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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fundamental Peace Ideas including The
Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and The League Of Nations (1919), by Arthur Mac Donald
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Title: Fundamental Peace Ideas including The Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and The League Of Nations (1919)
in connection with International Psychology and Revolutions
Author: Arthur Mac Donald
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<h3>UNITED STATES SENATE</h3>
<h1>FUNDAMENTAL PEACE IDEAS</h1>
<h4><i>including</i></h4>
<h1>THE WESTPHALIAN PEACE TREATY<br />
<small>(1648)</small></h1>
<h4><i>and</i></h4>
<h1>THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS<br />
<small>(1919)</small></h1>
<h4><i>in connection with</i></h4>
<h2>International Psychology and Revolutions</h2>
<hr style="width: 15%;" />
<h3>By ARTHUR MAC DONALD<br />
<small>Anthropologist: Washington, D. C.</small></h3>
<hr style="width: 15%;" />
<h4>(Reprinted from the Congressional Record July 1, 1919,<br />
United States Senate)</h4>
<div class="figcenter" style="width: 234px;">
<img src="images/img001.jpg" width="234" height="192" alt="" title="" />
</div>
<h4>WASHINGTON<br />
1919</h4>
<p>125746—19572</p>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<div class="figcenter" style="width: 260px;">
<img src="images/img002.jpg" width="260" height="310" alt="" title="" />
</div>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<h2>The Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and the League of
Nations (1919) in Connection With International Psychology
and Revolutions.</h2>
<h4>BY ARTHUR MAC DONALD,</h4>
<p class="center">Anthropologist, Washington, D. C, and Honorary President<br />
of the International Congress of Criminal<br />
Anthropology of Europe.</p>
<h4>INTRODUCTION.</h4>
<p>The League of Nations may only be a first step in the direction of
permanent peace, yet not a few persons seem doubtful of its utility.
However, the league may be the lesser evil as compared with the old
régime, which appears to have resulted in total failure after a very long
and fair trial.</p>
<p>Whatever be the ultimate outcome of the league and of the problems
to be solved, the one encouraging thing is that all the people are thinking
seriously on the subject and longing for some way to stop war. It may
be true that lasting peace can only be secured when both people and
leaders (sometimes the people lead the leaders) realize the necessity of
peace and the senselessness of war. But to reach such a happy realization
of the truth what are we, the people, to do now? Already the discussions
of the league (pro and con) have fertilized the soil; the minds
of the people are open as never before; and now is the supreme moment
to sow peace seeds. The sooner, more thoroughly, and wider they are
scattered, the better. In this way we may be able to so impress peace
ideas upon everyone, as to avoid the terrible necessity of a future war, in
which both sides become exhausted, as in the Thirty Years' War, which
would be a much more horrible war than the present war.</p>
<p>To escape such a catastrophe and make a league of nations or any
kind of peace arrangements endure is preeminently an educational
problem, and consists mainly in repeatedly filling the minds of the
people, old and young, everywhere with fundamental peace conceptions.
Shall we not begin at once and persist in doing this until political wars
become as impossible in the future as religious wars are now?</p>
<h4>SUGGESTIONS OF THE PEACE TREATY OF WESTPHALIA FOR THE LEAGUE OF
NATIONS.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h4>
<p>The conference of nations that has taken place around the peace
table at Paris is doubtless the most important of any in history. One
reason is the fact that the plan the conference has decided to carry out
will necessarily concern most all countries of the world. For railroads,
steamships, aeroplanes, telegraphs, telephones, and wireless telegraphy,
as never before, have made communication between nations so easy,
quick, and direct that distance is almost eliminated, enabling the whole
world to think, reason, and act at the same time, and to be influenced as
one human solidarity.</p>
<p>There seems to be a strong desire in all lands that the peace conference
will make future wars not only improbable but practically
impossible. But how can this be done? For years countless peace
plans and theories have been proposed filling volumes of books, but
they are mainly of a speculative nature. Since theoretical grounds
have proved inadequate, is there then any experience in the history
of the world which can be made a basis for permanent peace? Is there,
for instance, any kind of war that has resulted in doing away with
itself permanently? The answer would point to the Thirty Years' War,
closing with the peace of Westphalia (1648), which seems to have put
an end to all religious wars.</p>
<p>How, then, does it happen that the peace treaty of Westphalia, of
all the treaties in the world, is the only one that has succeeded in
stopping all religious wars? We are certainly dealing here with a
phenomenal fact in history. The writer has been unable to find any
discussion of this phase of the matter. It would therefore seem of interest
and importance, especially at the present time, to make a brief
anthropological study of the Thirty Years' War which led to such an
exceptional and successful treaty.</p>
<h4>NEW FIELD FOR ANTHROPOLOGY.</h4>
<p>From the anthropological point of view, history can be looked upon
as a vast laboratory for the purpose of studying humanity and assisting
in its progress. In the past anthropology has concerned itself mainly
with savage and prehistoric man, but it is due time that it take up the
more important and much more difficult subject of civilized man, not
only as an individual but as an organization<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> or nation, or group of
nations. It is true that other departments of knowledge, such as history
and political science, have pursued these fields, but unfortunately
not always in the scientific sense; to use an ancient pun, it is his story,
rather than all the facts. Anthropology in this new field should seek
to establish only those truths which can be based upon facts. There
are doubtless many very important truths which can not be established
by scientific methods, but perhaps they can be better treated in political
science, psychology, ethics, philosophy, and theology.</p>
<p>In the present inquiry the anthropological problem is this: As religious
wars are admitted to be the most intense, most idealistic, and
most sacrificial of all wars, and therefore most difficult to stop, can it
be ascertained just how the Thirty Years' War, culminating in the
peace of Westphalia, brought about the end of all religious wars? This
might suggest how all political wars may be made to cease. If the
seventeenth century accomplished the more difficult task, the peace
conference at Paris ought to succeed in the less difficult one. If the
twentieth century prides itself on being superior in diplomacy, practical
statesmanship, and general mental caliber, it will now have an
opportunity to show such superiority by formulating a treaty which
will make all future political wars not only improbable but impossible.</p>
<h4>PRINCIPLES OF A PEACE CONFERENCE.</h4>
<p>In following the present peace conference and comparing it with the
peace congress of Westphalia, it may be well to mention a few of the
principles of such congresses in general. In a treaty of peace there are
first of all the usual articles, as, e.g., a declaration that peace is
restored and amnesty clauses, including restitution of such conquests
as are not intended to be retained, and of rights suspended by the war.
Also there are provisions to remove the causes out of which the war
arose, redress grievances, and prevent their recurrence. This is the
most essential thing for the congress to do. Then there is the indemnity
article to make satisfactory reparation for injury sustained and
cost of war. But great prudence should be exercised here, otherwise
the conquered power may feel deep resentment which is liable to sow
seeds for a future war.</p>
<p>As to personal attendance at the congress, one great advantage is
that difficulties thought insurmountable in correspondence often disappear
in an interview. Half the work is done when members have come
to know what each really wants. But in long discussions there is
danger of becoming fatigued and making ill-advised concessions. There
is also temptation for some members to interfere where they have no
substantial interests nor rights, and to contract engagements in which
they have no special concern. When strong enough, every nation will
insist on the right to manage its own internal affairs. Sometimes there
are a few particularly able men, speaking several languages fluently (a
very practical advantage), but representing only small countries, who
may exercise undue influence and cause the congress to authorize things
which may not prove of equal justice to all. Members of congresses
have been known to vote for things that they did not understand, to
the great disadvantage of their own country, due mainly to inexperience
and lack of familiarity with the language spoken in the congress.</p>
<h4>THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA.</h4>
<p>As early as 1636 Pope Urban VIII extorted from the powers engaged
in the Thirty Years' War their unwilling consent to treat. In 1637 a
discussion of safe conducts was begun, which lasted nearly five years,
and it was not until 1641 that preliminaries as to time and place of the
congress were signed, and these were not ratified, nor safe conducts
exchanged, until 1643, making six years for controversies as to mere
formalities. One of the causes of this dilatoriness was that neither
side really desired peace. Captiousness and punctiliousness were doubtless
emphasized in order to obtain delay. The labor of concluding
peace was colossal; there were endless obstacles to surmount, contending
interests to reconcile, a labyrinth of circumstances to cope with,
difficulties to overcome besetting the congress from the very outset of
the negotiations, not only of arranging the conditions of peace but still
more of carrying them through the proceedings.</p>
<p>It is therefore fair to assume that the difficulties in establishing the
Peace of Westphalia were as great as, and probably greater than,
those now confronting the peace conference at Paris. For in the
Westphalian congress nobody desired peace, and it was not possible to
agree to an armistice, so that war continued while the congress was
in session, materially affecting the deliberations; this may be one
reason why the congress lasted as long as four years.</p>
<p>To avoid questions of precedence and to lessen further opportunities
for disagreement, two cities in Westphalia, Munster for the Catholics
and Osnabruck for the Protestants, were selected. These places were
a short day's ride apart. The treaty was signed at Munster October
24, 1648, and was called "The Peace of Westphalia." In addition to
the disposition for delay, there was a tendency to criticize things
generally. Thus certain plenipotentiaries complained of their accommodations,
saying that the houses assigned to them, though high and
handsome externally, were in fact rat holes. The streets also were
pronounced very narrow, so much so that when a certain very polite
diplomat, who wore a very large hat, made from his coach an extremely
low bow, his hat hit a very expensive vase in an open window,
which fell and broke, causing great embarrassment.</p>
<p>First, questions of etiquette were taken up. For instance, did the
precedence belong to Spain, and what marks of honor were due to the
representatives of the neutral powers? Then came contests for the
ecclesiastical seats. The Nuncio, the representative of the Pope,
wished to sit not only at the head of the table but wanted a canopy
over him to distinguish him. The way in which the minor powers
should be received was in doubt. It was finally decided to go half-way
down the stairs with guests when departing. Also the question
of titles arose. The word "excellency" was chosen for addressing
the envoys of the great powers, but it had to be extended to the lesser
powers. The Venetian envoy obtained the honor (to his joy) of being
conducted, when he visited the French plenipotentiary, to the door of
his coach, instead of to the staircase. These few of the many incidents
during the congress will illustrate the human side of official
matters. Such disputes as to precedence and etiquette were to be
expected in a proud and ceremonious age among representatives of
numerous States, especially when many of them were of doubtful rank.
There was also much display. A train of 18 coaches conveyed the
French envoys in their visits of ceremony. It appeared that France
desired to show that she had not been impoverished by the war like
Germany.</p>
<p>The papal nuncio and the Venetian envoy were mediators as well
as members of the congress. France and Sweden were opposed to
each other in religion, but in accord on political matters. The treaty
was drawn up with such fullness and precision of language as is rarely
found in documents of this nature, due to a large body of trained
lawyers among the members. As indicating a desire for fairness in
little things as well as in larger questions, the treaty contained these
words: "No one of any party shall look askance at anyone on account
of his creed." As an example of wise provisions, the following may be
noted: The Protestants demanded the year 1618 as annus normalis
for the restitution of ecclesiastical estates, the Catholics insisted on
the year 1630, which was much more favorable to them. The congress
split the difference and made it 1624. The medius terminus
is often the wisest course in acute controversies. As to temporal affairs,
all hostilities of whatever kind were to be forgotten, neither
party being allowed to molest or injure the other for any purpose. In
regard to spiritual affairs, complete equality was to exist (aequalitas
exacta mutuaque), and every kind of violence was forever forbidden
between the parties.</p>
<p>The peace of <span class="ins" title = "original reads 'Westphalla'">Westphalia</span> was the first effort to reconstruct the European
states' system, and it became the common law of Europe. Few
treaties have had such influence, and Europe is said for the first time
to have formed a kind of commonwealth watching with anxiety over
the preservation of the general peace.</p>
<h4>THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.</h4>
<p>To have called to mind some of the principal points in the peace
of Westphalia is not sufficient for understanding the real significance
of the treaty without some consideration of the war which it closed.
As already suggested, this war, looked at from a scientific point of
view, is an unconscious experiment of nations, an attempt to solve a
problem in abnormal international psychology. In order to comprehend
this experiment and its resultant treaty, just how it brought about
permanent religious peace, some of the main events of the war must
be recalled as a basis upon which to work.</p>
<p>The Protestant Reformation had great influence upon almost everything
political in Europe, until the peace of Westphalia. The religious
peace of Augsburg (1555) furnished no settlement to questions stirred
up by the Reformation. It was inevitable that such fundamental disagreements
should lead to a general war. The Thirty Years' War
marked the end of the Reformation, which changed the idea of Christian
unity and altered the theory of a holy Roman empire, replacing
it by the idea of autonomy for individual states.</p>
<p>On May 23, 1618, a body of Protestants entered the royal palace at
Prague and threw two detested representatives of the Crown from the
window. This act started a struggle that for 30 years involved Europe
in a war which spread gradually from Bohemia over southern Germany,
then slowly to northern Germany and Denmark, until country after
country began to take part and the fighting became general. The war
might have ended in 1623, making it a five years' war, had it not been
for the outrageous treatment of the Protestant states of northern Germany,
resulting in a political disintegration in which Germany lost
half of her population and two-thirds of her wealth. Her religion and
morality sank low, and the intellectual damage required generations to
restore.</p>
<p>The Roman Catholic Church, having guided Christianity for centuries
without a rival, naturally felt greatly wronged by Protestant secession.
This explains the uncompromising enmities of the Thirty Years' War.
Various parties claimed the control of the religious doctrines to be
taught the people, as well as control of worship; they were fighting
each other for this power, ready to sacrifice their lives for it. The
Lutherans were as intolerant toward the <span class="ins" title = "original reads 'Calvanists'">Calvinists</span> as they were toward
the Catholics. The Catholic Church, convinced of the absolute
truth of its doctrines based upon 13 centuries of growth, naturally
could not tolerate some young reformers to arise and challenge its divine
right, especially not since these reformers seized old monastic and
ecclesiastic foundations with domains and edifices and administered
them in their own interest. The resistance of the Catholic hierarchy,
to the last drop of blood, was a normal reaction. As so often happens,
the conditions were abnormal, not the human beings.</p>
<p>Had the war stopped in 1623 the Catholics would have been left with
decided advantages. Their own ambitions, however, prevented it. Gustavus
Adolphus appeared, and by his efforts Protestantism is said to
have been saved from extinction. During 13 of the 30 years the lands
of the Protestants had been devastated; during the next 17 years an
equalization of the exhaustion of the parties developed before a lasting
religious peace was made. It became clear in the end that neither
Catholics nor Protestants could crush their opponents without perishing
likewise.</p>
<h4>TERRIBLE RESULTS OF THE WAR.</h4>
<p>The terrible results of the Thirty Years' War may be summed up by
saying that Germany was the carcass, and the hosts which invaded the
German soil were the vultures. The Protestant invaders were Swedes,
Finns, Hollanders, Frenchmen, Englishmen, and Scotchmen; on the
Catholic side there came in Spaniards, Italians, Walloons, Poles, Cossacks,
Croats, and representatives of nearly all other Slavonic tribes.
There was an army never larger than 40,000 men, but the camp followers
were 140,000, consisting of gangs of Gypsies, Jewish camp traders,
marauders, and plunderers. The soldiers robbed and tortured all alike,
both friend and foe. The inhabitants would flee to the woods, taking
with them or hiding everything they could. But the invaders were experts
in discovering secret treasures; they would pour water on the
ground, and where it sank quickly there they knew something had been
recently buried.</p>
<p>To retaliate, the peasants would watch for stragglers, for the sick
and wounded who had dropped behind, putting them to death with
every device of insult and cruelty known. Much of the cruelty is too
hideous to mention. In many districts the desolation was so great that
persons were found dead with grass in their mouths. Men climbed up
the scaffolds and tore down the bodies of those hanged and devoured
them. The supply was large. Newly buried corpses were dug up for
food. Children were enticed away that they might be slain and eaten.
The population, when plundered, would become plunderers in turn,
forming into bands, and inflict on others the horrors that they themselves
had suffered. Men became wholly indifferent to the sufferings
of others. Whole countries were destroyed, towns and villages reduced
to ashes, and civilization was pushed back into barbarism for half a
century. The Thirty Years' War is said to have been so unspeakably
cruel and calamitous that the like has never been known in Europe.</p>
<h4>CAUSES OF THE LENGTH OF THE WAR.</h4>
<p>Gustavus Adolphus writes in a letter that the war would be long
drawn out and stop from exhaustion. The original purpose of the war
was the suppression of the Protestant faith, but the victories of Gustavus
Adolphus made the Catholics hopeless. Also other interests of a
political nature rose up, the war passed from a German to a European
question. Though there were times when peace might have been made,
the side who had the best of it for the moment deemed it folly to stop
when victory was in reach. The other side thought it base and cowardly
not to continue, as some turn of fortune might repair the losses.
Many a war has dragged on after the purpose for which it began had
become unattainable, because those who began it were too vain to
admit that the objects of the war were impossible from its outset.</p>
<p>In a long war also individuals rise up to whom fighting becomes a
second nature, who know nothing else but violence and murder. Thus
many soldiers were indignant when the Westphalian peace was signed,
for they felt they had a vested right to plunder and murder, looking
upon a wretched, helpless population as their just prey.</p>
<p>A further reason for the long continuation of the war was the very
exhaustion of both sides; there was not enough strength on either
side to strike a decisive blow, nor sufficient energy left to make a
vigorous effort for peace, making it seem useless to try. In the earlier
and middle period of the war there were many cries for peace, but in
the last eight years there was a terrible silence of death and such utter
desperation that no one dared to speak of peace, so great was the
exhaustion. The soldiers decreased as it became more and more difficult
to recruit and feed them; the military operations grew feebler
and more desultory, the fighting more inconclusive, though the misery
did not diminish. But while the people and soldiers had become tired
of the interminable struggle and wanted peace, many of the diplomats
did not appear to desire it.</p>
<h4>CAUSES OF THE WAR.</h4>
<p>The great length of the war gradually revealed its very hopelessness
and uselessness, creating a general desire for rest and peace, transforming
and weakening the religious movements out of which the war had
arisen. The principle of private judgment, coming from the Reformation,
had had time to develop and undermine the ideas of temporal rights
and duties common to both parties, while many ideas first conceived by
the Reformation but suppressed at the time, had at last commenced to
grow through the long-continued <span class="ins" title = "original reads 'turbulations'">tribulations</span>.</p>
<p>Another cause of the war was the inherent incompatibility of religious
views among the people. Religious discord exists to-day, but it is not
decided by bloody contests, because of breadth of religious insight, general
indifference, and increasing skepticism. The convictions of the
people of the seventeenth <span class="ins" title = "original reads 'centry'">century</span>, as to the truth of their own opinions
and the errors of their opponents, were of such an absolute character
as can not be found nowadays even among people with the most rigid
beliefs. They did not know then that it was possible to live together
and yet have the most varied and contradictory religious convictions.
To suppose that these people were stupid is an error. The chances are
that they were less stupid than the people are to-day. How many, at
the present time, can look at their country, its ideals, ideas, and customs
justly and <span class="ins" title = "original reads 'wtihout'">without</span> prejudice? Naturally very few. But to place ourselves
outside of not only our country but our generation is much more
difficult. How could we then expect the people of the seventeenth
century to do this?</p>
<h4>IGNORANCE THE FUNDAMENTAL CAUSE OF THE WAR.</h4>
<p>The fundamental cause that brought the Thirty Years' War to a close
was mental insight into the uselessness and hopelessness of further
struggle, caused by the feeling of exhaustion due to the long continuance
of the war. The reason why this war put an end to all religious wars
was, that this intellectual insight became general in Europe, inculcating
more liberal religious views. This psychological attitude, with increasing
indifference to religion and resultant skepticism, caused religious
questions to be regarded less seriously, making further wars for such purposes
impossible. The basal reason, therefore, was the intellectual
realization of the foolishness of bloodshed on account of difference of
religious convictions; that is, lack of knowledge of this fact in the past—in
short, ignorance—was at the bottom of it all, as of most evils in the
world.</p>
<h4>COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR AND THE EUROPEAN WAR.</h4>
<p>In order to learn what suggestions from the Thirty Years' War may
be of use for the League of Nations in the future it will be well to mention
the general similarities and differences between this war and the
recent European war.</p>
<p>The similarities are as follows:</p>
<p>1. The Thirty Years' War began with the throwing out of a window
(<span class="ins" title = "original reads 'defenstration'">defenestration</span>) of detested persons; the European war started from an
assassination.</p>
<p>2. The Thirty Years' War had been expected for some time; a general
European war had been predicted for many years.</p>
<p>3. The Thirty Years' War, beginning with a local incident, spread
from country to country, just like the European war did.</p>
<p>4. The Thirty Years' War was exceedingly brutal for its generation,
just as the European war has been for our time.</p>
<p>5. The Thirty Years' War was a very long one for its generation;
the European war has been a relatively long one for recent times.</p>
<p>As to the differences between the two wars, it may be said that—</p>
<p>1. In the Thirty Years' War both belligerents finally proved to be
nearly equal in strength. In the European war one of the belligerents,
though at first meeting with reverses, in the end completely overcame
the other.</p>
<p>2. The Thirty Years' War ended in the exhaustion of both belligerents;
the European war closed with the exhaustion of only one belligerent.</p>
<p>3. The Thirty Years' War was waged for religious convictions rather
than for gain; the European war was not so ideal in its purposes.</p>
<p>Taking a general view of the similarities and differences between
the two wars, the one great question arises: Is the experience of the
present European war strong enough for victors and vanquished alike
to be willing to yield sufficient of their natural rights and sovereignty
to submit all questions of war to some superior international court
from which there is no appeal?</p>
<p>In the Thirty Years' War nothing further was necessary; the exhaustion
of both belligerents was sufficient to end religious wars.</p>
<p>As the victorious party in war is much less inclined (if inclined at
all) than the conquered foe to yield anything, will the Allies, without
the experience of defeat and exhaustion, be willing to yield enough of
their sovereignty to make the future peace of the world permanent?
Will they be magnanimous and give up some national advantages of the
present for future international benefits to all mankind? In short, are
they unselfish enough to so temper their justice with mercy as to establish
a world peace, the greatest boon to humanity ever known?</p>
<p>Here is a supreme opportunity. Will the victorious Allies arise to
the occasion and make future wars improbable, if not impossible? We
say "impossible," because if a nation is recalcitrant it can be punished
by a general boycott, leading toward its economic ruin. As the instinct
of self-preservation is the most powerful influence in nations as well
as in individuals, it is a moral certainty that no nation could or would
submit very long to such punishment. Just after a war is ended,
when the belligerents feel more keenly its effect than later on, they
are much more disposed to make mutual concessions. Will the victors
of the European War strike at once while the iron is hot, and insist
on the one paramount issue, the absolute prohibition of all wars? Such
a decision would radiate through all further proceedings of the League
of Nations and greatly facilitate its work. By thus making a certainty
of the most important question of all history, no matter how difficult
and delicate matters of greater or less <span class="ins" title = "original reads 'importauce'">importance</span> may be, the League of
Nations will have assured its success in advance as the greatest and
most beneficent influence that the world has ever experienced, just as the
peace of Westphalia was in its generation.</p>
<p>In the peace treaty of Westphalia were these words: "The hostilities
that have taken place from the beginning of the late disturbances, in
any place of whatsoever kind, by one side or the other, shall be forgotten
and forgiven, so that neither party shall cherish enmity or
hatred against, nor molest nor injure the other for any cause whatsoever."
Will the peace treaty of Paris contain as generous and noble
words and stop all political wars forever, just as the peace of Westphalia
put an end to all religious wars?</p>
<p>Will the twentieth century Christianity, with its supposed greater
liberality and enlightenment, be as far-seeing, unselfish, and effective
as the Christianity of the seventeenth century?</p>
<p>Let the League of Nations answer yes.</p>
<p>Just as the spread of education and knowledge has gradually liberated
the intellect so as to undermine the ideas upon which religious wars were
based, so a similar process of enlightenment may be necessary to cause
political wars to cease.</p>
<h4>REFERENCES.</h4>
<p>The following references are only a few of those easily accessible in
libraries. The Cambridge Modern History (vol. 4) has a bibliography of
some 3,000 works and brochures on the Thirty Years' War.</p>
<p>Bougeant. Histoire des Guerres et des Négociations qui précédèrent
le Traité de Westphalie. Paris, 1751.</p>
<p>Bernard, Mountague. Four lectures in subjects connected with diplomacy.
London, 1868, 8<sup>o</sup>. Lecture I is entitled "The Congress of Westphalia"
(60 pp.); comparison with other congresses is made.</p>
<p>The Cambridge Modern History. The Thirty Years' War, Volume IV.
Cambridge, 1906, III, 1,003 pages. It contains a most extensive classified
bibliography of the war, filling 150 pages.</p>
<p>Freytag, Gustav. Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit. Includes
chapters on Thirty Years' War.</p>
<p>Gindely, Anton. History of the Thirty Years' War. 2 volumes, New
York, 1884.</p>
<p>Hausser, Ludwig. The period of the Reformation, 1517 to 1648
(translation). London, 1873, 8<sup>o</sup>, 456 pages.</p>
<p>Cust, Edward. Lives of the warriors of the Thirty Years' War. 2 volumes,
12<sup>o</sup>. London, 1865. The author is a military man.</p>
<p>Leclerc. Négociations sécrètes touchant la Paix de Muenster et d'Osnabrug.</p>
<p>Puetter. Geist des Westphalischen Friedens.</p>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<h2><span class="smcap">International Psychology and Peace.</span><a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></h2>
<p>The history of the world would seem to indicate that international
psychology is almost synonymous with international anarchy. For the
last 30 or more years, as is well known, a general European War was
expected, predicated, and feared. This was the abnormal psychological
condition of diplomatic and military Europe until the present war
caused its realization. The world appears always to have existed in
a pathological condition of possible, probable, or actual war. The
question is, "Shall the world continue to this old way of international
anarchism and political pathology, or shall it make a supreme effort to
shake off this monstrous incubus of war?"</p>
<p>It is peculiar circumstances that, while anarchism within a nation
is generally detested, anarchism between nations has been palatable so
long. Cannibalism existed for thousands of years, slavery also, yet
both have been practically abandoned, and now there seems to be a
chance to do away the last and greatest enemy of humanity—war.
To stop an evil that has existed so long and whose roots reach
back into the beginning of history will necessarily require colossal effort
and great sacrifice. Such an effort has been successful only once in
the history of the world. That was when the Westphalian peace treaty
was signed, in 1648 after the Thirty Years' War.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> This resulted in
abolishing the most difficult kind of wars—religious wars. If the
seventeenth century could accomplish this greater task, certainly the
twentieth century should take courage and likewise put an end to political
wars, the lesser task. It may not be possible to make war impossible,
but this is no reason it should not be tried. It may be possible, however,
to make war most improbable.</p>
<h4>SCIENTIFIC METHOD IN HISTORY NECESSARY.</h4>
<p>In the writing of history a common illusion is to exaggerate the
future importance of contemporary events. Both sides in the French
Revolution thought that the end of the world had come, as no doubt it
had for some. Comparatively few men can get outside of their
country and look at things as they are, but very few or none can separate
themselves from their generation and look without prejudice into the
future. The importance of every great event is usually exaggerated by
those immediately interested. From the historical point of view, the
degree of importance of current events can not be determined until
some time afterwards when the sources are more accessible, and it is
possible to consider them calmly, and from the point of view of strict
truth, which is one of the main principles of scientific inquiry. History
is continuous and not broken up by what the present generation
may think to be a finality or cataclysm; there may be progress or
retrogression, but neither is so great as they appear at the time of the
events which cause enthusiasm and optimism in the victorious and
despair and pessimism in the vanquished. These are temporary phenomena,
being only links in the historical chain. The changes after
this war back to normal conditions may be much greater and faster
than in previous wars. In this connection it must be remembered that
the humane spirit is now much more diffused in the world than in the
past, which is indicated by the enormous extent of protests against the
horrors of war.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> These horrors are common to all wars and were relatively
as frequent in the past, if not more so. It is true that the absolute
number of outrages may have been much greater in the present war than
in previous wars, but this is probably due mainly to the enormous number
of individuals engaged in the war.</p>
<h4>INTERDEPENDENCE OF NATIONS A DEMOGRAPHIC LAW.</h4>
<p>The world has become so closely connected through modern means of
communication that any war might result in a world war. The prevalent
political tendencies are in the direction of combination and resultant
consolidation. The question soon arises, Shall combination and
regulation go beyond national limits? The old-fashioned ideas of national
limits do not seem to be adapted to present conditions. Commercially
such limits are impracticable and appear to be so in other ways.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
The Constitution of the United States has 18 amendments. This demographic
law of interdependence of nations necessarily results in combination,
which eventually may lead to international solidarity.</p>
<p>Whether we will or no, this demographic law of interdependence of
nations can not be escaped. Just as the States of the Union are now
closer together than their counties were many years ago, through the
enormous development of physical means of communication, so governments
are now brought more closely in contact than were the States
at the time of the formation of the Union. This demographic law of increasing
interdependence when carefully examined appears to be almost
as necessary as the law of gravity. It has been at work ever since history
began and, though little noticed perhaps, it has been manifesting
itself more and more as history advanced. The individual is subordinate
to the community and must yield some of his sovereignty to it,
the community in turn must yield to the county, the county to the
State, the State to the Nation, and finally the Nation to the world.
This last step is the one now pending in Europe, and eventually, if not
presently, may result in international solidarity, which will practically
put an end to political wars just as the Westphalian peace did with religious
wars.</p>
<h4>INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND DEMOGRAPHIC LAW OF INTERDEPENDENCE
OF STATES.</h4>
<p>The tendency toward this demographic law of interdependence of
States is shown by the large number of international organizations
such as congresses or conferences which are held from time to time in
different countries of the world. From the Conference of Vienna (1815)
to the present time there have been some two hundred or more international
congresses, the majority of which had to do with regulation
of economic and sociologic affairs. Thus manufacturers, merchants,
and capitalists of different countries have met and made agreements to
control and regulate production and distribution of merchandise.</p>
<p>There is also the Universal Postal Union, which is an illustration of
international control or government. Objections are sometimes made
against international government, which were made years ago against
the International Postal Union. It now has a constitution obeyed by
all nations. Refusal to obey would deprive a country of the benefits
of the union. As a matter of fact, no country has done this.</p>
<h4>POWER OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS.</h4>
<p>If there were an international organization for war as well as for
postage, and one or two nations should refuse to obey the decisions of
a majority, or three-fourths of the organization, each of these recalcitrant
nations could be boycotted economically and in many other ways
by the remaining member nations. It is very doubtful if any nation
would take such chances.</p>
<p>Any international organization helps toward peace by making action
less precipitate, for if it were known in advance that a conference were
to take place, this would tend to make nations less disposed to go to
war. In fact, all international conferences, like the International Congress
of Criminal Anthropology, tend to intellectual, moral, and sociological
solidarity between nations, in accordance with our demographic
law of interdependence. (See Equation of law later on.) This International
Congress of Criminal Anthropology, for instance, consists of some
four hundred university specialists in anthropology, medicine, psychology,
and sociology, who come from almost all countries of the world.</p>
<p>In the eighteenth century international relations consisted of diplomatic
conversations and were regulated by an occasional treaty, but,
owing to the very inadequate means of communication, few international
relations were required. In the nineteenth century the change
in international conditions was very great. When international organizations
represent some actual phase of life, whether educational,
commercial or scientific, they really regulate their relations between
nations and are often organs of international government. In short,
international conferences and congresses act like legislatures between
nations.</p>
<p>If conferences had been in vogue and one had been held concerning
the dispute between Austria and Serbia, very probably there would not
have been any war, because, if for no other reason, the diplomats
would have seen that it might lead to a general war in Europe, and
as no nation cared to take that responsibility the diplomatic procedure
would doubtless have been modified. Thus the conference over
the Morocco question killed it as a cause of war.</p>
<p>This and other practical examples of government between nations
show that the great success, convenience, and benefit to all nations
encourage the further development of international organizations. The
difficulties and dangers predicted have not come to pass. International
administration has come in the cases of railroads, ships, and automobiles.
An elaborate international government has come (through
treaties) in public health and epidemics, and international notification
of the presence of disease has been made obligatory.</p>
<h4>SOVEREIGNTY CHANGES ACCORDING TO THE DEMOGRAPHIC LAW OF
INTERDEPENDENCE OF NATIONS.</h4>
<p>The old idea of the independence of the State, mingled with that of
sovereignty, prestige, and honor, and exaggerated by false patriotism,
although limited more and more by conditions of civilization, is one of
the main obstacles to the development of international organization and
government.</p>
<p>The habit of holding conferences or congresses would get the people
to expect international government and insist on it, and any country
would hesitate long before refusing to agree to a conference.</p>
<p>The idea that sovereignty is destroyed because a nation is not
absolutely independent belongs to the old régime, when many modern
means of communication did not exist. In those days of comparative
isolation there was reason for much independence, but now countries
are so closely connected, as we have seen, that their independence and
sovereignty are necessarily limited, while their interdependence has increased
to such an extent that what benefits or injures one benefits or
injures the other. Thus it is to the advantage of each State to give
up some of its sovereignty, just as it is for the individual to give up
some of his freedom to the community for privileges much greater
than the loss of his so-called independence. It is well known how the
States of our Union have gradually yielded more and more of their
sovereignty to the Federal Government. Thus sovereignty decreases
according to our law of the interdependence of States.</p>
<h4>CAUSE OF WAR NOT NECESSARILY ECONOMIC.</h4>
<p>It is frequently asserted that after all the main cause of most wars
is rivalry in trade and commercial friction; in short, it is economic.
But it is a curious fact that commerce and industry are the most insistent
on international rules or law to reduce all friction to a minimum,
for peaceful trading is a general benefit to all concerned.</p>
<p>It might be stated in this connection that in historical and political
as well as physical science there is no one cause of anything, but a
chain of causes; for the more we study the world, the closer we find
it related; nothing is nor can be really alone. When we single out
a cause we mean the predominant one, and which is the strongest link
in the chain of causes becomes a matter of opinion, owing to our limited
knowledge of international psychology.</p>
<p>Commercial systems of the world have brought nations closer together,
but political relations have remained much the same; that is, the advances
in diplomacy have been very few in comparison with the growth
of economic relations which makes for peace rather than war.</p>
<h4>NO INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENT; NO LASTING PEACE.</h4>
<p>That the lack of international government means international anarchy
may be illustrated by some recent events. Owing to the struggle of
Serbia for expansion, Austria feared the seizure of its own territory and
loss of some of its population, and so refused to accept mediation, because
the Hapsburg monarchy being reported declining, she must counteract
this impression by showing vigorous action. The success of Austria
would be regarded by Russia as a threat to herself, but a defeat of
Austria by Russia would be a defeat for Germany, and a German defeat
for Russia and France would be regarded as a defeat for England.
Thus the lack of any international government or organization made
cooperation for peace almost, if not quite, impossible. England might
have said to herself, among other reasons, "If I stay out of the war,
Germany may overrun France and Belgium, resulting in a union of
the French and German Navies, but we are an island, and it would
not do to risk the danger of such a combination."</p>
<p>Frontier questions have perhaps been the main cause of more wars
in history than anything else. But in the course of events such questions
have come to be settled without resort to force, which is a change
from national to international government.</p>
<h4>NATIONALISM MAY CONFLICT WITH THE PEOPLES' INTEREST.</h4>
<p>Another nationalistic anachronism is the geographical standard in
governmental matters. But intercommunications are so many and so
close that geographical relations have few reasons to be considered.
Individual and racial interests are less geographical and more sociological.
But governmental matters have not developed near so fast as
sociological conditions.</p>
<p>Nationalism more often represents the interests of the few rather
than the many. Unfortunately it is easy to bolster up a narrow and
selfish nationalism by appeal to the patriotism of the masses who fail
to understand the conditions and support the interests of a few against
their own vital interests. While anarchy between nations (nationalism)
makes future wars probable, anarchy within nations can be easily
stopped by doing justice to the masses.</p>
<h4>WAR WORST METHOD OF SETTLING DIFFICULTIES.</h4>
<p>An egotistical, selfish, and narrow nationalism, the basis of international
anarchy, has been demonstrated a partial, if not complete,
failure by the condition in which Europe is to-day. War, though only
one of many methods for settling difficulties between nations, has,
nevertheless, been the main one. There is a strong desire among the
people to substitute some other method.</p>
<p>Generally a nation has two things to consider—one is what it wants;
the other whether it can enforce its wants. This is the usual nationalistic
dilemma, but our demographic law of the interdependence
of nations assumes that each country will respect the other countries
and be willing to consider their wishes at least in vital matters.</p>
<p>Where the differences between two nations have threatened the peace
of Europe it has been felt that such a matter was more than a national
question; in fact, passed over into the international realm, and so
conferences have been called which to a certain extent recognized the
principle of interdependence and have enforced its decisions by blockade
if not by more warlike means. If a nation adopt the methods of
force, it is appealing to international anarchy, which causes nations
to break international law much more readily than otherwise. In fact,
military necessity knows no law.</p>
<p>It may seem odd that conferences are so often called for war instead
of for peace. But it is necessity that often rules; the wheel in
the machine is not examined until it is out of order, human beings
were never studied scientifically until they became lunatics or criminals.
So peace seems to have been little thought of until danger
of war appeared. Peace is like good health, we do not know its value
until we lose it.</p>
<h4>SECRET DIPLOMACY INSIDIOUS.</h4>
<p>All treaties between nations should be published in order to make
the diplomacy of intrigue and deception impossible or at least most
difficult to carry into effect. Secret diplomacy enables those who want
war to bring something to light suddenly and cause excitement and
fear among the people and thus drive them into war before they understand
what they are doing. The psychology of fear shows its power
in producing apprehension by catch phrases, such as "the crisis is
acute," or "there is panic on the stock exchange," or "negotiations
may come to an end," or "an ultimatum has been sent." Patriotic
as well as fear inspiring phrases are published broadcast leading the
people into war, but they must always be made to believe that it is in
defense of their country, whether it is or not.</p>
<p>But open diplomacy and international conferences prevent insidious
methods of producing excitement; they also give the people time to
think and avoid precipitate action; also facts are brought to light that
otherwise might have been concealed by those desiring war.</p>
<h4>COMPETITIVE ARMAMENTS LEAD TO WAR.</h4>
<p>Competitive armaments, for which the masses are compelled to pay
and by which they are killed, hasten the probability of future wars.
Great armaments lead to competitive armament, which experience shows
to be no guaranty of peace, for it makes a nation feel so well prepared
for war that when a dispute arises, and it is thought a few
days' delay may give the enemy an advantage that might never be
regained, the enemy must be attacked at once. Thus Austria refused
to extend time to Serbia nor would she take part in a conference of
ambassadors nor respond to the Serbian note to refer the dispute to
The Hague. So Germany refused a similar proposal to the Czar on
July 29 and allowed Russia but 12 hours to answer the ultimatum.
Russia had begun to mobilize and Germany's fear, if the proposal for
pacific settlement were accepted, Russia would get the start and gain
a military advantage probably caused Germany to strike at once.
Thus such preparedness actually prevented any chance for even discussion
of a peaceful settlement. Also the knowledge that Russia's
Army and Navy were to be increased and strategic railroads built and
that France was about to reintroduce three years' military service may
have caused Germany to think it imprudent to delay an inevitable war
any longer.</p>
<h4>PERMANENT PEACE HINDERED BY SPIRIT OF HATE.</h4>
<p>There can be no permanent peace so long as the idea of crushing this
or that nation prevails. The question is not national, but international.
The nationalistic spirit of hate may be temporarily useful in
stirring up a country to fight better, but it does not tend toward a
lasting peace. In the study of war we should seek the causes, be impersonal,
and neither condone nor accuse. The scientific investigation
of war comes under the head of criminal anthropology, one of the purposes
of which is by knowledge gained to lessen or stop war permanently
rather than discuss the ethics of war involving the spirit of
hate and vengeance.</p>
<h4>NO PERMANENT PEACE WITH NATIONALISM ALONE.</h4>
<p>The existing conditions between nations are somewhat like as if a
State had rules and laws as to what to do when murder and riot occur,
but no laws to prevent murder and riot, or, if there were laws, no power
to execute them.</p>
<p>From the theoretical point of view these irrational and abnormal
conditions are evident, and yet they have been considered normal conditions
for ages. This is indicated by the remark of a diplomat, who said:
"Things are getting back to a wholesome state again, every nation for
itself and God for us all." As long as such an extreme and pathological
form of nationalism exists no permanent peace is probable, if not impossible.
Nationalism has had a long trial with comparative freedom, and
one of its grand finales is the present European war.</p>
<h4>A FEW SUGGESTIONS FOR PERMANENT PEACE.</h4>
<p>It would go far beyond the purpose of this article to discuss the many
methods proposed for establishing permanent peace, yet one may be
allowed merely to note a few points. There might be established an
international high court to decide judicial issues between independent
sovereign nations and an international council to secure international
legislation and to settle nonjudicial issues. Also, an international
secretariat should be established. Some fundamental principles of such
international control might be to disclaim all desire or intention of
aggression, to pursue no claim against any other independent state; not
to send any ultimatum or threat of military or naval operations or do
any act of aggression, and never to declare war or order any general
mobilization or violate the territory or attack the ships of another state,
except in way of repelling an attack actually made; not to do any of
these until the matter in dispute has been submitted to the international
high court or to the international council, and not until a year
after the date of such submission.</p>
<h4>PROHIBITIONS FOR RECALCITRANT STATES.</h4>
<p>In order to enforce the decrees of the international high court against
any recalcitrant State an embargo on her ships and forbidding her landing
at any capital might be initiated. Also there might be instituted
prohibition of postal and telegraph communication, of payment of debts
due to citizens, prohibition of all imports and exports and of all passenger
traffic; to level special duties on goods to such State and blockade
her ports. In short, an effort should be made to enforce complete
nonintercourse with any recalcitrant State.</p>
<p>Should a State proceed to use force to go to war rather than obey the
decree of the international high court all the other constituent States
should make common cause against such State and enforce the order
of the international high court.</p>
<h4>THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT FOR PREVENTING WAR IS SOON AFTER WAR.</h4>
<p>If an absolute agreement among leading nations of the world never
to resort to war could be obtained at the outset all other questions could
be settled more justly and with fewer difficulties, for the consciousness
that the supreme question was out of the way would relieve the psychological
tension and afford opportunity for a more calm and careful
consideration and adjudication of all other matters in dispute. It
would be like the consciousness of the lawyer, when having lost his case
in all other courts is content to let the United States Supreme Court
settle it forever. This is due to the psychological power of the radiation
of justice from the top downward.</p>
<p>Such an absolute and final agreement never to resort to war can be
best accomplished right after the war, when all are sick of war and the
very thought of it causes the suffering, wounded, and bleeding people
to turn their heads significantly away with a profound instinctive feeling,
crying out that anything is better than to go back to the old
régime. In such a state of mind mutual concessions are much easier
to make than later on.</p>
<p>The psychological moment to prevent such suffering of the masses
from ever occurring again is soon after the war. It is a sad comment
that the number and untold suffering of millions of human beings seem
to have been required for the nationalistic spirit of Europe to be willing
to follow international humanitarian ideas toward establishing permanent
peace in the world.</p>
<h4>THE HAGUE RULES ONLY SUGGESTIONS.</h4>
<p>The diplomats who wrote the rules at The Hague Convention knew
well that they might be more or less disregarded; they were only suggestions.
As war assumes the right to kill human beings, what rights,
then, have the victims left over that are worth mentioning? As to
what way they are killed there is little use of considering, probably the
quicker the better, for there is less suffering. If prisoners must starve,
it is a mercy to shoot them. To regulate murder of human beings is
more or less humbug. The thing to do is to try to abolish international
anarchy and slaughter forever, and to accomplish this the egotism, selfishness,
and narrowness of nations must be so modified that they are
willing to make the necessary sacrifice.</p>
<p>If the reader believes the general ideas set forth in this study, let him
or her aid the writer in a practical way and send a contribution to help
circulate these ideas, not only in English and other languages but in
other countries as well as the United States.</p>
<p>The address of the author is: The Congressional, 100 East Capitol
Street, Washington, D. C.</p>
<h4>EQUATION OF THE DEMOGRAPHIC LAW OF INTERDEPENDENCE OF NATIONS.</h4>
<p>As already noted, our demographic law of the interdependence of nations
is, that increase in the means of communication between States
causes increase of their interdependence but decrease in their sovereignty.
Just as a physical body consists of molecules of various
kinds, so the State may be regarded as a psychological entity with
citizens of various characteristics, and just as the density of a body is
equal to its mass divided by its volume, so the density of citizenship is
equal to the population divided by the land area.</p>
<p>If, therefore, we consider the States' adult population, as its mass
(m) and the resultant aggregate increase of its means of communication
as its velocity (v), and (t) as the time, then the psychological force
(F) or interdependence of the State can be expressed by the familiar
equation in physics F=mv/t; that is to say, the interdependence of a
State is equal to its adult population (mass) multiplied by the resultant
aggregate increase of its means of communication (velocity)
and the product divided by the time (t).</p>
<p>The poundal unit of physical force is such a force as will move 1
pound (mass unit) at a velocity of 1 foot per second in one second of
time.</p>
<p>Now, assuming the unit of citizenship of a State to be one citizen
and the unit of the resultant aggregate increase of means of communication
per annum in one year of time to be K, then</p>
<p>The statal unit of psychological force is such a force as will give one
citizen (mass unit) one K unit (for convenience the K unit of annual
aggregate increase of means of communication can be expressed in per
cents. Taking some of the principal means of communication, and
working out their annual average per cents of increase, we have for the
United States during the census periods (1900-1910); annual average
increase of passengers on railroads, 7 per cent; on street and electric
railways, 3 per cent (1907-1912); of telegraph messages sent, 6 per
cent; of telephone stations, 10 per cent. Combining these, the per cent
of annual average aggregate increase will be 6.5 per cent, as value of K,
assuming the percentages are equally weighted) of resultant aggregate
increase of means of communication per annum in one year of time.</p>
<p>As yet there is no exact way to measure the sovereignty and means of
communication of the State, but the psychological side of this physical
equation may suggest a working hypothesis for our demographic law of
the interdependence of States which may some time be useful in the
realm of international psychology.</p>
<p>To measure the aggregate influence upon citizens of the many means
of communication in a State (also, for illustration merely, let us take
one of the principal means of communication, as steam railroads, and
we find that the annual average increase in passenger-train-car miles
for one citizen of the United States, from 1908 to 1914, to be 4.45,
which is the value of K for steam railroads alone for period mentioned.
In a later article the author will consider in detail the practical application
of the equation) as steam, street and electric railways, telegraph
and telephones, will require exact detailed knowledge of the
mental, moral, and physical power of the individual citizen, the unit of
the social organism. Such measurements might be made when psychology
and sociology become sciences in the rigid sense. The underlying
hypothesis in this equation is that both the psychological and
physical mechanism of the world are under one fundamental law.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<h2><span class="smcap">Laws of Revolution.</span><a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></h2>
<p>Scientific history teaches that without war many revolutions could
never have taken place. One of the greatest problems of future government
is to reconcile democratic equality with hereditary inequality
among the people. Governments differ much more in form than in substance,
and make progress when the resultant activities of the citizens
direct and control them.</p>
<p>With this in mind, a few principles of revolutions may be instructive
in connection with the present European situation.</p>
<p>1. The causes of revolutions are summed up in the word "discontent,"
which must be general and accompanied with hope in order to produce
results.</p>
<p>2. Modern revolutions appear to be more abrupt than ancient. Contrary
to expectation, conservative people may have the most violent
revolutions, because of not being able to adapt themselves to changes
of environment.</p>
<p>3. Revolution owes its power to the unchaining of the people, and does
not take place without the aid of an important fraction of the army,
which usually becomes disaffected by power of suggestion.</p>
<p>4. The triumphant party will organize according to whether the revolution
is effected by soldiers, radicals, or conservatives.</p>
<p>5. The violence is liable to be great if a belief as well as material
interests are being defended.</p>
<p>6. For ideas which cause violent contradictions are matters of faith,
rather than of knowledge.</p>
<p>7. If the triumphant party go to extremes, bordering upon absurdities,
they are liable to be turned down by the people.</p>
<p>8. Most revolutions aim to put a new person in power, who usually
tries to establish an equilibrium between the struggling factions, and
not be too much dominated by any one class.</p>
<p>9. The rapidity of modern revolutions is explained by quick methods
of publicity, and the slight resistance and ease with which some governments
have been overturned is surprising, indicating blind confidence
and inability to foresee.</p>
<p>10. Governments sometimes have fallen so easily that they are said
to have committed suicide.</p>
<p>11. Revolutionary organizations are impulsive, though often timid,
and are influenced by a few leaders, who may cause them to act contrary
to the wishes of the majority. Thus royal assemblies have
destroyed empires and humanitarian legislatures have permitted
massacres.</p>
<p>12. When all social restraints are abandoned, and instinctive impulses
are allowed full sway, there is danger of return to barbarianism.
For the ancestral ego (inherent in everyone) is let loose.</p>
<p>13. A country will prosper in proportion that the really superior
persons rule, and this superiority is both moral and mental.</p>
<p>14. If certain social tendencies appear to lower the power of mind,
they, nevertheless, may lessen injustice to the weaker classes; and if it
be a choice between mentality and morality, morality should be preferred.</p>
<p>15. A financial aristocracy does not promote much jealousy in those
who hope to form a part of it in the future.</p>
<p>16. Science has caused many things once held to be historical to be
now considered doubtful. Thus it is asked—</p>
<p>17. Would not the results of the French Revolution, which cost so
much bloodshed, have been obtained without violence later, through
gradual evolution? And were the results of the French Revolution
worth the cost of the terrible barbarism and suffering that took place?</p>
<p>18. To understand the people in a revolution we must know their
history.</p>
<p>19. The accumulated thought, feeling, and tradition of a nation constitute
its strength, which is its national spirit. This must not be too
rigid, nor too malleable. For, in the first place, revolution means
anarchy, and, in the second place, it results in successive revolutions.</p>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<h2><span class="smcap">War and Peace Studies.</span></h2>
<h4>By the Author.</h4>
<p>Peace, War, and Humanity. Printed by Judd & Detweiler, Washington,
D. C., 26 pages, 1915, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Comparative Militarism. Reprint from publications of the American
Statistical Association, Boston, December, 1915, 3 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Atrocities and Outrages of War. Reprint from the Pacific Medical
Journal, San Francisco, April, 1916, 16 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>. Gives data for Civil
War, Boer War, Bulgaria, and Russia and Germany, 16 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Some Moral Evils of War. Reprint from Pacific Medical Journal,
San Francisco, August, 1916, 8 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>. Refers especially to Boer
War.</p>
<p>Reasons for Peace. Machinists' Monthly Journal, Washington, D. C.,
July, 1916, pages 708-710, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Choosing Between War and Peace. Reprint from Western Medical
Times, Denver, Colo., 6 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Statement of European War. Reprint from Pacific Medical Journal,
San Francisco, Calif., February, 1917, 8 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Prevention of War. Reprint from <span class="smcap">Congressional Record</span>, Washington,
D. C., February 27, 1917, 8 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>; also, reprint 7 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Military Training in the Public Schools. Educational Exchange, Birmingham,
Ala., February and March, 1917.</p>
<p>War and Criminal Anthropology. Published in the <span class="smcap">Congressional
Record</span> for February 27 and March 15, 1917.</p>
<p>Our National Defense. Testimony of American officers as to difficulties
of invasion, and our coast defenses. <span class="smcap">Congressional Record</span>
for March 15, 1917; also, reprint, 10 pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Identification of Soldiers After Death and Head Measurements. Boston
Medical and Surgical Journal, June 13, 1918; also, reprint 8
pages, 8<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Revolutions. Journal of Education, Boston, Mass., December 26,
1918, 4<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<p>Anthropometry of Soldiers. Medical Record, New York City, December
14, 1918; also, reprint 17 pages, 12<sup>o</sup>; also, in Our State Army
and Navy, Philadelphia, April, 1919.</p>
<p>Psychology of Swiss Soldiers. Arms and the Man, Washington, D. C.,
1918; also in Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Nashville, Tenn.,
March, 1919.</p>
<p>International Psychology and Peace. Chicago Legal News, May 1, 1919.</p>
<p>Suggestions of the Peace Treaty of Westphalia for the Peace Conference
in France. Journal of Education, Boston, Mass., March 27,
1919; also, in Open Court, April, 1919; also (in German) Milwaukee
Herald, April, 1919; also (in Norwegian) in Amerika, May 16, Madison,
Wis.; in "<span class="ins" title = "original reads 'La Prenso'">La Prensa</span>" (Spanish), San Antonio, Tex., Lunes 19 de
Mayo de 1919; "Nardoni List" (Croatian), June 8, 1919; also in
"<span class="ins" title = "original reads 'Rivista d'Ialia'">Rivista d'Italia</span>," Milano. April. 1919.</p>
<p>Disequilibrium of Mind and Nerves in War. Medical Record, New
York City, May 3, 1919; also, reprint, 12 pages, 12<sup>o</sup>.</p>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Article (by writer) in Central Law Journal, St. Louis, April 25,
1919, and in Open Court, April, 1919, Chicago, Ill.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See a study of the United States Senate by the writer (published in
Spanish) under the title "Estudio del Senado de los Estados Unidos de
America." in Revista Argentina de Ciencias Politicas, 12 de Enero de
1918. (Buenos Ayres, 1918.)</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Article (by writer) in Chicago Legal News for May 3, 1919.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See Article (by author) entitled "Suggestions from the Westphalian
Peace treaty for the Peace conference in France," published in the
Journal of Education, Boston, March 27, 1919, and Central Law
Journal, St. Louis, Mo., April, 1919; also in Open Court for April, 1919,
Chicago.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See article (by author) in Pacific Medical Journal, San Francisco,
Calif., April, 1916, entitled "Atrocities and Outrages of War"; also
pamphlet (by author) entitled "War and Criminal Anthropology," reprinted
from the <span class="smcap">Congressional Record</span> for February 17 and March 15,
1917. Washington, D. C.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Woolf, L. S., International Government, Fabian Research Department,
London.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See article (by author) entitled "Anthropology of Modern Civilized
Man" in Medical Fortnightly and Laboratory News, St. Louis, Mo.,
April, 1919; also chapter on "Emil Zola" in Senate Document (by
author) No. 532, Sixtieth Congress, first session.</p></div>
<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Article (by writer) in Journal of Education, Boston, Mass., for
December 26, 1918.</p></div>
</div>
<hr style="width: 65%;" />
<div class="tnote">
<h3>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:</h3>
<p>The following typographical errors have been corrected, which are also
shown in the text with <span class="ins" title = "like this">mouse-hover popups</span>:</p>
<ul><li> "Westphalla" corrected to "Westphalia" (Page 5)</li>
<li> "Calvanists" corrected to "Calvinists" (Page 6)</li>
<li> "turbulations" corrected to "tribulations" (Page 7)</li>
<li> "centry" corrected to "century" (Page 7)</li>
<li> "wtihout" corrected to "without" (Page 7)</li>
<li> "defenstration" corrected to "defenestration" (Page 8)</li>
<li> "importauce" corrected to "importance" (Page 8)</li>
<li> "La Prenso" corrected to "La Prensa" (Page 16)</li>
<li> "Rivista d'Ialia" corrected to "Rivista d'Italia" (Page 16)</li>
</ul>
</div>
<pre>
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