. While he examined the symptoms the Emperor continued his
      remarks. They were sometimes serious, sometimes lively; kindness,
      indignation, gaiety, were expressed by turns in his words and in his
      countenance. "Well, doctor!" he exclaimed, "what is your opinion? Am I to
      trouble much longer the digestion of Kings?"&mdash;"You will survive them,
      Sire."&mdash;"Aye, I believe you; they will not be able to subject to the
      ban of Europe the fame of our victories, it will traverse ages, it will
      proclaim the conquerors and the conquered, those who were generous and
      those who were not so; posterity will judge, I do not dread its decision."&mdash;"This
      after-life belongs to you of right. Your name will never be repeated with
      admiration without recalling those inglorious warriors so basely leagued
      against a single man. But you are not near your end, you have yet a long
      career to run."&mdash;"No, Doctor! I cannot hold out long under this
      frightful climate."&mdash;"Your excellent constitution is proof against
      its pernicious effects."&mdash;"It once did not yield to the strength of
      mind with which nature has endowed me, but the transition from a life of
      action to a complete seclusion has ruined all. I have grown fat, my energy
      is gone, the bow is unstrung." Antommarchi did not try to combat an
      opinion but too well-founded, but diverted the conversation to another
      subject. "I resign myself," said Napoleon, "to your direction. Let
      medicine give the order, I submit to its decisions. I entrust my health to
      your care. I owe you the detail of the habits I have acquired, of the
      affections to which I am subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The hours at which I obey the injunctions of nature are in general
      extremely irregular. I sleep, I eat according to circumstances or the
      situation in which I am placed; my sleep is ordinarily sound and tranquil.
      If pain or any accident interrupt it I jump out of bed, call for a light,
      walk, set to work, and fix my attention on some subject; sometimes I
      remain in the dark, change my apartment, lie down in another bed, or
      stretch myself on the sofa. I rise at two, three, or four in the morning;
      I call for some one to keep me company, amuse myself with recollections or
      business, and wait for the return of day. I go out as soon as dawn
      appears, take a stroll, and when the sun shows itself I reenter and go to
      bed again, where I remain a longer or shorter time, according as the day
      promises to turn out. If it is bad, and I feel irritation and uneasiness,
      I have recourse to the method I have just mentioned. I change my posture,
      pass from my bed to the sofa, from the sofa to the bed, seek and find a
      degree of freshness. I do not describe to you my morning costume; it has
      nothing to do with the sufferings I endure, and besides, I do not wish to
      deprive you of the pleasure of your surprise when you see it. These
      ingenious contrivances carry me on to nine or ten o'clock, sometimes
      later. I then order the breakfast to be brought, which I take from time to
      time in my bath, but most frequently in the garden. Either Bertrand or
      Montholon keep me company, often both of them. Physicians have the right
      of regulating the table; it is proper that I should give you an account of
      mine. Well, then, a basin of soup, two plates of meat, one of vegetables,
      a salad when I can take it, compose the whole service; half a bottle of
      claret; which I dilute with a good deal of water, serves me for drink; I
      drink a little of it pure towards the end of the repast. Sometimes, when I
      feel fatigued, I substitute champagne for claret, it is a certain means of
      giving a fillip to the stomach."
    </p>
    <p>
      The doctor having expressed his surprise at Napoleon's temperance, he
      replied, "In my marches with the army of Italy I never failed to put into
      the bow of my saddle a bottle of wine, some bread, and a cold fowl. This
      provision sufficed for the wants of the day,&mdash;I may even say that I
      often shared it with others. I thus gained time. I eat fast, masticate
      little, my meals do not consume my hours. This is not what you will
      approve the most, but in my present situation what signifies it? I am
      attacked with a liver complaint, a malady which is general in this
      horrible climate."
    </p>
    <p>
      Antommarchi, having gained his confidence, now became companion as well as
      physician to the Emperor, and sometimes read with him. He eagerly turned
      over the newspapers when they arrived, and commented freely on their
      contents. "It is amusing," he would say, "to see the sage measures
      resorted to by the Allies to make people forget my tyranny!" On one
      occasion he felt more languid than ordinary, and lighting on the
      'Andromache' of Racine; he took up the book, began to read, but soon let
      it drop from his hands. He had come to the famous passage where the mother
      describes her being allowed to see her son once a day.
    </p>
    <p>
      He was moved, covered his face with his hands, and, saying that he was too
      much affected, desired to be left alone. He grew calmer, fell asleep, and
      when he awoke, desired Antommarchi to be called again. He was getting
      ready to shave, and the doctor was curious to witness the operation. He
      was in his shirt, his head uncovered, with two valets at his side, one
      holding the glass and a towel, the other the rest of the apparatus. The
      Emperor spread the soap over one side of his face, put down the brush,
      wiped his hands and mouth, took a razor dipped in hot water and shaved the
      right side with singular dexterity. "Is it done, Noverraz?"&mdash;"Yes,
      Sire."&mdash;"Well, then, face about. Come, villain, quick, stand still."
      The light fell on the left side, which, after applying the lather, he
      shaved in the same manner and with the same dexterity. He drew his hand
      over his chin. "Raise the glass. Am I quite right?"&mdash; "Quite so."&mdash;"Not
      a hair has escaped me: what say you?"&mdash;"No, Sire," replied the valet
      de chambre. "No! I think I perceive one. Lift up the glass, place it in a
      better light. How, rascal! Flattery? You deceive me at St. Helena? On this
      rock? You, too, are an accomplice." With this he gave them both a box on
      the ear, laughed, and joked in the most pleasant manner possible.
    </p>
    <p>
      An almost incredible instance of the determination of the exiles to make
      as many enemies as they possibly could was exhibited to Antommarchi on his
      arrival at Longwood. He states that before he was permitted to enter on
      his functions as surgeon he was required to take an oath that he would not
      communicate with the English, and that he would more especially avoid
      giving them the least information respecting the progress of Napoleon's
      disorder. He was not allowed to see his illustrious patient until the oath
      was taken. After exacting such an oath from his physician the attendants
      of Bonaparte had little right to complain, as they did, that the real
      state of his disorder was purposely concealed from the world by the
      English Government. It is more than probable that the constant attempts
      observed to throw mystery and secrecy around them must have tended to
      create the suspicion of escape, and to increase the consequent rigour of
      the regulations maintained by the Governor.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after the arrival of the priests Napoleon determined, we may suppose
      partly in jest, to elevate one of them to the dignity of bishop, and he
      chose for a diocese the Jumna. "The last box brought from Europe had been
      broken open," says Antommarchi; "it contained the vases and church
      ornaments. "Stop," said Napoleon, "this is the property of St. Peter; have
      a care who touches it; send for the abbes&mdash;but talking of the abbes,
      do you know that the Cardinal [Fesch] is a poor creature? He sends me
      missionaries and propagandists, as if I were a penitent, and as if a whole
      string of their Eminences had not always attended at my chapel. I will do
      what he ought to have done; I possess the right of investiture, and I
      shall use it." Abbe Buonavita was just entering the room, "I give you the
      episcopal mitre."&mdash;"Sire!"&mdash;"I restore it to you; you shall wear
      it in spite of the heretics; they will not again take it from you."&mdash;
      "But, Sire!"&mdash;"I cannot add to it so rich a benefice as that of
      Valencia, which Suchet had given you, but at any rate your see shall be
      secure from the chances of battles. I appoint you Bishop of&mdash;let me
      see&mdash;of the Jumna. The vast countries through which that river flows
      were on the point of entering into alliance with me&mdash;all was in
      readiness, all were going to march. We were about to give the finishing
      blow to England." The speech concluded with an order to Count Montholon to
      procure the necessary dress for the abbe in order to strike with awe all
      the heretics. The upshot of the whole was, that the scarlet and violet
      coloured clothes necessary to furnish the new bishop with the only
      valuable portion of his temporalities, his dress, could not be procured in
      the island, and the abbe remained an abbe in spite of the investiture, and
      the whole farce was forgotten.
    </p>
    <p>
      We occasionally see the Exile in better moods, when he listened to the
      voice of reason, and thought less of the annoyances inseparable from the
      state to which his ambition, or as he himself always averred, his destiny,
      had reduced him. He had for a long time debarred himself from all
      exercise, having, as he expressed it, determined not to expose himself to
      the insult of being accompanied on his ride by a British officer; or the
      possibility of being challenged by a sentinel. One day when he complained
      of his inactive life his medical attendant recommended the exercise of
      digging the ground; the idea was instantly seized upon by Napoleon with
      his characteristic ardour. Noverraz, his chasseur, who had been formerly
      accustomed to rural occupations, was honoured with the title of head
      gardener, and under his directions Napoleon proceeded to work with great
      vigour. He sent for Antommarchi to witness his newly acquired dexterity in
      the use of the spade. "Well, Doctor," said he to him, "are you satisfied
      with your patient&mdash;is he obedient enough? This is better than your
      pills, Dottoraccio; you shall not physic me any more." At first he soon
      got fatigued, and complained much of the weakness of his body and delicacy
      of his hands; but "never mind," said he, "I have always accustomed my body
      to bend to my will, and I shall bring it to do so now, and inure it to the
      exercise." He soon grew fond of his new employment, and pressed all the
      inhabitants of Longwood into the service. Even the ladies had great
      difficulty to avoid being set to work. He laughed at them, urged them,
      entreated them, and used all his arts of persuasion, particularly with
      Madame Bertrand. He assured her that the exercise of gardening was much
      better than all the doctor's prescriptions&mdash;that it was in fact one
      of his prescriptions. But in this instance his eloquence failed in its
      effect, and he was obliged, though with much reluctance, to desist from
      his attempts to make lady gardeners.
    </p>
    <p>
      But in recompense he had willing labourers on the part of the gentlemen.
      Antommarchi says, "The Emperor urged us, excited us, and everything around
      us soon assumed a different aspect. Here was an excavation, there a basin
      or a road. We made alleys, grottoes, cascades; the appearance of the
      ground had now some life and diversity. We planted willows, oaks,
      peach-trees, to give a little shade round the house. Having completed the
      ornamental part of our labours we turned to the useful. We divided the
      ground, we manured it, and sowed it with abundance of beans, peas, and
      every vegetable that grows in the island." In the course of their labours
      they found that a tank would be of great use to hold water, which might be
      brought by pipes from a spring at a distance of 3000 feet.
    </p>
    <p>
      For this laborious attempt it was absolutely necessary to procure
      additional forces, and a party of Chinese, of whom there are many on the
      island, was engaged to help them. These people were much amused at
      Napoleon's working-dress, which was a jacket and large trousers, with an
      enormous straw hat to shield him from the sun, and sandals. He pitied
      those poor fellows who suffered from the heat of the sun, and made each of
      them a present of a large hat like his own. After much exertion the basin
      was finished, the pipes laid, and the water began to flow into it.
      Napoleon stocked his pond with gold-fish, which he placed in it with his
      own hands. He would remain by the pond for hours together, at a time when
      he was so weak that he could hardly support himself. He would amuse
      himself by following the motion of the fishes, throwing bread to them,
      studying their ways, taking an interest in their loves and their quarrels,
      and endeavouring with anxiety to find out points of resemblance between
      their motives and those of mankind. He often sent for his attendants to
      communicate his remarks to them, and directed their observations to any
      peculiarities he had observed. His favourites at last sickened, they
      struggled, floated on the water, and died one after another. He was deeply
      affected by this, and remarked to Antommarchi, "You see very well that
      there is a fatality attached to me. Everything I love, everything that
      belongs to me, is immediately struck: heaven and mankind unite to
      persecute me." From this time he visited them daily in spite of sickness
      or bad weather, nor did his anxiety diminish until it was discovered that
      a coppery cement, with which the bottom of the basin was plastered, had
      poisoned the water. The fish which were not yet dead were then taken out
      and put into a tub.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon appears to have taken peculiar interest in observing the
      instincts of animals, and comparing their practices and propensities with
      those of men. A rainy day, during which the digging of the tank could not
      be proceeded with, gave occasion for some observations on the actions of a
      number of ants, which had made a way into his bedroom, climbed upon a
      table on which some sugar usually stood, and taken possession of the
      sugar-basin. He would not allow the industrious little insects to be
      disturbed in their plans; but he now and then moved the sugar, followed
      their manoeuvres, and admired the activity and industry they displayed
      until they found it again; this they had been sometimes even two or three
      days in effecting, though they always succeeded at last. He then
      surrounded the basin with water, but the ants still reached it; he finally
      employed vinegar, and the insects were unable to get through the new
      obstacle.
    </p>
    <p>
      But the slight activity of mind that now remained to him was soon to be
      exchanged for the languor and gloom of sickness, with but few intervals
      between positive suffering and the most distressing lowness of spirits.
      Towards the end of the year 1820 he walked with difficulty, and required
      assistance even to reach a chair in his garden. He became nearly incapable
      of the slightest action; his legs swelled; the pains in his side and back
      were increased; he was troubled with nausea, profuse sweats, loss of
      appetite, and was subject to frequent faintings. "Here I am, Doctor," said
      he one day, "at my last cast. No more energy and strength left: I bend
      under the load . . . I am going. I feel that my hour is come."
    </p>
    <p>
      Some days after, as he lay on his couch, he feelingly expressed to
      Antommarchi the vast change which had taken place within him. He recalled
      for a few moments the vivid recollection of past times, and compared his
      former energy with the weakness which he was then sinking under.
    </p>
    <p>
      The news of the death of his sister Elisa also affected him deeply. After
      a struggle with his feelings, which had nearly overpowered him, he rose,
      supported himself on Antommarchi's arm; and regarding him steadfastly,
      said, "Well, Doctor! you see Elisa has just shown me the way. Death, which
      seemed to have forgotten my family, has begun to strike it; my turn cannot
      be far off. What think you?"&mdash;"Your Majesty is in no danger: you are
      still reserved for some glorious enterprise."&mdash; "Ah, Doctor! I have
      neither strength nor activity nor energy; I am no longer Napoleon. You
      strive in vain to give me hopes, to recall life ready to expire. Your care
      can do nothing in spite of fate: it is immovable: there is no appeal from
      its decisions. The next person of our family who will follow Elisa to the
      tomb is that great Napoleon who hardly exists, who bends under the yoke,
      and who still, nevertheless keeps Europe in alarm. Behold, my good friend,
      how I look on my situation! As for me, all is over: I repeat it to you, my
      days will soon close on this miserable rock."&mdash;"We returned," says
      Antommarchi, "into his chamber. Napoleon lay down' in bed. 'Close my
      windows,' he said; leave me to myself; I will send for you by-and-by. What
      a delightful thing rest is! I would not exchange it for all the thrones in
      the world! What an alteration! How I am fallen! I, whose activity was
      boundless, whose mind never slumbered, am now plunged into a lethargic
      stupor, so that it requires an effort even to raise my eyelids. I
      sometimes dictated to four or five secretaries, who wrote as fast as words
      could be uttered, but then I was NAPOLEON&mdash;now I am no longer
      anything. My strength&mdash;my faculties forsake me. I do not live&mdash;I
      merely exist.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      From this period the existence of Napoleon was evidently drawing to a
      close, his days were counted. Whole hours, and even days, were either
      passed in gloomy silence or spent in pain, accompanied by distressing
      coughs, and all the melancholy signs of the approach of death. He made a
      last effort to ride a few miles round Longwood on the 22d of January 1821,
      but it exhausted his strength, and from that time his only exercise was in
      the calash. Even that slight motion soon became too fatiguing.
    </p>
    <p>
      He now kept his room, and no longer stirred out. His disorder and his
      weakness increased upon him. He still was able to eat something, but very
      little, and with a worse appetite than ever. "Ah! doctor," he exclaimed,
      "how I suffer! Why did the cannon-balls spare me only to die in this
      deplorable manner? I that was so active, so alert, can now scarcely raise
      my eyelids!"
    </p>
    <p>
      His last airing was on the 17th of March. The disease increased, and
      Antommarchi, who was much alarmed, obtained with some difficulty
      permission to see an English physician. He held a consultation, on the
      26th of March, with Dr. Arnott of the 20th Regiment; but Napoleon still
      refused to take medicine, and often repeated his favourite saying:
      "Everything that must happen is written down, our hour is marked, and it
      is not in our power to take from time a portion which nature refuses us."
      He continued to grow worse, and at last consented to see Dr. Arnott, whose
      first visit was on the 1st of April. He was introduced into the chamber of
      the patient, which was darkened, and into which Napoleon did not suffer
      any light to be brought, examined his pulse and the other symptoms, and
      was requested to repeat his visit the next day. Napoleon was now within a
      month of his death, and although he occasionally spoke with the eloquence
      and vehemence he had so often exhibited, his mind was evidently giving
      way. The reported appearance of a comet was taken as a token of his death.
      He was excited, and exclaimed with emotion, "A comet! that was the
      precursor of the death of Caesar."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3d of April the symptoms of the disorder had become so alarming
      that Antommarchi informed Bertrand and Montholon he thought Napoleon's
      danger imminent, and that Napoleon ought to take steps to put his affairs
      in order. He was now attacked by fever and by violent thirst, which often
      interrupted his sleep in the night. On the 14th Napoleon found himself in
      better spirits, and talked with Dr. Arnott on the merits of Marlborough,
      whose Campaigns he desired him to present to the 20th Regiment, learning
      that they did not, possess a copy in their library.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of April Napoleon's doors were closed to all but Montholon and
      Marchand, and it appeared that he had been making his Will. On the 19th he
      was better, was free from pain, sat up, and ate a little. He was in good
      spirits, and wished them to read to him. As General Montholon with the
      others expressed his satisfaction at this improvement he smiled gently,
      and said, "You deceive yourselves, my friends: I am, it is true, somewhat
      better, but I feel no less that my end draws near. When I am dead you will
      have the agreeable consolation of returning to Europe. One will meet his
      relations, another his friends; and as for me, I shall behold my brave
      companions-in-arms in the Elysian Fields. Yes," he went on, raising his
      voice, "Kléber, Desaix, Bessières, Duroc, Ney, Murat, Massena, Berthier,
      all will come to greet me: they will talk to me of what we have done
      together. I will recount to them the latest events of my life. On seeing
      me they will become once more intoxicated with enthusiasm and glory. We
      will discourse of our wars with the Scipios, Hannibal, Caesar, and
      Frederick&mdash;there will be a satisfaction in that: unless," he added,
      laughing bitterly, "they should be alarmed below to see so many warriors
      assembled together!"
    </p>
    <p>
      He addressed Dr. Arnott, who came in while he was speaking, on the
      treatment he had received from England said that she had violated every
      sacred right in making him prisoner, that he should have been much better
      treated in Russia, Austria, or even Prussia; that he was sent to the
      horrible rock of St. Helena on purpose to die; that he had been purposely
      placed on the most uninhabitable spot of that inhospitable island, and
      kept six years a close prisoner, and that Sir Hudson Lowe was his
      executioner. He concluded with these words: "You will end like the proud
      republic of Venice; and I, dying upon this dreary rock, away from those I
      hold dear, and deprived of everything, bequeath the opprobrium and horror
      of my death to the reigning family of England."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 21st Napoleon gave directions to the priest who was in attendance
      as to the manner in which he would be placed to lie in state after his
      death; and finding his religious attendant had never officiated in such a
      solemnity he gave the most minute instructions for the mode of conducting
      it. He afterwards declared that he would die, as he was born a Catholic,
      and desired that mass should be said by his body, and the customary
      ceremonies should be performed every day until his burial. The expression
      of his face was earnest and convulsive; he saw Antommarchi watching the
      contractions which he underwent, when his eye caught some indication that
      displeased him. "You are above these weaknesses; but what would you have?
      I am neither philosopher nor physician. I believe in God; I am of the
      religion of my fathers; every one cannot be an atheist who pleases." Then
      turning to the priest&mdash;"I was born in the Catholic religion. I wish
      to fulfil the duties which it imposes, and to receive the succour which it
      administers. You will say mass every day in the adjoining chapel, and you
      will expose the Holy Sacrament for forty hours. After I am dead you will
      place your altar at my head in the funeral chamber; you will continue to
      celebrate mass, and perform all the customary ceremonies; you will not
      cease till I am laid in the ground." The Abbe (Vignale) withdrew; Napoleon
      reproved his fellow-countryman for his supposed incredulity. "Can you
      carry it to this point? Can you disbelieve in God? Everything proclaims
      His existence; and, besides, the greatest minds have thought so."&mdash;"But,
      Sire, I have never called it in question. I was attending to the progress
      of the fever: your Majesty fancied you saw in my features an expression
      which they had not."&mdash; "You are a physician, Doctor," he replied
      laughingly; "these folks," he added, half to himself, "are conversant only
      with matter; they will believe in nothing beyond."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the afternoon of the 25th he was better; but being left alone, a sudden
      fancy possessed him to eat. He called for fruits, wine, tried a biscuit,
      then swallowed some champagne, seized a bunch of grapes, and burst into a
      fit of laughter as soon as he saw Antommarchi return. The physician
      ordered away the dessert, and found fault with the maitre d'hotel; but the
      mischief was done, the fever returned and became violent. The Emperor was
      now on his death-bed, but he testified concern for every one. He asked
      Antommarchi if 500 guineas would satisfy the English physician, and if he
      himself would like to serve Maria Louisa in quality of a physician? "She
      is my wife, the first Princess in Europe, and after me you should serve no
      one else." Antommarchi expressed his acknowledgments. The fever continued
      unabated, with violent thirst and cold in the feet. On the 27th he
      determined to remove from the small chamber into the salon. They were
      preparing to carry him. "No," he said, "not until I am dead; for the
      present it will be sufficient if you support me."
    </p>
    <p>
      Between the 27th and 28th the Emperor passed a very bad night; the fever
      increased, coldness spread over his limbs, his strength was quite gone. He
      spoke a few words of encouragement to Antommarchi; then in a tone of
      perfect calmness and composure he delivered to him the following
      instructions: "After my death, which cannot be far off, I wish you to open
      my body: I wish also, nay, I require, that you will not suffer any English
      physician to touch me. If, however, you find it indispensable to have some
      one to assist you, Dr. Arnott is the only one I am willing you should
      employ. I am desirous, further, that you should take out my heart, that
      you put it in spirits of wine, and that you carry it to Parma to my dear
      Maria Louisa: you will tell her how tenderly I have loved her, that I have
      never ceased to love her; and you will report to her all that you have
      witnessed, all that relates to my situation and my death. I recommend you,
      above all, carefully to examine my stomach, to make an exact detailed
      report of it, which you will convey to my son. The vomitings which succeed
      each other without intermission lead me to suppose that the stomach is the
      one of my organs which is the most deranged, and I am inclined to believe
      that it is affected with the disease which conducted my father to the
      grave,&mdash;I mean a cancer in the lower stomach. What think you?" His
      physician hesitating, he continued&mdash;"I have not doubted this since I
      found the sickness become frequent and obstinate. It is nevertheless well
      worthy of remark that I have always had a stomach of iron, that I have
      felt no inconvenience from this organ till latterly, and that whereas my
      father was fond of high-seasoned dishes and spirituous liquors, I have
      never been able to make use of them. Be it as it may, I entreat, I charge
      you to neglect nothing in such an examination, in order that when you see
      my son you may communicate the result of your observations to him, and
      point out the most suitable remedies. When I am no more you will repair to
      Rome; you will find out my mother and my family. You will give them an
      account of all you have observed relative to my situation, my disorder,
      and my death on this remote and miserable rock; you will tell them that
      the great Napoleon expired in the most deplorable state, wanting
      everything, abandoned to himself and his glory." It was ten in the
      forenoon; after this the fever abated, and he fell into a sort of doze.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor passed a very bad night, and could not sleep. He grew
      light-headed and talked incoherently; still the fever had abated in its
      violence. Towards morning the hiccough began to torment him, the fever
      increased, and he became quite delirious. He spoke of his complaint, and
      called upon Baxter (the Governor's physician) to appear, to come and see
      the truth of his reports. Then all at once fancying O'Meara present, he
      imagined a dialogue between them, throwing a weight of odium on the
      English policy. The fever having subsided, his hearing became distinct; he
      grew calm, and entered into some further conversation on what was to be
      done after his death. He felt thirsty, and drank a large quantity of cold
      water. "If fate should determine that I shall recover, I would raise a
      monument on the spot where this water gushes out: I would crown the
      fountain in memory of the comfort which it has afforded me. If I die, and
      they should not proscribe my remains as they have proscribed my person, I
      should desire to be buried with my ancestors in the cathedral of Ajaccio,
      in Corsica. But if I am not allowed to repose where I was born, why, then,
      let them bury me at the spot where this fine and refreshing water flows."
      This request was afterwards complied with.
    </p>
    <p>
      He remained nearly in the same state for some days. On the 1st of May he
      was delirious nearly all day, and suffered dreadful vomitings. He took two
      small biscuits and a few drops of red wine. On the 2d he was rather
      quieter, and the alarming symptoms diminished a little. At 2 P.M.,
      however, he had a paroxysm of fever, and became again delirious. He talked
      to himself of France, of his dear son, of some of his old
      companions-in-arms. At times he was evidently in imagination on the field
      of battle. "Stengel!" he cried; "Desaix! Massena! Ah! victory is declaring
      itself! run&mdash;rush forward&mdash;press the charge!&mdash;they are
      ours!"
    </p>
    <p>
      "I was listening," says Dr. Antommarchi, "and following the progress of
      that painful agony in the deepest distress, when Napoleon, suddenly
      collecting his strength, jumped on the floor, and would absolutely go down
      into the garden to take a walk. I ran to receive him in my arms, but his
      legs bent under the weight of his body; he fell backwards, and I had the
      mortification of being unable to prevent his falling. We raised him up and
      entreated him to get into bed again; but he did not recognise anybody, and
      began to storm and fall into a violent passion. He was unconscious, and
      anxiously desired to walk in the garden. In the course of the day,
      however, he became more collected, and again spoke of his disease, and the
      precise anatomical examination he wished to be made of his body after
      death. He had a fancy that this might be useful to his son." "The
      physicians of Montpelier," he said to Antommarchi, "announced that the
      scirrhosis in the pylorus would be hereditary in my family; their report
      is, I believe, in the hands of my brother Louis; ask for it and compare it
      with your own observations on my case, in order that my son may be saved
      from this cruel disease. You will see him, Doctor, and you will point out
      to him what is best to do, and will save him from the cruel sufferings I
      now experience. This is the last service I ask of you." Later in the day
      he said, "Doctor, I am very ill&mdash;I feel that I am going to die."
    </p>
    <p>
      The last time Napoleon spoke, except to utter a few short unconnected
      words, was on the 3d of May. It was in the afternoon, and he had requested
      his attendants, in case of his losing consciousness, not to allow any
      English physician to approach him except Dr. Arnott. "I am going to die,"
      said he, "and you to return to Europe; I must give you some advice as to
      the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have shared my exile, you will
      be faithful to my memory, and will not do anything that may injure it. I
      have sanctioned all proper principles, and infused them into my laws and
      acts; I have not omitted a single one. Unfortunately, however, the
      circumstances in which I was placed were arduous, and I was obliged to act
      with severity, and to postpone the execution of my plans. Our reverses
      occurred; I could not unbend the bow; and France has been deprived of the
      liberal institutions I intended to give her. She judges me with
      indulgence; she feels grateful for my intentions; she cherishes my name
      and my victories. Imitate her example, be faithful to the opinions we have
      defended, and to the glory we have acquired: any other course can only
      lead to shame and confusion."
    </p>
    <p>
      From this moment it does not appear that Napoleon showed any signs of
      understanding what was going forward around him. His weakness increased
      every moment, and a harassing hiccough continued until death took place.
      The day before that event a fearful tempest threatened to destroy
      everything about Longwood. The plantations were torn up by the roots, and
      it was particularly remarked that a willow, under which Napoleon usually
      sat to enjoy the fresh air, had fallen. "It seemed," says Antommarchi, "as
      if none of the things the Emperor valued were to survive him." On the day
      of his death Madame Bertrand, who had not left his bedside, sent for her
      children to take a last farewell of Napoleon. The scene which ensued was
      affecting: the children ran to the bed, kissed the hands of Napoleon, and
      covered them with tears. One of the children fainted, and all had to be
      carried from the spot. "We all," says Antommarchi, "mixed our lamentations
      with theirs: we all felt the same anguish, the same cruel foreboding of
      the approach of the fatal instant, which every minute accelerated." The
      favourite valet, Noverraz, who had been for some time very ill, when he
      heard of the state in which Napoleon was, caused himself to be carried
      downstairs, and entered the apartment in tears. He was with great
      difficulty prevailed upon to leave the room: he was in a delirious state,
      and he fancied his master was threatened with danger, and was calling upon
      him for assistance: he said he would not leave him but would fight and die
      for him. But Napoleon was now insensible to the tears of his servants; he
      had scarcely spoken for two days; early in the morning he articulated a
      few broken sentences, among which the only words distinguishable were,
      "tete d'armee," the last that ever left his lips, and which indicated the
      tenor of his fancies. The day passed in convulsive movements and low
      moanings, with occasionally a loud shriek, and the dismal scene closed
      just before six in the evening. A slight froth covered his lips, and he
      was no more.
    </p>
    <p>
      After he had been dead about six hours Antommarchi had the body carefully
      washed and laid out on another bed. The executors then proceeded to
      examine two codicils which were directed to be opened immediately after
      the Emperor's decease. The one related to the gratuities which he intended
      out of his private purse for the different individuals of his household,
      and to the alms which he wished to be distributed among the poor of St.
      Helena; the other contained his last wish that "his ashes should repose on
      the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people whom he had
      loved so well." The executors notified this request to the Governor, who
      stated that his orders were that the body was to, remain on the island. On
      the next day, after taking a plaster cast of the face of Napoleon,
      Antommarchi proceeded to open the body in the presence of Sir Thomas
      Reade, some staff officers, and eight medical men.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor had intended his hair (which was of a chestnut colour) for
      presents to the different members of his family, and it was cut off and
      kept for this purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      He had grown considerably thinner in person during the last few months.
      After his death his face and body were pale, but without alteration or
      anything of a cadaverous appearance. His physiognomy was fine, the eyes
      fast closed, and you would have said that the Emperor was not dead, but in
      a profound sleep. His mouth retained its expression of sweetness, though
      one side was contracted into a bitter smile. Several scars were seen on
      his body. On opening it it was found that the liver was not affected, but
      that there was that cancer of the stomach which he had himself suspected,
      and of which his father and two of his sisters died. This painful
      examination having been completed, Antommarchi took out the heart and
      placed it in a silver vase filled with spirits of wine; he then directed
      the valet de chambre to dress the body as he had been accustomed in the
      Emperor's lifetime, with the grand cordon of the Legion of Honour across
      the breast, in the green uniform of a colonel of the Chasseurs of the
      Guard, decorated with the orders of the Legion of Honour and of the Iron
      Crown, long boots with little spurs, finally, his three cornered hat. Thus
      habited, Napoleon was removed in the afternoon of the 6th out of the hall,
      into which the crowd rushed immediately. The linen which had been employed
      in the dissection of the body, though stained with blood, was eagerly
      seized, torn in pieces, and distributed among the bystanders.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon lay in state in his little bedroom which had been converted into
      a funeral chamber. It was hung with black cloth brought from the town.
      This circumstance first apprised the inhabitants of his death. The corpse,
      which had not been embalmed, and which was of an extraordinary whiteness,
      was placed on one of the campbeds, surrounded with little white curtains,
      which served for a sarcophagus. The blue cloak which Napoleon had worn at
      the battle of Marengo covered it. The feet and the hands were free; the
      sword on the left side, and a crucifix on the breast. At some distance was
      the silver vase containing the heart and stomach, which were not allowed
      to be removed. At the back of the head was an altar, where the priest in
      his stole and surplice recited the customary prayers. All the individuals
      of Napoleon's suite, officers and domestics, dressed in mourning, remained
      standing on the left. Dr. Arnott had been charged to see that no attempt
      was made to convey away the body.
    </p>
    <p>
      For some-hours the crowd had besieged the doors; they were admitted, and
      beheld the inanimate remains of Napoleon in respectful silence. The
      officers of the 20th and 66th Regiments were admitted first, then the
      others. The following day (the 7th) the throng was greater. Antommarchi
      was not allowed to take the heart of Napoleon to Europe with him; he
      deposited that and the stomach in two vases, filled with alcohol and
      hermetically sealed, in the corners of the coffin in which the corpse was
      laid. This was a shell of zinc lined with white satin, in which was a
      mattress furnished with a pillow. There not being room for the hat to
      remain on his head, it was placed at his feet, with some eagles, pieces of
      French money coined during his reign, a plate engraved with his arms, etc.
      The coffin was closed, carefully soldered up, and then fixed in another
      case of mahogany, which was enclosed in a third made of lead, which last
      was fastened in a fourth of mahogany, which was sealed up and fastened
      with screws. The coffin was exhibited in the same place as the body had
      been, and was also covered with the cloak that Napoleon had worn at the
      battle of Marengo. The funeral was ordered for the morrow, 8th May, and
      the troops were to attend in the morning by break of day.
    </p>
    <p>
      This took place accordingly: the Governor arrived first, the Rear-Admiral
      soon after, and shortly all the authorities, civil and military, were
      assembled at Longwood. The day was fine, the people crowded the roads,
      music resounded from the heights; never had spectacle so sad and solemn
      been witnessed in these remote regions. At half-past twelve the grenadiers
      took hold of the coffin, lifted it with difficulty, and succeeded in
      removing it into the great walk in the garden, where the hearse awaited
      them. It was placed in the carriage, covered with a pall of
      violet-coloured velvet, and with the cloak which the hero wore at Marengo.
      The Emperor's household were in mourning. The cavalcade was arranged by
      order of the Governor in the following manner: The Abbe Vignale in his
      sacerdotal robes, with young Henry Bertrand at his side, bearing an
      aspersorium; Doctors Arnott and Antommarchi, the persons entrusted with
      the superintendence of the hearse, drawn by four horses, led by grooms,
      and escorted by twelve grenadiers without arms, on each side; these last
      were to carry the coffin on their shoulders as soon as the ruggedness of
      the road prevented the hearse from advancing; young Napoleon Bertrand, and
      Marchand, both on foot, and by the side of the hearse; Counts Bertrand and
      Montholon on horseback close behind the hearse; a part of the household of
      the Emperor; Countess Bertrand with her daughter Hortense, in a calash
      drawn by two horses led by hand by her domestics, who walked by the side
      of the precipice; the Emperor's horse led by his piqueur Archambaud; the
      officers of marine on horseback and on foot; the officers of the staff on
      horse-back; the members of the council of the island in like manner;
      General Coffin and the Marquis Montchenu on horseback; the Rear-Admiral
      and the Governor on horseback; the inhabitants of the island.
    </p>
    <p>
      The train set out in this order from Longwood, passed by the barracks, and
      was met by the garrison, about 2500 in number, drawn up on the left of the
      road as far as Hut's Gate. Military bands placed at different distances
      added still more, by the mournful airs which they played, to the striking
      solemnity of the occasion. When the train had passed the troops followed
      and accompanied it to the burying-place. The dragoons marched first. Then
      came the 20th Regiment of infantry, the marines, the 66th, the volunteers
      of St. Helena, and lastly, the company of Royal Artillery, with fifteen
      pieces of cannon. Lady Lowe and her daughter were at the roadside at Hut's
      Gate, in an open carriage drawn by two horses. They were attended by some
      domestics in mourning, and followed the procession at a distance. The
      fifteen pieces of artillery were ranged along the road, and the gunners
      were at their posts ready to fire. Having advanced about a quarter of a
      mile beyond Hut's Gate the hearse stopped, the troops halted and drew up
      in line of battle by the roadside. The grenadiers then raised the coffin
      on their shoulders and bore it thus to the place of interment, by the new
      route which had been made on purpose on the declivity of the mountain. All
      the attendants alighted, the ladies descended from their carriages, and
      the procession followed the corpse without observing any regular order.
    </p>
    <p>
      Counts Bertrand and Montholon, Marchand and young Napoleon Bertrand,
      carried the four corners of the pall. The coffin was laid down at the side
      of the tomb, which was hung with black. Near were seen the cords and
      pulleys which were to lower it into the earth. The coffin was then
      uncovered, the Abbe Vignale repeated the usual prayers, and the body was
      let down into the grave with the feet to the east. The artillery then
      fired three salutes in succession of fifteen discharges each. The
      Admiral's vessel had fired during the procession twenty-five minute guns
      from time to time. A huge stone, which was to have been employed in the
      building of the new house of the Emperor, was now used to close his grave,
      and was lowered till it rested on a strong stone wall so as not to touch
      the coffin. While the grave was closed the crowd seized upon the willows,
      which the former presence of Napoleon had already rendered objects of
      veneration. Every one was ambitious to possess a branch or some leaves of
      these trees which were henceforth to shadow the tomb of this great man,
      and to preserve them as a precious relic of so memorable a scene. The
      Governor and Admiral endeavoured to prevent this outrage, but in vain. The
      Governor, however, surrounded the spot afterwards with a barricade, where
      he placed a guard to keep off all intruders. The tomb of the Emperor was
      about a league from Longwood. It was of a quadrangular shape, wider at top
      than at bottom; the depth about twelve feet. The coffin was placed on two
      strong pieces of wood, and was detached in its whole circumference.
    </p>
    <p>
      The companions of Napoleon returned to France, and the island gradually
      resumed its former quiet state, while the willows weeping over the grave
      guarded the ashes of the man for whom Europe had been all too small.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linklink2H_4_0131" id="link2H_4_0131">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
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    <h2>
      ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:
    </h2>
    <p>
      A sect cannot be destroyed by cannon-balls Ability in making it be
      supposed that he really possessed talent Absurdity of interfering with
      trifles Admired him more for what he had the fortitude not to do Always
      proposing what he knew could not be honourably acceded to An old man's
      blessing never yet harmed any one Animated by an unlucky zeal Buried for
      the purpose of being dug up Calumny such powerful charms Cause of war
      between the United States and England Conquest can only be regarded as the
      genius of destruction Demand everything, that you may obtain nothing Die
      young, and I shall have some consolatory reflection Every time we go to
      war with them we teach them how to beat us Every one cannot be an atheist
      who pleases Go to England. The English like wrangling politicians God in
      his mercy has chosen Napoleon to be his representative on earth Grew more
      angry as his anger was less regarded Had neither learned nor forgotten
      anything I have made sovereigns, but have not wished to be one myself I do
      not live&mdash;I merely exist Ideologues Immortality is the recollection
      one leaves Kings feel they are born general: whatever else they cannot do
      Kiss the feet of Popes provided their hands are tied Let women mind their
      knitting Malice delights to blacken the characters of prominent men
      Manufacturers of phrases More glorious to merit a sceptre than to possess
      one Most celebrated people lose on a close view Necessary to let men and
      things take their course Nothing is changed in France: there is only one
      Frenchman more Put some gold lace on the coats of my virtuous republicans
      Religion is useful to the Government Rights of misfortune are always
      sacred Something so seductive in popular enthusiasm Strike their
      imaginations by absurdities than by rational ideas Submit to events, that
      he might appear to command them Tendency to sell the skin of the bear
      before killing him That consolation which is always left to the
      discontented The boudoir was often stronger than the cabinet The wish and
      the reality were to him one and the same thing Those who are free from
      common prejudices acquire others To leave behind him no traces of his
      existence Treaties of peace no less disastrous than the wars Treaty,
      according to custom, was called perpetual Trifles honoured with too much
      attention Were made friends of lest they should become enemies When a man
      has so much money he cannot have got it honestly Would enact the more in
      proportion as we yield Yield to illusion when the truth was not
      satisfactory
    </p>
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