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diff --git a/35530-8.txt b/35530-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c09b373 --- /dev/null +++ b/35530-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1702 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fundamental Peace Ideas including The +Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and The League Of Nations (1919), by Arthur Mac Donald + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Fundamental Peace Ideas including The Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and The League Of Nations (1919) + in connection with International Psychology and Revolutions + +Author: Arthur Mac Donald + +Release Date: March 8, 2011 [EBook #35530] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FUNDAMENTAL PEACE IDEAS *** + + + + +Produced by Jan-Fabian Humann and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + + + + + UNITED STATES SENATE + + FUNDAMENTAL PEACE IDEAS + + _including_ + + THE WESTPHALIAN PEACE TREATY + (1648) + + _and_ + + THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS + (1919) + + _in connection with_ + + International Psychology and Revolutions + + By ARTHUR MAC DONALD + Anthropologist: Washington, D. C. + + (Reprinted from the Congressional Record July 1, 1919, + United States Senate) + + [Illustration] + + WASHINGTON + 1919 + + + 125746--19572 + + + [Illustration] + + + + +The Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and the League of Nations (1919) in +Connection With International Psychology and Revolutions. + +BY ARTHUR MAC DONALD, + +Anthropologist, Washington, D. C, and Honorary President of the +International Congress of Criminal Anthropology of Europe. + + +INTRODUCTION. + +The League of Nations may only be a first step in the direction of +permanent peace, yet not a few persons seem doubtful of its utility. +However, the league may be the lesser evil as compared with the old +régime, which appears to have resulted in total failure after a very +long and fair trial. + +Whatever be the ultimate outcome of the league and of the problems to be +solved, the one encouraging thing is that all the people are thinking +seriously on the subject and longing for some way to stop war. It may be +true that lasting peace can only be secured when both people and leaders +(sometimes the people lead the leaders) realize the necessity of peace +and the senselessness of war. But to reach such a happy realization of +the truth what are we, the people, to do now? Already the discussions of +the league (pro and con) have fertilized the soil; the minds of the +people are open as never before; and now is the supreme moment to sow +peace seeds. The sooner, more thoroughly, and wider they are scattered, +the better. In this way we may be able to so impress peace ideas upon +everyone, as to avoid the terrible necessity of a future war, in which +both sides become exhausted, as in the Thirty Years' War, which would be +a much more horrible war than the present war. + +To escape such a catastrophe and make a league of nations or any kind of +peace arrangements endure is preeminently an educational problem, and +consists mainly in repeatedly filling the minds of the people, old and +young, everywhere with fundamental peace conceptions. Shall we not begin +at once and persist in doing this until political wars become as +impossible in the future as religious wars are now? + + +SUGGESTIONS OF THE PEACE TREATY OF WESTPHALIA FOR THE LEAGUE OF +NATIONS.[1] + +The conference of nations that has taken place around the peace table at +Paris is doubtless the most important of any in history. One reason is +the fact that the plan the conference has decided to carry out will +necessarily concern most all countries of the world. For railroads, +steamships, aeroplanes, telegraphs, telephones, and wireless telegraphy, +as never before, have made communication between nations so easy, quick, +and direct that distance is almost eliminated, enabling the whole world +to think, reason, and act at the same time, and to be influenced as one +human solidarity. + +There seems to be a strong desire in all lands that the peace conference +will make future wars not only improbable but practically impossible. +But how can this be done? For years countless peace plans and theories +have been proposed filling volumes of books, but they are mainly of a +speculative nature. Since theoretical grounds have proved inadequate, is +there then any experience in the history of the world which can be made +a basis for permanent peace? Is there, for instance, any kind of war +that has resulted in doing away with itself permanently? The answer +would point to the Thirty Years' War, closing with the peace of +Westphalia (1648), which seems to have put an end to all religious wars. + +How, then, does it happen that the peace treaty of Westphalia, of all +the treaties in the world, is the only one that has succeeded in +stopping all religious wars? We are certainly dealing here with a +phenomenal fact in history. The writer has been unable to find any +discussion of this phase of the matter. It would therefore seem of +interest and importance, especially at the present time, to make a brief +anthropological study of the Thirty Years' War which led to such an +exceptional and successful treaty. + + +NEW FIELD FOR ANTHROPOLOGY. + +From the anthropological point of view, history can be looked upon as a +vast laboratory for the purpose of studying humanity and assisting in +its progress. In the past anthropology has concerned itself mainly with +savage and prehistoric man, but it is due time that it take up the more +important and much more difficult subject of civilized man, not only as +an individual but as an organization[2] or nation, or group of nations. +It is true that other departments of knowledge, such as history and +political science, have pursued these fields, but unfortunately not +always in the scientific sense; to use an ancient pun, it is his story, +rather than all the facts. Anthropology in this new field should seek to +establish only those truths which can be based upon facts. There are +doubtless many very important truths which can not be established by +scientific methods, but perhaps they can be better treated in political +science, psychology, ethics, philosophy, and theology. + +In the present inquiry the anthropological problem is this: As religious +wars are admitted to be the most intense, most idealistic, and most +sacrificial of all wars, and therefore most difficult to stop, can it be +ascertained just how the Thirty Years' War, culminating in the peace of +Westphalia, brought about the end of all religious wars? This might +suggest how all political wars may be made to cease. If the seventeenth +century accomplished the more difficult task, the peace conference at +Paris ought to succeed in the less difficult one. If the twentieth +century prides itself on being superior in diplomacy, practical +statesmanship, and general mental caliber, it will now have an +opportunity to show such superiority by formulating a treaty which will +make all future political wars not only improbable but impossible. + + +PRINCIPLES OF A PEACE CONFERENCE. + +In following the present peace conference and comparing it with the +peace congress of Westphalia, it may be well to mention a few of the +principles of such congresses in general. In a treaty of peace there are +first of all the usual articles, as, e.g., a declaration that peace is +restored and amnesty clauses, including restitution of such conquests as +are not intended to be retained, and of rights suspended by the war. +Also there are provisions to remove the causes out of which the war +arose, redress grievances, and prevent their recurrence. This is the +most essential thing for the congress to do. Then there is the indemnity +article to make satisfactory reparation for injury sustained and cost of +war. But great prudence should be exercised here, otherwise the +conquered power may feel deep resentment which is liable to sow seeds +for a future war. + +As to personal attendance at the congress, one great advantage is that +difficulties thought insurmountable in correspondence often disappear in +an interview. Half the work is done when members have come to know what +each really wants. But in long discussions there is danger of becoming +fatigued and making ill-advised concessions. There is also temptation +for some members to interfere where they have no substantial interests +nor rights, and to contract engagements in which they have no special +concern. When strong enough, every nation will insist on the right to +manage its own internal affairs. Sometimes there are a few particularly +able men, speaking several languages fluently (a very practical +advantage), but representing only small countries, who may exercise +undue influence and cause the congress to authorize things which may not +prove of equal justice to all. Members of congresses have been known to +vote for things that they did not understand, to the great disadvantage +of their own country, due mainly to inexperience and lack of familiarity +with the language spoken in the congress. + + +THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. + +As early as 1636 Pope Urban VIII extorted from the powers engaged in the +Thirty Years' War their unwilling consent to treat. In 1637 a discussion +of safe conducts was begun, which lasted nearly five years, and it was +not until 1641 that preliminaries as to time and place of the congress +were signed, and these were not ratified, nor safe conducts exchanged, +until 1643, making six years for controversies as to mere formalities. +One of the causes of this dilatoriness was that neither side really +desired peace. Captiousness and punctiliousness were doubtless +emphasized in order to obtain delay. The labor of concluding peace was +colossal; there were endless obstacles to surmount, contending interests +to reconcile, a labyrinth of circumstances to cope with, difficulties to +overcome besetting the congress from the very outset of the +negotiations, not only of arranging the conditions of peace but still +more of carrying them through the proceedings. + +It is therefore fair to assume that the difficulties in establishing the +Peace of Westphalia were as great as, and probably greater than, those +now confronting the peace conference at Paris. For in the Westphalian +congress nobody desired peace, and it was not possible to agree to an +armistice, so that war continued while the congress was in session, +materially affecting the deliberations; this may be one reason why the +congress lasted as long as four years. + +To avoid questions of precedence and to lessen further opportunities for +disagreement, two cities in Westphalia, Munster for the Catholics and +Osnabruck for the Protestants, were selected. These places were a short +day's ride apart. The treaty was signed at Munster October 24, 1648, and +was called "The Peace of Westphalia." In addition to the disposition for +delay, there was a tendency to criticize things generally. Thus certain +plenipotentiaries complained of their accommodations, saying that the +houses assigned to them, though high and handsome externally, were in +fact rat holes. The streets also were pronounced very narrow, so much so +that when a certain very polite diplomat, who wore a very large hat, +made from his coach an extremely low bow, his hat hit a very expensive +vase in an open window, which fell and broke, causing great +embarrassment. + +First, questions of etiquette were taken up. For instance, did the +precedence belong to Spain, and what marks of honor were due to the +representatives of the neutral powers? Then came contests for the +ecclesiastical seats. The Nuncio, the representative of the Pope, wished +to sit not only at the head of the table but wanted a canopy over him to +distinguish him. The way in which the minor powers should be received +was in doubt. It was finally decided to go half-way down the stairs with +guests when departing. Also the question of titles arose. The word +"excellency" was chosen for addressing the envoys of the great powers, +but it had to be extended to the lesser powers. The Venetian envoy +obtained the honor (to his joy) of being conducted, when he visited the +French plenipotentiary, to the door of his coach, instead of to the +staircase. These few of the many incidents during the congress will +illustrate the human side of official matters. Such disputes as to +precedence and etiquette were to be expected in a proud and ceremonious +age among representatives of numerous States, especially when many of +them were of doubtful rank. There was also much display. A train of 18 +coaches conveyed the French envoys in their visits of ceremony. It +appeared that France desired to show that she had not been impoverished +by the war like Germany. + +The papal nuncio and the Venetian envoy were mediators as well as +members of the congress. France and Sweden were opposed to each other in +religion, but in accord on political matters. The treaty was drawn up +with such fullness and precision of language as is rarely found in +documents of this nature, due to a large body of trained lawyers among +the members. As indicating a desire for fairness in little things as +well as in larger questions, the treaty contained these words: "No one +of any party shall look askance at anyone on account of his creed." As +an example of wise provisions, the following may be noted: The +Protestants demanded the year 1618 as annus normalis for the restitution +of ecclesiastical estates, the Catholics insisted on the year 1630, +which was much more favorable to them. The congress split the difference +and made it 1624. The medius terminus is often the wisest course in +acute controversies. As to temporal affairs, all hostilities of whatever +kind were to be forgotten, neither party being allowed to molest or +injure the other for any purpose. In regard to spiritual affairs, +complete equality was to exist (aequalitas exacta mutuaque), and every +kind of violence was forever forbidden between the parties. + +The peace of Westphalia was the first effort to reconstruct the European +states' system, and it became the common law of Europe. Few treaties +have had such influence, and Europe is said for the first time to have +formed a kind of commonwealth watching with anxiety over the +preservation of the general peace. + + +THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. + +To have called to mind some of the principal points in the peace of +Westphalia is not sufficient for understanding the real significance of +the treaty without some consideration of the war which it closed. As +already suggested, this war, looked at from a scientific point of view, +is an unconscious experiment of nations, an attempt to solve a problem +in abnormal international psychology. In order to comprehend this +experiment and its resultant treaty, just how it brought about permanent +religious peace, some of the main events of the war must be recalled as +a basis upon which to work. + +The Protestant Reformation had great influence upon almost everything +political in Europe, until the peace of Westphalia. The religious peace +of Augsburg (1555) furnished no settlement to questions stirred up by +the Reformation. It was inevitable that such fundamental disagreements +should lead to a general war. The Thirty Years' War marked the end of +the Reformation, which changed the idea of Christian unity and altered +the theory of a holy Roman empire, replacing it by the idea of autonomy +for individual states. + +On May 23, 1618, a body of Protestants entered the royal palace at +Prague and threw two detested representatives of the Crown from the +window. This act started a struggle that for 30 years involved Europe in +a war which spread gradually from Bohemia over southern Germany, then +slowly to northern Germany and Denmark, until country after country +began to take part and the fighting became general. The war might have +ended in 1623, making it a five years' war, had it not been for the +outrageous treatment of the Protestant states of northern Germany, +resulting in a political disintegration in which Germany lost half of +her population and two-thirds of her wealth. Her religion and morality +sank low, and the intellectual damage required generations to restore. + +The Roman Catholic Church, having guided Christianity for centuries +without a rival, naturally felt greatly wronged by Protestant secession. +This explains the uncompromising enmities of the Thirty Years' War. +Various parties claimed the control of the religious doctrines to be +taught the people, as well as control of worship; they were fighting +each other for this power, ready to sacrifice their lives for it. The +Lutherans were as intolerant toward the Calvinists as they were toward +the Catholics. The Catholic Church, convinced of the absolute truth of +its doctrines based upon 13 centuries of growth, naturally could not +tolerate some young reformers to arise and challenge its divine right, +especially not since these reformers seized old monastic and +ecclesiastic foundations with domains and edifices and administered them +in their own interest. The resistance of the Catholic hierarchy, to the +last drop of blood, was a normal reaction. As so often happens, the +conditions were abnormal, not the human beings. + +Had the war stopped in 1623 the Catholics would have been left with +decided advantages. Their own ambitions, however, prevented it. Gustavus +Adolphus appeared, and by his efforts Protestantism is said to have been +saved from extinction. During 13 of the 30 years the lands of the +Protestants had been devastated; during the next 17 years an +equalization of the exhaustion of the parties developed before a lasting +religious peace was made. It became clear in the end that neither +Catholics nor Protestants could crush their opponents without perishing +likewise. + + +TERRIBLE RESULTS OF THE WAR. + +The terrible results of the Thirty Years' War may be summed up by saying +that Germany was the carcass, and the hosts which invaded the German +soil were the vultures. The Protestant invaders were Swedes, Finns, +Hollanders, Frenchmen, Englishmen, and Scotchmen; on the Catholic side +there came in Spaniards, Italians, Walloons, Poles, Cossacks, Croats, +and representatives of nearly all other Slavonic tribes. There was an +army never larger than 40,000 men, but the camp followers were 140,000, +consisting of gangs of Gypsies, Jewish camp traders, marauders, and +plunderers. The soldiers robbed and tortured all alike, both friend and +foe. The inhabitants would flee to the woods, taking with them or hiding +everything they could. But the invaders were experts in discovering +secret treasures; they would pour water on the ground, and where it sank +quickly there they knew something had been recently buried. + +To retaliate, the peasants would watch for stragglers, for the sick and +wounded who had dropped behind, putting them to death with every device +of insult and cruelty known. Much of the cruelty is too hideous to +mention. In many districts the desolation was so great that persons were +found dead with grass in their mouths. Men climbed up the scaffolds and +tore down the bodies of those hanged and devoured them. The supply was +large. Newly buried corpses were dug up for food. Children were enticed +away that they might be slain and eaten. The population, when plundered, +would become plunderers in turn, forming into bands, and inflict on +others the horrors that they themselves had suffered. Men became wholly +indifferent to the sufferings of others. Whole countries were +destroyed, towns and villages reduced to ashes, and civilization was +pushed back into barbarism for half a century. The Thirty Years' War is +said to have been so unspeakably cruel and calamitous that the like has +never been known in Europe. + + +CAUSES OF THE LENGTH OF THE WAR. + +Gustavus Adolphus writes in a letter that the war would be long drawn +out and stop from exhaustion. The original purpose of the war was the +suppression of the Protestant faith, but the victories of Gustavus +Adolphus made the Catholics hopeless. Also other interests of a +political nature rose up, the war passed from a German to a European +question. Though there were times when peace might have been made, the +side who had the best of it for the moment deemed it folly to stop when +victory was in reach. The other side thought it base and cowardly not to +continue, as some turn of fortune might repair the losses. Many a war +has dragged on after the purpose for which it began had become +unattainable, because those who began it were too vain to admit that the +objects of the war were impossible from its outset. + +In a long war also individuals rise up to whom fighting becomes a second +nature, who know nothing else but violence and murder. Thus many +soldiers were indignant when the Westphalian peace was signed, for they +felt they had a vested right to plunder and murder, looking upon a +wretched, helpless population as their just prey. + +A further reason for the long continuation of the war was the very +exhaustion of both sides; there was not enough strength on either side +to strike a decisive blow, nor sufficient energy left to make a vigorous +effort for peace, making it seem useless to try. In the earlier and +middle period of the war there were many cries for peace, but in the +last eight years there was a terrible silence of death and such utter +desperation that no one dared to speak of peace, so great was the +exhaustion. The soldiers decreased as it became more and more difficult +to recruit and feed them; the military operations grew feebler and more +desultory, the fighting more inconclusive, though the misery did not +diminish. But while the people and soldiers had become tired of the +interminable struggle and wanted peace, many of the diplomats did not +appear to desire it. + + +CAUSES OF THE WAR. + +The great length of the war gradually revealed its very hopelessness and +uselessness, creating a general desire for rest and peace, transforming +and weakening the religious movements out of which the war had arisen. +The principle of private judgment, coming from the Reformation, had had +time to develop and undermine the ideas of temporal rights and duties +common to both parties, while many ideas first conceived by the +Reformation but suppressed at the time, had at last commenced to grow +through the long-continued tribulations. + +Another cause of the war was the inherent incompatibility of religious +views among the people. Religious discord exists to-day, but it is not +decided by bloody contests, because of breadth of religious insight, +general indifference, and increasing skepticism. The convictions of the +people of the seventeenth century, as to the truth of their own opinions +and the errors of their opponents, were of such an absolute character as +can not be found nowadays even among people with the most rigid beliefs. +They did not know then that it was possible to live together and yet +have the most varied and contradictory religious convictions. To suppose +that these people were stupid is an error. The chances are that they +were less stupid than the people are to-day. How many, at the present +time, can look at their country, its ideals, ideas, and customs justly +and without prejudice? Naturally very few. But to place ourselves +outside of not only our country but our generation is much more +difficult. How could we then expect the people of the seventeenth +century to do this? + + +IGNORANCE THE FUNDAMENTAL CAUSE OF THE WAR. + +The fundamental cause that brought the Thirty Years' War to a close was +mental insight into the uselessness and hopelessness of further +struggle, caused by the feeling of exhaustion due to the long +continuance of the war. The reason why this war put an end to all +religious wars was, that this intellectual insight became general in +Europe, inculcating more liberal religious views. This psychological +attitude, with increasing indifference to religion and resultant +skepticism, caused religious questions to be regarded less seriously, +making further wars for such purposes impossible. The basal reason, +therefore, was the intellectual realization of the foolishness of +bloodshed on account of difference of religious convictions; that is, +lack of knowledge of this fact in the past--in short, ignorance--was at +the bottom of it all, as of most evils in the world. + + +COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR AND THE EUROPEAN WAR. + +In order to learn what suggestions from the Thirty Years' War may be of +use for the League of Nations in the future it will be well to mention +the general similarities and differences between this war and the recent +European war. + +The similarities are as follows: + +1. The Thirty Years' War began with the throwing out of a window +(defenestration) of detested persons; the European war started from an +assassination. + +2. The Thirty Years' War had been expected for some time; a general +European war had been predicted for many years. + +3. The Thirty Years' War, beginning with a local incident, spread from +country to country, just like the European war did. + +4. The Thirty Years' War was exceedingly brutal for its generation, just +as the European war has been for our time. + +5. The Thirty Years' War was a very long one for its generation; the +European war has been a relatively long one for recent times. + +As to the differences between the two wars, it may be said that-- + +1. In the Thirty Years' War both belligerents finally proved to be +nearly equal in strength. In the European war one of the belligerents, +though at first meeting with reverses, in the end completely overcame +the other. + +2. The Thirty Years' War ended in the exhaustion of both belligerents; +the European war closed with the exhaustion of only one belligerent. + +3. The Thirty Years' War was waged for religious convictions rather than +for gain; the European war was not so ideal in its purposes. + +Taking a general view of the similarities and differences between the +two wars, the one great question arises: Is the experience of the +present European war strong enough for victors and vanquished alike to +be willing to yield sufficient of their natural rights and sovereignty +to submit all questions of war to some superior international court from +which there is no appeal? + +In the Thirty Years' War nothing further was necessary; the exhaustion +of both belligerents was sufficient to end religious wars. + +As the victorious party in war is much less inclined (if inclined at +all) than the conquered foe to yield anything, will the Allies, without +the experience of defeat and exhaustion, be willing to yield enough of +their sovereignty to make the future peace of the world permanent? Will +they be magnanimous and give up some national advantages of the present +for future international benefits to all mankind? In short, are they +unselfish enough to so temper their justice with mercy as to establish a +world peace, the greatest boon to humanity ever known? + +Here is a supreme opportunity. Will the victorious Allies arise to the +occasion and make future wars improbable, if not impossible? We say +"impossible," because if a nation is recalcitrant it can be punished by +a general boycott, leading toward its economic ruin. As the instinct of +self-preservation is the most powerful influence in nations as well as +in individuals, it is a moral certainty that no nation could or would +submit very long to such punishment. Just after a war is ended, when the +belligerents feel more keenly its effect than later on, they are much +more disposed to make mutual concessions. Will the victors of the +European War strike at once while the iron is hot, and insist on the one +paramount issue, the absolute prohibition of all wars? Such a decision +would radiate through all further proceedings of the League of Nations +and greatly facilitate its work. By thus making a certainty of the most +important question of all history, no matter how difficult and delicate +matters of greater or less importance may be, the League of Nations will +have assured its success in advance as the greatest and most beneficent +influence that the world has ever experienced, just as the peace of +Westphalia was in its generation. + +In the peace treaty of Westphalia were these words: "The hostilities +that have taken place from the beginning of the late disturbances, in +any place of whatsoever kind, by one side or the other, shall be +forgotten and forgiven, so that neither party shall cherish enmity or +hatred against, nor molest nor injure the other for any cause +whatsoever." Will the peace treaty of Paris contain as generous and +noble words and stop all political wars forever, just as the peace of +Westphalia put an end to all religious wars? + +Will the twentieth century Christianity, with its supposed greater +liberality and enlightenment, be as far-seeing, unselfish, and effective +as the Christianity of the seventeenth century? + +Let the League of Nations answer yes. + +Just as the spread of education and knowledge has gradually liberated +the intellect so as to undermine the ideas upon which religious wars +were based, so a similar process of enlightenment may be necessary to +cause political wars to cease. + + +REFERENCES. + +The following references are only a few of those easily accessible in +libraries. The Cambridge Modern History (vol. 4) has a bibliography of +some 3,000 works and brochures on the Thirty Years' War. + +Bougeant. Histoire des Guerres et des Négociations qui précédèrent le +Traité de Westphalie. Paris, 1751. + +Bernard, Mountague. Four lectures in subjects connected with diplomacy. +London, 1868, 8º. Lecture I is entitled "The Congress of Westphalia" (60 +pp.); comparison with other congresses is made. + +The Cambridge Modern History. The Thirty Years' War, Volume IV. +Cambridge, 1906, III, 1,003 pages. It contains a most extensive +classified bibliography of the war, filling 150 pages. + +Freytag, Gustav. Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit. Includes +chapters on Thirty Years' War. + +Gindely, Anton. History of the Thirty Years' War. 2 volumes, New York, +1884. + +Hausser, Ludwig. The period of the Reformation, 1517 to 1648 +(translation). London, 1873, 8º, 456 pages. + +Cust, Edward. Lives of the warriors of the Thirty Years' War. 2 volumes, +12º. London, 1865. The author is a military man. + +Leclerc. Négociations sécrètes touchant la Paix de Muenster et +d'Osnabrug. + +Puetter. Geist des Westphalischen Friedens. + + + + +INTERNATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY AND PEACE.[3] + + +The history of the world would seem to indicate that international +psychology is almost synonymous with international anarchy. For the last +30 or more years, as is well known, a general European War was expected, +predicated, and feared. This was the abnormal psychological condition of +diplomatic and military Europe until the present war caused its +realization. The world appears always to have existed in a pathological +condition of possible, probable, or actual war. The question is, "Shall +the world continue to this old way of international anarchism and +political pathology, or shall it make a supreme effort to shake off this +monstrous incubus of war?" + +It is peculiar circumstances that, while anarchism within a nation is +generally detested, anarchism between nations has been palatable so +long. Cannibalism existed for thousands of years, slavery also, yet both +have been practically abandoned, and now there seems to be a chance to +do away the last and greatest enemy of humanity--war. To stop an evil +that has existed so long and whose roots reach back into the beginning +of history will necessarily require colossal effort and great sacrifice. +Such an effort has been successful only once in the history of the +world. That was when the Westphalian peace treaty was signed, in 1648 +after the Thirty Years' War.[4] This resulted in abolishing the most +difficult kind of wars--religious wars. If the seventeenth century could +accomplish this greater task, certainly the twentieth century should +take courage and likewise put an end to political wars, the lesser task. +It may not be possible to make war impossible, but this is no reason it +should not be tried. It may be possible, however, to make war most +improbable. + + +SCIENTIFIC METHOD IN HISTORY NECESSARY. + +In the writing of history a common illusion is to exaggerate the future +importance of contemporary events. Both sides in the French Revolution +thought that the end of the world had come, as no doubt it had for some. +Comparatively few men can get outside of their country and look at +things as they are, but very few or none can separate themselves from +their generation and look without prejudice into the future. The +importance of every great event is usually exaggerated by those +immediately interested. From the historical point of view, the degree of +importance of current events can not be determined until some time +afterwards when the sources are more accessible, and it is possible to +consider them calmly, and from the point of view of strict truth, which +is one of the main principles of scientific inquiry. History is +continuous and not broken up by what the present generation may think to +be a finality or cataclysm; there may be progress or retrogression, but +neither is so great as they appear at the time of the events which cause +enthusiasm and optimism in the victorious and despair and pessimism in +the vanquished. These are temporary phenomena, being only links in the +historical chain. The changes after this war back to normal conditions +may be much greater and faster than in previous wars. In this connection +it must be remembered that the humane spirit is now much more diffused +in the world than in the past, which is indicated by the enormous extent +of protests against the horrors of war.[5] These horrors are common to +all wars and were relatively as frequent in the past, if not more so. It +is true that the absolute number of outrages may have been much greater +in the present war than in previous wars, but this is probably due +mainly to the enormous number of individuals engaged in the war. + + +INTERDEPENDENCE OF NATIONS A DEMOGRAPHIC LAW. + +The world has become so closely connected through modern means of +communication that any war might result in a world war. The prevalent +political tendencies are in the direction of combination and resultant +consolidation. The question soon arises, Shall combination and +regulation go beyond national limits? The old-fashioned ideas of +national limits do not seem to be adapted to present conditions. +Commercially such limits are impracticable and appear to be so in other +ways.[6] The Constitution of the United States has 18 amendments. This +demographic law of interdependence of nations necessarily results in +combination, which eventually may lead to international solidarity. + +Whether we will or no, this demographic law of interdependence of +nations can not be escaped. Just as the States of the Union are now +closer together than their counties were many years ago, through the +enormous development of physical means of communication, so governments +are now brought more closely in contact than were the States at the time +of the formation of the Union. This demographic law of increasing +interdependence when carefully examined appears to be almost as +necessary as the law of gravity. It has been at work ever since history +began and, though little noticed perhaps, it has been manifesting itself +more and more as history advanced. The individual is subordinate to the +community and must yield some of his sovereignty to it, the community in +turn must yield to the county, the county to the State, the State to the +Nation, and finally the Nation to the world. This last step is the one +now pending in Europe, and eventually, if not presently, may result in +international solidarity, which will practically put an end to political +wars just as the Westphalian peace did with religious wars. + + +INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND DEMOGRAPHIC LAW OF INTERDEPENDENCE OF +STATES. + +The tendency toward this demographic law of interdependence of States is +shown by the large number of international organizations such as +congresses or conferences which are held from time to time in different +countries of the world. From the Conference of Vienna (1815) to the +present time there have been some two hundred or more international +congresses, the majority of which had to do with regulation of economic +and sociologic affairs. Thus manufacturers, merchants, and capitalists +of different countries have met and made agreements to control and +regulate production and distribution of merchandise. + +There is also the Universal Postal Union, which is an illustration of +international control or government. Objections are sometimes made +against international government, which were made years ago against the +International Postal Union. It now has a constitution obeyed by all +nations. Refusal to obey would deprive a country of the benefits of the +union. As a matter of fact, no country has done this. + + +POWER OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. + +If there were an international organization for war as well as for +postage, and one or two nations should refuse to obey the decisions of a +majority, or three-fourths of the organization, each of these +recalcitrant nations could be boycotted economically and in many other +ways by the remaining member nations. It is very doubtful if any nation +would take such chances. + +Any international organization helps toward peace by making action less +precipitate, for if it were known in advance that a conference were to +take place, this would tend to make nations less disposed to go to war. +In fact, all international conferences, like the International Congress +of Criminal Anthropology, tend to intellectual, moral, and sociological +solidarity between nations, in accordance with our demographic law of +interdependence. (See Equation of law later on.) This International +Congress of Criminal Anthropology, for instance, consists of some four +hundred university specialists in anthropology, medicine, psychology, +and sociology, who come from almost all countries of the world. + +In the eighteenth century international relations consisted of +diplomatic conversations and were regulated by an occasional treaty, +but, owing to the very inadequate means of communication, few +international relations were required. In the nineteenth century the +change in international conditions was very great. When international +organizations represent some actual phase of life, whether educational, +commercial or scientific, they really regulate their relations between +nations and are often organs of international government. In short, +international conferences and congresses act like legislatures between +nations. + +If conferences had been in vogue and one had been held concerning the +dispute between Austria and Serbia, very probably there would not have +been any war, because, if for no other reason, the diplomats would have +seen that it might lead to a general war in Europe, and as no nation +cared to take that responsibility the diplomatic procedure would +doubtless have been modified. Thus the conference over the Morocco +question killed it as a cause of war. + +This and other practical examples of government between nations show +that the great success, convenience, and benefit to all nations +encourage the further development of international organizations. The +difficulties and dangers predicted have not come to pass. International +administration has come in the cases of railroads, ships, and +automobiles. An elaborate international government has come (through +treaties) in public health and epidemics, and international notification +of the presence of disease has been made obligatory. + + +SOVEREIGNTY CHANGES ACCORDING TO THE DEMOGRAPHIC LAW OF INTERDEPENDENCE +OF NATIONS. + +The old idea of the independence of the State, mingled with that of +sovereignty, prestige, and honor, and exaggerated by false patriotism, +although limited more and more by conditions of civilization, is one of +the main obstacles to the development of international organization and +government. + +The habit of holding conferences or congresses would get the people to +expect international government and insist on it, and any country would +hesitate long before refusing to agree to a conference. + +The idea that sovereignty is destroyed because a nation is not +absolutely independent belongs to the old régime, when many modern means +of communication did not exist. In those days of comparative isolation +there was reason for much independence, but now countries are so closely +connected, as we have seen, that their independence and sovereignty are +necessarily limited, while their interdependence has increased to such +an extent that what benefits or injures one benefits or injures the +other. Thus it is to the advantage of each State to give up some of its +sovereignty, just as it is for the individual to give up some of his +freedom to the community for privileges much greater than the loss of +his so-called independence. It is well known how the States of our Union +have gradually yielded more and more of their sovereignty to the Federal +Government. Thus sovereignty decreases according to our law of the +interdependence of States. + + +CAUSE OF WAR NOT NECESSARILY ECONOMIC. + +It is frequently asserted that after all the main cause of most wars is +rivalry in trade and commercial friction; in short, it is economic. But +it is a curious fact that commerce and industry are the most insistent +on international rules or law to reduce all friction to a minimum, for +peaceful trading is a general benefit to all concerned. + +It might be stated in this connection that in historical and political +as well as physical science there is no one cause of anything, but a +chain of causes; for the more we study the world, the closer we find it +related; nothing is nor can be really alone. When we single out a cause +we mean the predominant one, and which is the strongest link in the +chain of causes becomes a matter of opinion, owing to our limited +knowledge of international psychology. + +Commercial systems of the world have brought nations closer together, +but political relations have remained much the same; that is, the +advances in diplomacy have been very few in comparison with the growth +of economic relations which makes for peace rather than war. + + +NO INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENT; NO LASTING PEACE. + +That the lack of international government means international anarchy +may be illustrated by some recent events. Owing to the struggle of +Serbia for expansion, Austria feared the seizure of its own territory +and loss of some of its population, and so refused to accept mediation, +because the Hapsburg monarchy being reported declining, she must +counteract this impression by showing vigorous action. The success of +Austria would be regarded by Russia as a threat to herself, but a defeat +of Austria by Russia would be a defeat for Germany, and a German defeat +for Russia and France would be regarded as a defeat for England. Thus +the lack of any international government or organization made +cooperation for peace almost, if not quite, impossible. England might +have said to herself, among other reasons, "If I stay out of the war, +Germany may overrun France and Belgium, resulting in a union of the +French and German Navies, but we are an island, and it would not do to +risk the danger of such a combination." + +Frontier questions have perhaps been the main cause of more wars in +history than anything else. But in the course of events such questions +have come to be settled without resort to force, which is a change from +national to international government. + + +NATIONALISM MAY CONFLICT WITH THE PEOPLES' INTEREST. + +Another nationalistic anachronism is the geographical standard in +governmental matters. But intercommunications are so many and so close +that geographical relations have few reasons to be considered. +Individual and racial interests are less geographical and more +sociological. But governmental matters have not developed near so fast +as sociological conditions. + +Nationalism more often represents the interests of the few rather than +the many. Unfortunately it is easy to bolster up a narrow and selfish +nationalism by appeal to the patriotism of the masses who fail to +understand the conditions and support the interests of a few against +their own vital interests. While anarchy between nations (nationalism) +makes future wars probable, anarchy within nations can be easily stopped +by doing justice to the masses. + + +WAR WORST METHOD OF SETTLING DIFFICULTIES. + +An egotistical, selfish, and narrow nationalism, the basis of +international anarchy, has been demonstrated a partial, if not complete, +failure by the condition in which Europe is to-day. War, though only one +of many methods for settling difficulties between nations, has, +nevertheless, been the main one. There is a strong desire among the +people to substitute some other method. + +Generally a nation has two things to consider--one is what it wants; the +other whether it can enforce its wants. This is the usual nationalistic +dilemma, but our demographic law of the interdependence of nations +assumes that each country will respect the other countries and be +willing to consider their wishes at least in vital matters. + +Where the differences between two nations have threatened the peace of +Europe it has been felt that such a matter was more than a national +question; in fact, passed over into the international realm, and so +conferences have been called which to a certain extent recognized the +principle of interdependence and have enforced its decisions by blockade +if not by more warlike means. If a nation adopt the methods of force, it +is appealing to international anarchy, which causes nations to break +international law much more readily than otherwise. In fact, military +necessity knows no law. + +It may seem odd that conferences are so often called for war instead of +for peace. But it is necessity that often rules; the wheel in the +machine is not examined until it is out of order, human beings were +never studied scientifically until they became lunatics or criminals. So +peace seems to have been little thought of until danger of war appeared. +Peace is like good health, we do not know its value until we lose it. + + +SECRET DIPLOMACY INSIDIOUS. + +All treaties between nations should be published in order to make the +diplomacy of intrigue and deception impossible or at least most +difficult to carry into effect. Secret diplomacy enables those who want +war to bring something to light suddenly and cause excitement and fear +among the people and thus drive them into war before they understand +what they are doing. The psychology of fear shows its power in producing +apprehension by catch phrases, such as "the crisis is acute," or "there +is panic on the stock exchange," or "negotiations may come to an end," +or "an ultimatum has been sent." Patriotic as well as fear inspiring +phrases are published broadcast leading the people into war, but they +must always be made to believe that it is in defense of their country, +whether it is or not. + +But open diplomacy and international conferences prevent insidious +methods of producing excitement; they also give the people time to think +and avoid precipitate action; also facts are brought to light that +otherwise might have been concealed by those desiring war. + + +COMPETITIVE ARMAMENTS LEAD TO WAR. + +Competitive armaments, for which the masses are compelled to pay and by +which they are killed, hasten the probability of future wars. Great +armaments lead to competitive armament, which experience shows to be no +guaranty of peace, for it makes a nation feel so well prepared for war +that when a dispute arises, and it is thought a few days' delay may give +the enemy an advantage that might never be regained, the enemy must be +attacked at once. Thus Austria refused to extend time to Serbia nor +would she take part in a conference of ambassadors nor respond to the +Serbian note to refer the dispute to The Hague. So Germany refused a +similar proposal to the Czar on July 29 and allowed Russia but 12 hours +to answer the ultimatum. Russia had begun to mobilize and Germany's +fear, if the proposal for pacific settlement were accepted, Russia would +get the start and gain a military advantage probably caused Germany to +strike at once. Thus such preparedness actually prevented any chance for +even discussion of a peaceful settlement. Also the knowledge that +Russia's Army and Navy were to be increased and strategic railroads +built and that France was about to reintroduce three years' military +service may have caused Germany to think it imprudent to delay an +inevitable war any longer. + + +PERMANENT PEACE HINDERED BY SPIRIT OF HATE. + +There can be no permanent peace so long as the idea of crushing this or +that nation prevails. The question is not national, but international. +The nationalistic spirit of hate may be temporarily useful in stirring +up a country to fight better, but it does not tend toward a lasting +peace. In the study of war we should seek the causes, be impersonal, and +neither condone nor accuse. The scientific investigation of war comes +under the head of criminal anthropology, one of the purposes of which is +by knowledge gained to lessen or stop war permanently rather than +discuss the ethics of war involving the spirit of hate and vengeance. + + +NO PERMANENT PEACE WITH NATIONALISM ALONE. + +The existing conditions between nations are somewhat like as if a State +had rules and laws as to what to do when murder and riot occur, but no +laws to prevent murder and riot, or, if there were laws, no power to +execute them. + +From the theoretical point of view these irrational and abnormal +conditions are evident, and yet they have been considered normal +conditions for ages. This is indicated by the remark of a diplomat, who +said: "Things are getting back to a wholesome state again, every nation +for itself and God for us all." As long as such an extreme and +pathological form of nationalism exists no permanent peace is probable, +if not impossible. Nationalism has had a long trial with comparative +freedom, and one of its grand finales is the present European war. + + +A FEW SUGGESTIONS FOR PERMANENT PEACE. + +It would go far beyond the purpose of this article to discuss the many +methods proposed for establishing permanent peace, yet one may be +allowed merely to note a few points. There might be established an +international high court to decide judicial issues between independent +sovereign nations and an international council to secure international +legislation and to settle nonjudicial issues. Also, an international +secretariat should be established. Some fundamental principles of such +international control might be to disclaim all desire or intention of +aggression, to pursue no claim against any other independent state; not +to send any ultimatum or threat of military or naval operations or do +any act of aggression, and never to declare war or order any general +mobilization or violate the territory or attack the ships of another +state, except in way of repelling an attack actually made; not to do any +of these until the matter in dispute has been submitted to the +international high court or to the international council, and not until +a year after the date of such submission. + + +PROHIBITIONS FOR RECALCITRANT STATES. + +In order to enforce the decrees of the international high court against +any recalcitrant State an embargo on her ships and forbidding her +landing at any capital might be initiated. Also there might be +instituted prohibition of postal and telegraph communication, of payment +of debts due to citizens, prohibition of all imports and exports and of +all passenger traffic; to level special duties on goods to such State +and blockade her ports. In short, an effort should be made to enforce +complete nonintercourse with any recalcitrant State. + +Should a State proceed to use force to go to war rather than obey the +decree of the international high court all the other constituent States +should make common cause against such State and enforce the order of the +international high court. + + +THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT FOR PREVENTING WAR IS SOON AFTER WAR. + +If an absolute agreement among leading nations of the world never to +resort to war could be obtained at the outset all other questions could +be settled more justly and with fewer difficulties, for the +consciousness that the supreme question was out of the way would relieve +the psychological tension and afford opportunity for a more calm and +careful consideration and adjudication of all other matters in dispute. +It would be like the consciousness of the lawyer, when having lost his +case in all other courts is content to let the United States Supreme +Court settle it forever. This is due to the psychological power of the +radiation of justice from the top downward. + +Such an absolute and final agreement never to resort to war can be best +accomplished right after the war, when all are sick of war and the very +thought of it causes the suffering, wounded, and bleeding people to turn +their heads significantly away with a profound instinctive feeling, +crying out that anything is better than to go back to the old régime. In +such a state of mind mutual concessions are much easier to make than +later on. + +The psychological moment to prevent such suffering of the masses from +ever occurring again is soon after the war. It is a sad comment that the +number and untold suffering of millions of human beings seem to have +been required for the nationalistic spirit of Europe to be willing to +follow international humanitarian ideas toward establishing permanent +peace in the world. + + +THE HAGUE RULES ONLY SUGGESTIONS. + +The diplomats who wrote the rules at The Hague Convention knew well that +they might be more or less disregarded; they were only suggestions. As +war assumes the right to kill human beings, what rights, then, have the +victims left over that are worth mentioning? As to what way they are +killed there is little use of considering, probably the quicker the +better, for there is less suffering. If prisoners must starve, it is a +mercy to shoot them. To regulate murder of human beings is more or less +humbug. The thing to do is to try to abolish international anarchy and +slaughter forever, and to accomplish this the egotism, selfishness, and +narrowness of nations must be so modified that they are willing to make +the necessary sacrifice. + +If the reader believes the general ideas set forth in this study, let +him or her aid the writer in a practical way and send a contribution to +help circulate these ideas, not only in English and other languages but +in other countries as well as the United States. + +The address of the author is: The Congressional, 100 East Capitol +Street, Washington, D. C. + + +EQUATION OF THE DEMOGRAPHIC LAW OF INTERDEPENDENCE OF NATIONS. + +As already noted, our demographic law of the interdependence of nations +is, that increase in the means of communication between States causes +increase of their interdependence but decrease in their sovereignty. +Just as a physical body consists of molecules of various kinds, so the +State may be regarded as a psychological entity with citizens of various +characteristics, and just as the density of a body is equal to its mass +divided by its volume, so the density of citizenship is equal to the +population divided by the land area. + +If, therefore, we consider the States' adult population, as its mass (m) +and the resultant aggregate increase of its means of communication as +its velocity (v), and (t) as the time, then the psychological force (F) +or interdependence of the State can be expressed by the familiar +equation in physics F=mv/t; that is to say, the interdependence of a +State is equal to its adult population (mass) multiplied by the +resultant aggregate increase of its means of communication (velocity) +and the product divided by the time (t). + +The poundal unit of physical force is such a force as will move 1 pound +(mass unit) at a velocity of 1 foot per second in one second of time. + +Now, assuming the unit of citizenship of a State to be one citizen and +the unit of the resultant aggregate increase of means of communication +per annum in one year of time to be K, then + +The statal unit of psychological force is such a force as will give one +citizen (mass unit) one K unit (for convenience the K unit of annual +aggregate increase of means of communication can be expressed in per +cents. Taking some of the principal means of communication, and working +out their annual average per cents of increase, we have for the United +States during the census periods (1900-1910); annual average increase of +passengers on railroads, 7 per cent; on street and electric railways, 3 +per cent (1907-1912); of telegraph messages sent, 6 per cent; of +telephone stations, 10 per cent. Combining these, the per cent of annual +average aggregate increase will be 6.5 per cent, as value of K, assuming +the percentages are equally weighted) of resultant aggregate increase of +means of communication per annum in one year of time. + +As yet there is no exact way to measure the sovereignty and means of +communication of the State, but the psychological side of this physical +equation may suggest a working hypothesis for our demographic law of the +interdependence of States which may some time be useful in the realm of +international psychology. + +To measure the aggregate influence upon citizens of the many means of +communication in a State (also, for illustration merely, let us take one +of the principal means of communication, as steam railroads, and we find +that the annual average increase in passenger-train-car miles for one +citizen of the United States, from 1908 to 1914, to be 4.45, which is +the value of K for steam railroads alone for period mentioned. In a +later article the author will consider in detail the practical +application of the equation) as steam, street and electric railways, +telegraph and telephones, will require exact detailed knowledge of the +mental, moral, and physical power of the individual citizen, the unit of +the social organism. Such measurements might be made when psychology and +sociology become sciences in the rigid sense. The underlying hypothesis +in this equation is that both the psychological and physical mechanism +of the world are under one fundamental law.[7] + + + + +LAWS OF REVOLUTION.[8] + + +Scientific history teaches that without war many revolutions could never +have taken place. One of the greatest problems of future government is +to reconcile democratic equality with hereditary inequality among the +people. Governments differ much more in form than in substance, and make +progress when the resultant activities of the citizens direct and +control them. + +With this in mind, a few principles of revolutions may be instructive in +connection with the present European situation. + +1. The causes of revolutions are summed up in the word "discontent," +which must be general and accompanied with hope in order to produce +results. + +2. Modern revolutions appear to be more abrupt than ancient. Contrary to +expectation, conservative people may have the most violent revolutions, +because of not being able to adapt themselves to changes of environment. + +3. Revolution owes its power to the unchaining of the people, and does +not take place without the aid of an important fraction of the army, +which usually becomes disaffected by power of suggestion. + +4. The triumphant party will organize according to whether the +revolution is effected by soldiers, radicals, or conservatives. + +5. The violence is liable to be great if a belief as well as material +interests are being defended. + +6. For ideas which cause violent contradictions are matters of faith, +rather than of knowledge. + +7. If the triumphant party go to extremes, bordering upon absurdities, +they are liable to be turned down by the people. + +8. Most revolutions aim to put a new person in power, who usually tries +to establish an equilibrium between the struggling factions, and not be +too much dominated by any one class. + +9. The rapidity of modern revolutions is explained by quick methods of +publicity, and the slight resistance and ease with which some +governments have been overturned is surprising, indicating blind +confidence and inability to foresee. + +10. Governments sometimes have fallen so easily that they are said to +have committed suicide. + +11. Revolutionary organizations are impulsive, though often timid, and +are influenced by a few leaders, who may cause them to act contrary to +the wishes of the majority. Thus royal assemblies have destroyed +empires and humanitarian legislatures have permitted massacres. + +12. When all social restraints are abandoned, and instinctive impulses +are allowed full sway, there is danger of return to barbarianism. For +the ancestral ego (inherent in everyone) is let loose. + +13. A country will prosper in proportion that the really superior +persons rule, and this superiority is both moral and mental. + +14. If certain social tendencies appear to lower the power of mind, +they, nevertheless, may lessen injustice to the weaker classes; and if +it be a choice between mentality and morality, morality should be +preferred. + +15. A financial aristocracy does not promote much jealousy in those who +hope to form a part of it in the future. + +16. Science has caused many things once held to be historical to be now +considered doubtful. Thus it is asked-- + +17. Would not the results of the French Revolution, which cost so much +bloodshed, have been obtained without violence later, through gradual +evolution? And were the results of the French Revolution worth the cost +of the terrible barbarism and suffering that took place? + +18. To understand the people in a revolution we must know their history. + +19. The accumulated thought, feeling, and tradition of a nation +constitute its strength, which is its national spirit. This must not be +too rigid, nor too malleable. For, in the first place, revolution means +anarchy, and, in the second place, it results in successive revolutions. + + + + +WAR AND PEACE STUDIES. + +By the Author. + + +Peace, War, and Humanity. Printed by Judd & Detweiler, Washington, D. +C., 26 pages, 1915, 8º. + +Comparative Militarism. Reprint from publications of the American +Statistical Association, Boston, December, 1915, 3 pages, 8º. + +Atrocities and Outrages of War. Reprint from the Pacific Medical +Journal, San Francisco, April, 1916, 16 pages, 8º. Gives data for Civil +War, Boer War, Bulgaria, and Russia and Germany, 16 pages, 8º. + +Some Moral Evils of War. Reprint from Pacific Medical Journal, San +Francisco, August, 1916, 8 pages, 8º. Refers especially to Boer War. + +Reasons for Peace. Machinists' Monthly Journal, Washington, D. C., July, +1916, pages 708-710, 8º. + +Choosing Between War and Peace. Reprint from Western Medical Times, +Denver, Colo., 6 pages, 8º. + +Statement of European War. Reprint from Pacific Medical Journal, San +Francisco, Calif., February, 1917, 8 pages, 8º. + +Prevention of War. Reprint from CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Washington, D. C., +February 27, 1917, 8 pages, 8º; also, reprint 7 pages, 8º. + +Military Training in the Public Schools. Educational Exchange, +Birmingham, Ala., February and March, 1917. + +War and Criminal Anthropology. Published in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for +February 27 and March 15, 1917. + +Our National Defense. Testimony of American officers as to difficulties +of invasion, and our coast defenses. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for March 15, +1917; also, reprint, 10 pages, 8º. + +Identification of Soldiers After Death and Head Measurements. Boston +Medical and Surgical Journal, June 13, 1918; also, reprint 8 pages, 8º. + +Revolutions. Journal of Education, Boston, Mass., December 26, 1918, 4º. + +Anthropometry of Soldiers. Medical Record, New York City, December 14, +1918; also, reprint 17 pages, 12º; also, in Our State Army and Navy, +Philadelphia, April, 1919. + +Psychology of Swiss Soldiers. Arms and the Man, Washington, D. C., 1918; +also in Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Nashville, Tenn., March, 1919. + +International Psychology and Peace. Chicago Legal News, May 1, 1919. + +Suggestions of the Peace Treaty of Westphalia for the Peace Conference +in France. Journal of Education, Boston, Mass., March 27, 1919; also, in +Open Court, April, 1919; also (in German) Milwaukee Herald, April, 1919; +also (in Norwegian) in Amerika, May 16, Madison, Wis.; in "La Prensa" +(Spanish), San Antonio, Tex., Lunes 19 de Mayo de 1919; "Nardoni List" +(Croatian), June 8, 1919; also in "Rivista d'Italia," Milano. April. +1919. + +Disequilibrium of Mind and Nerves in War. Medical Record, New York City, +May 3, 1919; also, reprint, 12 pages, 12º. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Article (by writer) in Central Law Journal, St. Louis, April 25, +1919, and in Open Court, April, 1919, Chicago, Ill. + +[2] See a study of the United States Senate by the writer (published in +Spanish) under the title "Estudio del Senado de los Estados Unidos de +America." in Revista Argentina de Ciencias Politicas, 12 de Enero de +1918. (Buenos Ayres, 1918.) + +[3] Article (by writer) in Chicago Legal News for May 3, 1919. + +[4] See Article (by author) entitled "Suggestions from the Westphalian +Peace treaty for the Peace conference in France," published in the +Journal of Education, Boston, March 27, 1919, and Central Law Journal, +St. Louis, Mo., April, 1919; also in Open Court for April, 1919, +Chicago. + +[5] See article (by author) in Pacific Medical Journal, San Francisco, +Calif., April, 1916, entitled "Atrocities and Outrages of War"; also +pamphlet (by author) entitled "War and Criminal Anthropology," reprinted +from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for February 17 and March 15, 1917. +Washington, D. C. + +[6] Woolf, L. S., International Government, Fabian Research Department, +London. + +[7] See article (by author) entitled "Anthropology of Modern Civilized +Man" in Medical Fortnightly and Laboratory News, St. Louis, Mo., April, +1919; also chapter on "Emil Zola" in Senate Document (by author) No. +532, Sixtieth Congress, first session. + +[8] Article (by writer) in Journal of Education, Boston, Mass., for +December 26, 1918. + + + + +TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES: + + +The following misprints have been corrected: + + "Westphalla" corrected to "Westphalia" (Page 5) + "Calvanists" corrected to "Calvinists" (Page 6) + "turbulations" corrected to "tribulations" (Page 7) + "centry" corrected to "century" (Page 7) + "wtihout" corrected to "without" (Page 7) + "defenstration" corrected to "defenestration" (Page 8) + "importauce" corrected to "importance" (Page 8) + "La Prenso" corrected to "La Prensa" (Page 16) + "Rivista d'Ialia" corrected to "Rivista d'Italia" (Page 16) + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Fundamental Peace Ideas including The +Westphalian Peace Treaty (1648) and The League Of Nations (1919), by Arthur Mac Donald + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FUNDAMENTAL PEACE IDEAS *** + +***** This file should be named 35530-8.txt or 35530-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/5/5/3/35530/ + +Produced by Jan-Fabian Humann and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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