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diff --git a/35508-0.txt b/35508-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fee81c4 --- /dev/null +++ b/35508-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,30113 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Benjamin Franklin, by +Frank Luther Mott and Chester E. Jorgenson + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Benjamin Franklin + Representative selections, with introduction, bibliograpy, and notes + +Author: Frank Luther Mott + Chester E. Jorgenson + +Release Date: March 6, 2011 [EBook #35508] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BENJAMIN FRANKLIN *** + + + + +Produced by Mark C. Orton, Christine Aldridge and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Transcriber's Notes: + +1. Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_ + + Words with gesperrt (wide) letter spacing are surrounded with =equals= + + This text uses UTF-8 (unicode) file encoding. If the apostrophes + and quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, you may + have an incompatible browser or unavailable fonts. First, make sure + that your browser’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to + Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. + +2. The editor of the original book marked some mispelled words with + [_sic_], and these have been retained as written, uncorrected. + + Additional words found to be mispelled have been corrected and are + listed under "Spelling Corrections" at the end of this e-text. + + Additionally this work contains a large number of word spelling + variations found to be valid in Webster's English Dictionary as well + as several unverified spellings that appear multiple times and + inconsistant word capitalization and hyphenation, all of which have + been retained as printed. The interested reader will find an + alphabetic "Word Variations" list at the end of this e-text. + +3. Numbered footnotes in Sections I-VII of the Introduction have been + relocated to the end of the Introduction and marked with an "i-". + Lettered footnotes in the "Selections" have been relocated directly + under the paragraph they pertain to. + +4. Additional Transcriber's Notes are located at the "Poor Richards + Almanack" facsimile reproduction beginning on page 225, and at the + end of this e-text. + + * * * * * + + + + + * + +AMERICAN WRITERS SERIES + + * + + HARRY HAYDEN CLARK + _General Editor_ + + * + + +AMERICAN WRITERS SERIES + +_Volumes of representative selections, prepared by American scholars +under the general editorship of Harry Hayden Clark, University of +Wisconsin._ + +_Volumes now ready are starred._ + +AMERICAN TRANSCENDENTALISTS, _Raymond Adams, University of North + Carolina_ + +*WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, _Tremaine McDowell, University of Minnesota_ + +*JAMES FENIMORE COOPER, _Robert E. Spiller, Swarthmore College_ + +*JONATHAN EDWARDS, _Clarence H. Faust, University of Chicago, and Thomas + H. Johnson, Hackley School_ + +*RALPH WALDO EMERSON, _Frederic I. Carpenter, Harvard University_ + +*BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _Frank Luther Mott and Chester E. Jorgenson, + University of Iowa_ + +*ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THOMAS JEFFERSON, _Frederick C. Prescott, + Cornell University_ + +BRET HARTE + +*NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE, _Austin Warren, Boston University_ + +OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES, _Robert Shafer, University of Cincinnati_ + +*WASHINGTON IRVING, _Henry A. Pochmann, Mississippi State College_ + +HENRY JAMES, _Lyon Richardson, Western Reserve University_ + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +*HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW, _Odell Shepard, Trinity College_ + +JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL, _Norman Foerster, University of Iowa, and Harry H. + Clark, University of Wisconsin_ + +HERMAN MELVILLE, _Willard Thorp, Princeton University_ + +JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY + +THOMAS PAINE, _Harry H. Clark, University of Wisconsin_ + +FRANCIS PARKMAN, _Wilbur L. Schramm, University of Iowa_ + +*EDGAR ALLAN POE, _Margaret Alterton, University of Iowa, and Hardin + Craig, Stanford University_ + +WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT, _Claude Jones, Johns Hopkins University_ + +*SOUTHERN POETS, _Edd Winfield Parks, University of Georgia_ + +SOUTHERN PROSE, _Gregory Paine, University of North Carolina_ + +*HENRY DAVID THOREAU, _Bartholow Crawford, University of Iowa_ + +*MARK TWAIN, _Fred Lewis Pattee, Rollins College_ + +*WALT WHITMAN, _Floyd Stovall, University of Texas_ + +JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER + + + + +[Illustration: _Pen drawing by Kerr Eby, after an engraving by Mason +Chamberlin_ + +BENJAMIN FRANKLIN + +ÆT. 56] + + + + + Benjamin Franklin + + REPRESENTATIVE SELECTIONS, WITH + INTRODUCTION, BIBLIOGRAPHY, AND NOTES + + BY + FRANK LUTHER MOTT + + _Director, School of Journalism + University of Iowa_ + + AND + CHESTER E. JORGENSON + + _Instructor in English + University of Iowa_ + + [Illustration] + + AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY + _New York_ · _Cincinnati_ · _Chicago_ + _Boston_ · _Atlanta_ + + + COPYRIGHT, 1936, BY + AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY + _All rights reserved_ + + MOTT AND JORGENSON'S FRANKLIN + W.P.I. + + MADE IN U.S.A. + + + + +_PREFACE_ + + +Benjamin Franklin's reputation in America has been singularly +distorted by the neglect of his works other than his _Autobiography_ +and his most utilitarian aphorisms. If America has contented herself +with appraising him as "the earliest incarnation of 'David Harum,'" as +"the first high-priest of the religion of efficiency," as "the first +Rotarian," it may be that this aspect of Franklin is all that an +America plagued by growing pains, by peopling and mechanizing three +thousand miles of frontier, has been able to see. That facet of +Franklin's mind and mien which allowed Carlyle to describe him as "the +Father of all Yankees" was appreciated by Sinclair Lewis's George F. +Babbitt: "Once in a while I just naturally sit back and size up this +Solid American Citizen, with a whale of a lot of satisfaction." But +this is not the Franklin of "imperturbable common-sense" honored by +Matthew Arnold as "the very incarnation of sanity and clear-sense, a +man the most considerable ... whom America has yet produced." Nor is +this the Franklin who emerges from his collected works (and the +opinions of his notable contemporaries) as an economist, political +theorist, educator, journalist, scientific deist, and disinterested +scientist. If he wrote little that is narrowly belles-lettres, he need +not be ashamed of his voluminous correspondence, in an age which saw +the fruition of the epistolary art. The Franklin found in his +collected and uncollected writings is, as the following Introduction +may suggest, not the Franklin who too commonly is synchronized +exclusively with the wisdom and wit of _Poor Richard_. + +Since the present interpretation of the growth of Franklin's mind, with +stress upon its essential unity in the light of scientific deism, +tempered by his debt to Puritanism, classicism, and neoclassicism, may +seem somewhat novel, the editors have felt it desirable to document +their interpretation with considerable fullness. It is hoped that the +reader will withhold judgment as to the validity of this interpretation +until the documentary evidence has been fully considered in its genetic +significance, and that he will feel able to incline to other +interpretations only in proportion as they can be equally supported by +other evidence. The present interpretation is also supported by the +Selections following--the fullest collection hitherto available in one +volume--which offer, the editors believe, the essential materials for a +reasonable acquaintance with the growth of Franklin's mind, from youth +to old age, in its comprehensive interests--educational, literary, +journalistic, economic, political, scientific, humanitarian, and +religious. + +With the exception of the selections from the _Autobiography_, the works +are arranged in approximate chronological order, hence inviting a +necessarily genetic study of Franklin's mind. The _Dissertation on +Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_, never before printed in an +edition of Franklin's works or in a book of selections, is here printed +from the London edition of 1725, retaining his peculiarities of italics, +capitalization, and punctuation. Attention is also drawn to the +photographically reproduced complete text of _Poor Richard Improved_ +(1753), graciously furnished by Mr. William Smith Mason. _The Way to +Wealth_ is from an exact reprint made by Mr. Mason, and with his +permission here reproduced. One of the editors is grateful for the +privilege of consulting Mr. Mason's magnificent collection of Franklin +correspondence (original MSS), especially the Franklin-Galloway and +Franklin-Jonathan Shipley (Bishop of St. Asaph) unpublished +correspondence. With Mr. Mason's generous permission the editors +reproduce fragments of this correspondence in the Introduction. + +The bulk of the selections have been printed from the latest, standard +edition, _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin_, collected and edited with +a Life and Introduction by Albert Henry Smyth (10 vols., 1905-1907). For +permission to use this material the editors are grateful to The +Macmillan Company, publishers. The editors are indebted to Dr. Max +Farrand, Director of the Henry E. Huntington Library, for permission to +reprint part of Franklin's MS version of the _Autobiography_. + +Chester E. Jorgenson is preparing an analysis and interpretation of +Franklin's brand of scientific deism, its sources and relation to his +economic, political, and literary theories and practice. Fragments of +this projected study are included, especially in Section VII of the +following Introduction. For the past two years Mr. Jorgenson has enjoyed +the kindness and generosity of Mr. William Smith Mason, and has incurred +an indebtedness which cannot be expressed adequately in print. + +The work of the editors has been vastly eased by Beata Prochnow +Jorgenson's assistance in typing, proofreading, et cetera. They are +extremely grateful to Professor Harry Hayden Clark for incisive +suggestions and valuable editorial assistance. + + F. L. M. + C. E. J. + + + + +CONTENTS + + +INTRODUCTION + + I. Franklin's Milieu: The Age of Enlightenment, xiii + II. Franklin's Theories of Education, xxxii + III. Franklin's Literary Theory and Practice, xlvi + IV. Franklin as Printer and Journalist, lvii + V. Franklin's Economic Views, lxiv + VI. Franklin's Political Theories, lxxxii + VII. Franklin as Scientist and Deist, cx + +CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, cxlii + +SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY + + I. Works, cli + II. Collections and Reprints, cliii + III. Biographies, clv + IV. Biographical and Critical Studies, clviii + V. The Age of Franklin, clxxiv + VI. Bibliographies and Check Lists, clxxxvi + +SELECTIONS + + _From the_ Autobiography, 3 + Dogood Papers, No. I (1722), 96 + Dogood Papers, No. IV (1722), 98 + Dogood Papers, No. V (1722), 102 + Dogood Papers, No. VII (1722), 105 + Dogood Papers, No. XII (1722), 109 + Editorial Preface to the _New England Courant_ (1723), 111 + A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain (1725), 114 + Rules for a Club Established for Mutual Improvement (1728), 128 + Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion (1728), 130 + The Busy-Body, No. 1 (1728/9), 137 + The Busy-Body, No. 2 (1728/9), 139 + The Busy-Body, No. 3 (1728/9), 141 + The Busy-Body, No. 4 (1728/9), 145 + Preface to the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ (1729), 150 + A Dialogue between Philocles and Horatio (1730), 152 + A Second Dialogue between Philocles and Horatio (1730), 156 + A Witch Trial at Mount Holly (1730), 161 + An Apology for Printers (1731), 163 + Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1733), 169 + A Meditation on a Quart Mugg (1733), 170 + Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1734), 172 + Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1735), 174 + Hints for Those That Would Be Rich (1736), 176 + To Josiah Franklin (April 13, 1738), 177 + Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1739), 179 + A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British + Plantations in America (1743), 180 + Shavers and Trimmers (1743), 183 + To the Publick (1743), 186 + Preface to Logan's Translation of "Cato Major" (1743/4), 187 + To John Franklin, at Boston (March 10, 1745), 188 + Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1746), 189 + The Speech of Polly Baker (1747), 190 + Preface to _Poor Richard_ (1747), 193 + To Peter Collinson (August 14, 1747), 194 + Preface to _Poor Richard Improved_ (1748), 195 + Advice to a Young Tradesman (1748), 196 + To George Whitefield (July 6, 1749), 198 + Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in + Pensilvania (1749), 199 + Idea of the English School (1751), 206 + To Cadwallader Colden Esq., at New York (1751), 213 + Exporting of Felons to the Colonies (1751), 214 + Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of + Countries, Etc. (1751), 216 + To Peter Collinson (October 19, 1752), 223 + _Poor Richard Improved_ (1753)--facsimile reproduction, 225 + To Joseph Huey (June 6, 1753), 261 + Three Letters to Governor Shirley (1754), 263 + To Miss Catherine Ray, at Block Island (March 4, 1755), 270 + To Peter Collinson (August 25, 1755), 272 + To Miss Catherine Ray (September 11, 1755), 274 + To Miss Catherine Ray (October 16, 1755), 277 + To Mrs. Jane Mecom (February 12, 1756), 278 + To Miss E. Hubbard (February 23, 1756), 278 + To Rev. George Whitefield (July 2, 1756), 279 + The Way to Wealth (1758), 280 + To Hugh Roberts (September 16, 1758), 289 + To Mrs. Jane Mecom (September 16, 1758), 291 + To Lord Kames (May 3, 1760), 293 + To Miss Mary Stevenson (June 11, 1760), 295 + To Mrs. Deborah Franklin (June 27, 1760), 298 + To Jared Ingersoll (December 11, 1762), 300 + To Miss Mary Stevenson (March 25, 1763), 301 + To John Fothergill, M.D. (March 14, 1764), 304 + To Sarah Franklin (November 8, 1764), 307 + _From_ A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster + County (1764), 308 + To the Editor of a Newspaper (May 20, 1765), 315 + To Lord Kames (June 2, 1765), 318 + Letter Concerning the Gratitude of America (January 6, 1766), 321 + To Lord Kames (April 11, 1767), 325 + To Miss Mary Stevenson (September 14, 1767), 330 + On the Labouring Poor (1768), 336 + To Dupont de Nemours (July 28, 1768), 340 + To John Alleyne (August 9, 1768), 341 + To the Printer of the _London Chronicle_ (August 18, 1768), 343 + Positions to be Examined, Concerning National Wealth (1769), 345 + To Miss Mary Stevenson (September 2, 1769), 347 + To Joseph Priestley (September 19, 1772), 348 + To Miss Georgiana Shipley (September 26, 1772), 349 + To Peter Franklin (undated), 351 + On the Price of Corn, and Management of the Poor (undated), 355 + An Edict by the King of Prussia (1773), 358 + Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small + One (1773), 363 + To William Franklin (October 6, 1773), 371 + Preface to "An Abridgment of the Book of Common Prayer" (1773), 374 + A Parable against Persecution, 379 + A Parable on Brotherly Love, 380 + To William Strahan (July 5, 1775), 381 + To Joseph Priestley (July 7, 1775), 382 + To a Friend in England (October 3, 1775), 383 + To Lord Howe (July 30, 1776), 384 + The Sale of the Hessians (1777), 387 + Model of a Letter of Recommendation (April 2, 1777), 389 + To ---- (October 4, 1777), 390 + To David Hartley (October 14, 1777), 390 + A Dialogue between Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Saxony + and America, 394 + To Charles de Weissenstein (July 1, 1778), 397 + The Ephemera (1778), 402 + To Richard Bache (June 2, 1779), 404 + Morals of Chess (1779), 406 + To Benjamin Vaughan (November 9, 1779), 410 + The Whistle (1779), 412 + The Lord's Prayer (1779?), 414 + The Levée (1779?), 417 + Proposed New Version of the Bible (1779?), 419 + To Joseph Priestley (February 8, 1780), 420 + To George Washington (March 5, 1780), 421 + To Miss Georgiana Shipley (October 8, 1780), 422 + To Richard Price (October 9, 1780), 423 + Dialogue between Franklin and the Gout (1780), 424 + The Handsome and Deformed Leg (1780?), 430 + To Miss Georgiana Shipley (undated), 432 + To David Hartley (December 15, 1781), 434 + Supplement to the Boston _Independent Chronicle_ (1782), 434 + To John Thornton (May 8, 1782), 443 + To Joseph Priestley (June 7, 1782), 443 + To Jonathan Shipley (June 10, 1782), 445 + To James Hutton (July 7, 1782), 447 + To Sir Joseph Banks (September 9, 1782), 448 + Information to Those Who Would Remove to America (1782?), 449 + Apologue (1783?), 458 + To Sir Joseph Banks (July 27, 1783), 459 + To Mrs. Sarah Bache (January 26, 1784), 460 + An Economical Project (1784?), 466 + To Samuel Mather (May 12, 1784), 471 + To Benjamin Vaughan (July 26, 1784), 472 + To George Whately (May 23, 1785), 479 + To John Bard and Mrs. Bard (November 14, 1785), 481 + To Jonathan Shipley (February 24, 1786), 481 + To ---- (July 3, 1786?), 484 + Speech in the Convention; On the Subject of Salaries (1787), 486 + Motion for Prayers in the Convention (1787), 489 + Speech in the Convention at the Conclusion of Its + Deliberations (1787), 491 + To the Editors of the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ (1788), 493 + To Rev. John Lathrop (May 31, 1788), 496 + To the Editor of the _Federal Gazette_ (1788?), 496 + To Charles Carroll (May 25, 1789), 500 + An Account of the Supremest Court of Judicature in Pennsylvania, + viz. the Court of the Press (1789), 501 + An Address to the Public (1789), 505 + To David Hartley (December 4, 1789), 506 + To Ezra Stiles (March 9, 1790), 507 + On the Slave-Trade (1790), 510 + Remarks Concerning the Savages of North America, 513 + An Arabian Tale, 519 + A Petition of the Left Hand (date unknown), 520 + Some Good Whig Principles (date unknown), 521 + The Art of Procuring Pleasant Dreams, 523 + +NOTES, 529 + + + + +_INTRODUCTION_ + + + + +I. FRANKLIN'S MILIEU: THE AGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT + +Benjamin Franklin's reputation, according to John Adams, "was more +universal than that of Leibnitz or Newton, Frederick or Voltaire, and +his character more beloved and esteemed than any or all of them."[i-1] +The historical critic recognizes increasingly that Adams was not +thinking idly when he doubted whether Franklin's panegyrical and +international reputation could ever be explained without doing "a +complete history of the philosophy and politics of the eighteenth +century." Adams conceived that an explication of Franklin's mind and +activities integrated with the thought patterns of the epoch which +fathered him "would be one of the most important that ever was written; +much more interesting to this and future ages than the 'Decline and Fall +of the Roman Empire.'" And such a historical and critical colossus is +still among the works hoped for but yet unborn. Too often, even in the +scholarly mind, Franklin has become a symbol, and it may be confessed, +not a winged one, of the self-made man, of New-World practicality, of +the successful tradesman, of the Sage of _Poor Richard_ with his +penny-saving economy and frugality. In short, the Franklin legend fails +to transcend an allegory of the success of the _doer_ in an America +allegedly materialistic, uncreative, and unimaginative. + +It is the purpose of this essay to show that Franklin, the American +Voltaire,--always reasonable if not intuitive, encyclopedic if not +sublimely profound, humane if not saintly,--is best explained with +reference to the Age of Enlightenment, of which he was the completest +colonial representative. Due attention will, however, be paid to other +factors. And therefore it is necessary to begin with a brief survey of +the pattern of ideas of the age to which he was responsive. Not without +reason does one critic name him as "the most complete representative of +his century that any nation can point to."[i-2] + +When Voltaire, "the patriarch of the _philosophes_," in 1726 took refuge +in England, he at once discovered minds and an attitude toward human +experience which were to prove the seminal factors of the Age of +Enlightenment. He found that Englishmen had acclaimed Bacon "the father +of experimental philosophy," and that Newton, "the destroyer of the +Cartesian system," was "as the Hercules of fabulous story, to whom the +ignorant ascribed all the feats of ancient heroes." Voltaire then paused +to praise Locke, who "destroyed innate ideas," Locke, than whom "no man +ever had a more judicious or more methodical genius, or was a more acute +logician." Bacon, Newton, and Locke brooded over the currents of +eighteenth-century thought and were formative factors of much that is +most characteristic of the Enlightenment. + +To Bacon was given the honor of having distinguished between the +fantasies of old wives' tales and the certainty of empiricism. Moved by +the ghost of Bacon, the Royal Society had for its purpose, according to +Hooke, "To improve the knowledge of naturall things, and all useful +Arts, Manufactures, Mechanick practises, Engynes and Inventions by +Experiments."[i-3] The zeal for experiment was equaled only by its +miscellaneousness. Cheese making, the eclipses of comets, and the +intestines of gnats were alike the objects of telescopic or microscopic +scrutiny. The full implication of Baconian empiricism came to fruition +in Newton, who in 1672 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. Bacon +was not the least of those giants upon whose shoulders Newton stood. To +the experimental tradition of Kepler, Brahe, Harvey, Copernicus, +Galileo, and Bacon, Newton joined the mathematical genius of Descartes; +and as a result became "as thoroughgoing an empiricist as he was a +consummate mathematician," for whom there was "no _a priori_ +certainty."[i-4] At this time it is enough to note of Newtonianism, that +for the incomparable physicist "science was composed of laws stating the +mathematical behaviour of nature solely--laws clearly deducible from +phenomena and exactly verifiable in phenomena--everything further is to +be swept out of science, which thus becomes a body of absolutely certain +truth about the doings of the physical world."[i-5] The pattern of ideas +known as Newtonianism may be summarized as embracing a belief in (1) a +universe governed by immutable natural laws, (2) which laws constitute a +sublimely harmonious system, (3) reflecting a benevolent and all-wise +Geometrician; (4) thus man desires to effect a correspondingly +harmonious inner heaven; (5) and feels assured of the plausibility of an +immortal life. Newton was a believer in scriptural revelation. It is +ironical that through his cosmological system, mathematically +demonstrable, he lent reinforcement to deism, the most destructive +intellectual solvent of the authority of the altar. + +Deists, as defined by their contemporary, Ephraim Chambers (in his +_Cyclopædia ..._, London, 1728), are those "whose distinguishing +character it is, not to profess any particular form, or system of +religion; but only to acknowledge the existence of a God, without +rendering him any external worship, or service. The Deists hold, that, +considering the multiplicity of religions, the numerous pretences to +revelation, and the precarious arguments generally advanced in proof +thereof; the best and surest way is, to return to the simplicity of +nature, and the belief of one God, which is the only truth agreed to by +all nations." They "reject all revelations as an imposition, and believe +no more than what natural light discovers to them...."[i-6] The +"simplicity of nature" signifies "the established order, and course of +natural things; the series of second causes; or the laws which God has +imposed on the motions impressed by him."[i-7] And attraction, a kind of +_conatus accedendi_, is the crown, according to the eighteenth century, +of the series of secondary causes. Hence, Newtonian physics became the +surest ally of the deist in his quest for a religion, immutable and +universal. The Newtonian progeny were legion: among them were Boyle, +Keill, Desaguliers, Shaftesbury, Locke, Samuel Clarke, 'sGravesande, +Boerhaave, Diderot, Trenchard and Gordon, Voltaire, Gregory, Maclaurin, +Pemberton, and others. The eighteenth century echoed Fontenelle's eulogy +that Newtonianism was "sublime geometry." If, as Boyle wrote, +mathematical and mechanical principles were "the alphabet, in which God +wrote the world," Newtonian science and empiricism were the lexicons +which the deists used to read the cosmic volume in which the universal +laws were inscribed. And the deists and the liberal political theorists +"found the fulcrum for subverting existing institutions and standards +only in the laws of nature, discovered, as they supposed, by +mathematicians and astronomers."[i-8] + +Complementary to Newtonian science was the sensationalism of John Locke. +Conceiving the mind as _tabula rasa_, discrediting innate ideas, Lockian +psychology undermined such a theological dogma as total depravity--man's +innate and inveterate malevolence--and hence was itself a kind of +_tabula rasa_ on which later were written the optimistic opinions of +those who credited man's capacity for altruism. If it remained for the +French _philosophes_ to deify Reason, Locke honored it as the crowning +experience of his sensational psychology.[i-9] Then, too, as Miss Lois +Whitney has ably demonstrated, Lockian psychology "cleared the ground +for either primitivism or a theory of progress."[i-10] In addition, his +social compact theory, augmenting seventeenth-century liberalism, +furnished the political theorists of the Enlightenment with "the +principle of Consent"[i-11] in their antipathy for monarchial +obscurantism. Locke has been described as the "originator of a +psychology which provided democratic government with a scientific +basis."[i-12] The full impact of Locke will be felt when philosophers +deduce that if sensations and reflections are the product of outward +stimuli--those of nature, society, and institutions--then to reform man +one needs only to reform society and institutions, or remove to some +tropical isle. We remember that the French Encyclopedists, for example, +were motivated by their faith in the "indefinite malleability of human +nature by education and institutions."[i-13] + +"With the possible exception of John Locke," C. A. Moore observes, +"Shaftesbury was more generally known in the mid-century than any other +English philosopher."[i-14] Shaftesbury's a priori "virtuoso theory of +benevolence" may be viewed as complementary to Locke's psychology to the +extent that both have within them the implication that through education +and reform man may become perfectible. Both tend to undermine social, +political, and religious authoritarianism. Shaftesbury's insistence upon +man's innate altruism and compassion, coupled with the deistic and +rationalistic divorce between theology and morality, resulted in the +dogma that the most acceptable service to God is expressed in kindness +to God's other children and helped to motivate the rise of +humanitarianism. + +The idea of progress[i-15] was popularized (if not born) in the +eighteenth century. It has been recently shown that not only the +results of scientific investigations but also Anglican defenses of +revealed religion served to accelerate a belief in progress. In answer +to the atheists and deists who indicted revealed religion because +revelation was given so late in the growth of the human family and hence +was not eternal, universal, and immutable, the Anglican apologists were +forced into the position of asserting that man enjoyed a progressive +ascent, that the religious education of mankind is like that of the +individual. If, as the deists charged, Christ appeared rather belatedly, +the apologists countered that he was sent only when the race was +prepared to profit by his coming. God's revelations thus were adjusted +to progressive needs and capacities.[i-16] + +Carl Becker has suggestively dissected the Enlightenment in a series of +antitheses between its credulity and its skepticism. If the +eighteenth-century philosopher renounced Eden, he discovered Arcadia in +distant isles and America. Rejecting the authority of the Bible and +church, he accepted the authority of "nature," natural law, and reason. +Although scorning metaphysics, he desired to be considered +philosophical. If he denied miracles, he yet had a fond faith in the +perfectibility of the species.[i-17] + +Even as Voltaire had his liberal tendencies stoutly reinforced by +contact with English rationalism and deism,[i-18] so were the other +French _philosophes_, united in their common hatred of the Roman +Catholic church, also united in their indebtedness to exponents of +English liberalism, dominated by Locke and Newton. If, as Madame de +Lambert wrote in 1715, Bayle more than others of his age shook "the Yoke +of authority and opinion," English free thought powerfully reinforced +the native French revolt against authoritarianism. After 1730 English +was the model for French thought.[i-19] Nearly all of Locke's works had +been translated in France before 1700. Voltaire's affinity for the +English mind has already been touched on. D'Alembert comments, "When we +measure the interval between a Scotus and a Newton, or rather between +the works of Scotus and those of Newton, we must cry out with Terence, +_Homo homini quid præstat_."[i-20] + +Any doctrine was intensely welcome which would allow the Frenchman to +regain his natural rights curtailed by the revocation of the Edict of +Nantes, by the inequalities of a state vitiated by privileges, by an +economic structure tottering because of bankruptcy attending +unsuccessful wars and the upkeep of a Versailles with its dazzling +ornaments, and by a religious program dominated by a Jesuit rather than +a Gallican church.[i-21] Economic, political, and religious abuses were +inextricably united; the spirit of revolt did not feel obliged to +discriminate between the authority of the crown and nobles and the +authority of the altar. Graphic is Diderot's vulgar vituperation: he +would draw out the entrails of a priest to strangle a king! + +Let us now turn to the American backgrounds. The bibliolatry of colonial +New England is expressed in William Bradford's resolve to study +languages so that he could "see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of +God in all their native beauty."[i-22] In addition to furnishing the new +Canaan with ecclesiastical and political precedent, Scripture provided +"not a partiall, but a perfect rule of Faith, and manners." Any dogma +contravening the "ancient oracle" was a weed sown by Satan and fit only +to be uprooted and thrown in the fire. The colonial seventeenth century +was one which, like John Cotton, regularly sweetened its mouth "with a +piece of Calvin." One need not be reminded that Calvinism was +inveterately and completely antithetical to the dogma of the +Enlightenment.[i-23] Calvinistic bibliolatry contended with "the sacred +book of nature." Its wrathful though just Deity was unlike the +compassionate, virtually depersonalized Deity heralded in the eighteenth +century, in which the Trinity was dissolved. The redemptive Christ +became the amiable philosopher. Adam's universally contagious guilt was +transferred to social institutions, especially the tyrannical forms of +kings and priests. Calvin's forlorn and depraved man became a creature +naturally compassionate. If once man worshipped the Deity through +seeking to parallel the divine laws scripturally revealed, in the +eighteenth century he honored his benevolent God, who was above +demanding worship, through kindnesses shown God's other children. The +individual was lost in society, self-perfection gave way to +humanitarianism, God to Man, theology to morality, and faith to reason. +The colonial seventeenth century was politically oligarchical: when +Thomas Hooker heckled Winthrop on the lack of suffrage, Winthrop with no +compromise asserted that "the best part is always the least, and of that +best part the wiser part is always the lesser."[i-24] If the +seventeenth-century college was a cloister for clerical education, the +Enlightenment sought to train the layman for citizenship. + +With the turn of the seventeenth century several forces came into +prominence, undermining New England's Puritan heritage. Among those +relevant for our study are: the ubiquitous frontier, and the rise of +Quakerism, deism, Methodism, and science. The impact of the frontier was +neglected until Professor Turner called attention to its existence; he +writes that "the most important effect of the frontier has been in the +promotion of democracy here and in Europe.... It produces antipathy to +control, and particularly to any direct control.... The frontier +conditions prevalent in the colonies are important factors in the +explanation of the American Revolution...."[i-25] In the period included +in our survey the frontier receded from the coast to the fall line to +the Alleghenies: at each stage it "did indeed furnish a new field of +opportunity, a gate of escape from the bondage of the past; and +freshness, and confidence, and scorn of older society, impatience of its +restraints and its ideas, and indifference to its lessons, have +accompanied the frontier."[i-26] One recalls the spirited satire on +frontier conditions, as the above aspects give birth to violence and +disregard for law, in Hugh Brackenridge's _Modern Chivalry_. Under the +satire one feels the justness of the attack, intensified by our +knowledge that Brackenridge grew up "in a democratic Scotch-Irish +back-country settlement." If the frontiersmen during the eighteenth +century did not place their dirty boots on their governors' desks, they +were partially responsible for an inveterate spirit of revolt, shown so +brutally in the "massacres" provoked by the "Paxton boys" of +Pennsylvania. One is not unprepared to discover resentment against the +forms of authority in a territory in which a strong back is more +immediately important than a knowledge of debates on predestination. +Granting the importance of the frontier in opposing the theocratic Old +Way, it must be considered in terms of other and more complex factors. + +Reinforcing Edwards's Great Awakening, George Whitefield, especially in +the Middle Colonies, challenged the growing complacence of colonial +religious thought with his insistence that man "is by nature half-brute +and half-devil." It has been suggested that Methodism in effect allied +itself with the attitudes of Hobbes and Mandeville in attacking man's +nature, and hence by reaction tended to provoke "a primitivism based on +the doctrine of natural benevolence."[i-27] + +The "New English Israel" was harried by the Quakers,[i-28] who preached +the priesthood of all believers and the right of private judgment. They +denied the total depravity of the natural man and the doctrine of +election; they gloried in a loving Father, and scourged the +ecclesiastical pomp and ceremony of other religions. They were possessed +by a blunt enthusiasm which held the immediate private revelation +anterior to scriptural revelation. Faithful to the inner light, the +Quakers seemed to neglect Scripture. Although the less extreme Quakers, +such as John Woolman, did not blind themselves to the need for personal +introspection and self-conquest, Quakerism as a movement tended to place +the greater emphasis on morality articulate in terms of fellow-service, +and lent momentum to the rise of humanitarianism expressed in prison +reform and anti-slavery agitation. Also one may wonder to what extent +colonial Quakerism tended to lend sanction to the rising democratic +spirit. + +In the person of Cotton Mather, until recently considered a bigoted +incarnation of the "Puritan spirit ... become ossified," are discovered +forces which, when divorced from Puritan theology, were to become the +sharpest wedges splintering the deep-rooted oak of the Old Way. These +forces were the authority of reason and science. In _The Christian +Philosopher_,[i-29] basing his attitude on the works of Ray, Derham, +Cheyne, and Grew,[i-30] Mather attempted to shatter the Calvinists' +antithesis between science and theology, asserting "that [Natural] +Philosophy is no Enemy, but a mighty and wondrous Incentive to +Religion."[i-31] He warned that since even Mahomet with the aid of +reason found the Workman in his Work, Christian theologians should fear +"lest a Mahometan be called in for thy Condemnation!"[i-32] Studying +nature's sublime order, one must be blind if his thoughts are not +carried heavenward to "admire that Wisdom itself!" Although Mather +mistrusted Reason, he accepted it as "the voice of God"--an experience +which enabled him to discover the workmanship of the Deity in nature. +Magnetism, the vegetable kingdom, the stars infer a harmonious order, so +wondrous that only a God could have created it. If Reason is no complete +substitute for Scripture it offers enough evidence to hiss atheism out +of the world: "A Being that must be superior to Matter, even the Creator +and Governor of all Matter, is everywhere so conspicuous, that there can +be nothing more monstrous than to deny the God that is above."[i-33] Sir +Isaac Newton with his mathematical and experimental proof of the sublime +universal order strung on invariable secondary causes, Mather confessed, +is "our perpetual Dictator."[i-34] Conceiving of science as a rebuke to +the atheist, and a natural ally to scriptural theology, Mather, like a +Newton himself, juxtaposed rationalism and faith in one pyramidal +confirmation of the existence, omnipotence, and benevolence of God. Here +were variations from Calvinism's common path which, when augmented by +English and French liberalism, by the influence of Quakerism and the +frontier, were to give rise to democracy, rationalism, and scientific +deism. The Church of England through the seventeenth and eighteenth +centuries had "pursued a liberal latitudinarian policy which, as a mode +of thought, tended to promote deism by emphasizing rational religion and +minimizing revelation."[i-35] It was to be expected that in colonies +created by Puritans (or even Quakers), deism would have a less +spectacular and extensive success than it appears to have had in the +mother country. If militant deism remained an aristocratic cult until +the Revolution,[i-36] scientific rationalism (Newtonianism) long before +this, from the time of Mather, became a common ally of orthodoxy. If a +"religion of nature" may be defined with Tillotson as "obedience to +Natural Law, and the performance of such duties as Natural Light, +without any express and supernatural revelation, doth dictate to man," +then it was in the colonies, prior to the Revolution, more commonly a +buttress to revealed religion than an equivalent to it. + +Lockian sensism and Newtonian science were the chief sources of that +brand of colonial rationalism which at first complemented orthodoxy, and +finally buried it among lost causes. The Marquis de Chastellux was +astounded when he found on a center table in a Massachusetts inn an +"Abridgment of Newton's Philosophy"; whereupon he "put some questions" +to his host "on physics and geometry," with which he "found him well +acquainted."[i-37] Now, even a superficial reading of the eighteenth +century discloses countless allusions to Newton, his popularizers, and +the implications of his physics and cosmology. As Mr. Brasch suggests, +"From the standpoint of the history of science," the extent of the vogue +of Newtonianism "is yet very largely unknown history."[i-38] + +In Samuel Johnson's retrospective view, the Yale of 1710 at Saybrook was +anything but progressive with its "scholastic cobwebs of a few little +English and Dutch systems."[i-39] The year of Johnson's graduation +(1714), however, Mr. Dummer, Yale's agent in London, collected seven +hundred volumes, including works of Norris, Barrow, Tillotson, Boyle, +Halley, and the second edition (1713) of the _Principia_ and a copy of +the _Optics_, presented by Newton himself. After the schism of 1715/6 +the collection was moved to New Haven, at the time of Johnson's election +to a tutorship. It was then, writes Johnson, that the trustees +"introduced the study of Mr. Locke and Sir Isaac Newton as fast as they +could and in order to this the study of mathematics. The Ptolemaic +system was hitherto as much believed as the Scriptures, but they soon +cleared up and established the Copernican by the help of Whiston's +Lectures, Derham, etc."[i-40] Johnson studied Euclid, algebra, and conic +sections "so as to read Sir Isaac with understanding." He gloomily +reviews the "infidelity and apostasy" resulting from the study of the +ideas of Locke, Tindal, Bolingbroke, Mandeville, Shaftesbury, and +Collins. That Newtonianism and even deism made progress at Yale is the +tenor of Johnson's backward glance. About 1716 Samuel Clarke's edition +of Rohault was introduced at Yale: Clarke's Rohault[i-41] was an attack +upon this standard summary of Cartesianism. Ezra Stiles was not certain +that Clarke was honest in heaping up notes "not so much to illustrate +Rohault as to make him the Vehicle of conveying the peculiarities of the +sublimer Newtonian Philosophy."[i-42] This work was used until 1743 when +'sGravesande's _Natural Philosophy_ was wisely substituted. Rector +Thomas Clap used Wollaston's _Religion of Nature Delineated_ as a +favorite text. That there was no dearth of advanced natural science and +philosophy, even suggestive of deism, is fairly evident. + +Measured by the growth of interest in science in the English +universities, Harvard's awareness of new discoveries was not especially +backward in the seventeenth century. Since Copernicanism at the close of +the sixteenth century had few adherents,[i-43] it is almost startling to +learn that probably by 1659 the Copernican system was openly avowed at +Harvard.[i-44] In 1786 Nathaniel Mather wrote from Dublin: "I perceive +the Cartesian philosophy begins to obteyn in New England, and if I +conjecture aright the Copernican system too."[i-45] John Barnard, who +was graduated from Harvard in 1710, has written that no algebra was then +taught, and wistfully suggests that he had been born too soon, since +"now" students "have the great Sir Isaac Newton and Dr. Halley and some +other mathematicians for their guides."[i-46] Although Thomas Robie and +Nathan Prince are thought to have known Newton's physics through +secondary sources,[i-47] and, as Harvard tutors, indoctrinated their +charges with Newtonianism, it was left to Isaac Greenwood[i-48] to +transplant from London the popular expositions of Newtonian philosophy. +A Harvard graduate in 1721, Greenwood continued his theological studies +in London where he attended Desaguliers's lectures on experimental +philosophy, based essentially on Newtonianism. From Desaguliers +Greenwood learned how + + By Newton's help, 'tis evidently seen + Attraction governs all the World's machine.[i-49] + +He learned that Scripture is "to teach us Morality, and our Articles of +Faith" but not to serve as an instructor in natural philosophy.[i-50] In +fine, Greenwood became devoted to science, and science as it might serve +to augment avenues to the religious experience. In London he had come to +know Hollis, who in 1727 suggested to Harvard authorities that Greenwood +be elected Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural and Experimental +Philosophy.[i-51] Greenwood accepted, and until 1737 was at Harvard a +propagandist of the new science. In 1727 he advertised in the _Boston +News-Letter_[i-52] that he would give scientific lectures, revolving +primarily around "the Discoveries of the incomparable Sir Isaac Newton." +From 1727 through 1734 he was a prominent popularizer of Newtonianism in +Boston.[i-53] + +It remained for Greenwood's pupil John Winthrop to be the first to teach +Newton at Harvard with adequate mechanical and textual materials. +Elected in 1738 to the Hollis professorship formerly held by Greenwood, +Winthrop adopted 'sGravesande's _Natural Philosophy_, at which time, +Cajori observes, "the teachings of Newton had at last secured a firm +footing there."[i-54] The year after his election he secured a copy of +the _Principia_ (the third edition, 1726, edited by Dr. Henry Pemberton, +friend of Franklin in 1725-1726). According to the astute Ezra Stiles, +Winthrop became a "perfect master of Newton's Principia--which cannot be +said of many Professors of Philosophy in Europe."[i-55] That he did not +allow Newtonianism to draw him to deism may be seen in Stiles's +gratification that Winthrop "was a Firm friend to Revelation in +opposition to Deism." Stiles "wish[es] the evangelical Doctors of Grace +had made a greater figure in his Ideal System of divinity," thus +inferring that Winthrop was a rationalist in theology, however +orthodox.[i-56] + +A cursory view of the eighteenth-century pulpit discloses that if the +clergy did not become deistic they were not blind to a natural religion, +and often employed its arguments to augment scriptural authority. Aware +of the writings of Samuel Clarke, Wollaston, Whiston, Cudworth, Butler, +Hutcheson,[i-57] Voltaire, and Locke, Mayhew revolts against total +depravity[i-58] and the doctrines of election and the Trinity, arraigns +himself against authoritarianism and obscurantism, and though he draws +upon reason for revelation of God's will, he does not seem to have been +latitudinarian in respect to the holy oracles. Although he often wrote +ambiguously concerning the nature of Christ, he asserted: "That I ever +denied, or treated in a bold or ludicrous manner, the divinity of the +Son of God, as revealed in scripture, I absolutely deny."[i-59] He is +antagonistic toward the mystical in Calvinism, convinced that "The love +of God is a calm and rational thing, the result of thought and +consideration."[i-60] His biographer thinks that Mayhew was "the first +clergyman in New England who expressly and openly opposed the scholastic +doctrine of the trinity."[i-61] Coupling "natural and revealed +religion," he does not threaten but he urges that one "ought not to +leave the clear light of revelation.... It becomes us to adhere to the +holy Scriptures as our only rule of faith and practice, discipline and +worship."[i-62] In Mayhew one finds an impotent compromise between +Calvinism and the demands of reason, fostered by the Enlightenment. Like +Mayhew's, in the main, are the views of Dr. Charles Chauncy, who +reconciled the demands of reason and revelation, concluding that "the +voice of reason is the voice of God."[i-63] Jason Haven and Jonas Clarke +are typical of the orthodox rationalists who were alive to the +implications of science, and to such rationalists as Tillotson and +Locke. Haven affirms that "by the light of reason and nature, we are led +to believe in, and adore God, not only as the maker, but also as the +governor of all things."[i-64] "Revelation comes in to the assistance of +reason, and shews them to us in a clearer light than we could see them +without its aid." Clarke observes that "the light of nature teaches, +which revelation confirms."[i-65] Rev. Henry Cumings, illustrating his +indebtedness to scientific rationalism, honors "the gracious Parent of +the universe, whose tender mercies are over all his works ...,"[i-66] a +Deity "whose providence governs the world; whose voice all nature obeys; +to whose controul all second causes and subordinate agents are subject; +and whose sole prerogative it is to dispense blessings or calamities, as +to his wisdom seems best."[i-67] Simeon Howard discovers the +"perfections of the Deity, as displayed in the Creation" as well as in +the "government and redemption of the world."[i-68] Both Phillips +Payson[i-69] and Andrew Eliot[i-70] affirm the identity of "the voice of +reason, and the voice of God." + +No clergyman of the eighteenth century was more terribly conscious of +the polarity of colonial thought than was Ezra Stiles. Abiel Holmes has +told the graphic story of Stiles's struggles with deism after reading +Pope, Whiston, Boyle, Trenchard and Gordon, Butler, Tindal, Collins, +Bolingbroke, and Shaftesbury.[i-71] If he finally, as a result of his +trembling and fearful doubt, reaffirmed zealously his faith in the +bibliolatry and relentless dogma of Calvinism,[i-72] Newtonian +rationalism was a means to his recovery, and throughout his life a +complement to his Calvinism.[i-73] Turning from his well-worn Bible, the +chief source of his faith, he also kindled his "devotion at the stars." +It should be remembered, however, that this tendency among Puritan +clergy to call science to the support of theology had been inaugurated +by Cotton Mather as early as 1693,[i-74] and that it was the Puritan +Mather whom Franklin acknowledged as having started him on his career +and influenced him, by his _Essays to do Good_, throughout life. + +Only against this complex and as yet inadequately integrated background +of physical conditions and ideas (the dogmas of Puritanism, Quakerism, +Methodism, rationalism, scientific deism, economic and political +liberalism[i-75]--against a cosmic, social, and individual attitude, the +result of Old-World thought impinging on colonial thought and +environment) can one attempt to appraise adequately the mind and +achievements of Franklin, whose life was coterminous with the decay of +Puritan theocracy and the rise of rationalism, democracy, and science. + + + +II. FRANKLIN'S THEORIES OF EDUCATION + +Franklin's penchant for projects manifests itself nowhere more fully +than in his schemes of education, both self and formal. One may deduce a +pattern of educational principles not undeservedly called Franklin's +_theories_ of education, theories which he successfully +institutionalized, from an examination of his Junto ("the best school of +philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the +province"[i-76]), his Philadelphia Library Company (his "first project +of a public nature"[i-77]), his _Proposal for Promoting Useful +Knowledge among the British Plantations in America_, calling for a +scientific society of ingenious men or virtuosi, his _Proposals Relating +to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ and _Idea of the English +School_, which eventually fathered the University of Pennsylvania, and +from his fragmentary notes in his correspondence. + +Variously apotheosized, patronized, or damned for his practicality, +expediency, and opportunism, dramatized for his allegiance to +materiality, Franklin has commonly been viewed (and not only through the +popular imagination) as one fostering in the American mind an +unimaginative, utilitarian prudence, motivated by the pedestrian virtues +of industry, frugality, and thrift. Whatever the educational effect of +Franklin's life and writings on American readers, we shall find that his +works contain schemes and theories which _transcend_ the more mundane +habits and utilitarian biases ascribed to him. + +Franklin progressively felt "the loss of the learned education" his +father had planned for him, as he realized in his hunger for knowledge +that he must repair the loss through assiduous reading, accomplished +during hours stolen from recreation and sleep.[i-78] Proudly he +confessed that reading was his "only amusement."[i-79] In 1727 he formed +the Junto, or Leather Apron Club, his first educational project. +Franklin was never more eclectic than when founding the Junto. To +prevent Boston homes from becoming "the porches of hell,"[i-80] Cotton +Mather had created mutual improvement societies through which neighbors +would help one another "with a rapturous assiduity."[i-81] Mather in his +_Essays to do Good_ proposed: + + That a proper number of persons in a neighborhood, whose + hearts God hath touched with a zeal to do good, should form + themselves into a society, to meet when and where they shall + agree, and to consider--"what are the disorders that we may + observe rising among us; and what may be done, either by + ourselves immediately, or by others through our advice, to + suppress those disorders?"[i-82] + +Since Franklin's father was a member of one of Mather's "Associated +Families" and since Franklin as a boy read Mather's _Essays_ with rapt +attention,[i-83] and since his _Rules for a Club Established for Mutual +Improvement_ are amazingly congruent with Mather's rules proposed for +his neighborly societies, it is not improbable that Franklin in part +copied the plans of this older club. One also wonders whether Franklin +remembered Defoe's suggestions in _Essays upon Several Projects_ (1697) +for the formation of "Friendly Societies" in which members covenanted to +aid one another.[i-84] In addition, M. Faÿ has observed that the "ideal +which this society [the Junto] adopted was the same that Franklin had +discovered in the Masonic lodges of England."[i-85] Then, too, in London +during the period of Desaguliers, Sir Hans Sloane, and Sir Isaac Newton, +he would have heard much of the ideals and utility of the Royal Society. +Many of the questions discussed by the Junto are suggestive of the +calendar of the Royal Society: + + Is sound an entity or body? + + How may the phenomena of vapors be explained? + + What is the reason that the tides rise higher in the Bay of + Fundy, than the Bay of Delaware? + + How may smoky chimneys be best cured? + + Why does the flame of a candle tend upwards in a spire?[i-86] + +The Junto members, like Renaissance gentlemen, were determined to +convince themselves that nothing valuable to the several powers of life +should be alien to them. They were urged to communicate to one another +anything significant "in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, +mechanic arts, or other parts of knowledge."[i-87] Surely a humanistic +catholicity of interest! Schemes for getting on materially, suggestions +for improving the laws and protecting the "just liberties of the +people,"[i-88] efforts to aid the strangers in Philadelphia (an +embryonic association of commerce), curiosity in the latest remedies +used for the sick and wounded: all were to engage the minds of this +assiduously curious club. Above all, the members must be "serviceable to +_mankind_, to their country, to their friends, or to themselves."[i-89] +The intensity of the Junto's utilitarian purpose was matched only by its +humanitarian bias. Members must swear that they "love mankind in +general, of what profession or religion soever,"[i-90] and that they +believe no man should be persecuted "for mere speculative opinions, or +his external way of worship." Also they must profess to "love truth for +truth's sake," to search diligently for it and to communicate it to +others. Tolerance, the empirical method, scientific disinterestedness, +and humanitarianism had hardly gained a foothold in the colonies in +1728. On the other hand, the Junto members were urged, when throwing a +kiss to the world, not to neglect their individual ethical +development.[i-91] Franklin's humanitarian neighborliness is associated +with a rigorous ethicism. The members were invited to report "unhappy +effects of intemperance," of "imprudence, of passion, or of any other +vice or folly," and also "happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of +moderation." Franklin reflects sturdily here, and boundlessly elsewhere, +the Greek and English emphasis on the Middle Way. If this is prudential, +it is an elevated prudence. + +The Philadelphia Library Company was born of the Junto and became "the +mother of all the North American subscription libraries, now so +numerous."[i-92] The colonists, "having no publick amusements to divert +their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in +a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed and more +intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other +countries."[i-93] It is curious that although many articles have been +written describing the Library Company no one seems to include a study +of the climate of ideas represented in its volumes.[i-94] One must be +careful not to credit Franklin with solely presiding over the ordering +of books. At a meeting in 1732 of the company, Thomas Godfrey, probable +inventor of the quadrant and he who learned Latin to read the +_Principia_, notified the body that "Mr. Logan had let him know he would +willingly give his advice of the choice of the books ... the Committee +esteeming Mr. Logan to be a Gentleman of universal learning, and the +best judge of books in these parts, ordered that Mr. Godfrey should wait +on him and request him to favour them with a catalogue of suitable +books."[i-95] The first order included: Puffendorf's _Introduction_ and +_Laws of Nature_, Hayes upon Fluxions, Keill's _Astronomical Lectures_, +Sidney on Government, Gordon and Trenchard's _Cato's Letters_, the +_Spectator_, _Guardian_, _Tatler_, L'Hospital's _Conic Sections_, +Addison's works, Xenophon's _Memorabilia_, Palladio, Evelyn, Abridgement +of Philosophical Transactions, 'sGravesande's _Natural Philosophy_, +Homer's _Odyssey_ and _Iliad_, Bayle's _Critical Dictionary_, and +Dryden's _Virgil_. As a gift Peter Collinson included Newton's +_Principia_ in the order. The ancient phalanxes were thoroughly routed! +Then there is the MS "List of Books of the Original Philadelphia Library +in Franklin's Handwriting"[i-96] which lends recruits to the modern +battalions. Included in this list are: Fontenelle on Oracles, Woodward's +_Natural History of Fossils_ and _Natural History of the Earth_, Keill's +_Examination of Burnet's Theory of the Earth_, _Memoirs of the Royal +Academy of Surgery at Paris_, William Petty's _Essays_, Voltaire's +_Elements of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_, Halley's _Astronomical +Tables_, Hill's _Review of the Works of the Royal Society_, +Montesquieu's _Spirit of Laws_, Burlamaqui's _Principles of Natural Law_ +and _Principles of Politic Law_, Bolingbroke's _Letters on the Study and +Use of History_, and Conyer Middleton's _Miscellaneous Works_. From the +volumes owned by the Library Company in 1757 it would have been possible +for an alert mind to discover all of the implications, philosophic and +religious, of the rationale of science. No less could be found here the +political speculations which were later to aid the colonists in unyoking +themselves from England. The Library was an arsenal capable of +supplying weapons to rationalistic minds intent on besieging the +fortress of Calvinism. Defenders of natural rights could find ammunition +to wound monarchism; here authors could discover the neoclassic ideals +of _curiosa felicitas_, perspicuity, order, and lucidity reinforced by +the emphasis on clarity and correctness sponsored by the Royal Society +and inherent in Newtonianism as well as Cartesianism. In short, the +volumes contained the ripest fruition of scientific and rationalistic +modernity. One can only conjecture the extent to which this library +would perplex, astonish, and finally convert men to rationalism and +scientific deism, and release them from bondage to throne and altar. + +In 1743 Franklin wrote and distributed among his correspondents _A +Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in +America_. From a letter (Feb. 17, 1735/6) of William Douglass, one-time +friend of Franklin's brother James, to Cadwallader Colden, we learn that +some years before 1736, Colden "proposed the forming a sort of Virtuoso +Society or rather Correspondence."[i-97] I. W. Riley suggests that +Franklin owes Colden thanks for having stimulated him to form the +American Philosophical Society.[i-98] There remains no convincing +evidence, however, to disprove A. H. Smyth's observation that Franklin's +_Proposal_ "appears to contain the first suggestions, in any _public +form_ [editors' italics] for an American Philosophical Society." P. S. +Du Ponceau has noted with compelling evidence that the philosophical +society formed in 1744 was the direct descendant of Franklin's +Junto.[i-99] That in part the Philadelphia Library Company was one of +the factors in the formation of the scientific society may be inferred +from Franklin's request that it be founded in Philadelphia, which, +"having the advantages of a good growing library," can "be the centre of +the Society."[i-100] The most important factor, however, was obviously +the desire to imitate the forms and ideals of the Royal Society of +London. Both societies had as their purpose the improvement of "the +common stock of knowledge"; neither was to be provincial or national in +interests, but was to have in mind the "benefit of mankind in general." +A study of Franklin's _Proposal_ will suggest the purpose of the Royal +Society as interpreted by Thomas Sprat: + + Their purpose is, in short, to make faithful Records, of all + the Works of Nature, or Art, which can come within their + reach: that so the present Age, and posterity, may be able to + put a mark on the Errors, which have been strengthened by + long prescription: to restore the Truths, that have lain + neglected: to push on those, which are already known, to more + various uses: and to make the way more passable, to what + remains unreveal'd.[i-101] + +The Royal Society, no less than Franklin's _Proposal_, stressed the +usefulness of its experimentation. Even as it sought "to overcome the +mysteries of all the Works of Nature"[i-102] through experimentation and +induction, the Baconian empirical method, so Franklin urged the +cultivation of "all philosophical experiments that let light into the +nature of things, tend to increase the power of man over matter, and +multiply the conveniences or pleasures of life."[i-103] Though Franklin +may have stopped short of theoretical science,[i-104] he was not only +interested in making devices but also in discovering immutable natural +laws on which he could base his mechanics for making the world more +habitable, less unknown and terrifying. Interpreting natural phenomena +in terms of gravity and the laws of electrical attraction and repulsion +is to detract from the terror in a universe presided over by a +providential Deity, exerting his wrath through portentous comets, +"fire-balls flung by an angry God." + +Franklin's program is no more miscellaneous, or seemingly pedestrian, +than the practices of the Royal Society. As a discoverer of nature's +laws and their application to man's use, Franklin, the Newton of +electricity, appealed to fact and experiment rather than authority and +suggested that education in science may serve, in addition to making the +world more comfortable, to make it more habitable and less terrifying. +The ideals of scientific research and disinterestedness were dramatized +picturesquely by the Tradesman Franklin, who aided the colonist in +becoming unafraid. + +Although his _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in +Pensilvania_ (1749) furnished the initial suggestion which created the +Philadelphia Academy, later the college, and ultimately the University +of Pennsylvania, it is easy to overestimate the real significance of +Franklin's influence in these schemes unless we remember that political +quarrels separated him from those who were nurturing the school in the +1750's. In 1759 Franklin wrote from London to his friend, Professor +Kinnersley, concerning the cabal in the Academy against him: "The +Trustees have reap'd the full Advantage of my Head, Hands, Heart and +Purse, in getting through the first Difficulties of the Design, and when +they thought they could do without me, they laid me aside."[i-105] +After Franklin failed to secure Samuel Johnson,[i-106] Rev. William +Smith was made Provost and Professor of Natural Philosophy of the +Academy in 1754. He quoted Franklin as saying that the Academy had +become "a narrow, bigoted institution, put into the hands of the +Proprietary party as an engine of government."[i-107] + +With Milton, Locke, Fordyce, Walker, Rollin, Turnbull, and "some +others" as his sources, Franklin adapted the works of these pioneers in +education to provincial uses. (One finds it difficult to discover any +original ideas in the _Proposals_.) Like Locke and Milton, he urged that +education "supply the succeeding Age with Men qualified to serve the +Publick with Honour to themselves, and to their Country."[i-108] Here he +was unlike President Clap, who in 1754 explained that "the Original End +and design of Colleges was to instruct and train up persons for the Work +of the ministry.... The great design of founding this school [Yale] was +to educate ministers in our own way."[i-109] As early as 1722, in +_Dogood Paper_ No. IV, Franklin caricatured sardonically the narrow +theological curriculum of Harvard College.[i-110] Existing for the +citizenry rather than the clergy, offering instruction in English as +well as Latin and Greek, in mechanics, physical culture, natural +history, gardening, mathematics, and arithmetic rather than in sectarian +theology, Franklin's Academy was to be more secular and utilitarian than +any other school in the provinces. Indeed, Rev. George Whitefield +lamented the want of "_aliquid Christi_" in the curriculum, "to make it +as useful as I would desire it might be." + +Franklin stressed the need for the acquisition of a clear and concise +literary style. He observed: "Reading should also be taught, and +pronouncing, properly, distinctly, emphatically; not with an even Tone, +which _under-does_, nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ Nature." Hence +he reflected the virtues of neoclassic perspicuity and correctness. +(These plans he more fully expressed in his _Idea of the English +School_, published in 1751.) As he grew older he apparently became less +tolerant of the teaching of the ancient languages in colonial schools: +in _Observations Relative to the Intentions of the Original Founders of +the Academy of Philadelphia_ (1789), he charged that the Latin school +had swallowed the English and that he was hence "surrounded by the +Ghosts of my dear departed Friends, beckoning and urging me to use the +only Tongue now left us, in demanding that Justice to our Grandchildren, +that our Children has [_sic_] been denied."[i-111] The Latin and Greek +languages he considered "in no other light than as the _Chapeau bras_ of +modern Literature."[i-112] Like Emerson's, his opposition was to +linguistic study rather than to the classical ideas. + +Although he emphasized the study of science and mechanics, it is +important to observe that he kept his balance. He warned Miss Mary +Stevenson in 1760: "There is ... a prudent Moderation to be used in +Studies of this kind. The Knowledge of Nature may be ornamental, and it +may be useful; but if, to attain an Eminence in that, we neglect the +Knowledge and Practice of essential Duties, we deserve +Reprehension."[i-113] Not without reserve did he champion the Moderns; +remembering several provocative scientific observations in Pliny, he +wrote to William Brownrigg (Nov. 7, 1773): "It has been of late too much +the mode to slight the learning of the ancients."[i-114] He would not +agree with the enthusiastic and trenchant disciple of the moderns, M. +Fontenelle, that "We are under an obligation to the ancients for having +exhausted almost all the false theories that could be found."[i-115] +Although he would agree that the empirical method of acquiring knowledge +is more reasonable than authoritarianism reared on syllogistic +foundations, and with Cowley that + + Bacon has broke that scar-crow Deity ["Authority"],[i-116] + +he was not blithely confident that science and the knowledge gained from +experimentation would create a more rigorously moral race. He wrote to +Priestley in 1782: "I should rejoice much, if I could once more recover +the Leisure to search with you into the Works of Nature; I mean the +_inanimate_, not the _animate_ or moral part of them, the more I +discover'd of the former, the more I admir'd them; the more I know of +the latter, the more I am disgusted with them."[i-117] He often +suggested, "As Men grow more enlightened," but seldom did this clause +carry more than an intellectual connotation. Progress in +knowledge[i-118] did not on the whole suggest to Franklin progress in +morals or the general progress of mankind. + +Essentially classical in morality, extolling a temperance like that of +Xenophon, Epictetus, Cicero, Socrates, and Aristotle, Franklin could not +cheerily champion the moderns without serious reservations. Considering +only progress in knowledge, man may be considered as _pedetentim +progredientes_, but, Franklin thought, man seemed to have found it +easier to conquer lightning than himself. If science and other +contemporaneous knowledge detracted from cosmic terror, it did not solve +the problem of the mystery of evil and sin: like Shakespeare, Franklin +was perplexed by the inexplicability and ruthlessness of Man's potential +and actual malevolence.[i-119] Thus in stressing utility and vocational +adaptiveness, Franklin did not forget to stress the need for development +of character, man's internal self, and here he did not find the ancients +dispensable.[i-120] If unlike Socrates in his studies of physical +nature, he was like the Athenian gadfly in his quest for moral +perfection in the teeth of "perpetual temptation," in his strenuous and +sober effort to know himself. Too little attention has been paid +Franklin's Hellenic sobriety--even as it has had too meagre an +influence. Let Molière challenge, "The ancients are the ancients, we are +the people of today"; Franklin, although confident that he could learn +more of physical nature from Newton than from Aristotle, was not +convinced that the wisdom of Epictetus or the Golden Verses of +Pythagoras were less salutary than the wit of his own age. A modern in +his confidence in the progress of knowledge, Franklin, approaching the +problem of morality, wisely saw the ancients and moderns as +complementary. Aware of the continuity of the mind and race, he was not +willing to dismiss the ancients as fit to be imitated. Yet he failed to +discover in the welter of egoistic men any continuous moral progress, +although, unlike the determinists, he thought that the individual could +improve himself through self-knowledge and self-control. Unlike +contemporary exponents of the "original genius" cult who scorned +industrious rational study and conformity, Franklin as an educational +theorist was the exponent of reason and of conscious intellectual +industry and thrift; he would mediate between the study of nature and of +man, and, like Aristotle, he would rely not so much upon individualistic +self-expression as upon a purposeful _imitation_ of those men in the +past who had led useful and happy lives. + + + +III. FRANKLIN'S LITERARY THEORY AND PRACTICE[i-121] + +Uniting the "wit of Voltaire with the simplicity of Rousseau," Franklin +achieved a style "only surpassed by the unimprovable Hobbes of +Malmesbury, the paragon of perspicuity." Characterized by simplicity, +order, and a trenchant pointedness, his prose style was "a principal +means" of his "advancement."[i-122] + +He was "extreamly ambitious ... to be a tolerable English writer." In +the _Autobiography_ he recalls that he read books in "polemic divinity," +Plutarch's _Lives_ (probably Dryden's translation), _Pilgrims Progress_, +Defoe's _Essays upon Several Projects_, Mather's _Essays to do Good_, +Xenophon's _Memorabilia_,[i-123] the _Spectator_ papers, and the +writings of Shaftesbury and Collins. + +Born in Boston, he knew the Bible,[i-124] characterized by the apostle +of Augustan correctness, Jonathan Swift, as possessing "that simplicity, +which is one of the greatest perfections in any language." If Franklin +did not achieve its "sublime eloquence," he approximated at intervals +its directness and simplicity. In reading Defoe's _Essays_ he learned +that Queen Anne's England urged that writers be "as concise as possible" +and avoid all "superfluous crowding in of insignificant words, more than +are needful to express the thing intended." (It is possible that Defoe's +efforts "to polish and refine the English tongue," to avoid "all +irregular additions that ignorance and affectation have introduced," +influenced Franklin in favor of "correctness" and against +provincialisms.) Defoe's "explicit, easy, free, and very plain" rhetoric +is Franklin's. + +After Franklin's father warned him that his arguments were not +well-ordered and trenchantly expressed, he desperately sought to acquire +a convincing prose style. In 1717 James, Franklin's elder brother, +returned from serving a printer's apprenticeship in London. James had +known and been attracted to Augustan England, the England of the +_Tatler_, _Spectator_, and _Guardian_. Familiar is Franklin's narrative +of how he patterned his fledgling style on the pages of the _Spectator_ +papers, and learned to satisfy his father--and himself. Like the +neoclassicists, Franklin learned to write by imitation, by respectfully +subordinating himself to those he recognized as masters, and not, like +the romanticists, by expressing his own ego in revolt against convention +and conformity to traditional standards. The group who supplied copy for +James's _New England Courant_, we are told, were trying to write like +the _Spectator_. "The very look of an ordinary first page of the +_Courant_ is like that of the _Spectator_ page."[i-125] In the _Dogood +Papers_ (1722) and the _Busy-Body_ series (1728) Franklin's writings +show a literal indebtedness to the style and even substance of the +_Spectator_.[i-126] If, after the _Busy-Body_ essays, Franklin's +writings bear little resemblance to the elegance and glow of the +_Spectator_, he did learn from it a long-remembered lesson in +orderliness. From the _Spectator_ he may have learned to temper wit with +morality and morality with wit; he may have learned the neoclassic +objection to the "unhappy Force of an Imagination, unguided by the Check +of Reason and Judgment";[i-127] he may have acquired his distrust of +foreign phrases when English ones were as good, or better, insisting on +the use of native English undefiled. It is interesting but perhaps +futile to conjecture to what degree Franklin at this time, on reading +_Spectator_ No. 160, "On Geniuses" (warning against a servile imitation +of ancient authors, a warning which anticipates the cult of original +geniuses of later decades), would have been predisposed against ancient +literature and languages. If the _Spectator_ was partially responsible +for his pleasantries at the expense of Greek in _Dogood Paper_ No. IV, +his attitude toward the ancients is more ostensibly the result of his +later preoccupation with the sciences,[i-128] and of contact with +representatives of the deistic time-spirit whose faith in progress led +them to underrate the past. + +When Franklin went to live in London in 1724-1726, and became familiar +with such men of science as Dr. Henry Pemberton and others, he must have +become aware of ideals of prose style not a little unlike those +practised by the preachers of his Boston. In Boston he had heard (and in +the polemical works in his father's library, read) sermons couched in a +style satirized in _Hudibras_ as a "Babylonish dialect ... of patched +and piebald languages" (ll. 93 ff.). Sensing the disparity between the +seventeenth-century prose styles and the empirical, logical, and +orderly method of science, the Royal Society not long after its +inception inaugurated a campaign for a clarity akin to the pattern urged +by Hobbes: "The Light of humane minds is Perspicuous Words, _Reason_ is +the Pace, Encrease of _Science_ the _way_; and the benefit of man-kind +the _end_. And on the contrary, Metaphors, and senseless and ambiguous +words, are like _ignes fatui_; and reasoning upon them, is wandering +among innumerable absurdities."[i-129] Summarizing the intent of the +stylistic reformations instituted by the Royal Society, Thomas Sprat +urged writers "to reject all the amplifications, digressions, and +swellings of style: to return back to the primitive purity, and +shortness, when men deliver'd so many things, almost in an equal number +of words ... a close, naked, natural way of speaking; positive +expressions; clear senses; a native easiness: bringing all things as +near the Mathematical plainness, as they can: and preferring the +language of Artizans, Countrymen, and Merchants, before that, of Wits, +or Scholars."[i-130] It is asserted that the program of the Royal +Society "called for stylistic reform as loudly as for reformation in +philosophy. Moreover, this attitude was in the public mind indissolubly +associated with the Society."[i-131] It is only reasonable to infer that +Franklin (as a member of the Royal Society and as founder of the +American Philosophical Society) was alive to the movement toward +"undefiled plainness" which had for half a century been gathering +momentum.[i-132] + +Even as Cartesianism[i-133] in France is said to have fostered logic and +lucidity of detail, and that which is universally valid and recognized +by all men, and that art which is aloof to the non-human world, so in +England may Newtonianism (which overthrew Cartesianism) have conditioned +writers to develop a uniform style, purged of tenuous rhetorical +devices. An age characterized by a worship of reason, which was supposed +to be identical in all men, an age deferring to the general mind of man, +would be hostile to the rhetorical caprices of those expressing their +private, idiosyncratic enthusiasms. If the neoclassic apotheosis of +simplicity and freedom from intricacy was the result of a "rationalistic +anti-intellectualism,"[i-134] expressed in terms of hostility to +belabored proof of ideas known to the general will, then it would seem +that one of the factors sturdily conditioning this hostility was +Newtonian science. Admitting that _reason_ leads to uniformitarianism, +one may recall that the processes of science are discoverable by reason, +and that such a cosmologist as Newton illustrated mathematically and +empirically a system, grand in its lucidity, and capable of being +apprehended by all through reason. If the deistic fear of "enthusiasm" +in religion--the individual will prevailing against the _consensus +gentium_--parallels, according to Professor Lovejoy, the neoclassic fear +of feeling and the unrestrained play of imagination in art, then +Newtonian science, as it reinforced deism, was no negligible factor in +discrediting enthusiasm, and hence indirectly militating against +originality, emotion, and the unchecked imagination. Is it not +conceivable that the Newtonian[i-135] cosmology, popularized by a vast +discipleship, challenged the scientists and men of letters alike to +achieve a corresponding order, clarity, and simplicity in poetry and +prose? + +After Franklin's return from London, he reinforced his Addison-like +style with the rhetorical implications of science and Newtonianism: in +his _Preface_ (1729) to the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ he observed that an +editor ought to possess a "great Easiness and Command of Writing and +Relating Things clearly and intelligibly, and in few Words."[i-136] Good +writing, in Franklin's opinion, "should proceed regularly from things +known to things unknown [surely the method of all inductive reasoning +and science] distinctly and clearly without confusion. The words used +should be the most expressive that the language affords, provided that +they are the most generally understood. Nothing should be expressed in +two words that can be as well expressed in one; that is, no synonyms +should be used, or very rarely, but the whole should be as short as +possible, consistent with clearness; the words should be so placed as to +be agreeable to the ear in reading; summarily it should be smooth, +clear, and short, for the contrary qualities are displeasing."[i-137] +Like the members of the Royal Society, Franklin would bring the words of +written discourse "as near as possible to the spoken."[i-138] In 1753 he +observed: "If my Hypothesis [concerning waterspouts] is not the Truth +itself it is [at] least as naked: For I have not with some of our +learned Moderns, disguis'd my Nonsense in Greek, cloth'd it in Algebra +or adorn'd it with Fluxions. You have it in puris naturalibus."[i-139] +He briefly summarized his rhetorical ideal, in a letter to Hume: "In +writings intended for persuasion and for general information, one +cannot be too clear; and every expression in the least obscure is a +fault."[i-140] + +Unlike Jefferson, "no friend to what is called _purism_, but a zealous +one" to neology, Franklin had an inveterate antipathy toward the use of +colloquialisms, provincialisms, and extravagant innovations.[i-141] In +another letter to Hume, he hoped that "we shall always in America make +the best English of this Island [Britain] our standard."[i-142] If he +did not hold the typical eighteenth-century view that "English must be +subjected to a process of classical regularizing,"[i-143] neither did +he, with his friend Joseph Priestley, espouse the idea of correctness, +dependent only on usage. In general, he seems to have had a tendency +toward purism; it is not unlikely that as a youth he was influenced by +Swift's _Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the +English Tongue_.[i-144] Striving for correctness, and the avoidance of +"affected Words or high-flown Phrases"[i-145] he approximated the +_curiosa felicitas_ of the neoclassicists.[i-146] + +A solid neoclassicist[i-147] in style. Franklin accepted the canon of +imitation as it was imperfectly understood in the eighteenth century. To +the extent, however, that the models were conceived of as approximating +the _consensus gentium_, fragments illustrating universal reason, there +may be little disparity between neoclassic imitation and Aristotle's use +of the term in the sense of imitating a higher ethical reality. His own +life, Franklin thought, (with the exception of a few "errata") was "fit +to be imitated."[i-148] A. H. Smyth notes, perhaps extravagantly, +"Nothing but the 'Autobiography' of Benvenuto Cellini, or the +'Confessions' of Rousseau, can enter into competition with it."[i-149] +This may suggest a clue to the durable nature of Franklin's life-tale. +Cellini, it is true, was tremendously alive to Benvenuto, even as Michel +de Montaigne was interested in his own whims, but neither Cellini, nor +Montaigne, nor Franklin, could have penned the _Confessions_, the thesis +of which is that if Rousseau is not better than other men at least he is +different. Cellini, Montaigne, and Franklin, on the other hand, while +allowing us to see their fancies and singular biases, tended to +emphasize those qualities which they held in common with their age, +nation, and even the continuity of mankind. Montaigne, it will be +remembered, sought to express _la connaissance de l'homme en général_. +With no aspirations to become an original genius, Franklin, both in his +prose style and his yearning for perfection, sought the guidance of +models, which he conceived as embodying universal reason. Had he been a +writer of epics[i-150] he would with Pope have acquired "from ancient +rules a just esteem"--when the rules were, in his mind, "according to +nature." + +Likewise Franklin is representative of the Enlightenment in his +description of the province of the imagination. It is an axiom that "the +belief that the imagination ought to be kept in check by reason, +pervades the critical literature of the first half of the eighteenth +century."[i-151] Franklin observes that poetasters above all need +instruction on how to govern "Fancy [Imagination] with +Judgement."[i-152] He implies that imagination is a power lending an air +of unreality to a creation, often like "the Effect of some melancholy +Humour."[i-153] He feared that the unchecked fancy would vitiate his +ideals of simplicity and correctness, and a sober and practical +argument. + +Posing as no original genius independent of the wisdom of the +ages,[i-154] confessing that "from a child" he "was fond of reading" and +that as a youth "reading was the only amusement" he allowed himself, +Franklin was not backward in cataloguing many of the authors who helped +to motivate his thought. He seems to have been acquainted with portions +of Plato, Aesop, Pliny, Xenophon, Herodotus, Epictetus, Vergil, Horace, +Tacitus, Seneca, Sallust, Cicero, Tully, Milton, Jeremy Taylor, Bacon, +Dryden, Tillotson, Rabelais,[i-155] Bunyan, Fénelon, Chevalier de +Ramsay,[i-156] Pythagoras, Waller, Defoe, Addison and Steele, William +Temple, Pope, Swift, Voltaire, Boyle, Algernon Sidney, Trenchard and +Gordon,[i-157] Young, Mandeville, Locke, Shaftesbury, Collins, +Bolingbroke, Richardson, Whiston, Watts, Thomson, Burke, Cowper, Darwin, +Rowe, Rapin, Herschel, Paley, Lord Kames, Adam Smith, Hume, Robertson, +Lavoisier, Buffon, Dupont de Nemours, Whitefield, Pemberton, Blackmore, +John Ray, Petty, Turgot, Priestley, Paine, Mirabeau, Quesnay, Raynal, +Morellet, and Condorcet, to suggest only the more prominent.[i-158] Such +a catalogue tends to discredit the all too common idea that the +untutored tradesman was torpid to the information and wisdom found in +books. + +If his prose style shows none of the delicate rhythms and haunting +imagery of the prose born of the romantic movement, it is nevertheless +far from pedestrian. If it seems devoid of imaginative splendor, it is +not lacking in force and persuasion.[i-159] After one has noted +Franklin's canon of simplicity and order, his insistence on +correctness, his assumed role as _Censor Morum_, his acceptance of the +doctrine of imitation and the use of imagination guided by reason, one +returns to the question of the degree to which the ideals of rhetoric +fostered by the men of science may have helped to motivate Franklin's +prose style, and to what degree his acceptance of deism augmented by +Newtonianism may have furnished him with a rationale which lent sanction +to his demand for a simple style. + +Sir Humphrey Davy found in Franklin's scientific papers a language lucid +and decorous, "almost as worthy of admiration as the doctrine"[i-160] +they contain. S. G. Fisher buoyantly maintained that Franklin's "is the +most effective literary style ever used by an American." After reading +Franklin's paper on stoves he was "inclined to lay down the principle +that the test of literary genius is the ability to be fascinating about +stoves."[i-161] Whether he writes soberly (albeit tempered by Gallic +fancy) of the mutability of life, as in _The Ephemera_, or of +sophisticated social amenities, as in the letters to Madame Brillon and +Madame Helvétius, or in his memoirs, in which solid fact follows solid +fact, sifted by the years of good fortune, Franklin's style never loses +its compelling charm and vigor. If he never wrote (or uttered) less than +was demanded by the nature of his subject, neither would he have +disgusted the Clerk of Oxenford who + + Nought o word spak he more than was nede. + +He was no formal literary critic such as Boileau, Lessing, or Coleridge, +and no acknowledged arbiter of taste, such as Dr. Johnson. Yet Franklin, +in voluminous practice, enjoying tremendous international vogue, proved +that his theories bore the acid test of effectiveness. Indirectly he +challenged his readers to honor principles of rhetoric which could so +trenchantly serve the demands of his catholic pen, and make him one of +the most widely read of all Americans. + + + +IV. FRANKLIN AS PRINTER AND JOURNALIST + +Franklin was a printer chiefly because of two proclivities which were +basic in his personality from childhood to old age--a bent toward +practical mechanics ("handiness") and a fondness for reading +(bookishness). Further, he was a journalist and publisher chiefly +because he was a printer. + +A thorough printer is both an artisan and an artist; he has both the +manual dexterity of a good workman and the aesthetic appreciation of the +amateur of beauty. Franklin always took pride in his ability to handle +the printer's tools, from the time when, at the age of twelve, he became +"a useful hand"[i-162] in the print shop of his brother James, until the +very end of his life. One of the pleasantest anecdotes of the old +printer is that which tells of his visit to the famous Didot printing +establishment in Paris, when he stepped up to a press, and motioning the +printer aside, himself took possession of the machine and printed off +several sheets. Then the American ambassador smiled at the gaping +printers and said, "Do not be astonished, Sirs, it is my former +business."[i-163] + +Even in his boyhood, it was a pleasure to Franklin "to see good workmen +handle their tools," and he tells in his autobiography how much this +feeling for tools meant to him throughout his life.[i-164] His flair for +invention, though founded on this same "handiness," was not always +directed toward the production of tools; but in the two fields of +"philosophical" experimentation and the printing trade, his dexterity +and cleverness in making needful instruments and devices were +invaluable. + +Partly because of the fact that printers' supplies must be imported from +England, and partly because of his natural tool-mindedness, Franklin +manufactured more of his own supplies than any other American commercial +printer before or since. He cast type, made paper molds, mixed inks, +made contributions to press building, did engraving, forwarded +experiments in stereotyping, and worked at logotypy. Long after he had +retired from the printing business. Franklin continued to influence +developments in that field. It is a common saying among printers that +one never forgets the smell of printer's ink. Franklin kept touch with +his former business through various partnerships, through correspondence +with printer friends, through the establishment of a private press in +his home at Passy during his ambassadorship to France, and through his +personal supervision of the education of his grandson in "the art +preservative of arts." "I am too old to follow printing again myself," +he wrote to a friend, "but, loving the business, I have brought up my +grandson Benjamin to it, and have built and furnished a printing-house +for him, which he now manages under my eye."[i-165] + +As to just how adept Franklin was on the distinctively aesthetic side of +printing, critics must differ. It has been customary to assume that the +output of his shop was far superior to that of the several other +printing houses in the colonies.[i-166] Such broad generalizations are +misleading, however; and it is certainly possible to find Parks and +even Bradford imprints which compare favorably enough with some of +Franklin's. In typography, the phase of printing which affords the +widest aesthetic scope, Franklin was by no means a genius. William +Parks, of Annapolis and later of Williamsburg, was at least Franklin's +peer during the seventeen-thirties and 'forties in the artistic +arrangement of type; and William Goddard, who practiced the art a little +later in several of the colonies, was his superior. Yet Franklin was an +outstanding printer in a region blessed with few good presses. The +difference between him and most of the other colonial printers may be +stated thus: Franklin maintained a high average of workmanlike (though +not inspired) performance, while his contemporaries were inclined to be +slovenly, inaccurate, and generally careless. + +In the later years of his life Franklin gave no little attention to fine +printing, though as a dilettante rather than as a commercial printer. In +France he was friendly with François Ambroise Didot, the greatest French +printer of his times, and put his grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache to +school in Didot's establishment. With Pierre Simon Fournier, who ranked +next to Didot among French printers, Franklin corresponded from time to +time. In England the American printer maintained touch with prominent +practitioners of his craft from the time of his first visit abroad until +his death. Samuel Palmer, Franklin's first London employer, was but a +mediocre printer; but John Watts, to whose house the young American went +after a year at Palmer's, stood much higher in his vocation.[i-167] Both +Watts and Palmer were patrons of William Caslon, from whom Franklin +later bought type. But John Baskerville, Caslon's rival, was the founder +whom Franklin did most to encourage and to bring to the attention of +discriminating printers. The English printer with whom Franklin was upon +the terms of greatest intimacy--and that for many years--was William +Strahan, member of Parliament, King's Printer, and a successful +publisher. Strahan was a man of parts, a great letter writer, and a +friend of David Hume and Samuel Johnson. The latter referred to the +Strahan shop as "the greatest printing house in London."[i-168] Another +correspondent was John Walter, logotyper, press builder, and founder of +the London _Times_.[i-169] In all his letters to his printer friends, +Franklin shows not only a lively interest in improvements and inventions +for the trade, but also an increasing interest in the artistic side of +printing and type-founding. + +The "bookish inclination" which Franklin credits in the _Autobiography_ +with being the quality that decided his father to make a printer of him, +appertained to the trade because printers were commonly publishers and +sellers of books and pamphlets, and often editors and publishers of +newspapers. How the young Franklin satisfied his literary urge in the +print shop of his brother James is a familiar story, and his theories of +writing are traced in another section of this Introduction. The +contribution to literature which he made as a publisher of original +books is negligible, but he did his part both as publisher and +bookseller to spread that bookishness to which he felt that he owed much +of his own success. Like all publishers before and since, he was forced +by his customers to issue books of a lower sort than he could fully +approve in order to float editions of more desirable works: he tells +plaintively of his public's preference for "Robin Hood's Songs" over the +Psalms of his beloved Watts.[i-170] In still another way, Franklin +promoted the bookishness of his community: he founded the first of +American circulating libraries, and he built up for himself one of the +largest private libraries in the country.[i-171] + +Journalism was a common by-product of the printing trade. When Franklin +and Meredith took over Keimer's _The Universal Instructor in all Arts +and Sciences: and Pennsylvania Gazette_ in 1729, there were six other +newspapers being published in the colonies--three in Boston and one each +in New York, Philadelphia, and Annapolis. The Williamsburg press had a +newspaper a few years later, but the other two printing towns in the +colonies had to wait some thirty years for journalistic ventures--a +newspaper in New London and a magazine in Woodbridge.[i-172] + +The fundamental question to be asked in analyzing a newspaper may be +stated thus: What is the editorial conception of the primary function of +the press? Franklin had received his early newspaper training on his +brother's _New England Courant_, which frankly acknowledged +entertainment as its primary function and relegated news to a minor +place. Of his contemporaries in 1729, the oldest, the _Boston +News-Letter_, held the publication of news to be its sole function; +while the _Boston Gazette_, the _New York Gazette_, and the _Maryland +Gazette_ took much the same attitude. In the main, they were rather +dreary reprints of stale European news. Bradford's _American Weekly +Mercury_, in Philadelphia, gave somewhat more attention to local news; +but with the exception of the Franklin-Breintnal _Busy-Body_ papers, +contributed in 1728-1729 in order to bring Keimer to his knees, the +_Mercury_ gave very little attention to the entertainment function. Only +the _New England Weekly Journal_, carrying on something of the tradition +of the old _Courant_, dealt largely in entertainment as well as in news. +This bi-functional policy was the one adopted by Franklin's +_Pennsylvania Gazette_, which was always readable and amusing at the +same time that it was newsy. + +Of the editorial or opinion-forming function of newspapers there was +little evidence in Franklin's paper,[i-173] at least in the field of +politics. The obvious reason was the active governmental censorship. It +remained for John Peter Zenger to introduce that function into colonial +journalism in the _New York Weekly Journal_ in 1733: his struggle for +the freedom of the press is well known.[i-174] But the _Pennsylvania +Gazette_ never became in any degree a political organ while Franklin +edited it; and his first political pronouncement was published not in +his paper but in a pamphlet, _Plain Truth_, issued just before his +retirement from editorial duties. + +Two common misconceptions in regard to Franklin's newspaper call for +correction: (1) The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ was not connected as +forerunner or ancestor with the _Saturday Evening Post_. The _Gazette_, +a newspaper to the end, closed its file in 1815;[i-175] the _Post_, a +story paper, issued its Volume I, Number 1, in 1821. Throughout much of +the latter half of the nineteenth century, the _Post_ carried the legend +"Founded in 1821" on its front page; and not until after the Curtis +Publishing Company bought it in 1897 did it begin to print the words +"Founded A.D. 1728 by Benjamin Franklin" on its cover. The sole +connection of the _Post_ with Franklin lies in the fact that it was +first issued from an office at 53 Market Street which Franklin had once +occupied.[i-176] (2) Franklin did not publish a "chain" of newspapers. A +"chain" implies some kind of co-operative connection between the various +members, but the several papers which Franklin helped to finance had no +such relationship. In some he was a six-years partner,[i-177] keeping +his interest until the resident publisher, usually a former employee, +was established; to some he made loans or, in the case of relatives, +gifts.[i-178] + +One of his journalistic ventures which is not mentioned in the +_Autobiography_ is the _General Magazine_, of 1741. It missed by three +days being the first of American magazines: Andrew Bradford had learned +of Franklin's project and, with his _American Magazine_, beat him in the +race for priority. But the _American Magazine_ was a failure in three +monthly numbers, while Franklin's periodical, though more readable, died +after its sixth issue.[i-179] As an initial episode in the history of +American magazines, the _General Magazine_ has a certain eminence; but +Franklin's neglect of it when writing his _Autobiography_, after the +events of nearly fifty busy years had apparently crowded it out of his +memory, is sufficient commentary on its unimportance. + +To the end of his life Franklin was proud of his trade of printing, with +its handmaiden journalism. His last will and testament begins: "I, +Benjamin Franklin, Printer...." Though clearly not the chief interest of +his life, it was one to which he was fundamentally and consistently +attached. + + + +V. FRANKLIN'S ECONOMIC VIEWS + +An eighteenth-century colonial who wrote on paper money, interest, +value, and insurance, who discussed a theory of population and the +economic aspects of the abolition of slavery, who championed free trade, +and who probably lent Adam Smith some information used in his _Wealth of +Nations_, who was an empirical agriculturist, who was "half physiocratic +before the rise of the physiocratic school"--such a colonial has, +indeed, claims to being America's pioneer economist. + +Franklin's hatred of negro slavery was conditioned by more than his +humanitarian bias. It may be seen that his indictments of black cargoes +were the resultant of an interplay of his convictions that economically +slavery was enervating and dear and of his abstract sense of religious +and ethical justice. One should not minimize, however, his distrust of +slavery on other than economic bases. He was acutely influenced by the +Quakers of his colony who, like gadflies, were stinging slaveholders to +an awareness of their blood traffic, and by the rise of English +humanitarianism. In his youth he had published (first edition, 1729; +second, 1730), with no little danger to himself and his business, Ralph +Sandiford's _A Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times_, an +Amos-like vituperative attack on the "unrighteous Gain" of slaveholding. +He also published works of Benjamin Lay and John Woolman.[i-180] Friend +of Anthony Benezet, Benjamin Rush, Fothergill, and Granville Sharp, and +after 1760 a member of Dr. Bray's Associates, he lent his voice and pen +to denouncing slavery on religious and ethical grounds; and in England, +after the James Sommersett trial (1772), he "began to agitate for +parliamentary action" toward the abolishing of slavery in all parts of +the British Empire.[i-181] Following the Sommersett verdict, Franklin +contributed a brief article to the _London Chronicle_ (June 18-20, 1772) +in which he denounced the "constant butchery of the human species by +this pestilential detestable traffic in the bodies and souls of +men."[i-182] Losing his temperamental urbanity when observing "the +diabolical Commerce,"[i-183] "the abominable African Trade," he +recollects approvingly that a certain French moralist[i-184] could "not +look on a piece of sugar without conceiving it stained with spots of +human blood!"[i-185] Conditioned by Quakerism, by his deism, which +suggested that "the most acceptable Service we render him [God] is doing +good to his other Children," and by the eighteenth century's growing +repugnance toward suffering and pain,[i-186] Franklin (although he took +little part in legislating against slavery in Pennsylvania) became +through his writing a model to be imitated, especially in France, by a +people more intent on becoming humane than saintly. + +His letter to Anthony Benezet (London, July 14, 1773), however, clearly +indicates that for economic, as well as humanitarian reasons, he had +sought freedom for slaves: + + I am glad to hear that such humane Sentiments prevail so much + more generally than heretofore, that there is Reason to hope + our Colonies may in time get clear of a Practice that + disgraces them, and, without producing any equivalent + Benefit, is dangerous to their very Existence.[i-187] + +Franklin's view of the economic disabilities of slavery is best +expressed in _Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling +of Countries, Etc._ (1751). Arguing against British restraint of +colonial manufactures, he observed that "'tis an ill-grounded Opinion +that by the Labour of slaves, _America_ may possibly vie in Cheapness of +Manufactures with _Britain_. The Labour of Slaves can never be so cheap +here as the Labour of working Men is in _Britain_."[i-188] With +arithmetic based on empirical scrutiny of existing conditions, +resembling the mode of economists following Adam Smith, he charged that +slaves are economically unprofitable due to the rate of interest in the +colonies, their initial price, their insurance and maintenance, their +negligence and malevolence.[i-189] In addition, "Slaves ... pejorate the +Families that use them; the white Children become proud, disgusted with +Labour, and being educated in Idleness, are rendered unfit to get a +Living by Industry."[i-190] Slaves are hardly economical investments in +terms of colonial character. Looking to the "_English_ Sugar _Islands_" +where Negroes "have greatly diminish'd the Whites," and deprived the +poor of employment, "while a few Families acquire vast Estates," he +realized that "population was limited by means of subsistence,"[i-191] +which foreshadowed the more pessimistic progressions of Malthus. Having +just maintained that "our People must at least be doubled every 20 +Years,"[i-192] and intuitively suspecting that the means for subsistence +progress more slowly, he exclaimed, "Why increase the Sons of _Africa_, +by planting them in _America_, where we have so fair an Opportunity, by +excluding all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the lovely White and +Red?"[i-193] He saw mere economic extravagance as the short-time effect +of slavery; he feared that the long-time effect would be to create an +aristocracy subsisting at the head of a vast brood of slaves and poor +whites.[i-194] + +It was inevitable in a state having no staple crop, such as rice, sugar, +tobacco, or cotton, which offered at least economic justification for +negro slavery, that abolition of slaves should be urged partially on +purely economic grounds, and that Pennsylvania should have been the +first colony to legislate in favor of abolition, in 1780. Although one +may feel that economic determinism is overly simple and audacious in its +doctrinaire interpretations, one can not refuse to see the extent to +which economics tended to buttress humane and religious factors in +Franklin's mind to make him a persuasive champion of abolition.[i-195] + +_A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper +Currency_[i-196] has been appraised as "by far the ablest and most +original treatise that had been written on the subject up to 1728 and +was probably the most widely read work on paper currency that appeared +in colonial America."[i-197] That Franklin's interest in paper money was +not unique, one may gather from the fact that between 1714 and 1721 +"nearly thirty pamphlets appeared" on this subject in Massachusetts +alone.[i-198] One of the 1728 theses at Harvard, answered in the +affirmative, was: "Does the issue of paper money contribute to the +public good?"[i-199] "Since there was a scarcity of circulating medium, +caused by the constant drain of specie for export," explains Mr. D. R. +Dewey, "it is not strange that projects for converting credit into +wealth should have sprung up in the colonies."[i-200] Franklin argued in +his _Modest Enquiry_[i-201] that (1) "A plentiful Currency will occasion +Interest to be low," (2) it "will occasion the Trading Produce to bear a +good Price," (3) it "will encourage great Numbers of labouring and +Handicrafts Men to come and settle in the Country," and (4) it "will +occasion a less consumption of European Goods, in proportion to the +Number of the People." Thus he saw paper money as a "Morrison's Pill," +promising to cure all economic ills.[i-202] It has been suggested that +as a printer Franklin naturally would favor issues of paper money. In +view of his later apostasy one should note that in this essay Franklin +apparently accepted the current mercantilist notions, best expressed +here in his conviction that paper money will secure a favorable balance +of trade. Demands for emissions of paper money were inevitable in a +colony in the grip of such a restrictive commercial policy as British +mercantilism. It must be observed, however, that Franklin differed from +the proper mercantilists to the extent that simple valuable metals were +not to be measures of value. Deriving his idea from Sir William Petty, +Franklin took labor as the true measure of value,[i-203]--a position +later held by Karl Marx. In his preoccupation with the growth of +manufactures and favorable balances of trade, Franklin gave no +suggestions that at least by 1767 he was to become an exponent of +agrarianism and free trade. One wonders to what extent his warnings +against the purchase of "unnecessary Householdstuff, or any superfluous +thing," his inveterate emphasis on industry and frugality, were +conditioned by his view that such indulgence would essentially cause a +preponderance of imports, hence casting against them an unfavorable +trade balance.[i-204] + +In 1751 Parliament passed an act regulating in the New England colonies +the issue of paper money and preventing them "from adding a legal tender +clause thereto"; in 1764 Parliament forbade issue of legal tender money +in any of the colonies. As a member of the Pennsylvania assembly, +Franklin had successfully sponsored issues of paper money; in London, +following the 1764 act, he urged that one of the causes breeding +disrespect for Parliament was "the prohibition of making paper money +among [us]."[i-205] Economics blends into politics when we remember that +the 1764 restraining legislation was "one of the factors in the +subsequent separation, for it caused some of the suffering that +inevitably follows in the wake of an unsound monetary policy whose +onward course is suddenly checked."[i-206] In 1766 Franklin was yet an +ardent imperialist, who sought politically and economically to keep +whole "that fine and noble China Vase, the British Empire." His _Remarks +and Facts Concerning American Paper Money_ (1767), in answer to Lord +Hillsborough's Board of Trade report circulated among British merchants, +is an ardent plea for legal tender paper money. He argued that British +merchants (since yearly trade balances had regularly been in their +favor) had not been deprived of gold and silver, that paper money _had +worked_ in the Colonies,[i-207] and that British merchants had lost no +more in their colonial dealings than was inevitable in war times. +Franklin concluded that since there were no mines in the colonies, paper +money was a necessity (arguing here very shrewdly that even English +silver "is obliged to the legal Tender for Part of its Value"). Hence, +at least for colonies deserving it, the mother country should take off +the restraint on legal tender. What Franklin seems not to have known and +what the merchants had actually felt (they had their accounts staring at +them) was that in the past, especially after 1750, much of the legal +tender was in effect nothing but inconvertible fiat money. Mr. Carey +quotes from an uncollected item, Franklin's "The Legal Tender of Paper +Money in America," in which he threatened that "if the colonies were not +allowed to issue legal-tender notes there was no way in which they could +retain hard money except by boycotting English goods."[i-208] Franklin +suggested (to S. Cooper, April 22, 1779) that depreciation may not be +unmixed evil, since it may be viewed as a tax: "It should always be +remembered, that the original Intention was to sink the Bills by Taxes, +which would as effectually extinguish the Debt as an actual +Redemption."[i-209] Not a little Machiavellian for one who was not blind +to the sanctity of contracts! + +With the Revolution and the attendant depreciation in currency, Franklin +tended to warn against over-issues.[i-210] Like Governor Hutchinson, who +said that "the morals of the people depreciate with the currency," +Franklin confessed in 1783 "the many Mischiefs, the injustices, the +Corruption of Manners, &c., &c., that attended a depreciating +Currency."[i-211] There is no evidence to show that Franklin dissented +from the conservative prohibition in the Constitutional Convention of +1787 against issues of legal tender paper.[i-212] + +Deborah Logan (in a letter in 1829) stated that Franklin "once told Dr. +Logan that the celebrated Adam Smith, when writing his 'Wealth of +Nations,' was in the habit of bringing chapter after chapter as he +composed it, to himself, Dr. Price and others of the literati; then +patiently hear [_sic_] their observations, and profit by their +discussion and criticism--even sometimes submitting to write whole +chapters anew, and even to reverse some of his propositions."[i-213] +James Parton observed that the allusions to the colonies which +"constitute the experimental evidence of the essential truth of the +book" were supplied by Franklin.[i-214] But Rae reasonably counters: "It +ought of course to be borne in mind that Smith had been in the constant +habit of hearing much about the American Colonies and their affairs +during his thirteen years in Glasgow from the intelligent merchants and +returned planters of that city."[i-215] + +In general, we may conclude that Franklin and Smith were exponents of +free trade in proportion as they were reactionaries against British +mercantilism. Each in his reaction tended to elevate the function of +agriculture beyond reasonable limits. Unlike the physiocrats and +Franklin, however, Adam Smith did not hold that, in terms of +wealth-producing, manufacturers were sterile. Even if Franklin saw only +agriculture as _productive_, he was not blind to the utility of +manufactures, especially after the break with the mother country, when +he realized that home industry must be developed to supply the colonial +needs formerly satisfied by British exports.[i-216] + +Finally, each was, in varying degrees, an exponent of laissez +faire.[i-217] Since we shall discover that politically Franklin was less +a democrat than is often supposed, we may feel that his belief in free +trade led him to embrace reservedly the principle of laissez faire, +rather than that free trade, an economic concept, was but a fragment of +a larger dogma, namely, that government should be characterized by its +passivity, frugality, and maximum negligence. V. L. Parrington +quotes[i-218] from George Whately's _Principles of Trade_, which +contained views congenial to Franklin: + + When Colbert assembled some wise old merchants of France, and + desired their advice and opinion, how he could best serve and + promote commerce, their answer, after consultation, was, in + three words only, _Laissez-nous faire_: "Let us alone." It is + said by a very solid writer of the same nation, that he is + well advanced in the science of politics, who knows the full + force of that maxim. _Pas trop gouverner_: "Not to govern too + much!" _which, perhaps, would be of more use when applied to + trade, than in any other public concern_. (Present editors' + italics.) + +Laissez faire in Franklin's as in Whately's view tended to be synonymous +with free trade. Laissez faire was suggested by his insistence on free +trade, as he progressively expressed his antipathy for mercantilism, +rather than that free trade was simply a natural deduction from a more +inclusive economic-political dogma. + +Writing to the pro-colonial Jonathan Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, whose +"sweet Retirement" at Twyford he had long enjoyed, Franklin, seeing no +hopes of a reconciliation between the colonies and Great Britain, +uttered what marked him as the first American disciple of Quesnay's +school of economic thought: "Agriculture is the great Source of Wealth +and Plenty. By cutting off our Trade you have thrown us _to the Earth_, +whence like _Antaeus_ we shall rise yearly with fresh Strength and +Vigour."[i-219] Upon learning of the colonists' "Resolutions of +Non-Importation" he wrote to "Cousin" Folger that they must promote +their own industries, especially those of the "Earth and their Sea, the +true Sources of Wealth and Plenty."[i-220] Learning that the colonists +had threatened to boycott English manufacturers by creating their own +basic industries, Franklin demurred in a letter to Cadwallader Evans: +"Agriculture is truly _productive of new wealth_; manufacturers only +change forms, and whatever value they give to the materials they work +upon, they in the mean time consume an equal value in provisions, &c. So +that riches are not _increased_ by manufacturing; the only advantage is, +that provisions in the shape of manufactures are more easily carried for +sale to foreign markets."[i-221] _Positions to be Examined, Concerning +National Wealth_[i-222] affords a succinct statement of Franklin's +agrarianism. "There seem to be but three ways for a nation to acquire +wealth. The first is by _war_, as the Romans did, in plundering their +conquered neighbours. This is _robbery_. The second by _commerce_, which +is generally _cheating_. The third by _agriculture_, the only _honest +way_, wherein man receives a real increase of the seed thrown into the +ground, in a kind of continual miracle, wrought by the hand of God in +his favour, as a reward for his innocent life and his virtuous +industry."[i-223] Dupont de Nemours, as early as 1769, had written: "Who +does not know that the English have today their Benjamin Franklin, who +has adopted the principles and the doctrines of our French +economists?"[i-224] Before attempting to appraise the real indebtedness +of Franklin to the physiocrats, it is well to seek to learn how he came +in contact with their ideas, and especially why by the year 1767 he was +acutely susceptible to their doctrine. In the summer of 1767, in the +company of Sir John Pringle, Franklin went to Paris, not an unknown +figure to the French savants, who were acquainted with his scientific +papers already translated into French by D'Alibard. That he was feted by +the Newtons of the physiocrats, François Quesnay and the elder Mirabeau, +as "le Savant, le Geomètre, le Physicien, l'homme à qui la nature permet +de dévoiler ses secrets,"[i-225] we are assured, when to De Nemours +(July 28, 1768) he writes regretfully: "Be so good as to present my +sincere respect to that venerable apostle, Dr. Quesnay, and to the +illustrious Ami des Hommes (of whose civilities to me at Paris I retain +a grateful remembrance)...."[i-226] Having missed Franklin in Paris +(1767), De Nemours had sent Franklin "un recueil des principaux traités +économiques du Docteur Quesnay" and his own _Physiocratie_ (1768), which +cast him in the role "of a propagandist of Physiocratie +doctrines."[i-227] Franklin admitted, "I am perfectly charmed with them, +and wish I could have stayed in France for some time, to have studied +in your school, that I might by conversing with its founders have made +myself quite a master of that philosophy."[i-228] That Franklin was not +before 1767 unacquainted with the Économistes we learn when he tells +Dupont de Nemours that Dr. Templeman had shown him the De +Nemours-Templeman correspondence when the latter was Secretary of the +London Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and +Commerce. A second trip to Paris (in 1769) to confer with Barbeu +Dubourg, an avowed physiocrat, concerning his forthcoming translation of +Franklin's works, served to acquaint him still further with the +doctrines of the new school. + +Franklin's agrarianism[i-229] is congruent with physiocracy[i-230] in as +far as he observed that agriculture alone, of the many industries, +produced a surplus of wealth after all of the expenses of production had +been paid.[i-231] Each laborer produced more than enough to satisfy his +own needs. This surplus the Économistes termed the _produit net_. A +worker in manufactures, it was assumed, consumed foodstuffs and other +materials in proportion to the value he created in his manufacturing +process. Hence there obviously could be no _produit net_ accruing from +manufactures. Like the physiocrats, Franklin felt that manufactures were +_sterile_, to the extent that no new wealth was created. The physiocrats +believed, however, that laborers in manufacturing industries _could_ +create a _produit net_ if they stinted themselves in consuming +foodstuffs, et cetera, but it was argued that this prudential asceticism +was not a characteristic habit. To this extent at least the physiocrats +were empirical. + +Free trade no less than agrarianism characterized physiocracy. Although +Franklin indicated his antagonism toward governmental restraint of +trade, internal and among nations, in his antipathy toward British +mercantilism, it was not until after he became impregnated with French +doctrine that he began to express very fully his advocacy of free trade. +After Connecticut imposed a 5% duty on goods imported from neighboring +colonies, Franklin wrote to Jared Eliot in 1747 that it was likely that +the duty would devolve on the consumer and be "only another mode of +Taxing" the purchaser. In addition he recognized that smuggling, +virtually a colonial art, would cause the "fair Trader" to "be undersold +and ruined."[i-232] He urged that the import duty might suggest +selfishness, and might also tend to deter Connecticut commerce. Here, it +must be admitted, Franklin did not sanction free trade with a priori +appeals to the "natural order," the key in the arch of physiocracy. He +rather appealed to the instincts and observations of the prudential +tradesman. His _Plan for Regulating Indian Affairs_ (1766), unlike his +1747 letters, _suggested_ (if it did not express concretely) inviolable +laws of commerce in the words: "It seems contrary to the Nature of +Commerce, for Government to interfere in the Prices of Commodities.... +It therefore seems to me, that Trade will best find and make its own +Rates; and that Government cannot well interfere, unless it would take +the whole Trade into its own hands ... and manage it by its own Servants +at its own Risque."[i-233] To Dupont de Nemours he admitted that British +mercantilism had not achieved "that wisdom which sees the welfare of the +parts in the prosperity of the whole."[i-234] To Sir Edward Newenham, +representing the County of Dublin, he expressed admiration for Irish +efforts to secure freedom of commerce, "which is the right of all +mankind." "To enjoy all the advantages of the climate, soil, and +situation in which God and nature have placed us, is as clear a right as +that of breathing; and can never be justly taken from men but as a +punishment for some atrocious crime."[i-235] Three years before he met +Quesnay (though after he had read Dupont de Nemours's letters to +Templeman), Franklin sanctioned free trade through appeal to other than +utilitarian prudence: first he admitted that British restraint of +colonial commerce, for example with the West Indies, will tend to +prevent colonists from making remittances for British manufactured +goods, since "The Cat can yield but her skin." Then with a suggestion of +philosophic generalization he hoped that "In time perhaps Mankind may be +wise enough to let Trade take its own Course, find its own Channels, and +regulate its own Proportions, etc."[i-236] Restraint of manufactures +"deprive[s] us of the Advantage God & Nature seem to have intended +us.... So selfish is the human Mind! But 'tis well there is One above +that rules these Matters with a more equal Hand. He that is pleas'd to +feed the Ravens, will undoubtedly take care to prevent a Monopoly of the +Carrion."[i-237] Glorifying the husbandman and suggesting that trade +restrictions disturb a natural order, Franklin wrote to David Hartley in +1783 that Great Britain has tended to impede "the mutual communications +among men of the gifts of God, and rendering miserable multitudes of +merchants and their families, artisans, and cultivators of the earth, +the most peaceable and innocent part of the human species."[i-238] + +That Franklin was not without his influence in eighteenth-century +economic thought we may gather from Dugald Stewart's opinion that "the +expressions _laissez-faire_ and, _pas trop gouverner_ are indebted +chiefly for their extensive circulation to the short and luminous +comments of Franklin, which had so extraordinary an influence on public +opinion in the old and new world."[i-239] Mr. Carey maintains that +Franklin, unlike the physiocrats, inveighed against trade regulations +because they led to smuggling rather than because to any important +degree they violated the "natural order." The physiocrats are tenuous, +amorphous, and ambiguous when they seek to define _L'Ordre naturel_. At +times Dupont de Nemours seems to identify it with a primitivistic +past.[i-240] Quesnay, on the other hand, says: "Natural right is +indeterminate in a state of nature. The right only appears when justice +and labour have been established."[i-241] Again, he asserts: "By +entering society and making conventions for their mutual advantage men +increase the scope of natural right without incurring any restriction of +their liberties, for this is just the state of things that enlightened +reason would have chosen."[i-242] Natural order is a "providential +order": "Its laws are irrevocable, pertaining as they do to the essence +of matter and the soul of humanity. They are just the expression of the +will of God."[i-243] According to the physiocrats, the laws of the +natural order are "unique, eternal, invariable, and universal."[i-244] +Now it is true that nowhere did Franklin assert that his advocacy of +laissez faire and agrarianism was neatly dependent on these a priori +bases. Even though this is true, there are references (quoted above) +which seem to suggest that trade restrictions are violations of the very +nature of things. It is not wholly fanciful (bearing in mind Franklin's +adoration of a Deity who is the creator and sustainer of immutable, +universal physical laws which together present the mind with the concept +of a vast, wonderfully harmonized physical machine) to conjecture to +what extent this matchless physical harmony tended to challenge him with +the possibility of discovering a parallel economic machine operating +according to immutable laws capable of proof and human adaptability. + +O. H. Taylor has shown that "The evolution of the idea of 'laws' in +economics has closely paralleled its evolution in the natural +sciences."[i-245] In searching for these economic constants, "the +economic mechanism was regarded as a wise device of the Creator for +causing individuals, while pursuing only their own interests, to promote +the prosperity of society; and for causing the right adjustment to one +another of supplies, demand, prices, and incomes, to take place +automatically, in consequence of the free action of all +individuals."[i-246] After giving due weight to the fact that Franklin +saw in the doctrine of the physiocrats trenchant arguments to buttress +his attacks on British mercantilism, one has cogent evidence for at +least raising the question, To what extent may his apprehension of a +demonstrable physical harmony have suggested to his speculative mind an +economic analogy?[i-247] + + + +VI. FRANKLIN'S POLITICAL THEORIES + +Plague of the Pennsylvania proprietaries, propagandist of the American +Revolution, moderator of the Constitutional Convention, Franklin was all +through his life a politician and statesman in an age characterized +above all by political speculations and changes in the destiny of +states. Colonial patriot, "arch rebel of King George III," "idol of the +court of Versailles," Franklin was a cyclopedia of political strategy +and principles. Only through a genetic survey of Franklin the political +theorist can one hope to understand his mind as he changed from +imperialist, to revolutionist, to the patriarch of the Constitutional +Convention who, like a balance wheel, moderated the extreme party +factions. + +In the early 1720's, Franklin had breathed a Boston air saturated with +discontent between the royal governor and the governed. By 1730 he was +printer to the Pennsylvania Assembly and in 1736 was appointed clerk to +that body. Yet one learns little of his political biases until 1747, +when he published _Plain Truth_. In 1729 he genially asserted that he +was "no Party-man,"[i-248] and in 1746 temperately stated, + + Free from the bitter Rage of Party Zeal, + All those we love who seek the publick Weal.[i-249] + +His _Plain Truth_ (November, 1747), directed against the proprietary +governor as well as against the Quaker assembly, showed Franklin a party +man only if one dedicated to "the publick weal" was a party man. With +all respect for the Quaker conscience which checks military activity, +Franklin could not, however, condone its virtually prohibiting others +from defending the province's border. And the proprietaries had shown +an inveterate unwillingness to arm Pennsylvania--a reluctance which did +not, however, prevent them from collecting taxes and quitrents. On other +questions the governor and his chiefs had to contend with the opposition +of the assembly. Without opposition, the proprietary government could +serenely kennel itself in its medieval privilege of remaining dumb to an +urgent need: one remembers that eighteenth-century proprietary colonies +were "essentially feudal principalities, upon the grantees of which were +bestowed all the inferior regalities and subordinate powers of +legislation which formerly belonged to the counts palatine, while +provision was also made for the maintenance of sovereignty in the king +[the king paid little attention to Pennsylvania], and for the +realization of the objects of the grant."[i-250] While the government +remained inert, Pennsylvania would be a pawn in the steeled hands of the +French and their rum-subsidized Indian mercenaries. Appealing to +Scripture and common sense, Franklin pleaded for "Order, Discipline, and +a few Cannon."[i-251] Not untruthfully he warned that "we are like the +separate Filaments of Flax before the Thread is form'd, without +Strength, because without Connection, but UNION would make us strong, +and even formidable."[i-252] Since war existed, there was no need to +consider him a militarist because he challenged, "The Way to secure +Peace is to be prepared for War."[i-253] In the midst of _Plain Truth_ +Franklin uttered what only _before_ the time of Locke could be +interpreted in terms of feudal _comitatus_: he entreated his readers to +consider, "if not as Friends, at least as Legislators, that _Protection_ +is as truly due from the Government to the People, as _Obedience_ from +the People to the Government."[i-254] Suggestive of the contract theory, +this is revolutionary only in a very elementary way. With the French +writhing under the Treaty of Paris, with appeals to natural rights and +the right of revolution, this once harmless principle took on Gargantuan +significance. But Thomas Penn anticipated wisely enough the ultimate +implication of Franklin's paper; Penn intuitively saw the march of time: +"Mr. Franklin's doctrine that obedience to governors is no more due them +than protection to the people, is not fit to be in the heads of the +unthinking multitude. He is a dangerous man and I should be glad if he +inhabited any other country, as I believe him of a very uneasy spirit. +However, as he is a sort of tribune of the people, he must be treated +with regard."[i-255] It is difficult to see how Franklin's passion for +order and provincial union,[i-256] obviously necessary, could have been +considered so illiberally subversive of the government. By 1747 Franklin +had read in _Telemachus_ that kings exist for the people, not the people +for the kings; he must have read Locke's justification of the "Glorious +Revolution" and have become aware of the impetus it gave to the British +authority of consent in its subsequent constitutional history. + +After his first political pamphlet, he widened his horizon from +provincial to colonial affairs. Two years before the London Board of +Trade demanded that colonial governors hold a conference with the +Iroquois, Franklin seems to have devised plans for uniting the several +colonies. He was aware of the narrow particularism shown by the +provinces; he knew also that since "Governors are often on ill Terms +with their Assemblies," no concerted military efforts could be achieved +without a military federation.[i-257] One remembers that as soon as he +could think politically he was an imperialist, a lesser William Pitt, +and in his _Increase of Mankind_ (1751) could gloat over an envisioned +thickly populated America--"What an Accession of Power to the _British_ +Empire by Sea as well as Land!"[i-258] When the Board of Trade, after +British efforts to bring the colonies together had failed, demanded that +something be done, Franklin was appointed one of the commissioners to +meet at Albany in 1754. Like Franklin, Governor Glen had admitted that +the colonies were "a Rope of Sand ... loose and inconnected."[i-259] +Franklin's plan, adopted by the commissioners, called for a +Governor-General "appointed by the king" and a Grand Council made up of +members chosen by the Assembly of each of the colonies, the Governor "to +have a negation on all acts of the Grand Council, and carry into +execution whatever is agreed on by him and that Council."[i-260] Surely +not a very auspicious beginning for one who later was to favor the +legislative over the executive functions of state. The plan included the +powers of making Indian treaties of peace and war, of regulating Indian +trade and Indian purchases, of stimulating the settling of new lands, of +making laws to govern new areas, of raising soldiers, of laying general +duties, et cetera.[i-261] But Franklin did not minimize the lack of +cohesion of the colonies. We recollect that "in 1755, at a time when +their very existence was threatened by the French, Massachusetts and New +York engaged in a bitter boundary controversy leading to riot and +bloodshed."[i-262] The colonies refused to ratify the plan--"their weak +Noddles are perfectly distracted,"[i-263] wrote Franklin. He was +probably right when he observed in 1789 that had the plan been adopted +"the subsequent Separation of the Colonies from the Mother Country might +not so soon have happened."[i-264] The sending of British regulars to +America and the resulting efforts at taxation were not least among the +sparks which set off the Revolution. + +Franklin's _Three Letters to Governor Shirley_ (1754), while expressing +no credulous views of the wisdom of the people, maintained in one breath +that the colonists were loyal to the Constitution and Crown as ever +colonists were and in another that "it is supposed an undoubted right of +Englishmen, not to be taxed but by their own consent given through their +representatives."[i-265] (Shirley had apparently written that the +Council in the Albany Plan should be appointed by England, and not by +the colonial assemblies.) Franklin held for the colonists' right to +English civil liberty and the right to enjoy the Constitution. Here +again we find a factor later magnified into one of the major causes of +the Revolution. + +In addition to being lethargic in the defense of the Pennsylvania +borders, the proprietor refused "to be taxed except for a trifling Part +of his Estate, the Quitrents, located unimprov'd Lands, Money at +Interest, etc., etc., being exempted by Instructions to the +Governor."[i-266] Thereupon Franklin turned from colonial affairs +(which had indeed proved obstinate) to pressing local matters, when in +1757 he was appointed agent to go to London to demand that the +proprietor submit his estates to be taxed. In the _Report of the +Committee of Aggrievances of the Assembly of Pennsylvania_[i-267] (Feb. +22, 1757) it was charged that the proprietor had violated the royal +charter and the colonists' civil rights as Englishmen, and had abrogated +their natural rights, rights "inherent in every man, antecedent to all +laws."[i-268] Later it was but a short step from provincial matters to +colonial rights of revolution. In this _Report_ we see Franklin +associated for the first time expressly with the +throne-and-altar-defying concept of natural rights. + +Although we have yet to review the evidence which shows that Franklin at +one stage in his political career was an arch-imperialist, we need to +digress to observe an intellectual factor which, if only fragmentarily +expressed in his political thought during his activities in behalf of +Pennsylvania liberties, was to become a momentous sanction when during +the war he became a diplomat of revolution. From the Stoics, from +Cicero, Grotius, Puffendorf, Burlamaqui, and as Rev. Jonathan +Mayhew[i-269] observes, from Plato and Demosthenes, from Sidney, Milton, +Hoadley, and Locke; in addition, from Gordon and Trenchard (see _Cato's +Letters_ and _The Independent Whig_), Blackstone, Coke--from these and +many others, the colonists derived a pattern of thought known as natural +rights, dependent on natural law.[i-270] There is no better summary of +natural rights than the Declaration of Independence; and of it John +Adams remarked: "There is not an idea in it but what has been hackneyed +in Congress for two years before."[i-271] Carl Becker pointedly +observes: "Where Jefferson got his ideas is hardly so much a question as +where he could have got away from them."[i-272] A characteristic summary +of natural law may be found in Blackstone's _Commentaries_:[i-273] + + This law of nature being coeval with mankind, and dictated by + God himself, is of course superior in obligation to any + other. It is binding over all the globe, in all countries and + at all times: no human laws are of any validity, if contrary + to this; and such of them as are valid derive all their force + and all their authority, mediately or immediately, from this + original.[i-274] + +Discoverable only by reason, natural laws are immutable and universal, +apprehensible by all men. As Hamilton wrote, + + The origin of all civil government, justly established, must + be a voluntary compact between the rulers and the ruled, and + must be liable to such limitations as are necessary for the + security of the _absolute rights_ of the latter; for what + original title can any man, or set of men, have to govern + others, except their own consent? To usurp dominion over a + people in their own despite, or to grasp at a more extensive + power than they are willing to intrust, is to violate that + law of nature which gives every man a right to his personal + liberty, and can therefore confer no obligation to + obedience.[i-275] + +In a pre-social state, real or hypothetical, men possess certain +natural rights, the crown of them, according to Locke,[i-276] being "the +mutual preservation of their lives, liberties, and estates, which I call +by the general name, property." In entering the social state men through +free consent are willing to sacrifice fragments of their natural rights +in order to gain civil rights. This process would seem tyrannical were +one to forget that the surrender is sanctioned by the principle of +consent. Men in sacrificing their rights expect from society (i.e., the +governors) civil rights and, in addition, protection of their +unsurrendered natural rights. A voluntary compact is achieved between +the governor and the governed. If laws are fabricated which contravene +these, the governed have retained for themselves the right of forcible +resistance. A natural inference from these premises is that sovereignty +rests with the people. In the colonies this secular social compact was +buttressed by the principle of covenants and natural rights within the +churches. Sermons became "textbooks of politics."[i-277] Miss Baldwin +has ably illustrated how before 1763 the clergy in Franklin's native New +England had popularized the "doctrines of natural right, the social +contract, and the right of resistance" as well as "the fundamental +principle of American constitutional law, that government, like its +citizens, is bounded by law and when it transcends its authority it acts +illegally."[i-278] + +In an oration commemorating the Boston massacre Dr. Benjamin Church +stated the principle of the compact: "A sense of their wants and +weakness in a state of nature, doubtless inclined them to such +reciprocal aids and support, as eventually established society."[i-279] +Defining liberty as "the happiness of living under laws of our own +making by our personal consent or that of our representatives,"[i-280] +he warned that any breach of trust in the governor "effectually absolves +subjects from every bond of covenant and peace."[i-281] + +Then, too, Newtonian science buttressed the principle of natural rights. +Sir Isaac Newton demonstrated mathematically that the universe was +governed by a fagot of immutable, universal, and harmonious physical +laws. These were capable of being apprehended through reason. Now even +as reason discovered the matchless physical harmony, so could reason, +men argued, ferret out unvarying, universal principles of +social-political rights. These principles constituted natural rights, +natural to the extent that all men had the power, if not the capacity, +to discover and learn them through use of their native reason. Newton +demonstrated the validity of physical law: Locke sanctioned the +supremacy of reason. Since Franklin was himself motivated by Newtonian +rationalism and was a student of Locke, there is reason to believe that +he was vibrantly aware of the extent to which the +scientific-rationalistic ideology lent sanction to man's timeless quest +for the certitude of "natural rights," antecedent to all laws. + +Franklin's mission to London in 1757 as Pennsylvania agent may be +understood through an examination of _An Historical Review of the +Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania_ (London, 1759).[i-282] If +not written by him, at least "the ideas are his." Convinced that the +proprietors "seem to have no regard to the Publick Welfare, so the +private Point may be gained--'Tis like Firing a House to have +Opportunity of stealing a Trencher,"[i-283] Franklin knew that a +brilliant attack had to be made were he to intimidate the proprietary +government into assuming its charter responsibilities and granting the +colonists what they considered to be inviolable rights. By 1758 his +"Patience with the Proprietors is almost tho' not quite spent."[i-284] A +few months later, impatient with unresponsive officials, he wrote to +Joseph Galloway: "God knows when we shall see it finish'd, and our +Constitution settled firmly on the Foundation of Equity and English +Liberty: But I am not discouraged; and only wish my Constituents may +have the Patience that I have, and that I find will be absolutely +necessary."[i-285] In 1759 Franklin still found the proprietors +"obscure, uncertain and evasive," and was acutely virulent in despising +Rev. William Smith, who was in London attacking him and the Quaker +Assembly's demands.[i-286] In the same letter to Galloway he uttered a +thought which he sought to develop during his second trip to London as +Assembly agent in 1764: "For my part, I must own, I am tired of +Proprietary Government, and heartily wish for that of the Crown." + +Turning to _An Historical Review_ to learn the political principles +sanctioning the Assembly's grievances against its feudal lords, one +finds that the colonists conceived it "our duty to defend the rights and +privileges we enjoy under the royal charter."[i-287] Secondly, they +reminded the lords that the laws agreed upon in England (prior to the +settling of Pennsylvania) were "of the nature of an original compact +between the proprietary and the freemen, and as such were reciprocally +received and executed."[i-288] Thirdly, they demanded the right to +exercise the "birthright of every British subject," "to have a property +of [their] own, in [their] estate, person, and reputation; subject only +to laws enacted by [their] own concurrence, either in person or by +[their] representatives."[i-289] Fourthly, they resisted the proprietors +on basis of their possession of natural rights, "antecedent to all +laws."[i-290] The editor of the protest charged that "It is the cause of +every man who deserves to be free, everywhere."[i-291] It is ironic that +this grievance should have enjoyed the sanction of one who, like Lord +Chatham, was an empire builder, one who proudly wrote, "I am a Briton," +and even during the time he sought to retrieve the Pennsylvania +colonists' lost natural rights, entertained the ideas of a British +imperialist. Franklin little saw that the internal Pennsylvania struggle +was to be contagious, that the provincial revolt was motivated partially +at least by political theories which were to be given expression _par +excellence_ when a discontented minority created the Declaration of +Independence. In 1760 Franklin had the satisfaction of witnessing the +victory of the Assembly over the Proprietors, although he was not +unaware that the right to tax feudal lands was less than that right he +had already envisioned--the right to become a royal colony.[i-292] + +But Franklin's pleas for charter, constitutional, and natural rights may +be misleading if one considers his position as suggestive of doctrinaire +republicanism, of Paine's "Government is the badge of our lost +innocence," or of Shelley's + + Kings, priests, and statesmen blast the human flower. + +His political activities assert the rights of the governed against the +governor; his writings often indirectly suggest the intemperance of the +governed, and the need for something more lasting than mere outer +freedom. Like Coleridge, who wrote: + + [Man] may not hope from outward forms to win + The passion and the life, whose fountains are within, + +white-locked Father Abraham harangued: + + The Taxes are indeed very heavy, and if those laid on by the + Government were the only Ones we had to pay, we might more + easily discharge them; but we have many others, and much more + grievous to some of us. We are taxed twice as much by our + _Idleness_, three times as much by our _Pride_, and four + times as much by our _Folly_; and from these Taxes the + Commissioners cannot ease or deliver us by allowing an + Abatement.[i-293] + +With solid good sense Franklin acknowledged that "happiness in this +life rather depends on internals than externals."[i-294] + +His purpose for being in London accomplished, Franklin wrote _The +Interest of Great Britain Considered with Regard to Her Colonies, and +the Acquisitions of Canada and Guadaloupe_ (1760). Since "there is +evidence that the pamphlet created much contemporary interest,"[i-295] +Franklin undoubtedly had some influence in causing the retention of +Canada, a retention which "made the American Revolution +inevitable."[i-296] If the release from French terrorism caused the +colonists to become myopic toward advantages lent them as a British +colony, it is appropriate in view of Franklin's later advocacy of +independence and ironic in view of his then imperialistic principles, +that he should have written _The Interest of Great Britain_. Here +Franklin, later to be a propagandist of revolution, cast himself in the +role of architect of a vast empire. For economic reasons, and for +colonial safety, he urged the retention, ridiculing the charge that the +colonies were lying in wait to declare their independence from England, +if the French were cast out from Canada. + +Back in Pennsylvania in 1764 he declared the provincial government +"running fast into anarchy and confusion."[i-297] In his _Cool Thoughts +on the Present Situation of Our Public Affairs_ (1764) he set up a +sturdy antagonism between "Proprietary Interest and Power, and Popular +Liberty." Unlike the "lunatic fringe" of liberals who see "Popular +Liberty compatible only with a tendency toward anarchy" Franklin urged +that the Pennsylvania government lacked "Authority enough to keep the +common Peace."[i-298] The constitutional nature of proprietary +government had lost dignity and hence "suffers in the Opinion of the +People, and with it the Respect necessary to keep up the Authority of +Government." Almost Burkean in his apology for change, he suggested that +the popular party demand "rather and only a Change of Governor, that is, +instead of self-interested Proprietaries, a gracious King!" His +_Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County_[i-299] is a bloody +tribute to the lack of authority and police power of the current regime. +The _Petition to the King_ for a royal governor maintained that, torn by +"armed Mobs," the government was "weak, unable to support its own +Authority, and maintain the common internal Peace of the +Province."[i-300] + +While petitioning for a crown colony, he found himself in 1765 faced +with a larger than provincial interest--Lord Grenville's Stamp Act +forced him into the role of one seeking definition of colonial status. +Such was his position in his examination (1766) before the House of +Commons relative to the repeal of the Stamp Act. Almost brusquely he +told his catechizers that even a moderated stamp act could not be +enforced "unless compelled by force of arms."[i-301] With a preface +asserting that colonials before 1763 were proud to be called Old-England +men, he summarized: "The authority of parliament was allowed to be valid +in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never +disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce."[i-302] Parliament, in +the colonial view, had no right to lay internal taxes because "we are +not represented there." Mr. Merriam observes that in advancing this +legal and constitutional issue, the colonists "had in short an +antiquated theory as to the position and power of Parliament, and a +premature theory of Parliamentary representation."[i-303] + +Franklin referred to the Pennsylvania colonial charter to prove that all +that was asked for was the "privileges and liberties of Englishmen." +When the examiners asked whether the colonists appealing to the Magna +Charta and constitutional rights of Englishmen could not with equal +force "object to the parliament's right of external taxation," Franklin +with cautious ambiguity declared: "They never have hitherto."[i-304] +Franklin's skill in upholding tenuous, almost "metaphysical," +constitutional grievances (grievances, however, which were not upheld by +constitutional legalists in England) captivated Edmund Burke's +imagination: Franklin appeared to him like a schoolmaster catechizing a +pack of unruly schoolboys. Conservative in his omission of any appeal to +"natural rights," he was radical in his legalistic distinctions between +parliamentary rights to levy certain kinds of taxes. His position in +1766 and for several years following was one of seeking legal +definitions of the colonial status. Considering the popular excesses in +the colonies, Franklin's view was anything but illiberally radical. +Trying to counteract "the general Rage against America, artfully work'd +up by the Grenville Faction,"[i-305] fearful that the unthinking rabble +in the colonies might demonstrate too lustily against duties and the +redcoats,[i-306] Franklin saw, as a result of the constitutional +dilemma, the true extent of the fracture: + + But after all, I doubt People in Government here will never + be satisfied without some Revenue from America, nor America + ever satisfy'd with their imposing it; so that Disputes will + from this Circumstance besides others, be perpetually + arising, till there is a consolidating union of the + whole.[i-307] + +His chief demand was for a less ambiguous relation between the mother +and her offspring, for a unified, pacific commonwealth empire. Until he +left for the colonies in 1775, he tirelessly sought through +conversation, conference, and articles[i-308] sent to the British press +(in addition he "reprinted everything from America" that he "thought +might help our Common Cause") to reiterate patiently the colonies' +"Charter liberties,"[i-309] their abhorrence of Parliament-imposed +internal taxes, and the quartering of red-coated battalions. Constantly +hoping for a favorable Ministry (of a Lord Rockingham or a Shelburne), +and bemoaning the physical infirmities of Pitt which rendered him +politically impotent, Franklin felt almost romantically confident at +first of a change that must come. All the while, like Merlin's gleam, +visions of a world-encircling British empire haunted the Pennsylvania +tradesman. A letter to Barbeu Dubourg discloses at once his belief in an +imperial federation[i-310] and in the sovereignty of the colonial +assemblies: "In fact, the British empire is not a single state; it +comprehends many; and, though the Parliament of Great Britain has +arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more +right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same King, but +not the same legislatures."[i-311] Marginalia by Franklin's hand in an +anti-colonial pamphlet written by Dean Tucker indicate how completely +he (and here he represented colonial, not private, opinion) had failed +to see the growth of parliamentary power: "These Writers against the +Colonies all bewilder themselves by supposing the Colonies _within the +Realm_, which is not the case, nor ever was."[i-312] + +By 1774 Franklin had discovered the futility of his imperialistic +illusions: ministries, fearing the siren colonies, had blocked their +ears with wax. The Pennsylvanian knew that "Divine Providence first +infatuates the power it designs to ruin."[i-313] He who had wished for +an empire as harmoniously companied as the orbited harmony of celestial +bodies lamented while on his way to America in 1775 that "so glorious a +Fabric as the present British Empire [was] to be demolished by these +Blunderers."[i-314] Broken was "that fine and noble China Vase, the +British Empire."[i-315] In 1774 he would have gained little cheer from +William Livingston's opinion (uttered in 1768): "I take it that clamour +is at present our best policy."[i-316] + +His sense of defeat was aggravated by that ugly scene in the Cockpit in +1774 when Wedderburn bespattered the taciturn colonial agent with foul +invective. It had been charged that Franklin, the postmaster, had +purloined[i-317] letters of Governor Hutchinson and Lieutenant Governor +Oliver of Massachusetts and had sent them back to the colonies as proof +of the colonists' contention that the royal governors were hostile to +their colonial subjects. He whom (as Lord Chatham said) "all Europe held +in high Estimation for his Knowledge and Wisdom, and rank'd with our +Boyles and Newtons," was decked by Wedderburn "with the choicest flowers +of Billingsgate." In the presence of Lord Shelburne, Lord North, the +Archbishop of Canterbury, Edmund Burke, Jeremy Bentham, and Priestley, +Franklin, "motionless and silent," bore the harangue of the solicitor +general for a full three hours.[i-318] Franklin's eloquent mock humility +inspired Horace Walpole to write: + + Sarcastic Sawney, swol'n with spite and prate, + On silent Franklin poured his venal hate. + The calm philosopher, without reply, + Withdrew, and gave his country liberty. + +As propagandist for legislative freedom, Franklin, appealing for +sanction to legalistic and constitutional liberty more than to natural +rights, was no more radical than Edmund Burke. If ever an extreme +democrat, Franklin had yet by 1775 to become one. Temperamentally +hostile to "drunken electors," the "madness of mobs," he held a +patrician attitude toward authority. Earlier, in 1768, he had written +from London: "All respect to law and government seems to be lost among +the common people, who are moreover continually inflamed by seditious +scribblers, to trample on authority and every thing that used to keep +them in order."[i-319] To Georgiana Shipley he sent (_Epitaph_ on +Squirrel Mungo's death) this Miltonic and unrepublican sentiment: + + Learn hence, + Ye who blindly seek more liberty, + Whether subjects, sons, squirrels or daughters, + That apparent restraint may be real protection + Yielding peace and plenty + With security.[i-320] + +In 1771 he indicted Parliament in a letter to Joseph Galloway: "Its +Censures are no more regarded than Popes' Bulls. It is despis'd for its +Venality, and abominated for its Injustice." But he hastened to show +that he had no illusions that men are natively pure, that only +governments are wicked. With almost a Hamiltonian distrust of the public +ranks he wrote: "And yet it is not clear that the People deserve a +better Parliament, since they are themselves full as corrupt and venal: +witness the Sums they accept for their Votes at almost every +Election."[i-321] + +Back in the colonies, Franklin remained just long enough to help form a +constitution for Pennsylvania,[i-322] and to aid Jefferson in writing +the Declaration of Independence.[i-323] After the royal governors had +dissolved the assemblies and the Continental Congress urged the colonies +to form their own constitutions, Franklin assumed leadership in his +state and helped to compose a constitution less conservative than those +of most of the other colonies.[i-324] Created between July 15 and Sept. +28, 1776, essentially by one who had just worked on and signed the +Declaration of Independence, it is not strange that the dominant +ideology of this constitution--that of natural rights, the compact +theory, and consent of the governed--should be like that of the +Declaration. The new constitution has been called the "most democratic +constitution yet seen in America."[i-325] The unicameral legislature, +the assembly of representatives, the plan of judicial review of laws +every seven years, and other features have been looked upon as +demonstrating the dangerous ultra-democratic tendencies of Franklin. The +revolutionary Benjamin Rush, who had helped Paine with _Common Sense_, +was dismayed because, in his view, Pennsylvania "has substituted mob +government for one of the happiest governments in the world.... A single +legislature is big with tyranny. I had rather live under the government +of one man than of seventy-two."[i-326] One wonders to what extent +Franklin was responsible for the unicameral legislature when we know +that it "was the natural outcome of Penn's ideas of government as +embodied in his various charters."[i-327] The plural executive, the +right of freemen to form their militia and elect their own officers, +the extension of male suffrage, and other innovations in this +constitution were of a radical nature in as far as the populace were +given greater liberties and responsibilities than ever before in the +colonies. It seems almost incredible that the patrician-minded Franklin, +with his Puritan heritage, should have thus almost hurriedly cast +himself at the feet of the people. Certain extenuating factors may be +mentioned in an attempt not to gloss over but to understand the violent +antithesis between Franklin the imperialist and Franklin the +revolutionist. To what extent did his antipathy for proprietary +governors, as well as the general colonial experience with governors, +suggest a joint executive of a council and governor?[i-328] Since his +experience as a Whig propagandist had been to exalt colonial +legislatures, to what extent did he see in the unicameral form a plan +which would give freest movement to the legislative activity? Prior to +1776 there is little that would suggest that Franklin had any confidence +in men, _unchecked_.[i-329] Yet it is difficult to show that, in the +first flush of indignation against England and revolutionary enthusiasm, +Franklin did not favor for a time distinctly radical tendencies. + +In 1776 he left, as he wrote to Jan Ingenhousz, "to procure those aids +from European powers, for enabling us to defend our freedom and +independence."[i-330] He who had "been a Servant to many publicks, thro' +a long life" went to Passy, where from the Hôtel de Valentinois of M. +Roy de Chaumont he was to direct financial efforts calculated, with +Washington's generalship, and the assiduous loyalty of a minority group, +to win the Revolution. Welcomed as the apotheosis of "les +Insurgens,"[i-331] he was virtually deified; as Turgot expressed it, +_Eripuit caelo fulmen sceptrumque tyrannis_. The universality of his +vogue in France was primarily due to his deistic naturalism, his wily +pleading and activities in behalf of colonial independence, the +receptivity of the Gallic mind for any marten-capped child of the New +World, and to his scientific thought and experimentation which had +fortified Reason in purging the unknown of its terror, helping thus to +make the _philosophe_ at home in his reasonable world. Three weeks after +Franklin arrived in France, one Frenchman said that "it is the mode +today for everybody to have an engraving of M. Franklin over the +mantelpiece."[i-332] France overnight became Franklinist when the savant +came to dwell at Passy. Even before the victory of Yorktown he became +_la mode_. It was to be his success to convert France's unrecognized +alliance with the colonies to an open and undisguised alliance, perhaps +even to war with England.[i-333] But even for one who enjoyed, as John +Adams wrote, a reputation "more universal than that of Leibnitz or +Newton, Frederick or Voltaire,"[i-334] it was to be a difficult task to +manipulate a Beaumarchais, a Vergennes, and others, in spite of the +well-known and inveterate economic and political grievances which the +French held for the English. The virtues he stressed in the _Morals of +Chess_ he was able to translate into a diplomatic mien, uniting +"perfect silence" with a "generous civility." As a result, his record as +minister to France is marked by complete success; but for this "it is by +no means certain that American independence would have been achieved +until many years later."[i-335] + +Plagued by Frenchmen desiring places in the colonial army, feted by the +_philosophes_, sorely vexed by the need for settling countless maritime +affairs, embracing and embraced by the venerable Voltaire, corresponding +with Hartley concerning exchange of prisoners, shaping alliances and +treaties, conducting scientific experiments, investigating Mesmer, +intrigued by balloon ascensions, made the darling of several salons, +associating in the Lodge of the Nine Sisters with Bailly, Bonneville, +Warville, Condorcet, Danton, Desmoulins, D'Auberteuil, Pétion, +Saint-Étienne, Sieyès, and others, all men who helped to give shape (or +shapelessness) to the French Revolution,[i-336] Franklin found little +time to search for that philosophic repose which he had long coveted. It +may be extravagant to say that Franklin was the "Creator of +Constitutionalism in Europe,"[i-337] but we know that in 1783 he printed +the colonial constitutions for continental distribution.[i-338] It has +been suggested that Franklin was an important formative factor in +Condorcet's faith in universal suffrage, a unicameral legislature, and +the liberties guaranteed by constitutional law.[i-339] Then, too, +Franklin had signed the Declaration of Independence--a document which +the French hailed as the "restoration of humanity's title +deeds."[i-340] The Duc de la Rochefoucauld eulogized the unicameral +legislature of Pennsylvania, identifying "this grand idea" and its +"maximum of simplicity" as Franklin's creation.[i-341] Fauchet eulogized +him as "one of the foremost builders of our sacred constitution."[i-342] +Along with Helvétius, Mably, Rousseau, and Voltaire, Franklin was +considered as one who laid the foundations for the French +revolution.[i-343] Franklin's taciturnity, his "art of listening," his +diplomatic reserve, do not suggest a volatile iconoclast doing anything +consciously to bring about a republican France. This did not prevent him +from becoming a symbol of liberty by his mere presence in the land, +stimulating patriots to examine the foundations of the tyrannical +authority which they saw or imagined enslaving them. Holding no brief +for natural equality, Franklin suggested that "quiet and regular +Subordination" is "so necessary to Success."[i-344] Realist that he was, +he became almost obsessed with the innate depravity of men until he was +doubtful whether "the Species were really worth producing or +preserving."[i-345] One would not be considered excessively republican +who inveighed against the "collected passions, prejudices, and private +interests" of collective legislative bodies.[i-346] He wrote to Caleb +Whitefoord: "It is unlucky ... that the Wise and Good should be as +mortal as Common People and that they often die before others are found +fit to supply their Places."[i-347] The great proportion of mankind, +weak and selfish, need "the Motives of Religion to restrain them from +Vice."[i-348] No less extreme than J. Q. Adams's retort to Paine's +_Rights of Man_, that it is anarchic to trust government "to the custody +of a lawless and desperate rabble," was Franklin's distrust of the +unthinking majority.[i-349] + +Having helped to free the colonies, Franklin fittingly became, if not +one of the fathers of the Constitution, then, due to the serenity with +which he helped to moderate the plans of extremists on both sides, at +least its godfather. If, as Mr. James M. Beck asserts, the success of +the Constitution has been the result of its approximation of the golden +mean, between monarchy and anarchy, the section and the nation, the +small and the large state, then its success may be attributed not a +little to Franklin's genius.[i-350] After small and large states had +waged a fruitless struggle over congressional representation, Franklin +spoke: + + The diversity of opinion turns on two points. If a + proportional representation takes place, the small States + contend that their liberties will be in danger. If an + equality of votes is to be put in its place, the large States + say their money will be in danger. When a broad table is to + be made, and the edges <of planks do not fit> the artist takes + a little from both, and makes a good joint.[i-351] + +The former imperialist could not logically become a state rights +advocate. Engrossed essentially in "promoting and securing the common +Good,"[i-352] he derided the advantage the greater state would have, +asserting that he "was originally of Opinion it would be better if every +Member of Congress, or our national Council, were to consider himself +rather as a Representative of the whole, than as an Agent for the +Interests of a particular State." When Mr. Randolph considered, + + To negative all laws, passed by the several States, + contravening, in the opinion of the national legislature, the + articles of union: (the following words were added to this + clause on motion of Mr. Franklin, "or any Treaties subsisting + under the authority of the union.")[i-353] + +This is anything but the corollary of a defender of state rights. +Franklin was convinced that the permanence of the national view alone +could prevent federal anarchy. Addressing himself to the problem of +delegated authority Madison observed: "This prerogative of the General +Govt. is the great pervading principle that must controul the +centrifugal tendency of the States; which, without it, will continually +fly out of their proper orbits and destroy the order & harmony of the +political system."[i-354] One is tempted to see here Newton's principle +of gravity translated into terms of political nationalism; one wonders +whether it is probable that (like Madison's) Franklin's emphasis on the +harmony of the whole could have been partly conditioned by the +cohesiveness and harmony of universal physical laws incarnate in +Newtonian physics, of which he was a master. + +Franklin was "apprehensive ...--perhaps too apprehensive,--that the +Government of these States may in future times end in a +Monarchy."[i-355] He suggested that moderate rather than kingly salaries +paid the chief executive would tend to allay this danger. Between +Randolph, who belabored a single executive as the "foetus of monarchy," +and Wilson, who harbored it as the "best safeguard against tyranny," +stood Franklin, who saw it as subversive of democratic sovereignty but +not necessarily fatal. He declared himself emphatically against the +motion that the executive have a complete negative.[i-356] Extolling +popular sovereignty, he warned that "In free Governments the rulers are +the servants, and the people their superiors & sovereigns."[i-357] He +refused to consider a plan which sought to establish a franchise only +for freeholders: "It is of great consequence that we shd. not depress +the virtue & public spirit of our common people; of which they displayed +a great deal during the war, and which contributed principally to the +favorable issue of it."[i-358] Pinckney had made a motion that rulers +should have unencumbered estates: + + Doctr Franklin expressed his dislike of every thing that + tended to debase the spirit of the common people. If honesty + was often the companion of wealth, and if poverty was exposed + to peculiar temptation, it was not less true that the + possession of property increased the desire of more + property--[i-359].... This Constitution will be much read and + attended to in Europe, and if it should betray a great + partiality to the rich--will not only hurt us in the esteem + of the most liberal and enlightened men there, but discourage + the common people from removing to this Country.[i-360] + +Pinckney's motion was rejected. Franklin within the Convention did not +seem to fear Gerry's threat--"the evils we experience flow from the +excess of democracy."[i-361] + +Franklin suggested the adoption of a unicameral legislature, but does +not seem to have made any struggle for it. His article of 1789 in +defense of the Pennsylvania (unicameral) legislature, however, shows +that he clung to the principle as firmly as he had in 1776.[i-362] He +questioned: "The Wisdom of a few Members in one single Legislative Body, +may it not frequently stifle bad Motions in their Infancy, and so +prevent their being adopted?" In addition the bicameral house is +cumbersome and provocative of delay. + +Little is known of Franklin's attitude toward the violent controversy +attendant upon efforts toward ratification. In his _Ancient Jews and +Anti-Federalists_[i-363] he warned the traducers of the new Constitution +against voiding an instrument which in his opinion was as sound as the +frailty of human reason would allow it to be. In fact, said he, it +"astonishes me, ... to find this system approaching so near to +perfection as it does."[i-364] He may be said to have been +anti-federalistic to the extent that he feared a strong executive, +guarded jealously the legislative sphere, worried little about checks +and balances, sought to accelerate popular sovereignty; he was +federalistic to the extent that he opposed state localism with national +sovereignty, was not blind to the depravity of human nature and hence +felt the need for a vigorous coercive government. To M. Le Veillard he +confessed an almost Hamiltonian distrust of the multitude: The +Constitution "has ... met with great opposition in some States, for we +are at present a nation of politicians. And, though there is a general +dread of giving too much power to our _governors_, I think we are more +in danger from too little obedience in the _governed_."[i-365] He made +the same complaint a year later: "We have been guarding against an evil +that old States are most liable to, _excess of power_ in the rulers, +but our present danger seems to be _defect of obedience_ in the +subjects."[i-366] It is difficult to reconcile his inveterate distrust +of men with his activity in behalf of an almost universal franchise, +reluctance to sanction the principle of checks and balances, and belief +in a unicameral legislature; it is difficult to reconcile the Plutarchan +fervor with which he advocated the wisdom of following great leaders +with his fear of a vigorous executive. It is not improbable that those +ideas which are generally anti-federalistic in Franklin's political view +are in part the result of his hatred of proprietary abuses which he +witnessed as a provincial statesman during his middle age. + + + +VII. FRANKLIN AS SCIENTIST AND DEIST + +Jan Ingenhousz, the celebrated physician to Maria Theresa of Austria, +wrote a letter to Franklin on May 3, 1780, which doubtless caused the +patriarch of Passy to reflect--not without sadness of heart--on the +diversified fortune which time and circumstance had devised for him. The +physician (no friend to the American revolution) implored Franklin not +to abandon "entirely the world Nature whose laws made by the supreme +wisdom and is constant and unalterable as its legislature himself +[_sic_]." Ingenhousz lamented that Franklin, "a Philosopher so often and +so successfully employed in researches of the most intricate and the +most mysterious operations of Nature,"[i-367] should have given his time +to politics. + +Franklin is now most commonly viewed as a utilitarian moralist, a +successful tradesman and printer, a shrewd propagandist and financier, +the diplomat of the Revolution, and if at all as a scientist, then only +as a virtuoso, fashioning devices, such as open stoves, bifocal +spectacles, and lightning rods, for practical uses. Probably few +general readers are aware that Franklin was a disinterested scientist in +the sense that he interrogated nature with an eye to discovering its +immutable laws. It is conversely supposed that Franklin himself was +unaware of any inclination to pursue natural science to the exclusion of +those political achievements which have identified him as one of the +wiliest and sagest diplomats of the Enlightenment. + +It may be learned, however (not without astonishment), that Franklin +almost from the beginning of his participation in politics resented the +time given over to such activities, as so much time lost to his +speculations and research in natural science. As early as 1752 he +wistfully (though realistically) confessed that "business sometimes +obliges one to postpone philosophical amusements."[i-368] A month after +this, he wrote to Cadwallader Colden: "I congratulate you on the +prospect you have, of passing the remainder of life in philosophical +retirement."[i-369] In the midst of investigating waterspouts, he +observed to John Perkins: "How much soever my Inclinations lead me to +philosophical Inquiries, I am so engag'd in Business, public and +private, that those more pleasing pursuits [of natural science] are +frequently interrupted...."[i-370] He urged Dr. John Fothergill to give +himself "repose, delight in viewing the Operations of nature in the +vegetable creation."[i-371] In 1765, upon completing his negotiations in +behalf of the Pennsylvania Assembly, he promised Lord Kames that he +would "engage in no other" political affairs.[i-372] To the notable +professor of physics of the University of Turin, Giambatista Beccaria, +he wrote in 1768 from London (where he had sought to have the Stamp Act +rescinded) that he had to "take away entirely" his "attention from +philosophical matters, though I have constantly cherished the hope of +returning home where I could find leisure to resume the studies that I +have shamefully put off from time to time."[i-373] Again, in 1779, he +confessed to Beccaria: "I find myself here [Passy] immers'd in Affairs, +which absorb my Attention, and prevent my pursuing those Studies in +which I always found the highest Satisfaction; and I am now grown so +old, as hardly to hope for a Return of that Leisure and Tranquillity so +necessary for Philosophical Disquisitions."[i-374] He longed (in 1782) +to have Congress release him so that he might "spend the Evening of Life +more agreeably in philosophic [devoted to natural science] +Leisure."[i-375] He who, John Winthrop claimed, "was good at starting +Game for Philosophers,"[i-376] acknowledged that he had thrown himself +on the public, which, "having as it were eaten my flesh, seemed now +resolved to pick my bones."[i-377] Reverend Manasseh Cutler visited +Franklin a few months before the patriarch's death. They ardently +discussed botany, Franklin boyish in his eagerness to show the Reverend +Mr. Cutler a massive book, containing "the whole of Linnaeus' Systema +Vegetabilies." "The Doctor seemed extremely fond, through the course of +the visit, of dwelling on Philosophical subjects, and particularly that +of natural History, while the other Gentlemen were swallowed up with +politics."[i-378] In a fictitious (?) conversation between Joseph II of +Austria and Franklin, the Newton of electricity is reported as +explaining that he was early in life attracted by natural philosophy: +"Necessity afterwards made me a politician.... I was Franklin, the +_Philosopher_ to the world, long after I had in fact, become Franklin +the Politician."[i-379] After reviewing the evidence, it seems +incredulous to doubt that, regardless of his achievements in other +fields, Franklin sought his greatest intellectual pleasure in scientific +research and speculation, and that his doctrines of scientific deism +antedated and conditioned his political, economic, and humanitarian +interests. + +If Franklin's inventions have been justly praised, his affections for +the empirical scientific method and his philosophic interest in Nature's +laws have been unjustly ignored. He observed to Ebenezer Kinnersley +"that a philosopher cannot be too much on his guard in crediting their +["careless observers'"] relations of things extraordinary, and should +never build an hypothesis on any thing but clear facts and experiments, +or it will be in danger of soon falling ... like a house of +cards";[i-380] and to Abbé Soulavie, "You see I have given a loose to +imagination; but I approve much more your method of philosophizing, +which proceeds upon actual observation, makes a collection of facts, and +concludes no farther than those facts will warrant."[i-381] In 1782 he +wrote to Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society, that he +longed to "sit down in sweet Society with my English philosophic +Friends, communicating to each other new Discoveries, and proposing +Improvements of old ones; all tending to extend the Power of Man over +Matter, avert or diminish the Evils he is subject to, or augment the +Number of his Enjoyments."[i-382] A careful study of his scientific +papers discloses that he was not untrained in the method of hypotheses +sustained or rejected by patient and laborious experimentation: not +fortuitously did he arrive at conclusions in electricity, which were +epochal in (1) "His rejection of the two-fluid theory of electricity +and substitution of the one-fluid theory; (2) his coinage of the +appropriate terms _positive_ and _negative_, to denote an excess or a +deficit of the common electric fluid; (3) his explanation of the Leyden +jar, and, notably, his recognition of the paramount rôle played by the +glass or dielectric; (4) his experimental demonstration of the identity +of lightning and electricity; and (5) his invention of the lightning +conductor for the protection of life and property, together with his +clear statement of its preventive and protective functions."[i-383] Not +only an inventor, Franklin inductively observed natural phenomena, and +drew conclusions until he had created a virtual _Principia_ of +electricity. His contemporaries were not loath to honor him as a second +Newton. Franklin, however, was in all of his researches under a +self-confessed yoke which doubtless tended to deny him access to the +profoundest reaches of scientific inquiry: from Philadelphia he wrote in +1753 to Cadwallader Colden, eminent mathematician (as well as versatile +scientist): "Your skill & Expertness in Mathematical Computations, will +afford you an Advantage in these Disquisitions [among them, researches +in electricity], that I lament the want of, who am like a Man searching +for some thing in a dark Room where I can only grope and guess; while +you proceed with a Candle in your Hand."[i-384] + +In an effort to learn the _modus operandi_ of Franklin's philosophic +thought, let us now review its genetic development, its probable +sources, its relation to scientific deism, and the degree to which he +achieved that serene repose for which he ever strove. A pioneer American +rationalist, not without his claims to being "another Voltaire," +Franklin as a youth read those works which were forming or interpreting +the thought patterns of the age. Born in an epoch presided over by a +Locke and a Newton, an epoch of rationalism and "supernatural" +rationalism, alike fed by physico-mathematical speculation. Franklin, +barely beyond adolescence, felt the impacts of the age of reason. +Scholars before and since M. M. Curtis have explained that "in religion +he was a Deist of the type of Lord Herbert of Cherbury."[i-385] M. Faÿ +has sought, without convincing documentary evidence, to interpret +Franklin's philosophic mind in terms of Pythagoreanism.[i-386] We may +find that these views are over simple and historically inadequate--even +wrong. + +Franklin was reared "piously in the Dissenting way"[i-387] by a "pious +and prudent" Calvinistic father who died as he lived, with "entire +Dependence on his Redeemer."[i-388] "Religiously educated as a +Presbyterian,"[i-389] young Benjamin was taught that _Major est +Scripturae auctoritas quam omnis humani ingenü capacitas_. He was +nurtured on the Bible and "books in polemic divinity," and he regularly +attended services at the Old South Church. Doubtless without reflection +he was led to identify goodness with the church and its worship. He was +a part of New England's bibliolatry. Not long before he was apprenticed +to his brother James he read Cotton Mather's _Bonifacius--An Essay upon +the Good that is to be Devised and Designed by those who desire to +Answer the Great End of Life, and to do good while they live_, and +Defoe's _Essays upon Several Projects: or Effectual Ways for Advancing +the Interests of the Nation_. He confessed in 1784 that _Bonifacius_ +"gave me such a turn of thinking, as to have an influence on my conduct +through life; for I have always set a greater value on the character of +a _doer of good_ than on any other kind of reputation."[i-390] Mather, +as an exponent of Christian charity, urged that man help his neighbors +"with a rapturous assiduity,"[i-391] that he may discover the "ravishing +satisfaction which he might find in relieving the distresses of a poor +miserable neighbor."[i-392] It is ironic that Mather should have +apparently aided a young man to divorce himself from the strenuous +subtleties of theology. (Franklin was too young to gather that Mather +circumspectly warned against a covenant of works, and hence was Pauline +in his advocacy of _charity_ rather than of humanitarianism.) And from +Defoe's _Essays_ Franklin received more than a penchant for projects. +Like Mather, Defoe observed that "God Almighty has commanded us to +relieve and help one another in distress."[i-393] Defoe seemed to young +Franklin to dwell on fellow-service--to promise that the good man need +not have understood all of the dogma of Old South meetinghouse. + +Apprenticed to James, Franklin admitted that he "now had access to +better books."[i-394] Whatever the extent of James's library in 1718, by +1722 the _New England Courant_ collection included Burnet's _History of +the Reformation_, _Theory of the Earth_, the _Spectator_ papers, _The +Guardian_, _Art of Thinking_ [Du Port Royal], _The Tale of a Tub_, and +the writings of Tillotson.[i-395] After reading most probably in these, +and, as we are told, in Tryon's _Way to Health_, Xenophon's +_Memorabilia_, digests of some of Boyle's lectures, Anthony Collins, +Locke, and Shaftesbury, Franklin became in his Calvinist religion a +"real doubter."[i-396] He became at the age of sixteen, as a result of +reading Boyle's Lectures,[i-397] a "thorough Deist."[i-398] We cannot be +certain of the Lectures read by Franklin, but we may observe Bentley's +_Folly of Atheism_ (1692) and Derham's _Physico-Theology_ (1711-1712), +which are representative of the series provided for by Boyle. Like +Mather's _The Christian Philosopher_ (1721)[i-399] they both employ +science and rationalism to reinforce (never as equivalent to or +substitute for) scriptural theology. Fed by Newtonian physics, Bentley +discovers in gravity "the great basis of all mechanism," the "immediate +_fiat_ and finger of God, and the executions of the divine law."[i-400] +Gravity, "the powerful cement which holds together this magnificent +structure of the world,"[i-401] is the result of the Deity "who _always +acts geometrically_." Borrowing from Cockburne, Ray, Bentley, and +Fénelon, Derham offers likewise to prove the existence and operations of +the Workman from his Work.[i-402] + +It is unlikely that Boyle's Lectures (characterized by orthodox +rationalism, augmented by Newtonianism) would alone have precipitated in +Franklin a "thorough deism." Not improbably Locke, Shaftesbury, and +Anthony Collins (whom Franklin mentions reading) were most militant in +overthrowing his inherited bibliolatry. Although he does not say exactly +which of Collins's works he read, Collins's rationale is repeated +clearly enough in any one of his pieces. Warring against "crack-brain'd +Enthusiasts," the "prodigious Ignorance" and "Impositions of Priests," +against defective scriptural texts, Collins defends "our natural +Notions" against the authoritarianism of priests. Vilifying the +authority of the surplice, he apotheosizes the authority of +reason.[i-403] He intensifies the English tradition of +every-man-his-own-priest, and exclaims "How uncertain Tradition +is!"[i-404] From this militant friend of John Locke, Franklin was +doubtless impregnated with an _odium theologicum_ and an exalted idea of +the sanctity of Reason. + +Having read _An Essay Concerning Human Understanding_,[i-405] Franklin +may have remembered that Locke there observed, "Nothing that is contrary +to, and inconsistent with, the clear and self-evident dictates of +reason, has a right to be urged or assented to as a matter of faith, +wherein reason hath nothing to do."[i-406] Like Collins, Locke urged a +deistic rationale: + + Since then the precepts of Natural Religion are plain, and + very intelligible to all mankind, and seldom to come to be + controverted; and other revealed truths, which are conveyed + to us by books and languages, are liable to the common and + natural obscurities and difficulties incident to words; + methinks it would become us to be more careful and diligent + in observing the former, and less magisterial, positive, and + imperious, in imposing our own sense and interpretations of + the latter.[i-407] + +In addition Franklin may have been influenced by Locke's implied +Newtonianism; he would suspect the subtleties of the Old South Church +when he read: "For the visible marks of extraordinary wisdom and power +appear so plainly in all the works of the creation, that a rational +creature, who will but seriously reflect on them, cannot miss the +discovery of a Deity."[i-408] Like Newton, Locke inferred an infinite +and benevolent Geometrician from "the magnificent harmony of the +universe." + +Franklin also read Shaftesbury's _Characteristics_, which Warburton +quotes Pope as saying "had done more harm to revealed religion in +England than all the works of infidelity put together."[i-409] Although +he may have pondered over Shaftesbury's "virtuoso theory of +Benevolence," he was not one to be readily convinced of the innate +altruism of man. His Puritan heritage linked with an empirical realism +prevented him from becoming prey to Shaftesbury's a priori optimism. He +was aware of the potential danger of a complacent trust in natural +impulses, which often lead to + + The love of sweet security in sin. + +To what extent did Franklin's nascent humanitarianism--mildly provoked +by the neighborliness of Mather and Defoe--receive additional sanction +from Shaftesbury's doctrine that "compassion is the supreme form of +moral beauty, the neglect of it the greatest of all offenses against +nature's ordained harmony"?[i-410] Identifying self-love and social, +Shaftesbury saw the divine temper achieved through affection for the +public, the "universal good."[i-411] Born among men who were convinced +of the supremacy of scripture, Franklin would at first be astonished +(then perhaps liberated) upon reading in the _Characteristics_ that +"Religion excludes only perfect atheism."[i-412] From such a piece as +Shaftesbury's _An Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit_ Franklin learned +that not all men preserved a union between theology and ethics, +scripture and religion. Although Shaftesbury occasionally indicated a +reverence for sacred scriptures, the totality of his thought was cast in +behalf of natural religion. He was convinced that the "Deity is +sufficiently revealed through natural Phenomena."[i-413] Extolling the +apprehension of the Deity through man's uniform reason, Shaftesbury +urbanely lampooned enthusiasm, that private revelation which threatened +to prevail against the _consensus gentium_. + +By 1725 Franklin had divorced theology from morality and morality from +conscience, having punctuated his youth with faunish "errata."[i-414] +Although he was as a youth too much at ease in Zion, he did not lose +substantial (if then a theoretic) faith in the struggle between the law +of the spirit and the law of the members. Nurtured by the Bible, Bunyan, +Addison and Steele, Tryon, Socrates, and Xenophon--a blend of Christian +and classical traditions--he felt the reasonableness, if not the +saintliness, of curbing the resolute sway of his natural self.[i-415] + +After five years with James, a year in Philadelphia where part of the +time he worked with Samuel Keimer,[i-416] a fanatic and bearded +Camisard, Franklin, through the duplicity of Governor Keith, found +himself in November, 1724, aboard the _London-Hope_, England-bound. It +would be unfair to Franklin were we to think him a primitive colonist to +whom England was an unreal, incalculable land. We remember that James +knew the London of Anne, Addison, Steele, Locke, and Newton. And we have +seen that the _New England Courant_ library was one of which no London +gentleman and scholar need have been ashamed. As a worker on this +newspaper Franklin had set up the names and some indications of the +thoughts of such men as Fénelon, Tillotson, Defoe, Swift, Butler, Bayle, +Isaac Watts, Blount, Burnet, Whiston, Temple, Trenchard and Gordon, +Denham, Garth, Dryden, Milton, Locke, Flamstead, and Newton.[i-417] + +During his two years in London, working successively in the printing +houses of Samuel Palmer and James Watts, he mingled with many of the +leaders of the day. Probably because he had, while yet in America, read +(in the transactions of the Royal Society) of the virtuosi's interest in +asbestos, he wrote to Sir Hans Sloane, offering to show him purses made +of that novel stuff.[i-418] And we know that Sir Hans Sloane received +Franklin in his home at Bloomsbury Square. Before he met other notables +he published (what he called later an "erratum") _A Dissertation on +Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_ (1725).[i-419] Franklin +himself said this work was the result of his setting up Wollaston's _The +Religion of Nature Delineated_[i-420] at Palmer's and his not agreeing +with the author's "reasonings." Coming to Wollaston's work (with +Franklin's _Dissertation_ and _Articles of Belief_ in mind) we can, +however, see much that Franklin agreed with, general principles which do +little more than reflect the current patterns of thought. Like Franklin, +Wollaston saw Reason as "the great law of our nature."[i-421] With Locke +he denied innate ideas.[i-422] That part of _The Religion of Nature +Delineated_ in which he searched with laborious syllogistic reasoning +for the Ultimate Cause (which could not produce itself) may have been +boring to the less agile mind of the young printer. Wollaston, however, +apologized for his syllogistic gymnastics offered in proof of Deity +since "much more may those greater motions we see in the world, and the +phenomena attending them" afford arguments for such a proof: + + I mean the motions of the planets and the heavenly bodies. + For _these_ must be put into motion, either by one Common + mighty Mover, acting upon them immediately, or by causes and + laws of His Appointment; or by their respective movers, who, + for reasons to which you can by this time be no stranger, + must depend upon some _Superior_, that furnished them with + the power of doing this.[i-423] + +With Newtonian rapture he marveled at "the grandness of this fabric of +the world,"[i-424] at "the chorus of planets moving periodically, by +uniform laws." Rapt in wonder, he gazed "up to the fixt stars, that +radiant numberless host of heaven." Like a Blackmore, Ray, Fontenelle, +or Newton, he felt that they were "probably all possest by proper +inhabitants."[i-425] He wondered at the "just and geometrical +arrangement of things."[i-426] These are all sentiments that Franklin +expressed in his philosophical juvenilia.[i-427] But then, Franklin +(after reading this sublimated geometry which reduced the parts of +creation to an equally sublime simplicity) noted in Wollaston that man +must be a free agent,[i-428] that good and evil are as black and white, +distinguishable,[i-429] that empirically the will is free, the author +urging with Johnsonian good sense, "The short way of knowing this +certainly is to try."[i-430] Franklin's _Dissertation_ was dedicated to +his friend James Ralph and prefaced by a misquotation from Dryden and +Lee's _Oedipus_. It purports, as Franklin wrote in 1779, "to prove the +doctrine of fate, from the supposed attributes of God ... that in +erecting and governing the world, as he was infinitely wise, he knew +what would be best; infinitely good, he must be disposed, and infinitely +powerful, he must be able to execute it: consequently all is +right."[i-431] With confidence lent him by his a priori method, he +proposed: "I. There is said to be a First Mover, who is called God, +Maker of the Universe. II. He is said to be all-wise, all-good, +all-powerful."[i-432] With the nonchalance of an abstractionist, he +concluded, "Evil doth not exist."[i-433] Transcending the sensational +necessitarianism[i-434] of Anthony Collins and John Locke, Franklin +observed (with an eye on Newton's law of gravitation) that man has +liberty, the "Liberty of the same Nature with the Fall of a heavy Body +to the Ground; it has Liberty to fall, that is, it meets with nothing to +hinder its Fall, but at the same Time it is necessitated to fall, and +has no Power or Liberty to remain suspended."[i-435] As a disciple of +Locke's psychology, Franklin reflected his concept of the _tabula rasa_ +in describing an infant's mind which "is as if it were not." "All our +Ideas are first admitted by the Senses and imprinted on the Brain, +increasing in Number by Observation and Experience; there they become +the Subjects of the Soul's Action." + +In the _Dissertation_ one can discover the extent to which Franklin had +absorbed (if not from Newton's own works, then from his popularizers and +intellectual sons such as Pemberton, Franklin's friend) several of the +essential tenets of Newtonianism. Here we see his belief in a universe +motivated by immutable natural laws comprising a sublimely harmonious +system reflecting a Wise Geometrician; a world in which man desires to +affect a corresponding inner heaven. Enraptured by the order of the +natural laws of Newtonianism, and like a Shaftesbury searching for a +demonstrable inner harmony, Franklin (carrying his a priorism to logical +absurdity) was unable to reconcile free will with Omniscience, +Omnipotence, and Goodness. (In how far was this partly the result of his +having been steeped in Calvinism's doctrine of Election?) + +The _Dissertation_ is as appreciative of Newton's contribution to +physics and thought as Thomson's[i-436] _To the Memory of Sir Isaac +Newton_. Not unlike Franklin's framework is Shaftesbury's thought in +_An Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit_.[i-437] Since Franklin +acknowledged his reading of Shaftesbury and since as late as 1730 he +borrowed heavily from the _Characteristics_, it seems probable that +Shaftesbury lent Franklin in this case some sanction for his only +metaphysical venture.[i-438] + +As one result of his printing _A Dissertation_ he made the acquaintance +of Lyons, author of _The Infallibility of Human Judgement_[i-439] who +introduced him to Mandeville[i-440] and Dr. Henry Pemberton, who in +turn "Promis'd to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing +Sir Isaac Newton, _of which I was extreamly desirous_; but this never +happened [the italics are the editors']."[i-441] Dr. Pemberton, +physician and mathematician, met Newton in 1722, and during the time +Franklin enjoyed his friendship was helping Newton to prepare the third +edition of the _Principia_. As a result of his aiding Newton "to +discover and understand his writings,"[i-442] Pemberton in 1728 +published _A View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_. It is obvious that +Franklin could have discovered few men with a more concentrated and +enthusiastic knowledge of Newtonianism than that possessed by Dr. +Pemberton. As we have already noted, Franklin undoubtedly derived his +appreciation of Newtonian speculation not from grubbing in the +_Principia_ but from secondary sources. There is no reason to apologize +for Franklin on this score when we remember that Voltaire, who +popularized Newtonianism in France, exclaimed: "Very few people read +Newton because it is necessary to be learned to understand him. But +everybody talks about him." Desaguliers, coming to London from Oxford in +1713, observed that "he found all Newtonian philosophy generally +receiv'd among persons of all ranks and professions, and even among the +ladies by the help of experiments."[i-443] Pemberton wrote that the +desire after knowledge of Newtonianism "is by nothing more fully +illustrated, than by the inclination of men to gain an acquaintance with +the operations of nature; which disposition to enquire after the causes +of things is so general, that all men of letters, I believe, find +themselves influenced by it."[i-444] Through the sublimated mathematics +of the _Principia_, Pemberton observed, "the similitude found in all +parts of the universe makes it undoubted, that the whole is governed by +one supreme being, to whom the original is owing of the frame of nature, +which evidently is the effect of choice and design."[i-445] To what +extent Franklin later gave evidence of his knowledge of Newtonian +speculation we shall further discover in his _Articles of Belief_. + +He returned in the summer of 1726 on the _Berkshire_ to Philadelphia +with Mr. Denham, a sweetly reasonable Quaker.[i-446] During this +journey he wrote his _Journal of a Voyage from London to Philadelphia_, +indicating a virtuoso's interest in all novel phenomena of nature. In +Philadelphia he worked for Denham, then Keimer, and finally established +his own printing house in 1728, a year after founding the Junto,[i-447] +and the year of his _Articles of Belief_. By this time, Franklin, like +Hume, wearied of metaphysics. Commonly this creed has been described as +illustrating the deism of Lord Herbert of Cherbury. It is true that +Franklin admits a God who ought to be worshipped, the chief parts of +worship being the cultivation of virtue and piety; but there is no +suggestion of Lord Herbert's fourth and fifth dogmas, that sin must be +atoned for by repentance, and that punishment and rewards follow this +life. His reaction against Calvinism may be shown in his failure to +include reference to scripture, the experience of faith, and the triune +godhead presided over by the redeemer Christ. As a deist he accepted +"one supreme, most perfect Being." This Deity is the "Author and Father +of the Gods themselves." "Infinite and incomprehensible," He has created +many gods, each having "made for himself one glorious Sun, attended with +a beautiful and admirable System of Planets." Franklin offered his +adoration to that "Wise and Good God, who is the author and owner of our +System." It is conventional to suggest that his interest in the +plurality of worlds and gods should be traced to Plato's +_Timaeus_.[i-448] In the absence of any conclusive evidence concerning +Franklin's study of Plato, and in view of his profound awareness of +contemporary scientific and philosophical thought, it seems more +reasonable to see the source of this idea in the thought of his own age. +Let us remember that with the growth of the heliocentric cosmology there +resulted a vast expanse of the unknown, bound to intrigue the +speculations of the philosophers of the age. We know that Ray, Fénelon, +Blackmore, Huygens, Fontenelle, Shaftesbury, Locke, and Newton all +wondered about the plurality of worlds and gods. + +In company with the supernatural rationalists and deists, Franklin +exalted Reason as the experience through which God is discovered and +known. Through Reason he is "capable of observing his Wisdom in the +Creation." With Newtonian zeal, upon observing "the glorious Sun, with +his attending Worlds," he saw the Deity responsible first for imparting +"their prodigious motion," and second for maintaining "the wondrous Laws +by which they move." As we have seen above, this argument from the +design of creation to a Creator was one of the most influential and +popular of the impacts of Newtonian physics. Like Fénelon, Blackmore, +and Ray, whom he read and recommended that others read,[i-449] Franklin +exclaimed: + + Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy Goodness are everywhere + clearly seen; in the air and in the water, in the Heaven and + on the Earth; Thou providest for the various winged Fowl, and + the innumerable Inhabitants of the Water; thou givest Cold + and Heat, Rain and Sunshine, in their Season, [et cetera]. + +In addition to the works mentioned above which aided Franklin in +arriving at a natural religion, it is certain that his views and even +idiom received stout reinforcement from such a passage as follows from +Ray's classic work: + + There is no greater, at least no more palpable and convincing + argument of the existence of a Deity, than the admirable act + and wisdom that discovers itself in the make and + constitution, the order and disposition, the ends and uses of + all the parts and members of this stately fabric of heaven + and earth; for if in the works of art ... a curious edifice + or machine, counsel, design, and direction to an end + appearing in the whole frame, and in all the several pieces + of it, do necessarily infer the being and operation of some + intelligent architect or engineer, why shall not also in the + works of nature, that grandeur and magnificence, that + excellent contrivance for beauty, order, use &c. which is + observable in them, wherein they do as much transcend the + effects of human art as infinite power and wisdom exceeds + finite, infer the existence and efficacy of an omnipotent and + all-wise Creator?[i-450] + +Then he directly referred to the Archbishop of Cambray's _Traité de +l'existence et des attributs de Dieu_. Oliver Elton observes that this +work "with its appeal to popular science, is the chief counterpart in +France to the 'physico-theology' current at the time in England."[i-451] +From the skeleton of the smallest animal, "the bones, the tendons, the +veins, the arteries, the nerves, the muscles, which compose the body of +a single man"[i-452] to "this vaulted sky" which turns "around so +regularly,"[i-453] all show "the infinite skill of its Author."[i-454] +Although Fénelon is applying Cartesian physics, here Descartes +reinforced Newtonianism; like Newton, Fénelon argued that cosmic motion +is ordered by "immutable laws," so "constant and so salutary." +Blackmore's _Creation, a Philosophical Poem_ (1712), aiming to +demonstrate "the existence of a God from the marks of wisdom, design, +contrivance, and the choice of ends and means, which appear in the +universe"[i-455] also furnished additional sanction for Franklin's +emphasis on the wondrous laws of the creation and the discovery of the +Deity in his Work. Like James Thomson, Blackmore seeks to show how + + The long coherent chain of things we find + Leads to a Cause Supreme, a wise Creating Mind.[i-456] + +In revolt against the contractile elements in Calvinism, Franklin +believed that God "is not offended, when he sees his Children solace +themselves in any manner of pleasant exercises and Innocent +Delights."[i-457] In his _Articles of Belief_ Franklin retains from his +_Dissertation_ his a priori concept of the Deity as a creator and +sustainer of "Wondrous Laws," immutable and beneficent. To the +depersonalized First Mover, however, he has added "some of those +Passions he has planted in us," and he suggests furthermore that the +Deity is mildly providential. A maker of systematic, if inhuman, +metaphysics in the _Dissertation_, the author of the _Articles_, in +spite of the superficial and embryonic metaphysics, succeeds better in +making himself at home in his world. To this embryonic religion (linked +with Franklin's obsession with the plurality of worlds and gods--of no +real significance save to indicate picturesquely the extent to which he +had, with the scientists of his age, extended the limits of the physical +universe) Franklin welded a pattern of ethics, prudential but stern. + +Mr. Hefelbower's description of the growth of free thought might +appropriately be applied to Franklin's _Articles_: "As the supernatural +waned in radical Deism, the ethical grew in importance, until religion +was but a moral system on a theistic background."[i-458] Although the +metaphysical portions of this work are far too neighborly and casual to +be inspiring and provocative of saintliness, the ethical conclusions +(would that they were uttered less consciously and complacently!) are +worthy of the introspective force of New England's stern mind, of the +classic tradition of Socrates and Aristotle, and of England's unbending +emphasis on the middle way.[i-459] One could learn from the _Articles_ +how to be just, if he did not discover what is meant by the beauty of +holiness. In 1728 Franklin, though bewildered by the tenuousness of +metaphysics, based his religion on the "everlasting tables of right +reason," plumbing the "mighty volumes of visible nature." He was thus +our pioneer scientific deist, who discovered his chief sanction in +popularized Newtonian physics. + +Following Franklin's formal profession of deism buttressed by Newtonian +science in 1728, one must depend on scattered references to plot the +persistence of his philosophic ideology. His _Dialogues between +Philocles and Horatio_ (1730), borrowed[i-460] from Shaftesbury's _The +Moralists_, suggest that his _moral_ speculations were dual and not +reconciled; he seems torn between humanitarian compassion and the +self-development of the individual, unable to decide which is the nobler +good. One may observe that this moral bifurcation was inveterate in +Franklin's mind, never resolving itself into a fondness for the idea +that human nature is inexorably the product of institutions and outward +social forms. _A Witch Trial at Mount Holly_ suggests that he felt free +to handle scriptures with Aristophanic levity. His intellectual +conviction of a matchless physical harmony, as yet unmatched in the +world by a corresponding moral harmony, is joyously seen in _Preface to +Poor Richard, 1735_: + + Whatever may be the Musick of the Spheres, how great soever + the Harmony of the Stars, 'tis certain there is no Harmony + among the Stargazers; but they are perpetually growling and + snarling at one another like strange Curs....[i-461] + +Even Polly Baker is made to appeal to "nature and nature's God,"[i-462] +discovering in her bastard children the Deity's "divine skill and +admirable workmanship in the formation of their bodies." In _Proposals +Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ (1749) Franklin +remarked in a note on Natural Philosophy that "Proper Books may be, +Ray's _Wisdom of God in the Creation_, Derham's _Physico-Theology_, +[Pluche's?] _Spectacle de la Nature, &c._"[i-463] _Poor Richard_, in +addition to prognostications of weather, survey of roads, Rabelaisian +wit, and aphoristic wisdom, was a popular vehicle for the diffusion of +a Newtonianism bordering on a mild form of deism.[i-464] + +Since Franklin's interest in science is too commonly discussed as if his +research were synonymous with a tinkering and utilitarian inventiveness, +it is pertinent to inquire in how far it was at least partially (or even +integrally) the result of his philosophic acceptance of Newtonianism. +Since his philosophic rationale preceded his activities in science, it +will not do to suggest that his interest in science was responsible for +his scientific deism. He wrote (August 15, 1745) to Cadwallader Colden, +who was receptive to Newtonianism, that he [Franklin] "ought to _study_ +the sciences" in which hitherto he had merely dabbled.[i-465] Then +follow his electrical experiments. In one of his famous letters on the +properties and effects of electricity (sent to Peter Collinson, July 29, +1750) he allowed that the principle of repulsion "affords another +occasion of adoring that wisdom which has made all things by weight and +measure!"[i-466] Investigating--like a Newton--nature's _laws_, Franklin +at first hand added to his philosophic assurance of the existence of a +Deity, observable in the physical order. + +In 1739 Franklin met Reverend George Whitefield, whose sermons and +journals he printed while the evangelist remained in the +colonies.[i-467] He first angled public opinion through the +_Pennsylvania Gazette_, promising to print Whitefield's pieces "if I +find sufficient Encouragement."[i-468] The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ +piously hoped that Whitefield's heavenly discourses would be ever +remembered: "May the Impression on all our Souls remain, to the Honour +of God, both in Ministers and People!"[i-469] As editor (perhaps even +writer of some of those notices) Franklin must have squirmed in praising +the activities of one who daily cast all deists in hell! But it should +be observed that if Franklin could not accept Methodistic zeal, he loved +Whitefield, the man.[i-470] Even so did Whitefield regard Franklin, the +man and printer--though not the scientific deist. Waiting to embark for +England in 1740, Whitefield wrote to Franklin from Reedy Island: "Dear +Sir, adieu! I do not despair of your seeing the reasonableness of +Christianity. Apply to God, be willing to do the Divine Will, and you +shall know it."[i-471] Twelve years later Whitefield wrote to his +printer-deist friend: "I find that you grow more and more famous in the +learned world. As you have made a pretty considerable progress in the +mysteries of electricity, I would now humbly recommend to your diligent +unprejudiced pursuit and study the mysteries of the new birth."[i-472] +When troops had been sent to Boston, Franklin wrote a letter to +Whitefield (after January 21, 1768) which offers a significant clue for +estimating Franklin's philosophy: "I _see_ with you that our affairs are +not well managed by our rulers here below; I wish I could _believe_ with +you, that they are well attended to by those above; I rather suspect, +from certain circumstances, that though the general government of the +universe is well administered, our particular little affairs are perhaps +below notice, and left to take the chance of human prudence or +imprudence, as either may happen to be uppermost. It is, however, an +uncomfortable thought, and I leave it."[i-473] Whitefield "endorsed his +friend's letter with the words, '_Uncomfortable_ indeed! and blessed be +God, _unscriptural_!'"[i-474] If in 1786 Franklin wrote to an unknown +correspondent (perhaps Tom Paine?)[i-475] that any arguments "against +the Doctrines of a particular Providence" strike "at the Foundation of +all Religion,"[i-476] he also had written not long before that "the +Dispensations of Providence in this World puzzle my weak Reason."[i-477] +Beneath the taciturn and allegedly complacent, imperturbable Franklin +there is apparent a haunting inquietude. Never dead to his Calvinist +heritage, he sought to establish a providential relationship between the +Deity and man's fortunes, not a little chilled in the presence of the +virtually depersonalized Deity of the Enlightenment. If Calvin's God was +wrathful, he was providential; his own Deity, if benevolent and +omnipotent, seemed strangely remote from the ken of man's moral +experience. Science had shown him a Deity existing at the head of a +fagot of immutable laws. If this Creator was picturesquely unlike the +fickle gods of Olympus, he was strangely like them to the extent that he +seemed to exist apart from man's moral nature. When he wrote to his +friend, the Bishop of St. Asaph, "It seems my Fate constantly to wish +for Repose, and never to obtain it,"[i-478] was he in part longing for +the retirement when he would be able to resolve his doubts as to the +workings of Providence? + +M. Marbois, discussing Franklin's religion with John Adams, quietly +noted that "Mr. Franklin adores only great Nature."[i-479] Joseph +Priestley "lamented that a man of Dr. Franklin's general good character +and great influence should have been an unbeliever in Christianity, and +also have done so much as he did to make others unbelievers."[i-480] +This evidence appears untrustworthy in light of his diffident attitude +toward church attendance, even toward scriptures, as it may be +discovered in his collected works.[i-481] Even if he did not feel the +desire to attend formal services, he seemed, like Voltaire, to feel that +they were salutary, if only to furnish the _canaille_ with the will to +obey authority. In 1751 Franklin's mother, Abiah Franklin, wrote to her +son: "I hope you will lookup to God, and thank Him for all His good +providences towards you."[i-482] If he were unable to understand God's +providences, it was certain that he did not seek to disturb others by +calling the concept of a providential deity into question. + +In England and France Franklin was revered as the answer to the +Enlightenment's prayer for the ideal philosopher-scientist. Sir John +Pringle,[i-483] one of his warmest friends, in a Royal Society lecture +in honor of Maskelyne, might well have been describing Franklin's place +in eighteenth-century science when he said: "As much then remains to be +explored in the celestial regions, you [Maskelyne] are encouraged, Sir, +by what has been already attained, to persevere in these hallowed +labours, from which have been derived the greatest improvements in the +most useful arts, and the loudest declarations of the power, the wisdom, +and the goodness of the Supreme Architect in the Spacious and beautiful +fabric of the world."[i-484] To his age Franklin was "that judicious +philosopher," judicious and "enlightened" to the extent that his +experiments showed how men "may perceive not only the direction of +Divine Wisdom, but the _goodness_ of Providence towards mankind, in +having so admirably settled all things in the sublime arrangement of the +world, that it should be in the power of men to secure themselves and +their habitations against the dire effects of lightning."[i-485] +Turgot's famous epigram on Franklin, the republican-deist, that he +snatched sceptres from kings and lightning from the heavens, in part +expressed the extent to which the French public conceived of Franklin, +the scientist, as detracting from the terror in the cosmos, hence making +their reasonable world more habitable.[i-486] In the popular mind +death-dealing lightning had been the visible symbol and proof of +Calvin's wrathful and capricious Jehovah. Franklin's dramatic and widely +popularized proof that even lightning's secrets were not past finding +out, that it acted according to immutable laws and could be made man's +captive and menial slave, no doubt had a powerful influence in +encouraging the great untheological public to become ultimately more +receptive to deism. If Franklin was apotheosized as the apostle of +liberty, he was no less sanctified as a "Modern Prometheus." In his own +words, he saw science as freeing man "from vain Terrors."[i-487] To +Condorcet, his friend and disciple, Franklin was one who "was enabled to +wield a power sufficient to disarm the wrath of Heaven."[i-488] + +He expressed his creed just before his death in the often-quoted letter +to Ezra Stiles.[i-489] Bearing in mind his inveterate scientific deism, +we are not surprised that his religion is one created apart from +Christian scripture, that Jesus is the conventional, amiable +philosopher, respected but not worshipped by the Enlightenment. If he +seems convinced in this letter that God "governs" the universe "by his +Providence," we have seen above that his attitude toward the Deity's +relation to man and his world was anything but sure and free from +disturbing reflection. Convinced that the Deity "ought to be +worshipped," he next observed "that the most acceptable service we +render to him is doing good to his other children." His a priori concept +of a benevolent Deity whose goodness is expressed in the harmony of the +creation, in effect challenged him to attempt to approximate this +kindness in his relations with his fellow men. Apart from provoking +humanitarianism, primarily an ethical experience guided not by +sentimentality but by reason and practicality. Franklin's natural +religion--like deism in general--failed, as scriptural religion does +not, to establish a union between theology, the religious life, and +ethical behavior. It must be seen that Franklin had no confidence in +achieving the good life through mere fellow-service: he continually +urged man to conquer passion through reason, seeming to covet pagan +sobriety more than he did the satisfaction of having aided man to +achieve greater physical ease. If he felt that "to relieve the +misfortunes of our fellow creatures is concurring with the Deity; it is +godlike,"[i-490] he warned against helping those who had failed to help +themselves, implying that the inner growth of the individual is more +significant than his outward charity to others. Whatever be the ultimate +resolution of these antithetic principles, we see that his +humanitarianism was the offspring of his a priori conceived Deity, +augmented by his experiments in science which led to discovery of +nature's laws. His emphasis on the inward and vertical growth of the +individual toward perfection, on the other hand, may be viewed as the +expression of the introspective force of his Puritan heritage and his +knowledge, direct and indirect, of classical literature. As in the +polarity of his thoughts concerning Providence, so here we see that the +_modus operandi_ of his mind is explicable in terms of the interplay of +the old and the new, Greek paganism (Socratic self-knowledge) and +Christianity and the rationale of the Enlightenment. + +Before he became an economist, a statesman, a man of letters, a +scientist, he had embraced scientific deism, primarily impelled by +Newtonianism. We have observed that it is not improbable that his +agrarianism, emphasis on free trade, and tendency toward laissez faire +were partially at least the result of his efforts to parallel in +economics the harmony of the physical order. Likewise, his views on +education were conditioned by his faith in intellectual progress, in the +might of Reason, which in turn was in part the result of his scientific +deism. Then too, it may well be suggested that his theories of rhetoric +were to some degree the result of his rationalistic and scientific +habits of mind. We have also seen that his scientific deism was among +the motivating factors of his belief in natural rights, which, coupled +with his empirical awareness of concrete economic and political abuses +issuing from monarchy and imperialistic parliamentarians, made him alive +to the sovereignty of the people in their demands for civil and +political liberty. This introduction, it is hoped, has made apparent the +fact that the growth of Franklin's mind was a complex matter and that it +was moulded by a vast multitude of often diverse influences, no one of +which alone completely "explains" him. Puritanism, classicism, and +neoclassicism were all important influences. Yet perhaps the _modus +operandi_ of this myriad-minded colonial, this provincial Leonardo, is +best explained in reference to the thought pattern of scientific deism. +To see the reflection of Newton and his progeny in Franklin's +activities, be they economic, political, literary, or philosophical, +lends a compelling organic unity to the several sides of his genius, +heretofore seen as unrelated. Franklin's mind represents an intellectual +coherence--an imperfect counterpart to the physical harmony of the +Newtonian order, of which all through his life he was a disciple. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote i-1: _The Works of John Adams_, ed. by C. F. Adams (Boston, +1856), f, 660.] + +[Footnote i-2: W. P. Trent, "Benjamin Franklin," _McClure's Magazine_, +VIII, 273 (Jan., 1897).] + +[Footnote i-3: Cited in C. R. Weld's _History of the Royal Society_ +(London, 1848), I, 146. For Baconian influence see I, 57 f. See also +Edwin Greenlaw, "The New Science and English Literature in the +Seventeenth Century," _Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine_, XIII, 331-59 +(1925). Of dominant tendencies he stresses (a) a "new realism, or sense +of fact and reliance on observation and experiment"; (b) the disregard +for authority in favor of free inquiry; and (c) the development of faith +in progress, inspiring men to improve their worldly condition.] + +[Footnote i-4: E. A. Burtt, _The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern +Physical Science_, 208. Newtonianism as a method and a philosophy has +been ably examined by recent scholars. See, for examples, C. Becker, +_The Declaration of Independence_, especially chap. II, and _The +Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers_; and in +Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below, W. M. Horton (chap. II); C. S. Duncan; +H. Drennon; L. Bloch; E. Halévy. See also Isabel St. John Bliss, +"Young's _Night Thoughts_ in Relation to Contemporary Christian +Apologetics," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XLIX, +37-70 (March, 1934); J. H. Randall, _The Making of the Modern Mind_ +(Boston, 1926), chap. X ff.; H. H. Clark, "An Historical Interpretation +of Thomas Paine's Religion," _University of California Chronicle_, XXXV, +56-87 (Jan., 1933), and "Toward a Reinterpretation of Thomas Paine," +_American Literature_, V, 133-45 (May, 1933).] + +[Footnote i-5: Burtt, _op. cit._ 223.] + +[Footnote i-6: Article, "Deism."] + +[Footnote i-7: Article, "Nature."] + +[Footnote i-8: P. Smith, _A History of Modern Culture_ (New York, 1934), +II, 17-8.] + +[Footnote i-9: See S. Hefelbower, _The Relation of John Locke to English +Deism_.] + +[Footnote i-10: _Primitivism and the Idea of Progress in English Popular +Literature of the Eighteenth Century_, 168-9: "One inference that might +be drawn from the theory was that while the infant whose mind is a blank +page at birth is not so well off from the primitivistic point of view as +the one who comes into the world already equipped with a complete set of +the laws of nature and a predisposition to obey them, he is infinitely +better off than the infant whose poor little mind had been loaded with +original sin by his remote ancestors. For the orthodox baby, born in +sin, there is almost no hope, except in supernatural aid; but if we +suppose that man's ideas are all derived, as Locke postulated, from +sense-impressions, then we may conclude that all men, rich and poor, +primitive and civilized, are on an equal footing intellectually at +birth. Although the primitive child does not have the help of +civilization in the development of his mind, neither does he have its +superstitions, prejudices, and corrupting influences; and he might +actually be better off than the product of civilization--at least so +many a primitivist argued. But one might draw another inference from the +_tabula rasa_ theory. Men, however corrupt they are now, may still have +a chance of regeneration if their mind is really like blank paper at +birth." For eighteenth-century primitivism see also H. N. Fairchild, +_The Noble Savage_ (New York, 1928).] + +[Footnote i-11: H. J. Laski, _Political Thought in England from Locke to +Bentham_ (New York, 1920), 9. See also W. A. Dunning, _A History of +Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu_; G. S. Veitch, _Genesis +of Parliamentary Reform_; and G. P. Gooch, _English Democratic Ideas in +the Seventeenth Century_ (2d ed., Cambridge, England, 1927).] + +[Footnote i-12: K. Martin, _French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth +Century_, 13.] + +[Footnote i-13: See J. B. Bury, _The Idea of Progress_, chap. VIII; and +J. Morley, _Diderot and the Encyclopædists_, I, 6: "The great central +moral of it all was this: that human nature is good, that the world is +capable of being made a desirable abiding-place, and that the evil of +the world is the fruit of bad education and bad institutions."] + +[Footnote i-14: "Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, +1700-1760," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XXXI (N. +S. XXIV), 277 (June, 1916).] + +[Footnote i-15: See Bury, _op. cit._; Whitney, _op. cit._; and J. +Delvaille, _Essai sur l'histoire de l'idée de progrès_ (Paris, 1910).] + +[Footnote i-16: R. Crane, "Anglican Apologetics and the Idea of +Progress, 1699-1745," _Modern Philology_, XXXI, 273-306 (Feb., 1934), +and 349-82 (May, 1934).] + +[Footnote i-17: _The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century +Philosophers_, 30-1.] + +[Footnote i-18: N. L. Torrey, _Voltaire and the English Deists_.] + +[Footnote i-19: D. Mornet, _French Thought in the Eighteenth Century_, +50-1. Also see his _Les sciences de la nature en France au XVIII^e +siècle_ (Paris, 1911), and R. L. Cru, _Diderot as a Disciple of English +Thought_ (New York, 1913). See Morley, _op. cit._, I, 31 ff., and +Martin, _op. cit._] + +[Footnote i-20: _An Account of the Destruction of the Jesuits in France_ +(Glasgow, 1766), 61.] + +[Footnote i-21: Consult M. Roustan, _The Pioneers of the French +Revolution_, and L. Ducros, _French Society in the Eighteenth Century_.] + +[Footnote i-22: Quoted in J. Fiske's _The Beginnings of New England_, +73. For the seventeenth-century New England way, see especially F. H. +Foster, _A Genetic History of the New England Theology_ (Chicago, 1907); +P. Miller, _Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1630-1650: A Genetic Study_ +(Cambridge, Mass., 1933); B. Wendell, _Cotton Mather, The Puritan +Priest_; I. W. Riley, _American Philosophy: The Early Schools_, 3-58 and +_passim_; H. W. Schneider, _The Puritan Mind_; J. Haroutunian, _Piety +versus Moralism_; R. and L. Boas, _Cotton Mather: Keeper of the Puritan +Conscience_ (New York, 1928). See Bk. V of Mather's _Magnalia_, "prose +epic of New England Puritanism" (B. Wendell, _Literary History of +America_, 50).] + +[Footnote i-23: Prior to the Treaty of Paris (1763) the American +colonies were indebted primarily to English liberalism for ideas +subversive of colonial orthodoxy. If works of Fénelon, Fontenelle, +Bayle, Voltaire, and Rousseau are occasionally found in the colonies +prior to 1763, these are dwarfed beside the impact of such English minds +as those of Trenchard and Gordon, Collins, Wollaston, Tillotson, Boyle, +Shaftesbury, Locke, and Newton. It was only in the twilight of the +century that French liberalism, itself nursed on English speculation, +began to impinge on the thought-life of the colonies. See H. M. Jones, +_America and French Culture_. Also see L. Rosenthal, "Rousseau at +Philadelphia," _Magazine of American History_, VII, 46-55. See works of +Riley, Koch, Gohdes, Morais, in Bibliography, pp. cli ff., below.] + +[Footnote i-24: Fiske, _op. cit._, 124.] + +[Footnote i-25: F. J. Turner, _The Frontier in American History_ (New +York, 1920), 30.] + +[Footnote i-26: _Ibid._, 38.] + +[Footnote i-27: Whitney, _op. cit._, 83-4.] + +[Footnote i-28: See R. M. Jones, _The Quakers in the American Colonies_ +(London, 1921).] + +[Footnote i-29: T. Hornberger's "The Date, the Source, and the +Significance of Cotton Mather's Interest in Science," _American +Literature_, VI, 413-20 (Jan., 1935), offers evidence to show that +Mather's thought in this work is latent in earlier works.] + +[Footnote i-30: K. Murdock (ed.), _Selections from Cotton Mather_ (New +York, 1926), xlix-l; see G. L. Kittredge items (Murdock, lxii), and +Hornberger, _op. cit._] + +[Footnote i-31: Murdock, _op. cit._, 286.] + +[Footnote i-32: _Ibid._, 292.] + +[Footnote i-33: _Ibid._, 349.] + +[Footnote i-34: Riley, _op. cit._, 196.] + +[Footnote i-35: Quoted in H. M. Morais, _Deism in Eighteenth Century +America_, 25.] + +[Footnote i-36: _Ibid._, 17. See also G. A. Koch, _Republican +Religion_.] + +[Footnote i-37: _Travels in North America, in the Years 1780, 1781, and +1782_ (London, 1787), I, 445.] + +[Footnote i-38: F. E. Brasch, "Newton's First Critical Disciple in the +American Colonies--John Winthrop," in _Sir Isaac Newton, 1727-1927_ +(Baltimore, 1928), 301.] + +[Footnote i-39: H. and C. Schneider (eds.), _Samuel Johnson, President +of Kings College: His Career and Writings_ (New York, 1929), I, 6.] + +[Footnote i-40: _Ibid._, I, 8-9. It will be remembered that Thomas Young +was struck with science and deism while at Yale: he it was who +introduced liberal ideas to that militant prince of deists (with Thomas +Paine), Ethan Allen.] + +[Footnote i-41: _Jacobus Rohaultus physica Latine reddita et annotata +ex, Js. Newtonii principiis_ (1697).] + +[Footnote i-42: _Literary Diary_, I, 556 (1775).] + +[Footnote i-43: D. Stimson, _The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican +Theory_, 48.] + +[Footnote i-44: See S. E. Morison, "The Harvard School of Astronomy in +the Seventeenth Century," _New England Quarterly_, VII, 3 (March, +1934).] + +[Footnote i-45: _Ibid._, 7. In 1672 Harvard received her first +telescope. Such men as Winthrop and Thomas Brattle were actively +interested in science.] + +[Footnote i-46: F. Cajori, _The Teaching and History of Mathematics in +the United States_, U. S. Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, +No. 3, 1890 (Washington, D. C.), 22.] + +[Footnote i-47: Brasch, _op. cit._, 308.] + +[Footnote i-48: _Dictionary of American Biography_, VII, 591-2.] + +[Footnote i-49: _The Newtonian System of the World ..._ (Westminster, +1728), 30.] + +[Footnote i-50: _Ibid._, 6.] + +[Footnote i-51: See J. Quincy, _History of Harvard University_ (Boston, +1860 [1840]), II, 4-21.] + +[Footnote i-52: Jan. 12, 1727, Feb. 23, and others. Also see June 13 and +July 11 of 1734.] + +[Footnote i-53: See advertisements in _Boston Gazette_, June 17-24, +1734, quoted in W. G. Bleyer's _Main Currents in the History of American +Journalism_, 73-4.] + +[Footnote i-54: _Op. cit._, 25.] + +[Footnote i-55: _Literary Diary_, II, 334.] + +[Footnote i-56: Through the kindness of the Hollis family, Harvard (by +1764) gained a remarkable collection of scientific instruments, +possessed the Boylean lectures, Transactions of the Royal Society and of +the Academy of Science in Paris, the works of Boyle and Newton, "with a +great variety of other mathematical and philosophical treatises" +(Quincy, _op. cit._, II, 481). Notable among these items are Chambers's +_Cyclopædia_, received in 1743, and Pemberton's _View of Sir Isaac +Newton's Philosophy_, in 1752.] + +[Footnote i-57: A. Bradford, _Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev. +Jonathan Mayhew ..._ (Boston, 1838), 18-9, 46.] + +[Footnote i-58: _Ibid._, 50.] + +[Footnote i-59: _Ibid._, 305. Mayhew is on record as saying: "The +inspired scriptures are our only rule of faith and conduct" (_ibid._, +140).] + +[Footnote i-60: _Ibid._, 75. On the other hand, he reacts against what +deism and orthodox rationalism commonly became: "A religion consisting +in nothing but a knowledge of God's attributes, and an external conduct +agreeable to his laws, would be a lifeless, insipid thing. It would be +neither a source of happiness to ourselves, nor recommend us to the +approbation of him, who requires us 'to give him our hearts.'"] + +[Footnote i-61: _Ibid._, 464.] + +[Footnote i-62: _Two Discourses Delivered Oct. 9th, 1760 ..._ (Boston, +1760), 66.] + +[Footnote i-63: _Election-Sermon_, May 27, 1747 (Boston, 1747), 9.] + +[Footnote i-64: _A Sermon_ [election], May 31, 1769 (Boston, 1769), 5.] + +[Footnote i-65: _Election-Sermon_, May 30, 1781 (Boston, 1781), 4.] + +[Footnote i-66: _Election-Sermon_, May 28, 1783 (Boston, 1783), 29.] + +[Footnote i-67: _Ibid._, 54.] + +[Footnote i-68: _Election-Sermon_, May 31, 1780 (Boston, 1780), 21.] + +[Footnote i-69: _Election-Sermon_, May 27, 1778 (Boston, 1778), 7.] + +[Footnote i-70: _Election-Sermon_, May 29, 1765 (Boston, 1765), 17.] + +[Footnote i-71: _Life of Ezra Stiles_ (Boston, 1798), _passim_; see +especially pp. 34-54.] + +[Footnote i-72: See his _United States Elevated to Glory and Honour +..._, May 8, 1783 (Worcester, 1785).] + +[Footnote i-73: See _Literary Diary_ for his inveterate interest in +science and the laws of nature; see also I. M. Calder (ed.), _Letters & +Papers of Ezra Stiles ..._ (New Haven, 1933).] + +[Footnote i-74: See Hornberger, _op. cit._, 419.] + +[Footnote i-75: For full backgrounds, see G. P. Gooch, _English +Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century_, W. A. Dunning, _A History +of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu_; H. L. Osgood, +"Political Ideas of the Puritans," _Political Science Quarterly_, VI, +1-29, 201-31; Mellen Chamberlain, _John Adams ... with Other Essays_ +(Boston, 1898), especially pp. 19-53, stressing the influence of +Puritanism on political liberalism; Alice Baldwin, _The New England +Clergy and the American Revolution_; J. W. Thornton, _The Pulpit of the +American Revolution_ (Boston, 1860), a collection of election sermons +edited with an extensive introduction; C. H. Van Tyne, "The Influence of +the Clergy ... in the American Revolution," _American Historical +Review_, XIX, 44-64. In stressing the influence on Franklin of European +ideas, it is important to remember that, as we shall see, it is probable +that some of Franklin's interest in doing good (charity), in science, +and in democracy may have been inspired by his exposure during his +formative years to American Puritanism.] + +[Footnote i-76: _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin_, ed. by Albert Henry +Smyth (New York, 1905-1907), I, 300; (hereafter referred to as +_Writings_). For a scholarly exposition of backgrounds of educational +theory in relation to philosophy, especially the cult of progress, see +A. O. Hansen's _Liberalism and American Education in the Eighteenth +Century_, which includes a valuable bibliography. This work, however, +slights Franklin and Jefferson.] + +[Footnote i-77: _Writings_, I, 312.] + +[Footnote i-78: For an exhaustive survey of the means Franklin pursued +to educate himself, and suggestive notes on his ideas of education, see +F. N. Thorpe's _Benjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania_, +chaps. I-II, 9-203. See also Thomas Woody's _Educational Views of +Benjamin Franklin_ (New York, 1931), which in addition to relevant +selections from Franklin's works contains stimulating observations by +the editor.] + +[Footnote i-79: _Writings_, I, 323.] + +[Footnote i-80: _Essays to do Good_, with an Introductory Essay by +Andrew Thomson (Glasgow, 1825 [1710]), 189.] + +[Footnote i-81: _Ibid._, 102.] + +[Footnote i-82: _Ibid._, 192-3.] + +[Footnote i-83: See his letter to Samuel Mather, May 12, 1784 +(_Writings_, IX, 208-10).] + +[Footnote i-84: _The Works of Daniel Defoe_, ed. by Wm. Hazlitt (London, +1843), I.] + +[Footnote i-85: _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_, 119. Also see +his "Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century," +_American Historical Review_, XXXVII, 258 (1932), in which he suggests +that the Junto "had Masonic leanings."] + +[Footnote i-86: These and others quoted in Woody, _op. cit._, 45-6 +(reprinted from Sparks, _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, 9-10).] + +[Footnote i-87: _Writings_, II, 88.] + +[Footnote i-88: _Ibid._, II, 89.] + +[Footnote i-89: _Ibid._] + +[Footnote i-90: _Ibid._, II, 90.] + +[Footnote i-91: Questions suggestive of the Junto's interest in moral, +political, and philosophical topics are: "Is self-interest the rudder +that steers mankind, the universal monarch to whom all are tributaries?" +which causes one to suspect that Franklin had challenged his friends +with _The Fable of the Bees_; "Can any one particular form of government +suit all mankind?" which may have stirred controversies in the Junto +between logical relativists and historic absolutists, the realists and +those motivated by a priori abstractions, as, for example, in the +Burke-Paine intellectual duel; "Whether it ought to be the aim of +philosophy to eradicate the passions?" which may tend to suggest that +Franklin would gear philosophy to moral action rather than to arid +metaphysics.] + +[Footnote i-92: _Writings_, I, 312.] + +[Footnote i-93: _Ibid._, I, 322.] + +[Footnote i-94: Since writing this the editors have noted Morais's +fragmentary use of the Company's catalogues in _Deism In Eighteenth +Century America_. For popular accounts of the general character and +function of the Company see L. Stockton, "The Old Philadelphia Library," +_Our Continent_, Oct., 1882, 452-9; J. M. Read, Jr., "The Old +Philadelphia Library," _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1868, 299-312; B. +Samuel, "The Father of American Libraries," _Century Magazine_, May, +1883, 81-6. The ablest survey is G. M. Abbot's _A Short History of the +Library Company of Philadelphia_. He lists, however, only the first +books ordered in 1732 through Peter Collinson.] + +[Footnote i-95: Cited in Abbot, _op. cit._, 5.] + +[Footnote i-96: Photostat used as source is in the William Smith Mason +Collection in Evanston, Ill.] + +[Footnote i-97: "The Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, Vol. II, +1730-1742," _Collections of the New York Historical Society_ (New York, +1919), II, 146-7. See also A. M. Keys, _Cadwallader Colden: A +Representative Eighteenth-Century Official_ (New York, 1906), 6-7.] + +[Footnote i-98: _American Philosophy: The Early Schools_, 330.] + +[Footnote i-99: _An Historical Account of the Origin and Formation of +the American Philosophical Society_ (Philadelphia, 1914); J. G. +Rosengarten, in "The American Philosophical Society," tends to agree +with Du Ponceau.] + +[Footnote i-100: _Writings_, II, 229.] + +[Footnote i-101: _The History of the Royal Society of London ..._ (2d +ed., London, 1702), 61.] + +[Footnote i-102: _Ibid._, 64.] + +[Footnote i-103: _Writings_, II, 230.] + +[Footnote i-104: In 1750 he wrote: "Nor is it of much importance to us, +to know the manner in which nature executes her laws; 'tis enough if we +know the laws themselves. 'Tis of real use to know that china left in +the air unsupported will fall and break; but _how_ it comes to fall, and +_why_ it breaks, are matters of speculation. 'Tis a pleasure indeed to +know them, but we can preserve our china without it" (_Writings_, II, +434-5). We remember that even Sir Isaac Newton confessed that "the +_cause_ of gravity is what I do not pretend to know" (_Works of Richard +Bentley_, London, 1838, III, 210). He observed that "Gravity must be +caused by an agent acting constantly according to certain laws; but +whether this agent be material or immaterial, I have left to the +consideration of my readers" (_ibid._, 212).] + +[Footnote i-105: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XIII, +247-8 (1889).] + +[Footnote i-106: Franklin was unable to prevail upon Johnson to accept +the provostship of the Academy. In 1752 he printed Johnson's _Elementa +Philosophica_ and suggested in _Idea of the English School_ that it be +used in the Academy. In a letter of 1754 Franklin informs Johnson that +the grammatical and mathematical parts were already being used--the rest +would be when the instructors and pupils were ready for it (E. E. +Beardsley, _Life and Correspondence of S. Johnson, D. D._, 2d ed., New +York, 1874, 180-1). In the _Elementa Philosophica_ Johnson stresses the +use of mathematics in man's study of nature (p. xv). Through +mathematics, an indispensable aid in "considering that wonderful and +amazing Power, that All-comprehending Wisdom, that inimitable Beauty, +that surprizing Harmony, that immutable Order, which abundantly discover +themselves in the Formation and Government of the Universe, we are led +to their divine Original, who is the unexhausted Source, the glorious +Fountain of all Perfection ..." (_ibid._, xiii). The _Elementa_ is a +rhapsodic manual extolling the discovery of the Deity in his Work, +through the study of the physical laws of the creation. Although +subordinated to this, there are frequent reactions against Lockian +sensationalism, suggesting an ecstatic mystical union between man and +God. On the whole, the volume is a treatise on the glories of a natural +religion (a religion of course which buttresses rather than refutes +scriptural religion).] + +[Footnote i-107: Quoted in T. H. Montgomery's _A History of the +University of Pennsylvania_, 396. Smith's educational principles may be +partially seen in his "View of the Philosophy Schools" (1754) printed in +H. W. Smith's _Life and Correspondence of the Rev. William Smith_ +(Philadelphia, 1879), I, 59 f. Although he conceived Nature as affording +only "those fainter exhibitions of the Deity" (I, 156), he was a sturdy +orthodox rationalist, tending toward, yet not embracing deism. +Emphasizing the principal writings of Barrow, Maclaurin, Watts, Keill, +Locke, Hutcheson, 'sGravesande, Martin, Desaguliers, Rohault (Clarke's +edition), Ray, Derham, and Sir Isaac Newton, Smith suggests the +rationalist who buttresses scriptural revelation with the evidences of +Deity through discovery by reason of the Workman in the Work. His +_Discourses on Public Occasions in America_ (2d ed., London, 1762) are +the result "of his office as Head of a seminary of learning +[Philadelphia Academy and College]; in order to advance the interests of +Science, and therewith the interests of true Christianity" (p. vi). "A +General Idea of the College of Mirania" (1762), though written about +1752 while Smith was in New York, suggests the form of his "View": he +observes that "besides his revealed will, God has given intimations of +his will to us, by appealing to our senses in the constitution of our +nature, and the constitution and harmony of the material universe" +(_Discourses_, 44). The same titles and authors are listed as in the +"View." A Newtonian rationalist, Smith meditated: "All thy works, with +unceasing voice, echo forth thy wondrous praises. The splendid sun, with +the unnumbered orbs of heaven, thro' the pathless void, repeat their +unwearied circuits, that, to the uttermost bounds of the universe, they +may proclaim Thee the source of justest order and unabating harmony" +(_ibid._, 155). Smith arrived at his principles of rationalism +apparently without indebtedness to Franklin: there seems to be no +evidence that as provost he was merely attempting to fulfill the +scientific and rationalistic ideas latent in Franklin's _Proposals_, +that he was a tool in Franklin's hands. Indeed, they were anything but +friendly to one another. Hence, one feels that the credit for the +relatively modern curriculum should be given more abundantly to Smith +than to Franklin.] + +[Footnote i-108: _Writings_, II, 388.] + +[Footnote i-109: Montgomery, _op. cit._, 254 note.] + +[Footnote i-110: _Writings_, II, 9-14.] + +[Footnote i-111: _Writings_, X, 29.] + +[Footnote i-112: _Ibid._, X, 31. Compare similar views in Benjamin +Rush's "Observations upon the Study of the Latin and Greek Languages," +in _Essays, Literary, Moral and Philosophical_ (Philadelphia, 1798), and +Francis Hopkinson's "An Address to the American Philosophical Society," +in _Miscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings_ (Philadelphia, 1792), +I.] + +[Footnote i-113: _Writings_, IV, 22.] + +[Footnote i-114: _Ibid._, VI, 153.] + +[Footnote i-115: Quoted in J. B. Bury's _The Idea of Progress_, 104. See +also Lois Whitney's _Primitivism and the Idea of Progress_, especially +chap. V.] + +[Footnote i-116: Bury, _op. cit._, 96.] + +[Footnote i-117: _Writings_, VIII, 451.] + +[Footnote i-118: For example see _ibid._, IX, 74, 557.] + +[Footnote i-119: See _Writings_, VIII, 454.] + +[Footnote i-120: See R. M. Gummere, "Socrates at the Printing Press. +Benjamin Franklin and the Classics," _Classical Weekly_, XXVI, 57-9 +(Dec. 5, 1932).] + +[Footnote i-121: Several of the following arguments are included in C. +E. Jorgenson's "Sidelights on Benjamin Franklin's Principles of +Rhetoric," _Revue Anglo-Américaine_, Feb., 1934, 208-22.] + +[Footnote i-122: Hume wrote to Franklin: "You are the first philosopher, +and indeed the first great man of letters for whom we are beholden to +her [America]" (_Writings_, IV, 154). Cowper exclaimed that Franklin was +"one of the most important [men] in the literary world, that the present +age can boast of" (Parton, _op. cit._, II, 439); for other engaging +estimates of Franklin as a man of letters consult C. W. Moulton, +_Library of Literary Criticism ..._, IV, 79-106.] + +[Footnote i-123: Franklin found in an appendix to Greenwood's _English +Grammar_ and in the _Memorabilia_ specimens of the Socratic method which +influenced him to adopt the manner of "the humble inquirer and doubter," +to write and harangue with a "modest diffidence." On several occasions +he approvingly quotes Pope's rule: "to speak, tho' sure, with seeming +Diffidence." Jefferson recognized Franklin's use of this kind of +Machiavellian diffidence, noting, "It was one of the rules which, above +all others, made Dr. Franklin the most amiable of men in society, never +to contradict anybody," and that "if he was urged to announce an +opinion, he did it rather by asking questions, as if for information, or +by suggesting doubts." In the _Autobiography_ Franklin sees the Socratic +method as a necessary ally to "doing good," observing that many who mean +to be helpful "lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming +manner, that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to +defeat every one of those purposes for which speech was given to us."] + +[Footnote i-124: Bunyan's dignified simplicity, his "sound and honest +Gospel strains," may have been one of Franklin's incentives to write +lucidly and compellingly. For Bunyan's literary ideals, see the prefaces +to his works, especially that to _Grace Abounding_. The best study of +Defoe and Swift as literary theorists is W. Gückel and E. Günther, _D. +Defoes und J. Swifts Belesenheit und literarische Kritik_ (Leipzig, +1925).] + +[Footnote i-125: E. C. Cook, _Literary Influences in Colonial +Newspapers, 1704-1750_, 15. This scholarly work shows the great +influence in America of neoclassical authors.] + +[Footnote i-126: For a generous catalog of the devices borrowed see +_ibid._, 15 f.] + +[Footnote i-127: _Spectator_, No. 167.] + +[Footnote i-128: For a fuller discussion of Franklin's view of the +ancients, see section on "Franklin's Theories of Education," p. xxxii +above.] + +[Footnote i-129: Cited in R. F. Jones, "Science and English Prose Style +...," _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XLV, 982 (Dec., +1930). On the backgrounds of literary theories underlying the sermons +which Franklin heard, see scholarly studies such as Caroline F. +Richardson's _English Preachers and Preaching, 1640-1670_ (New York, +1928), and W. F. Mitchell's _English Pulpit Oratory_ (New York, 1932). +From 1750 on, however, the Puritan clergy in America increasingly +advocated a simple, clear, and easy style. See Howard M. Jones, +"American Prose Style; 1700-1770," _Huntington Library Bulletin_, No. 6, +115-51 (Nov., 1934).] + +[Footnote i-130: _History of the Royal Society ..._ (2d ed., London, +1702), 113.] + +[Footnote i-131: R. F. Jones, _op. cit._, 989. Tillotson, whom Franklin +suggested as a model worthy of emulation (_Writings_, II, 391), was +"another great exponent of the new style" (R. F. Jones, _op. cit._, +1002).] + +[Footnote i-132: L. M. MacLaurin (_Franklin's Vocabulary_, 21) also +suggests Franklin's probable indebtedness to the Royal Society program.] + +[Footnote i-133: O. Elton, _The Augustan Age_, 8-12.] + +[Footnote i-134: A. O. Lovejoy, "The Parallel of Deism and Classicism," +_Modern Philology_, XXIX, 281-99 (Feb., 1932).] + +[Footnote i-135: Franklin's friend Henry Pemberton, in his _View of Sir +Isaac Newton's Philosophy_ (London, 1728), had said (pp. 2-3) that the +Newtonian thirst for knowledge, especially of the causes of the +operations of nature, had become "so general, that all men of letters, I +believe, find themselves influenced by it."] + +[Footnote i-136: _Writings_, II, 157.] + +[Footnote i-137: _Ibid._, I, 37.] + +[Footnote i-138: _Ibid._, I, ix.] + +[Footnote i-139: _Ibid._, III, 121. For his demand that sculpture and +music have "beautiful simplicity" of form see _ibid._, VII, 194; VIII, +578; IV, 210, 377-8, 381; V, 530; VIII, 94. On the basis of confusion of +genres, Franklin disliked the opera.] + +[Footnote i-140: _Ibid._, I, 41. See also X, 33, 51.] + +[Footnote i-141: Miss MacLaurin's research has disclosed that Franklin's +vocabulary (4,062 words, between 1722 and 1751) contained only 19 words +which "were discovered to be pure 'Americanisms,' and of these, 6 are +the names of herbs or grasses; 1 is derived from the name of an American +university, and 1 from the name of an American state" (_op. cit._, +38-9).] + +[Footnote i-142: Quoted in Bruce, _op. cit._, II, 439. Also see his +letters to Noah Webster, _Writings_, I, 29; X, 75-6.] + +[Footnote i-143: S. A. Leonard, _The Doctrine of Correctness in English +Usage, 1700-1800_, 14.] + +[Footnote i-144: See L. Richardson, _A History of Early American +Magazines, 1741-1789_, index, for the vogue of Swift. In the library of +the _New England Courant_, as early as 1722, there was a copy of _The +Tale of a Tub_ (T. G. Wright, _Literary Culture in Early New England, +1620-1730_, 187-8). Franklin was probably indebted to the Dean for his +prophecies of the death of Titan Leeds (although he could have learned +the use of this device from Defoe). In _Idea of the English School_ +Franklin recommends Swift for use in the sixth class (_Writings_, III, +28). His _Meditation on a Quart Mugg_ is undoubtedly derived from +Swift's _Meditation upon a Broomstick_, each forced to undergo the +indignities of a "dirty wench." In 1757 he made the acquaintance of Dr. +John Hawksworth, who in 1755 had edited Swift's works. It is likely that +this friendly union may have helped to produce Franklin's 1773 +masterpieces of caustic irony and the disarmingly effective hoaxes. +Variously he quotes (acknowledged and otherwise) bits from Swift's +poetry and prose. See Herbert Davis's "Swift's View of Poetry," in +_Studies In English by Members of University College, Toronto_ (1931), +collected by M. W. Wallace.] + +[Footnote i-145: _Writings_, III, 26.] + +[Footnote i-146: To suggest that Franklin knew his Horace, see _ibid._, +VI, 150; VIII, 148.] + +[Footnote i-147: It seems unnecessary to extend a discussion of the +didacticism inherent in Franklin's writing. Addison, and the ethical +bent of neoclassicism in general, impinging on a mind no small part of +which was motivated by its Puritan heritage, help to account for +Franklin's ethicism, a lifelong quality. References illustrating his +assumed role as _Censor Morum_ are: _Writings_, I, 37, 243; II, 4, 50, +101, 110-1, 117, 175. Franklin proposes not only to delight, but also, +in the Jonsonian and Meredithian sense, to instruct through a mild +catharsis brought about by holding up man's excesses and vagaries for +ridicule. He is firm in distinguishing good writing by its "tendency to +benefit the reader, by improving his virtue or his knowledge." Consonant +with Horace's + + "To teach--to please--comprise the poet's views, + Or else at once to profit and amuse," + +and with Sidney's "to teach delightfully," Franklin's literary purpose +included a basic ethical motivation.] + +[Footnote i-148: _Writings_, I, 226.] + +[Footnote i-149: _Ibid._, I, 42-3.] + +[Footnote i-150: Fully aware "that I am no _Poet born_" (Bruce, _op. +cit._, II, 498), apparently agreeing with his father that poets "were +generally beggars" (_Writings_ I, 240), Franklin allowed only that +writing poetry may improve one's language. Yet _Dogood Paper_ No. VII +and his estimate of Cowper (characterized by easiness in manner, +correctness in language, clarity of expression, perspicuity, and +justness of the sentiments) (_ibid._, VIII, 448-9), and the "Tears of +Pleasure" he shed over Thomson, all suggest that he was not wholly blind +to poetry. He hoped to see Philadelphia "become the Seat of the +_American_ Muses" (_ibid._, II, 245, 110; IV, 181, 184; VI, 437).] + +[Footnote i-151: A. Bosker, _Literary Criticism in the Age of Johnson_, +34. For important qualifications see the thorough study by Donald F. +Bond, "'Distrust' of Imagination in English Neo-Classicism," +_Philological Quarterly_, XIV, 54-69 (Jan., 1935). Those interested in +considering Franklin with reference to contemporary literary theory will +find full materials in J. W. Draper's _Eighteenth-Century English +Aesthetics: A Bibliography_, and additions to it by R. S. Crane, _Modern +Philology_, XXIX, 25 ff. (1931); W. D. Templeman, _ibid._, XXX, 309-16; +R. D. Havens, _Modern Language Notes_, XLVII, 118-20 (1932).] + +[Footnote i-152: _Writings_, II, 24.] + +[Footnote i-153: _Ibid._, V, 182; also II, 43, and VIII, 128, 163, 604.] + +[Footnote i-154: See G. S. Eddy, "Dr. Benjamin Franklin's Library," +_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 206-26 +(Oct., 1924).] + +[Footnote i-155: See C. E. Jorgenson, "Benjamin Franklin and Rabelais," +_Classical Journal_, XXIX, 538-40 (April, 1934).] + +[Footnote i-156: _The Travels of Cyrus._] + +[Footnote i-157: _Independent Whig_ and _Cato's Letters_.] + +[Footnote i-158: For an interesting summary of Franklin's references to +the classics, see R. M. Gummere, _op. cit._] + +[Footnote i-159: Add to this, Franklin's use of the Swiftian hoax and +complex irony. After writing _Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be +Reduced to a Small One_ (1773) he explained to a friend: "These odd ways +of presenting Matters to the publick View sometimes occasion them to be +more read, talk'd of, and more attended to" (_Writings_, VI, 137). +Parton observes that the _Edict of the King of Prussia_ "was the +nine-days' talk of the kingdom." Raynal unsuspectingly used Franklin's +_Polly Baker_, as an authentic document in his _Histoire ..._. +Franklin's _Exporting of Felons to the Colonies_, _The Sale of +Hessians_, and _A Dialogue between Britain, France, Spain, Holland, +Saxony, and America_ illustrate these trenchant devices used to achieve +a political purpose.] + +[Footnote i-160: _Writings_, I, 49.] + +[Footnote i-161: _The True Benjamin Franklin_, 158.] + +[Footnote i-162: _Writings_, I, 239.] + +[Footnote i-163: Smyth's note, _Writings_, VIII, 336.] + +[Footnote i-164: _Writings_, I, 238.] + +[Footnote i-165: _Writings_, X, 4 (to Mrs. Catherine Greene, March 2, +1789).] + +[Footnote i-166: There were eight towns in the colonies which had +presses when Franklin went into business for himself: Cambridge, Boston, +New York, Philadelphia, Annapolis, New London (Conn.), Woodbridge (N. +J.), and Williamsburg. See Isaiah Thomas, _The History of Printing in +America_ (Worcester, 1810), II, _passim_.] + +[Footnote i-167: "A printer of first-rate eminence," according to +Charles Henry Timperley's _A Dictionary of Printers and Printing_ +(London, 1839), 714 note.] + +[Footnote i-168: R. A. Austen Leigh, "William Strahan and His Ledgers," +in _Transactions of the Bibliographical Society_, N. S. III, 286. For +Strahan see also Spottiswoode & Co.'s _The Story of a Printing House, +Being a Short Account of the Strahans and Spottiswoodes_ (London, 1911); +and Timperley, _op. cit._, 754-6.] + +[Footnote i-169: See G. S. Eddy, "Correspondence Between Dr. Benjamin +Franklin and John Walter, Regarding the Logographic Process of +Printing," _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. +XXXVIII, 349-69 (Oct., 1928).] + +[Footnote i-170: _Writings_, II, 175.] + +[Footnote i-171: See W. P. and J. P. Cutler, _Life, Journals and +Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler_, I, 269, letter of July 13, +1787; also G. S. Eddy, _op. cit._] + +[Footnote i-172: See Thomas, _loc. cit._] + +[Footnote i-173: A notable exception was the type of "letter to the +editor" which Franklin used as a means of suggesting reforms, such as +those affecting the city watch, the fire companies, and the cleaning and +lighting of the streets. See J. B. McMaster, _Benjamin Franklin as a Man +of Letters_, 82-5.] + +[Footnote i-174: A correspondent of Franklin's paper commended Zenger's +stand (see _Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 11-18, 1738; reprinted in W. G. +Bleyer, _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism_, 66-7), +but Franklin shrewdly kept his own paper free of factional politics. See +Livingston Rutherford, _John Peter Zenger_ (New York, 1904).] + +[Footnote i-175: See Clarence S. Brigham, "American Newspapers to 1820," +_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXII, 157-9 +(April, 1922), for detailed bibliography of the _Gazette_.] + +[Footnote i-176: A. H. Smyth, _Philadelphia Magazines and Their +Contributors_, 200.] + +[Footnote i-177: _Writings_, I, 360.] + +[Footnote i-178: For a list of the printers with whom Franklin had such +connections, see M. R. King, "One Link in the First Newspaper Chain, the +_South Carolina Gazette," Journalism Quarterly_, IX, 257 (Sept., 1932).] + +[Footnote i-179: For sketches of both magazines, see L. N. Richardson, +_A History of Early American Magazines_, 17-35, and F. L. Mott, _A +History of American Magazines_, 1741-1850, 71-7. See also Philip +Biddison, "The Magazine Franklin Failed to Remember," _American +Literature_, IV, 177 (June, 1932); the writer thinks certain accusations +in the Bradford-Franklin controversy over the magazines discreditable to +Franklin, so that the latter's lapse of memory saved him +"embarrassment."] + +[Footnote i-180: See letter to John Wright, Nov. 4, 1789 (_Writings_, X, +60-3). For European backgrounds of Franklin's economic views see Gide +and Rist, in Bibliography. On American backgrounds the standard work is +E. A. J. Johnson's _American Economic Thought in the Seventeenth +Century_ (London, 1932), which shows the intimate relation between +economic and religious theories.] + +[Footnote i-181: Lewis J. Carey, _Franklin's Economic Views_ (Garden +City, N. Y., 1928), 72.] + +[Footnote i-182: Cited in Carey, 73. He had used in this article facts +lent by Benezet concerning the "detestable commerce" motivated in part +by English "laws for promoting the Guinea trade" (_Writings_, V, +431-2).] + +[Footnote i-183: _Writings_, IX, 627.] + +[Footnote i-184: In 1779 he professed mortification that the King of +France gave "freedom to Slaves, while a king of England is endeavouring +to make Slaves of Freemen" (_ibid._, VII, 402).] + +[Footnote i-185: _Ibid._, IX, 404. See also _ibid._, 6.] + +[Footnote i-186: Suggestive notes on this point may be found in N. +Foerster's article in the _American Review_, IV, 129-46 (Dec., 1934).] + +[Footnote i-187: _Writings_, VI, 102. See also VI, 39-40.] + +[Footnote i-188: _Ibid._, III, 66.] + +[Footnote i-189: _Ibid._, III, 66-7.] + +[Footnote i-190: _Ibid._, III, 68.] + +[Footnote i-191: Carey, _op. cit._, 69.] + +[Footnote i-192: _Writings_, III, 65.] + +[Footnote i-193: _Ibid._, III, 73.] + +[Footnote i-194: That others in the colonies saw slavery as an +economically unsound investment (without any reference to its being +_malum in se_) may be witnessed in an article in the _Boston +News-Letter_ (March 3, 1718): "In the previous year there had been +eighty burials of Indians and negroes in Boston. The writer argued that +the loss of £30 each amounted to £2,400. If white servants had been +employed instead, at £15 for the time of each, the 'town had saved +£1,200.' A man could procure £12 to £15 to purchase the time of a white +servant that could not pay £30 to £50 for a negro or Indian. 'The Whites +Strengthens [_sic_] and Peoples the Country, others do not'" (W. B. +Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England, 1620-1789_, Boston, +1891, II, 456). Congruent with Franklin's _Observations_ is John Adams's +note that "Argument might have some weight in the abolition of slavery +in Massachusetts, but the real cause was the multiplication of labouring +white people, who would no longer suffer the rich to employ these sable +rivals so much to their injury" (_ibid._, II, 453).] + +[Footnote i-195: In Franklin's view, slavery was also politically +subversive. In 1756 he feared that the slaves, along with servants and +loose people in general, would desert to the French (_Writings_, III, +359). Since the danger undoubtedly existed (_ibid._, VII, 48, 69), +Franklin had a right to be sardonic in commenting on Dr. Johnson's +advice that slaves be incited "to rise, cut the throats of their +purchasers, and resort to the British army, where they should be +rewarded with freedom" (_ibid._, X, 110-1).] + +[Footnote i-196: Printed in _Maryland Gazette_ (Dec. 17, 1728); later as +pamphlet (April 3, 1729).] + +[Footnote i-197: Carey, _op. cit._, 7. See _Writings_ I, 306-7, for +Franklin's own account of the effect of this work.] + +[Footnote i-198: C. J. Bullock, _Essays on the Monetary History of the +United States_, 51.] + +[Footnote i-199: Weeden, _op. cit._, II, 485.] + +[Footnote i-200: _Financial History of the United States_, 21. Bullock +observes another factor: "Sooner or later all the plantations were +deeply involved in the mazes of a fluctuating currency, for the burdens +attending the various wars of the eighteenth century were so great as to +induce even the most conservative colonies to resort to this easy method +of meeting public obligations" (_op. cit._, 33).] + +[Footnote i-201: _Writings_, II, 133-5.] + +[Footnote i-202: See Carey, _op. cit._, chap. I, for suggestive survey +of this pamphlet. Carey points out Franklin's indebtedness to writings +of Sir William Petty.] + +[Footnote i-203: Carey (chap. II, "Value and Interest") quotes Franklin: +"Riches of a Country are to be valued by the Quantity of Labour its +inhabitants are able to purchase, and not by the Quantity of Silver and +Gold they possess" (_Writings_, II, 144).] + +[Footnote i-204: See, for example, _Plan for Saving One Hundred Thousand +Pounds_, 1755 (_Writings_, III, 293-5).] + +[Footnote i-205: Writings, IV, 420: _Examination of Benjamin Franklin_. +He was obliged to admit that Massachusetts colonists had taken a calmer +view of the 1751 act (IV, 428).] + +[Footnote i-206: G. L. Beer, _British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765_, 188.] + +[Footnote i-207: Although it is true that Pennsylvania suffered less +from paper money because of better security (Carey, _op. cit._, 23 +note), it seems curious that Franklin should have been blind to the +evils of inflation and the operations of Gresham's law.] + +[Footnote i-208: Paper in William Smith Mason Collection; cited in +Carey, _op. cit._, 20. See also _Writings_, V, 189, in which he repeats +the threat. British restraint must hence provoke colonial "industry and +frugality."] + +[Footnote i-209: _Writings_, VII, 294. Cf. _ibid._, IX, 231-6.] + +[Footnote i-210: See _Writings_, VII, 275, 335, 341.] + +[Footnote i-211: To Josiah Quincy, Sept. 11, 1783 (_Writings_, IX, +93-5).] + +[Footnote i-212: In 1779 (see _Writings_, VII, 294) Franklin explained +that the French knew little of paper currency. Mr. Carey offers +convincing evidence to show that Franklin helped to predispose the +deputies of the first National Assembly to use assignats (_op. cit._, +27-33). See _Of the Paper Money of the United States of America_ +(_Writings_, IX, 231-6).] + +[Footnote i-213: J. F. Watson, _Annals of Philadelphia_ (1844 ed.), I, +533.] + +[Footnote i-214: Cited by J. Rae in his _Life of Adam Smith_ (London, +1895), 265.] + +[Footnote i-215: _Ibid._, 266. See Carey's chapter, "Franklin's +Influence on Adam Smith," for an exhaustive survey of the _personalia_ +linking Adam Smith and Franklin. Both were in London in 1773-1776 and +were occasional companions, having in 1759 met in Edinburgh at the home +of Dr. Robertson. Probably they again met in Glasgow during the same +year. Smith could have received copies of Franklin's works through Hume +and Lord Kames; among Franklin's works in Smith's library was +_Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind_; when Smith in the +_Wealth of Nations_ observes that colonial population doubles in every +twenty to twenty-five years, it seems reasonable to infer that he was +beholden to Franklin for the suggestion. It is within the realm of +reasonable inference, says Mr. Carey, that Franklin did, as Parton +urges, help to educate Smith in the colonial point of view. T. D. Eliot, +in "The Relations Between Adam Smith and Benjamin Franklin before 1776," +_Political Science Quarterly_, XXXIX, 67-96 (March, 1924), after calling +attention to the lack of extant correspondence between them and the +silence of their contemporaries concerning a vital relationship, shows a +reasonable hesitancy in observing that little is known about Smith's +alleged debt to Franklin. Like Wetzel and Carey, Eliot thinks the debt +has been exaggerated. He has been unable to prove Dr. Patten's intuition +that in 1759 Franklin went to Smith in Scotland to urge him to write a +treatise on colonial policy. In 1765 Turgot met Adam Smith. In the +following year he published his _Réflexions sur la formation et la +distribution des richesses_, antedating Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ by +ten years. See J. Delvaille's _Essai sur l'histoire de l'idée de +progrès_ (Paris, 1910), chap. IV, on Adam Smith; and Carey, _op. cit._, +152, 158-9, for the relationship between Turgot and Franklin.] + +[Footnote i-216: Although both Franklin and Smith held to the labor +theory of value (Franklin was indebted to Petty for his use of the +term), Smith was confirmed in his belief before he knew of Franklin or +his works.] + +[Footnote i-217: According to Jacob Viner ("Adam Smith and Laissez +Faire," in _Adam Smith, 1776-1926. Lectures to Commemorate the +Sesqui-Centennial of the Publication of 'The Wealth of Nations_,' +116-55), "Smith's major claim to fame ... seems to rest on his elaborate +and detailed application to the economic world of the concept of a +unified natural order, operating according to natural law, and if left +to its own course producing results beneficial to mankind" (p. 118), +which suggests, especially in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, that +self-love and social are the same. When Smith came to write the _Wealth +of Nations_, he tended, Viner asserts, to distrust the operations of the +harmonious natural order--yet Viner admits that many passages tend to +corroborate his earlier view expressed in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ +and that "There is no possible room for doubt that Smith in general +believed that there was, to say the least, a stronger presumption +against government activity beyond its fundamental duties of protection +against its foreign foes and maintenance of justice" (p. 140). We shall +see elsewhere that Franklin seems to have urged a less frugal +governmental restraint in activities other than economic.] + +[Footnote i-218: _The Colonial Mind_, 173. It is generally thought that +_Principles of Trade_ is "partly" Franklin's "own composition" (Carey, +_op. cit._, 161).] + +[Footnote i-219: Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1775: MS letter (unpublished) +in W. S. Mason Collection.] + +[Footnote i-220: London, Sept. 29, 1769: MS letter (unpublished) in W. +S. Mason Collection.] + +[Footnote i-221: London, Feb. 20, 1768 (_Writings_, V, 102).] + +[Footnote i-222: Dated April 4, 1769 (_ibid._, V, 200-2).] + +[Footnote i-223: _Writings_, V, 202.] + +[Footnote i-224: Cited by F. W. Garrison in "Franklin and the +Physiocrats," _Freeman_, VIII, 154-6 (Oct. 24, 1923).] + +[Footnote i-225: Dupont de Nemours's opinion of Franklin (_Writings_, V, +153-4).] + +[Footnote i-226: _Writings_, V, 156. See W. Steell's entertaining "The +First Visit to Paris," in _Benjamin Franklin of Paris_, 3-21; also E. E. +Hale and E. E. Hale, Jr., _Franklin in France_, I, 7-13.] + +[Footnote i-227: C. Gide and C. Rist, _A History of Economic Doctrines_, +4 note.] + +[Footnote i-228: _Writings_, V, 155.] + +[Footnote i-229: As an _experimental_ agriculturist Franklin has been +given too little honor. He performed many valuable services in +introducing Old-World plants, trees, and fruits to the New, and in +encouraging others to carry on practical botanical experiments. +Particularly from 1747 to 1757 he experimented in agriculture and was in +constant communication with that pioneer scientific husbandman, Jared +Eliot. See E. D. Ross's "Benjamin Franklin as an Eighteenth-Century +Agriculture Leader," _Journal of Political Economy_, XXXVII, 52-72 +(Feb., 1929).] + +[Footnote i-230: Although no scholarly substitute for the works of +Quesnay, Mirabeau, Mercier de la Rivière, Dupont de Nemours, Le Trosne, +Abbé Bandeau, Abbé Roubaud, and some pieces of the occasional physiocrat +Turgot, the following will enable the student to derive adequately for +general purposes the thought of the Économistes: H. Higgs, _The +Physiocrats_ (1897); Gide and Rist, op. cit.; L. H. Haney, _History of +Economic Thought_ (1911), 133-57; G. Weulersse, _Le mouvement +physiocratique en France (de 1756 à 1770)_; A. Smith, _Wealth of +Nations_, Bk. IV, chap. IX; J. Bonar, _Philosophy and Political Science_ +(1893); in addition see critical and interpretative writings of Oncken, +Stem, Kines, Hasbach, Schelle, Bauer, Feilbogen, De Lavergne.] + +[Footnote i-231: An integral idea of the French school was its advocacy +of the _impôt unique_--a single tax on land. It is difficult to find +evidence to controvert Mr. Carey's assertion that Franklin seems never +to have advocated this tax (_op. cit._, 154). However, in marginalia on +a pamphlet by Allan Ramsay, Franklin held: "Taxes must be paid out of +the Produce of the Land. There is no other possible Fund" (cited by +Carey, 155). Another reference is found in a letter of 1787 to Alexander +Small: "Our Legislators are all Land-holders; and they are not yet +persuaded, that all taxes are finally paid by the Land" (_Writings_, IX, +615). It is probable that he felt that a land tax would be dubiously +effective in view of the difficulties of collection in sparse +settlements.] + +[Footnote i-232: _Writings_, II, 313 (July 16, 1747). See also _Note +Respecting Trade and Manufactures_, London, July 7, 1767 (Sparks, II, +366): + + "Suppose a country, X, with three manufactures, as _cloth_, + _silk_, _iron_, supplying three other countries. A, B, C, but + is desirous of increasing the vent, and raising the price of + cloth in favor of her own clothiers. + + In order to do this, she forbids the importation of foreign + cloth from A. + + A, in return, forbids silks from X. + + Then the silk-workers complain of a decay of trade. + + And X, to content them, forbids silks from B. + + B, in return, forbids iron ware from X. + + Then the iron-workers complain of decay. + + And X forbids the importation of iron from C. + + C, in return, forbids cloth from X. + + What is got by all these prohibitions? + + _Answer._--All four find their common stock of the enjoyments + and conveniences of life diminished."] + +[Footnote i-233: _Writings_, IV, 469-70.] + +[Footnote i-234: _Ibid._, V, 155.] + +[Footnote i-235: Passy, May 27, 1779 (_Writings_, VII, 332).] + +[Footnote i-236: _Ibid._, IV, 242-5 (April 30, 1764). As Mr. Carey +notes. Franklin in several places. _On the Labouring Poor_ and in a +letter (IX, 240-8), suggests that private vices--demands for +luxuries--make public benefits, hence resembling, if not ultimately +derived from, Mandeville's _Fable of the Bees_. Franklin's sanction of +free trade is, however, antithetical to Mandeville's 'dog eat dog' +basis. (See Kaye's Intro. to _The Fable of the Bees_, xcviii ff.) +Franklin in no uncertain terms looks upon trade restrictions definitely +as the result of "the abominable selfishness" of men (VII, 332). As long +as selfishness is the rule, mercantilism, not economic laissez faire, +will be king. It is theoretically probable also that belief in man's +innate altruism could furnish emotional if not logical sanction for +laissez faire--but this abstraction is in Franklin's case futile, since +like Swift he was not blind to man's malevolence!] + +[Footnote i-237: _Writings_, IV, 245; see also _ibid._, VIII, 107-8, +261, 19.] + +[Footnote i-238: _Ibid._, IX, 41; also 63, 578, 588.] + +[Footnote i-239: Cited in Carey, _op. cit._, 160-1.] + +[Footnote i-240: See Gide and Rist, _op. cit._, 7 note.] + +[Footnote i-241: _Ibid._, 7 note.] + +[Footnote i-242: _Ibid._] + +[Footnote i-243: Mercier de la Rivière, cited in _ibid._, 8 note.] + +[Footnote i-244: _Ibid._, 9-10.] + +[Footnote i-245: "Economics and the Idea of Natural Law," _Quarterly +Journal of Economics_, XLIV, 16 (1929). See also O. H. Taylor's valuable +dissertation, "The Idea of a 'Natural Order' in Early Modern Economic +Thought," summarized in Harvard University _Summaries of Theses_, 1928, +102-6, and available in manuscript at the Harvard University Library.] + +[Footnote i-246: Taylor, "Economics and the Idea of Natural Law," _loc. +cit._, 16.] + +[Footnote i-247: Even this fragmentary view of the more obvious economic +principles held by Franklin offers convincing evidence that had he been +less incidentally an economist he would have been at least a lesser Adam +Smith. Mr. Wetzel, in _Benjamin Franklin as an Economist_, offers a +convenient summary of Franklin as an economist, some items suggesting +aspects of his views which, had space permitted, we should have included +in this study: "1. Money as coin may have a value higher than its +bullion value. 2. Natural interest is determined by the rent of so much +land as the money loaned will buy. 3. High wages are not inconsistent +with a large foreign trade. 4. Population will increase as the means of +gaining a living increase. 5. A high standard of living serves to +prolong single life, and thus acts as a check upon the increase of +population. 6. People are adjusted among the different countries +according to the comparative well-being of mankind. 7. The value of an +article is determined by the amount of labor necessary to produce the +food consumed in making the article. 8. While manufactures are +advantageous, only agriculture is truly productive. 9. Manufactures will +naturally spring up in a country as the country becomes ripe for them. +10. Free trade with the world will give the greatest return at the least +expense. 11. Wherever practicable, State revenue should be raised by +direct taxes."] + +[Footnote i-248: _Writings_, II, 110.] + +[Footnote i-249: _Ibid._, II, 295. In 1736 Franklin wrote: "Faction, if +not timely suppressed, may overturn the balance, the palladium of +liberty, and crush us under its ruins" (cited in R. G. Gettell, _History +of American Political Thought_, 149).] + +[Footnote i-250: W. R. Shepherd, _History of Proprietary Government in +Pennsylvania_ (New York, 1896), 5.] + +[Footnote i-251: _Writings_, II, 351.] + +[Footnote i-252: _Ibid._] + +[Footnote i-253: _Ibid._, II, 352.] + +[Footnote i-254: _Ibid._, II, 347.] + +[Footnote i-255: Shepherd, _op. cit._, 222. In 1764 Penn thought that +Franklin was one "who may lose the government of a post office by +grasping at that of a province" (_ibid._, 564). In turn one of the +proprietors wrote to him: "Franklin is certainly destined to be our +plague" (_ibid._, 566). Penn professed not to fear "your mighty +Goliath." For proof that Franklin's fear expressed in _Plain Truth_ was +not idle see _Extracts from Chief Justice William Allen's Letter Book_, +17, 22-3, 25, 31-2.] + +[Footnote i-256: _Plain Truth_ inspirited the colonists to defend +themselves, even if it failed in its larger purpose; see _Writings_, II, +354, 362.] + +[Footnote i-257: To James Parker, March 20, 1750/51 (_Writings_, III, +40-5). L. C. Wroth, in _An American Bookshelf_, 1755 (Philadelphia, +1934), 12 ff., reviews A. Kennedy's _The Importance of Gaining the +Friendship of the Indians to the British Interest_ (1751), to which was +appended a letter, prefiguring the Albany Plan of Union. This letter, +Mr. Wroth observes, was by Franklin. C. E. Merriam states that "The +storm centre of the democratic movement during the colonial period was +the conflict between the governors and the colonial legislatures or +assemblies" (_A History of American Political Theories_, 34). Also see +E. B. Greene, _The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North +America_.] + +[Footnote i-258: _Writings_, III, 71.] + +[Footnote i-259: Cited in G. L. Beer, _British Colonial Policy_, +1754-1765, 17.] + +[Footnote i-260: _Writings_, III, 197.] + +[Footnote i-261: For a suggestive source study see Mrs. L. K. Mathews's +"Benjamin Franklin's Plans for a Colonial Union, 1750-1775," _American +Political Science Review_, VIII, 393-412 (Aug., 1914).] + +[Footnote i-262: Cited in Beer, _op. cit._, 49.] + +[Footnote i-263: _Writings_, III, 242.] + +[Footnote i-264: _Ibid._, III, 226. As Beer has pointed out (_op. cit._, +23 note), since the plan was not ratified, it never went before the +Crown; hence Franklin's retrospective glance is misleading: "The Crown +disapproved it, as having placed too much Weight in the Democratic Part +of the Constitution; and every Assembly as having allowed too much to +Prerogative. So it was totally rejected" (_Writings_, III, 227).] + +[Footnote i-265: _Ibid._, III, 233.] + +[Footnote i-266: To Peter Collinson, Nov. 22, 1756 (_Writings_, III, +351).] + +[Footnote i-267: As A. H. Smyth says, this was probably _inspired_ by +Franklin although not written by him; at any rate "it undoubtedly +reflects" his opinions (III, vi). Isaac Sharpless observes that Franklin +"had sympathy with their [Quakers'] demands for political freedom, but +none for their non-military spirit" (_Political Leaders of Provincial +Pennsylvania_, New York, 1919, 178).] + +[Footnote i-268: _Writings_, III, 372.] + +[Footnote i-269: A. Bradford, _Memoir of the Life and Writings of Rev. +J. Mayhew_ (Boston, 1838), 119.] + +[Footnote i-270: See for capable studies: B. F. Wright, _American +Interpretations of Natural Law_; C. F. Mullett, _Fundamental Law and the +American Revolution_; D. G. Ritchie, _Natural Rights_ (London, 1895), +and his "Contributions to the History of the Social Contract Theory," +_Political Science Quarterly_, VI, 656-76 (1891); C. Becker, _The +Declaration of Independence_, chap. II; C. E. Merriam, _op. cit._, chap. +II; H. J. Laski, _Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham_ +(New York, 1920).] + +[Footnote i-271: Becker, _op. cit._, 24.] + +[Footnote i-272: _Ibid._, 27.] + +[Footnote i-273: Burke said that nearly as many copies of this work were +sold in the colonies as in Great Britain. It will be remembered that +Hamilton leaned heavily on Blackstone in _The Farmer Refuted_ (1773).] + +[Footnote i-274: Cited in Wright, _op. cit._, 11.] + +[Footnote i-275: _The Farmer Refuted._ For discussion of changes in +Hamilton's political theory see F. C. Prescott's Introduction to +_Hamilton and Jefferson_ (American Writers Series, New York, 1934).] + +[Footnote i-276: Franklin acknowledges his close reading of Locke's +_Essay Concerning Human Understanding_ (_Writings_, I, 243). In 1749 he +urges that Locke be read in the Philadelphia Academy (II, 387) and +refers again to the great logician in _Idea of the English School_ (III, +28). He is supposed to have defended in spirited debate Locke's treatise +on Toleration (I, 179). The catalogues of the Philadelphia Library +Company disclose that by 1757 all of Locke's works had been obtained. +One may ask how an alert eighteenth-century mind could have escaped the +impact of Locke's thought. + +It is more difficult to establish satisfactorily a nexus between +Rousseau's and Franklin's minds. Mr. George Simpson Eddy has kindly +allowed us to consult his "Catalogue of Pamphlets, Once a Part of the +Library of Benjamin Franklin, and now owned by the Historical Society of +Pennsylvania" in which are included Rousseau's _Preface de la Nouvelle +Hélöise ..._ (1761) and _Discours sur l'économie politique ..._ (1760). +Even if Rousseau's mistress, Countess d'Houdetot, feted Franklin in +1781, and Franklin was acquainted with Rousseau's physician, +Achille-Guillaume le Bègue de Presle, and directly in 1785 mentions +Rousseau on child-education (_Writings_, IX, 334), one can not be sure +to what extent Rousseau's writings may have aided Franklin in +formulating notions similar to the social contract theory (IX, 138).] + +[Footnote i-277: Cited in A. M. Baldwin, _The New England Clergy and the +American Revolution_, 6.] + +[Footnote i-278: _Ibid._, xii. See also C. H. Van Tyne's able study, +"The Influence of the Clergy, and of Religious and Sectarian Forces, on +the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, XIX, 44-64 +(Oct., 1913). He takes issue with the economic determinists and +concludes that of all the causes of the Revolution, religious causes are +"among the most important" (p. 64). The Revolution was in large measure +caused by a conflict of political ideas, and these were disseminated +mostly by the clergy.] + +[Footnote i-279: _An Oration, Delivered March 5, 1773_ (Boston, 1773), +6.] + +[Footnote i-280: _Ibid._, 10-11.] + +[Footnote i-281: _Ibid._, 8. Also see S. Stillman, _Election-Sermon_, +May 26, 1779 (Boston, 1779); J. Clarke, _Election-Sermon_, May 30, 1781 +(Boston, 1781).] + +[Footnote i-282: Although Franklin denied having written it (_Writings_, +IV, 82), Mr. Ford (_Franklin Bibliography_, III) asserts that "this work +must still be treated as from Franklin's pen." He sent 500 copies to +Pennsylvania consigned to his partner, David Hall, for distribution.] + +[Footnote i-283: To Joseph Galloway, April 11, 1757 (unpublished MS +letter in W. S. Mason Collection). For a description of the unpublished +Franklin-Galloway correspondence see W. S. Mason's article in +_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_ for Oct., 1924.] + +[Footnote i-284: To Joseph Galloway, Feb. 17, 1758 (unpublished MS +letter in W. S. Mason Collection).] + +[Footnote i-285: June 10, 1758 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason +Collection).] + +[Footnote i-286: April 7, 1759 (unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason +Collection).] + +[Footnote i-287: _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_ (Philadelphia, 1809), +II, 147.] + +[Footnote i-288: _Ibid._, II, 7.] + +[Footnote i-289: _Ibid._, II, 1.] + +[Footnote i-290: _Ibid._, II, vii.] + +[Footnote i-291: _Ibid._, II, xvi.] + +[Footnote i-292: Apropos of many colonial ferments, not unlike the one +we have considered above, Carl Becker writes: "Throughout the eighteenth +century, little colonial aristocracies played their part, in imagination +clothing their governor in the decaying vesture of Old-World tyrants and +themselves assuming the homespun garb, half Roman and half Puritan, of a +virtuous republicanism.... It was the illusion of sharing in great +events rather than any low mercenary motive that made Americans guard +with jealous care their legislative independence" (_The Eve of the +Revolution_, New Haven, 1918, 60). Also see C. H. Lincoln, _The +Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1760-1776_.] + +[Footnote i-293: _Writings_, III, 408-9.] + +[Footnote i-294: _Ibid._, III, 457.] + +[Footnote i-295: V. W. Crane, "Certain Writings of Benjamin Franklin on +the British Empire and the American Colonies," _Papers of the +Bibliographical Society_, XXVIII, Pt. 1, 6 (1934). Also see W. L. Grant, +"Canada vs. Guadaloupe," _American Historical Review_, XVII, 735-43, +(Oct., 1911-July, 1912).] + +[Footnote i-296: Beer, _op. cit._, 313.] + +[Footnote i-297: _Writings_, IV, 224.] + +[Footnote i-298: _Ibid._, IV, 229.] + +[Footnote i-299: The massacre led by the "Paxton boys."] + +[Footnote i-300: _Writings_, IV, 314.] + +[Footnote i-301: _Writings_, IV, 418.] + +[Footnote i-302: _Ibid._, IV, 419. See Beer, _op. cit._, 294 f.] + +[Footnote i-303: _A History of American Political Theories_, 46.] + +[Footnote i-304: _Writings_, IV, 445-6.] + +[Footnote i-305: To Joseph Galloway, May 20, 1767 (photostat of +unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection; original in W. L. +Clements Library).] + +[Footnote i-306: To Joseph Galloway, Aug. 20, 1768 (photostat of +unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection; original in W. L. +Clements Library).] + +[Footnote i-307: To Joseph Galloway, April 14, 1767 (photostat of +unpublished MS letter in W. S. Mason Collection; original in W. L. +Clements Library). Cf. also letter to the same, Jan. 11, 1770, _ibid._] + +[Footnote i-308: See, for example, _An Edict by the King of Prussia_ +(1773)--for its effect see _Writings_, VI, 146--and _Rules by Which a +Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One_ (1773). Crane, _op. cit._, +concludes that Franklin appears as "the chief agent of the American +propaganda in England, especially between 1765 and 1770" (p. 26). For +treatment of American propagandists see P. G. Davidson, "Whig +Propagandists of the American Revolution," _American Historical Review_, +XXXIX, 442-53 (April, 1934), and his _Revolutionary Propagandists in New +England, New York and Pennsylvania, 1763-1776_ (unpublished +dissertation, University of Chicago, 1929); summarized in _Abstracts of +Theses_, Humanistic Series VII, 239-42; F. J. Hinkhouse, _The +Preliminaries of the American Revolution as Seen in the English Press_ +(New York, 1926).] + +[Footnote i-309: _Writings_, V, 297.] + +[Footnote i-310: See R. G. Adams, _Political Ideas of the American +Revolution_, 35, 62-3.] + +[Footnote i-311: Oct. 2, 1770 (_Writings_, V, 280). See also _Causes of +the American Discontents before 1768_ (V, 78 f., 160-2). An aspect of +his loyalty to the crown may be seen in his hatred of French desire to +separate the colonies from England (V, 47, 231, 254, 323). The printing +of the _Examination_ and other of Franklin's pieces in Europe buttressed +the predisposition of France to hate Great Britain (V, 231). The best +comprehensive treatment of backgrounds is C. H. Van Tyne's _The Causes +of the War of Independence_.] + +[Footnote i-312: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXV, +311 (1901). See also _ibid._, 307-22, and XXVI, 81-90, 255-64 (1902). +See _Writings_, VI, 144.] + +[Footnote i-313: _Writings_, VI, 173.] + +[Footnote i-314: _Ibid._, VI, 319. His unpublished letters of 1775 in +the Original Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin with the Bishop of St. +Asaph (in the W. S. Mason Collection) emphasize his progressive apathy +toward a reconciliation. Especially see letters of May 15 and July 7.] + +[Footnote i-315: _Ibid._, VI, 460.] + +[Footnote i-316: Cited in Davidson, _op. cit._, 442.] + +[Footnote i-317: Hugh Williamson claimed that he actually gave Franklin +the letters. Apparently another person went to the office where the +letters were archived and posing as an authorized person secured the +desired correspondence (D. Hosack, _Biographical Memoir of Hugh +Williamson_, New York, 1820, 37 ff.).] + +[Footnote i-318: For an interesting account of this episode see Parton, +_op. cit._, 1, chap. IX.] + +[Footnote i-319: _Writings_, V, 134. Franklin and Burke were friendly; +see their correspondence. The best exposition of Burke's doctrines is +that by John MacCunn, _The Political Philosophy of Edmund Burke_ +(London, 1913).] + +[Footnote i-320: _Ibid._, V, 439; see also 527.] + +[Footnote i-321: London, April 20, 1771; unpublished MS letter in W. S. +Mason Collection. Compare with Abbé Raynal's opinion that "society is +essentially good; government, as is well known, may be, and is but too +often evil" (_The Revolution of America_, Dublin, 1781, 45).] + +[Footnote i-322: M. Eiselen (_Franklin's Political Theories_, Garden +City, N. Y., 1928) observes that Franklin as presiding officer had +actually little to do with casting the instrument. From his later paper +on the Constitution it is possible, however, to see that he accepted +most of its major ideas (pp. 57-8). See S. B. Harding, "Party Struggles +over the First Pennsylvania Constitution," _Annual Report of the +American Historical Association for 1894_, 371-402.] + +[Footnote i-323: That Franklin "had more to do with the phraseology of +the Declaration of Independence than has been recognized up to now" (J. +C. Fitzpatrick, _Spirit of the Revolution_, Boston, 1924, 11) has been +shown by Becker, _op. cit._] + +[Footnote i-324: See text in S. E. Morison, _Sources and Documents +Illustrating the American Revolution, 1764-1788, and the Formation of +the Federal Constitution_ (Oxford, 1923, 162-76).] + +[Footnote i-325: C. H. Lincoln, _The Revolutionary Movement in +Pennsylvania, 1760-1776_, 277.] + +[Footnote i-326: Cited in N. G. Goodman, _Benjamin Rush_ (Philadelphia, +1934), 62. Another wrote that the unicameral form is good "if men were +wise and virtuous as angels" (Lincoln, _op. cit._, 282; see also 283). +The American Philosophical Society, of which Franklin was president, +declared against it.] + +[Footnote i-327: T. F. Moran, _The Rise and Development of the Bicameral +System in America_ (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and +Political Science, 13th ser., V [Baltimore, 1895]), 42. The legislative +Council (upper chamber) had been destroyed by the 1701 constitution. See +B. A. Konkle, _George Bryan and the Constitution of Pennsylvania_ +(Philadelphia, 1922), 114. P. L. Ford ("The Adoption of the Pennsylvania +Constitution of 1776," _Political Science Quarterly_, X, Sept., 1895, +426-59) observes: "The one-chamber legislature and the annual election +were hardly the work of the Convention, for they were merely transferred +from the Penn Charter; having yielded such admirable results in the +past, it is not strange that they were grafted into the new instrument" +(p. 454).] + +[Footnote i-328: Defending (in 1789) the Pennsylvania constitution, +Franklin wrote, "Have we not experienced in this Colony, when a Province +under the Government of the Proprietors, the Mischiefs of a second +Branch existing in the Proprietary Family, countenanced and aided by an +Aristocratic Council?" (_Writings_, X, 56.)] + +[Footnote i-329: In 1775 he submitted to the Second Continental Congress +his _Articles of Confederation_ (_Writings_, VI, 420-6) which called for +a "firm League of Friendship" motivated by a unicameral assembly and a +plural executive, a Council of twelve. It was democratic also in its +"basing representation upon population instead of financial support" +(Eiselen, _op. cit._, 54).] + +[Footnote i-330: _Writings_, VII, 48.] + +[Footnote i-331: _Ibid._, VII, 23. No dull sidelight on the quality of +Franklin's radicalism during this period is the fact that he brought +Thomas Paine to the colonies and was partly responsible for the writing +of _Common Sense_. It is alleged that Franklin considered Paine "his +adopted political son" (cited in M. D. Conway's _Life of Thomas Paine_, +3d ed., New York, 1893, II, 468). For explication of Paine's political +theories see C. E. Merriam, "Political Theories of Thomas Paine," +_Political Science Quarterly_, XIV, 389-403.] + +[Footnote i-332: Hale and Hale, _op. cit._, I, 70; see also 75.] + +[Footnote i-333: _Ibid._, I, 32.] + +[Footnote i-334: Cited in J. B. Perkins, _France in the American +Revolution_, 140.] + +[Footnote i-335: _Ibid._, 127.] + +[Footnote i-336: See D. J. Hill, "A Missing Chapter of Franco-American +History," _American Historical Review_, XXI, 709-19, (July, 1916).] + +[Footnote i-337: _Ibid._, 710.] + +[Footnote i-338: _Writings_, IX, 132. The Due de la Rochefoucauld +translated them into French (IX, 71). Franklin thought they would induce +emigration to the colonies. See the scores of requests (on the part of +notable Frenchmen) and thanks for copies of the constitutions of the +United States listed in _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in +the Library of the American Philosophical Society_.] + +[Footnote i-339: J. S. Schapiro, _Condorcet and the Rise of Liberalism_, +79-81 and _passim_.] + +[Footnote i-340: _Ibid._, 222.] + +[Footnote i-341: Cited in W. T. Franklin's edition, I, 303-4. E. P. +Oberholtzer, essentially hostile to Franklin, is obliged to admit that +Franklin "seems not to have had more than an advisory part" in making +the Constitution of 1776. He adds that if Franklin did not form it, "he +was at any rate a loyal defender of its principles," and that he seems +to have allowed the French to think that the Constitution was his own +(_The Referendum in America_, New York, 1900, 26-42). For Franklin's +later defenses of unicameralism, see _Writings_, IX, 645, 674; X; 56-8.] + +[Footnote i-342: Cited in B. Faÿ, _The Revolutionary Spirit In France +and America_, 289. Faÿ shows that in France the "revolutionary leaders" +who took lessons from Franklin regarded him as "the prophet and saint of +a new religion," as the "high priest of Philosophy." See also E. J. +Lowell, _The Eve of the French Revolution_ (Boston, 1892), chaps. XVI +and XVIII.] + +[Footnote i-343: B. Faÿ, _The Revolutionary Spirit in France and +America_, 302.] + +[Footnote i-344: _Writings_, VIII, 34.] + +[Footnote i-345: _Ibid._, VIII, 452; June 7, 1782 (to Joseph +Priestley).] + +[Footnote i-346: _Ibid._, IX, 241.] + +[Footnote i-347: _Ibid._, IX, 330.] + +[Footnote i-348: _Ibid._, IX, 521; see also IX, 489.] + +[Footnote i-349: Although the preponderance of evidence bears out the +trustworthiness of this assertion, one can not idly dismiss his _Some +Good Whig Principles_ or disregard his expressed belief that the people +"seldom continue long in the wrong" and if misled they "come right +again, and double their former affections" (cited in W. C. Bruce, +_Benjamin Franklin, Self-Revealed_, II, 100; also see _Writings_, X, +130). There is a clearly evident polarity in Franklin's mind between +ultra-democratic faith and a rigorous observation that if "people" are +so constituted, many men are utter rascals. One almost senses a +dichotomy between Franklin the politician and Franklin the man and +moralist.] + +[Footnote i-350: See his _The Constitution of the United States_ (New +York, 1924).] + +[Footnote i-351: _The Records of the Federal Convention_, ed. by Max +Farrand, I, 488; see _Writings_, IX, 602-3, 595-9.] + +[Footnote i-352: _Writings_, IX, 596.] + +[Footnote i-353: _The Records of the Federal Convention_, I, 47.] + +[Footnote i-354: _Ibid._, I, 165.] + +[Footnote i-355: _Writings_, IX, 593.] + +[Footnote i-356: _The Records of the Federal Convention_, I, 109.] + +[Footnote i-357: _Ibid._, II, 120.] + +[Footnote i-358: _Ibid._, II, 204.] + +[Footnote i-359: Franklin objected to primogeniture and entail.] + +[Footnote i-360: _Ibid._, II, 249.] + +[Footnote i-361: Gettell, _op. cit._, 122.] + +[Footnote i-362: _Writings_, X, 56-8.] + +[Footnote i-363: _Ibid._, IX, 698-703.] + +[Footnote i-364: _Ibid._, IX, 608.] + +[Footnote i-365: _Ibid._, IX, 638.] + +[Footnote i-366: _Writings_, X, 7.] + +[Footnote i-367: Letter in American Philosophical Society Library; cited +by B. M. Victory, _Benjamin Franklin and Germany_, 128.] + +[Footnote i-368: _Writings_, III, 96.] + +[Footnote i-369: _Ibid._, III, 97.] + +[Footnote i-370: _Ibid._, III, 107.] + +[Footnote i-371: _Ibid._, IV, 221.] + +[Footnote i-372: _Ibid._, IV, 377.] + +[Footnote i-373: _Ibid._, V, 165. He repeated this thought to Beccaria +in 1773 (_ibid._, VI, 112). Also see V, 206, 410-1, VII, 49.] + +[Footnote i-374: _Ibid._, VII, 418; also see VIII, 211.] + +[Footnote i-375: _Ibid._, VIII, 315; also see letter to Priestley, June +7, 1782, VIII, 451; to Comte de Salmes, July 5, 1785, IX, 361.] + +[Footnote i-376: _Ibid._, IX, 652.] + +[Footnote i-377: _Ibid._, IX, 621. He wrote this after he was +reappointed President of Pennsylvania in 1787. He confessed, however, +that this honor gave him "no small pleasure."] + +[Footnote i-378: W. P. and J. P. Cutler, _Life, Journals and +Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler_, I, 269-70.] + +[Footnote i-379: _Joseph and Benjamin, A Conversation_, Trans. from a +French Manuscript (London, 1787), 72. If this meeting never took place, +the reported conversation is anything but "decidedly silly" as Ford +opines (_Franklin Bibliography_, #936, 371).] + +[Footnote i-380: _Writings_, IV, 143.] + +[Footnote i-381: _Ibid._, VIII, 601. Also see IX, 53.] + +[Footnote i-382: _Ibid._, VIII, 593.] + +[Footnote i-383: Brother Potamian and J. J. Walsh, _Makers of +Electricity_, 126.] + +[Footnote i-384: "Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, IV +(1748-54)," _Collections of the New York Historical Society_ (1920), +372.] + +[Footnote i-385: "An Outline of Philosophy in America," _Western Reserve +University Bulletin_ (March, 1896). See also I. W. Riley, _American +Philosophy: The Early Schools_, 229-65.] + +[Footnote i-386: _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_, iv.] + +[Footnote i-387: _Writings_, I, 295.] + +[Footnote i-388: _Boston News-Letter_, Jan. 17, 1744/5. Also see +1669-1882. _An Historical Catalogue of the Old South Church (Third +Church), Boston_ (Boston, 1883), 304.] + +[Footnote i-389: _Writings_, I, 324.] + +[Footnote i-390: _Writings_, IX, 208.] + +[Footnote i-391: _Essays to do Good_, with an Introductory Essay by A. +Thomson (Glasgow, 1825), 102.] + +[Footnote i-392: _Ibid._, 213-4.] + +[Footnote i-393: _Works of Daniel Defoe_, ed. by Wm. Hazlitt (London, +1843), I, 22.] + +[Footnote i-394: _Writings_, I, 239.] + +[Footnote i-395: See _New England Courant_, No. 48, June 25-July 2, +1722.] + +[Footnote i-396: _Writings_, I, 244.] + +[Footnote i-397: Consecrated to piety, Robert Boyle at his death left +£50 per annum, for a clergyman elected to "preach eight sermons in the +year for proving the Christian religion against notorious infidels, +_viz._ Atheists, Theists, Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans...." (_Works of +Robert Boyle_, London, 1772, I, clxvii.)] + +[Footnote i-398: _Writings_, I, 295.] + +[Footnote i-399: In his Introduction to _Selections from Cotton Mather_ +(New York, 1926), xlix-li, K. B. Murdock agrees with I. W. Riley that +_The Christian Philosopher_ (1721) represents the first stage of the +reaction from scriptural Calvinism to the scientific deism of Paine and +Franklin. T. Hornberger's "The Date, the Source, and the Significance of +Cotton Mather's Interest in Science" (_loc. cit._) shows that "as early +as 1693 Cotton Mather was expressing that delight in the wonder and +beauty of design in the external world which Professors Murdock and +Riley regard as deistic in tendency," that he "was unconsciously +vacillating between two points of view."] + +[Footnote i-400: _Works of Richard Bentley_, ed. by A. Dyce (London, +1838), III, 74-5.] + +[Footnote i-401: _Ibid._, III, 79.] + +[Footnote i-402: _Physico-Theology ..._ (5th ed., London, 1720), 25-6. +God's "exquisite Workmanship" is seen in "every Creature" (p. 27).] + +[Footnote i-403: See _A Discourse of Free-Thinking_ (London, 1713).] + +[Footnote i-404: _Priestcraft in Perfection ..._ (London, 1710).] + +[Footnote i-405: _Writings_, I, 243.] + +[Footnote i-406: A. C. Fraser ed. (Oxford, 1894), II, 425-6.] + +[Footnote i-407: _Ibid._, II, 121. For Locke and his place in the age +see S. G. Hefelbower's _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism_. +About the time he read Locke, Franklin notes he studied Arnauld and +Nicole's _La logique ou l'art de penser_. Mr. G. S. Eddy has informed +one of the editors that the Library Company of Philadelphia owns John +Ozell's translation of the work (London, 1718), and that this was the +copy owned by Franklin. (See Lowndes's _Bibliographer's Manual_, IV, +1930, and _Dictionary of National Biography_, "John Ozell.") In accord +with the English deistic and rationalistic tendency, _La logique_ admits +that Aristotle's authority is not good, that "Men cannot long endure +such constraint" (Thomas S. Bayne's trans., 8th ed., Edinburgh and +London, n.d., 23). Indebted to Pascal and Descartes, it admits with the +latter that geometry and astronomy may help one achieve justness of +mind, but it vigorously asserts that this justness of mind is more +important than speculative science (p. 1). Anti-sensational, it denies +"that all our ideas come through sense" (p. 34), affirming that we have +within us ideas of things (p. 31). It is uncertain of the value of +induction, which "is never a certain means of acquiring perfect +knowledge" (p. 265; see also 304, 307, 308, 350). It accords little +praise to the sciences and reason, and seems wary of metaphysical +speculation, assuring more humbly that "Piety, wisdom, moderation, are +without doubt the most estimable qualities in the world" (p. 291). As we +shall discover, this work on the whole seems to have had (with the +exception of the last very general principle) little formative influence +on the young mind which was fast impregnating itself with scientific +deism. Were it not for the recurring implications (particularly in the +harvest of editions of the _Autobiography_) that _La logique_ is as +significant for our study as, for example, the works of Locke and +Shaftesbury, this note would be pedantic supererogation.] + +[Footnote i-408: A. C. Fraser, _op. cit._, I, 99. See also 190, 402-3; +II, 65, 68, 352.] + +[Footnote i-409: Cited in C. A. Moore, "Shaftesbury and the Ethical +Poets in England, 1700-1760," _Publications of the Modern Language +Association_, XXXI (N. S. XXIV), 276 (June, 1916).] + +[Footnote i-410: _Ibid._, 271.] + +[Footnote i-411: J. M. Robertson, ed., _Characteristics ..._ (New York, +1900), I, 27.] + +[Footnote i-412: _Ibid._, I, 241-2.] + +[Footnote i-413: Moore, _op. cit._, 267.] + +[Footnote i-414: In _Dogood Paper_ No. XIV Franklin suggests +(autobiographically?): "In Matters of Religion, he that alters his +Opinion on a _religious Account_, must certainly go thro' much Reading, +hear many Arguments on both Sides, and undergo many Struggles in his +Conscience, before he can come to a full Resolution" (_Writings_, II, +46).] + +[Footnote i-415: He read Thomas Tryon's _The Way to Health, Long Life +and Happiness_, probably the second edition (London, 1691), a copy of +which is in the W. S. Mason Collection. Tryon holds that no "greater +Happiness" than Attic sobriety is "attainable upon Earth" (p. 1). Divine +Temperance is the "spring head of all Virtues" (p. 33). Inward harmony +"is both the Glory and the Happiness, the Joy and Solace of created +Beings, the celebrated Musick of the Spheres, the Eccho of Heaven, the +Business of Seraphims, and the Imployment of Eternity" (p. 500). From +Xenophon he learned that "self-restraint" is "the very corner-stone of +virtue." The classic core of the _Memorabilia_ is the love of the +moderate contending with the love of the incontinent. Franklin has +impressed many as representing an American Socrates. Emerson was certain +that Socrates "had a Franklin-like wisdom" (Centenary Ed., IV, 72). +Franklin's fondness for Socratic centrality, discipline, and knowledge +of self is fragmentarily shown by the aphorisms appropriated in _Poor +Richard_. There are scores of the quality of the following: "He that +lives carnally won't live eternally." "Who has deceived thee so oft as +thyself?" "Caesar did not merit the triumphal car more than he that +conquers himself." "If Passion drives, let Reason hold the Reins." "A +man in a Passion rides a mad Horse." "There are three Things extremely +hard, Steel, a Diamond and to know one's self." Consult T. H. Russell's +_The Sayings of Poor Richard, 1733-1758_.] + +[Footnote i-416: See S. Bloore, "Samuel Keimer. A Footnote to the Life +of Franklin," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIV, +255-87 (July, 1930), and "Samuel Keimer," in _Dictionary of American +Biography_, X, 288-9. In 1724 Samuel Keimer (probably with Franklin's +aid) reprinted Gordon and Trenchard's _The Independent Whig_. (See W. J. +Campbell's _A Short-Title Check List of all the Books, Pamphlets, +Broadsides, known to have been printed by Benjamin Franklin_.) Franklin +also was acquainted with their _Cato's Letters_, having helped to set up +parts from it while working on the _New England Courant_. _The +Independent Whig_ emphasizes humanitarian morality rather than +theological dogma, morality which "prompts us to do good to all Men, and +to all Men alike" (London, 1721, xlviii). It is fearful of metaphysical +vagaries (p. 26). Warring against priests and their "Monkey Tricks at +Church" (p. 165)--"One Drop of Priestcraft is enough to contaminate the +Ocean" (p. 168)--it sets up a violent antithesis between reason and +authority (p. 212), declaring that "we must judge from Scripture what is +Orthodoxy" _but_ "we must judge from Reason, what is Scripture" (p. +276). Tilting at a Deity "revengeful, cruel, capricious, impotent, vain, +fond of Commendation and Flattery," exalting an "All-powerful, All-wise, +and All-merciful God" (p. 413), _The Independent Whig_, like Franklin's +_Articles_, suggests that "it is absurd to suppose, that we can direct +the All-wise Being in the Dispensation of his Providence; or can flatter +or persuade him out of his eternal Decrees" (p. 436). In _Cato's +Letters_ (3rd ed., 4 vols., London, 1733), which were tremendously +popular in the American colonies, Franklin could have read that "The +People have no Biass to be Knaves" (I, 178), that man "cannot enter into +the Rationale of God's punishing all Mankind for the Sin of their first +Parents, which they could not help" (IV, 38), "That we cannot provoke +him, when we intend to adore him; that the best Way to serve him, is to +be serviceable to one another" (IV, 103). Jesus instituted a natural +religion, a worship of One Immutable God, free from priests, sacrifices, +and ceremonies, in which one shows through "doing Good to men" his +adoration for God (IV, 265-6). Here are observations which could easily +have reinforced Franklin's deistic rationale. For interesting evidence +of further deistic and rationalistic works available to Franklin, see L. +C. Wroth's _An American Bookshelf_, 1755.] + +[Footnote i-417: One of the editors has examined the photostated _New +England Courant_ in the W. S. Mason Collection. For readable accounts of +this newspaper see: W. G. Bleyer, _Main Currents in the History of +American Journalism_, chaps. I-II; C. A. Duniway, _The Development of +Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts_, 97-103; W. C. Ford, "Franklin's +New England Courant," _Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical +Society_, LVII, 336-53 (April, 1924); H. F. Kane, "James Franklin +Senior, Printer of Boston and Newport," _American Collector_, III, 17-26 +(Oct., 1926).] + +[Footnote i-418: See _Writings_, II, 52-3.] + +[Footnote i-419: One of the editors has used the Huth copy now possessed +by W. S. Mason. Not included in the Sparks, Bigelow, or Smyth editions +of his works, it was printed by Parton as an Appendix to his _Life_; by +I. W. Riley, _op. cit._, and recently edited by L. C. Wroth for The +Facsimile Text Society.] + +[Footnote i-420: Franklin must have been mistaken in his belief that he +set up the second edition. The work was privately printed in 1722, +reprinted in 1724 and a second time in 1725. Hence Franklin really set +up the _third_ edition. For an extensive analysis of this work, see C. +G. Thompson's dissertation, _The Ethics of William Wollaston_ (Boston, +1922).] + +[Footnote i-421: Wollaston, _op. cit._, 15.] + +[Footnote i-422: _Ibid._, 23.] + +[Footnote i-423: _Ibid._, 78-9.] + +[Footnote i-424: _Ibid._, 80.] + +[Footnote i-425: _Ibid._] + +[Footnote i-426: _Ibid._, 83.] + +[Footnote i-427: It would be interesting to know whether Franklin's much +discussed prudential virtues (listed in _Autobiography_) were not in +part motivated by Wollaston's pages 173-80.] + +[Footnote i-428: _Ibid._, 7.] + +[Footnote i-429: _Ibid._, 26.] + +[Footnote i-430: _Ibid._, 63 ff.] + +[Footnote i-431: _Writings_, VII, 412.] + +[Footnote i-432: _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity_, _Pleasure +and Pain_ (London, 1725), 4.] + +[Footnote i-433: _Ibid._, 5.] + +[Footnote i-434: For an incisive exposition of the earlier and +contemporary controversy regarding freedom of the will, see C. H. Faust +and T. H. Johnson's Introduction to _Jonathan Edwards_ (American Writers +Series, New York, 1935), xliii-lxiv.] + +[Footnote i-435: _A Dissertation ..._, 10-1.] + +[Footnote i-436: In Franklin's liturgy of the '30's (in the +_Autobiography_) he quotes from Thomson's _Winter_ (lines 217 ff.). +While the references to Thomson are few in the complete works, his later +influence on Franklin need not be underestimated. See Franklin's letter +to W. Strahan (_Writings_, II, 242-3) in which he confesses that "That +charming Poet has brought more Tears of Pleasure into my Eyes than all I +ever read before." It is not inconceivable that in Thomson Franklin +found additional sanction for his humanitarian bias. One remembers the +wide differences between the humanitarianism of Thomson and Franklin. +Franklin's practical and masculine-humanitarianism keyed to the saving +of time and energy was unlike the sentimental warmheartedness often +displayed by Thomson. Franklin was never moved to tears at beholding the +worm's "convulsive twist in agonizing folds."] + +[Footnote i-437: Phillips Russell has suggested _Spectator_, No. 183, as +Franklin's probable source in Part II of the _Dissertation_. There, +pleasure and pain are "such constant yoke-fellows." This intuitive +assertion can hardly be conceived as the elaborate metaphysical +rationale upon which this idea rests in Franklin's work.] + +[Footnote i-438: Robertson, _op. cit._, 239-40.] + +[Footnote i-439: London (4th ed.), 1724. A despiser of authoritarianism +in religion, intrigued by the physico-deistic thought of his day, Lyons +(with a vituperative force akin to Thomas Paine's) damns those who damn +men for revolting against divine and absolute revelation (p. 25). "Men +have _Reason_ sufficient to find out proper and regular ways for +improving and perfecting their laws." Faith he calls "an unintelligible +Chymæra of the Phantasie" (p. 92). The doctrine of the Trinity "is one +of the most nice Inventions that ever the subtlest Virtuoso constru'd to +puzzle the Wit of Man with" (p. 112). Through faith people make of God +"only a confus'd unintelligible Description of a _Heterogeneous Monster_ +of their own Making" (p. 117). Deistically he opines that "we shall soon +see that the Object of _True Religion_, and all Rational Mens +Speculations, is an Eternal, Unchangeable, Omnipotent Being, infinitely +Good, Just and Wise" (p. 123). Like Toland he urges, "To pretend to +Believe a Thing or the Working of a Miracle, is a stupid and gaping +Astonishment" (p. 195). Although he enjoyed Franklin's dissertation, he +does not in his work hold to Franklin's necessitarianism: "Nothing +interrupts Men, but only as they interrupt one another" (p. 238). +Religion to Lyons is remote from books, but is found in the "unalterable +laws of Nature, which no Authority can destroy, or Interpolator corrupt" +(p. 252).] + +[Footnote i-440: Although Franklin indicates in his _Autobiography_ that +he delighted to listen to Mandeville hold forth at the Horns, there +seems to be traceable in his writings no direct influence of +Mandeville's thought. (One may wonder whether Franklin's use of the name +"Horatio" in his 1730 dialogues between Philocles and Horatio could be +traced to Mandeville's use of the name in his dialogues between +Cleomenes and Horatio.) Mandeville's empirical view of man's essential +egoism would have found sympathetic response from Franklin. On the other +hand, Mandeville's ethical rigorism (see Kaye's Introd. to The _Fable of +the Bees_) differs from the utilitarian cast Franklin sheds over his +strenuous ethicism. One may suspect that like a Bunyan, a Swift, a +Rabelais, Mandeville would have fortified Franklin against accepting too +blithely Shaftesbury's faith in man's innate altruism, even if he did +not short-circuit Franklin's growing humanitarianism.] + +[Footnote i-441: _Writings_, I, 278.] + +[Footnote i-442: David Brewster, _Life of Sir Isaac Newton_ (New York, +1831), 258. For fuller treatment see his _Memoirs of the Life, Writings, +and Discoveries of Sir Isaac Newton_ (Edinburgh, 1855), II, 378 ff., and +_passim_.] + +[Footnote i-443: Quoted in C. S. Duncan, _op. cit._, 16. See +Desaguliers's _A System of Experimental Philosophy, Prov'd by Mechanicks +..._ (London, 1719), and his _The Newtonian System of the World, The +Best Model of Government: An Allegorical Poem_ (Westminster, 1728). The +popularizers of Newton were legion: see especially Watts, Derham, Ray, +Huygens, Blackmore, Locke, Thomson, Shaftesbury, S. Clarke, Whiston, +Keill, Maclaurin.] + +[Footnote i-444: _A View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy_ (London, +1728), 2-3.] + +[Footnote i-445: _Ibid._, 405. Cf. also 13, 18, 181, 406.] + +[Footnote i-446: Not to be neglected in a summary of the factors +influencing Franklin during his youth is Quakerism. Taught in Boston to +suspect the Quakers, in Philadelphia in the midst of their stronghold he +came soon, one may imagine, to have a sympathetic regard for them. +Quakerism, in its antagonism towards sacraments and ceremonies, in its +emphasis on the priesthood of every man and the right of private +judgment, in its strenuous effort to promote fellow-service, was +congenial to the young printer, reacting against Presbyterianism. Like +the radical thought of the age, Quakerism refused first place to +scriptural revelation, which became secondary to the light within, the +dictates of one's heart. Often, we may suspect, the light within was +blended with the concept in deism, that regardless of the promptings of +scripture, each man has within him a natural sense which enables him to +apprehend the truths of nature. The effort of deism to simplify religion +was historically shared by Quakerism. During the years we have under +consideration Franklin was endeavoring to make a simple worship out of +the subtle theology which had been offered him during his early years. +Presbyterianism had frowned upon a covenant of works; Quakerism +attempted to express its covenant with God in terms of human kindliness, +fellowship, and service.] + +[Footnote i-447: It would be interesting to know if M. Faÿ is able to +document his statement that the Junto "had Masonic leanings" ("Learned +Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth Century," _American +Historical Review_, XXXVII, 258 [1932]). R. F. Gould (_The History of +Freemasonry_, London, 1887, III, 424) conjectures whether where was a +lodge in Boston as early as 1720 but can offer no evidence of a real +history of Masonry in the colonies until 1730, when colonial Masonry +"may be said to have its commencement." Chroniclers of Franklin's +Masonic career have found no documentary evidence of his affiliation +with Masonry until February, 1731, when he entered St. John's Lodge. See +J. F. Sachse, _Benjamin Franklin as a Free Mason_; J. H. Tatsch, +_Freemasonry in the Thirteen Colonies_ (New York, 1924); _Early +Newspaper Accounts of Free Masonry in Pennsylvania, England, Ireland, +and Scotland. From 1730 to 1750 by Dr. Benjamin Franklin. Reprinted from +Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette_ (Philadelphia, 1886); _Masonic Letters +of Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia to H. Price of Boston_, ed. by C. +P. MacCalla (Philadelphia, 1888); M. M. Johnson, _The Beginnings of +Freemasonry in America_ (New York, 1924). See "Prefatory Note" in W. B. +Loewy's reprint of Anderson's _Constitutions_ (a reprint of Franklin's +imprint of 1734) in _Publications of the Masonic Historical Society of +New York_, No. 3 (New York, 1905). Arriving in London only seven years +after the inauguration of the Grand Lodge, Franklin could hardly have +been unaware of the broader speculations of Masonry. In London only a +year after Anderson's _Constitutions_ were printed (in 1723), he may +conceivably have read the volume. + +Stressing toleration, the universality of natural religion, morality +rather than theology, reason rather than faith, Masonry could easily +have augmented these ideas as they were latent or already developed in +Franklin's mind. Scholars have yet to work out the extent to which +Freemasonry, yokefellow of deism, reinforced free thought and was one of +the subversive forces breaking down colonial orthodoxy. B. Faÿ's +_Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680-1800_ neglects non-political +influences of Freemasonry. + +Although there is no evidence that Franklin as early as 1728 read such +works (popular in the colonies) as De Ramsay's _The Travels of Cyrus_ +and Rowe's translation of _The Golden Sayings of Pythagoras_, the manner +in which oriental lore augmented science and Masonry in fostering deism +is an intriguing problem in eighteenth-century colonial letters.] + +[Footnote i-448: See I. W. Riley, _op. cit._, 249. Also see C. M. Walsh, +"Franklin and Plato," _Open Court_, XX, 129 ff.] + +[Footnote i-449: See _Writings_, II, 95-6 (1728).] + +[Footnote i-450: John Ray's _The Wisdom of God Manifested in the Works +of the Creation_ (London, 1827; first ed. 1691), 31-2.] + +[Footnote i-451: _The Augustan Age_, 54-5.] + +[Footnote i-452: _Selections from the Writings of Fénelon_, ed. by Mrs. +Follen (Boston, 1861), 51-2.] + +[Footnote i-453: _Ibid._, 59.] + +[Footnote i-454: _Ibid._, 47.] + +[Footnote i-455: In Preface to _The Works of the British Poets_, ed. by +R. Anderson (London, 1795), 592. Since Franklin frequented Batson's in +Cornhill, it is possible that through Dr. Pemberton he might have met +Sir R. Blackmore, who was one of its best patrons.] + +[Footnote i-456: _Ibid._, 611.] + +[Footnote i-457: See Ray, _op. cit._, 143: "I persuade myself, that the +beautiful and gracious Author of man's being and faculties, and all +things else, delights in the beauty of his creation, and is well pleased +with the industry of man, in adorning the earth with beautiful cities +and castles...."] + +[Footnote i-458: _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism_, 133.] + +[Footnote i-459: See P. S. Wood, "Native Elements in English +Neo-Classicism," _Modern Philology_, XXIV, 201-8 (Nov., 1926).] + +[Footnote i-460: See C. E. Jorgenson's "The Source of Benjamin +Franklin's Dialogues between Philocles and Horatio (1730)," _American +Literature_, VI, 337-9 (Nov., 1934).] + +[Footnote i-461: _Writings_, II, 203.] + +[Footnote i-462: _Ibid._, II, 467.] + +[Footnote i-463: Facsimile reprint by W. Pepper (Philadelphia, 1931), 27 +note.] + +[Footnote i-464: See _Almanac_ for 1753.] + +[Footnote i-465: _Writings_, II, 288.] + +[Footnote i-466: _Ibid._, II, 429. See also II, 434-5.] + +[Footnote i-467: See W. J. Campbell, _op. cit._] + +[Footnote i-468: No. 570 (Nov. 15, 1739), No. 565 (Oct. 11, 1739), and +No. 628 (Dec. 25, 1740), for example, are loaded with tributes to the +effective preaching and contagious saintliness of this preacher of the +Great Awakening.] + +[Footnote i-469: No. 618 (Oct. 16, 1740). Franklin's _General Magazine +and Historical Chronicle_ contains many Whitefield references.] + +[Footnote i-470: _Writings_, II, 316. In general, emotional Methodism +was not responsive to science as a basis for rationalistic deism, +although to a considerable extent Methodism and deism synchronized in +their endeavor to relieve social suffering. See U. Lee's able study, +_The Historical Backgrounds of Early Methodist Enthusiasm_ (New York, +1931).] + +[Footnote i-471: Rev. L. Tyerman, _Life of the Reverend George +Whitefield_ (London, 1876), I, 439.] + +[Footnote i-472: _Ibid._, II, 283-4.] + +[Footnote i-473: _Ibid._, II, 540-1.] + +[Footnote i-474: _Ibid._, II, 541.] + +[Footnote i-475: See H. H. Clark's "An Historical Interpretation of +Thomas Paine's Religion," _University of California Chronicle_, XXXV, +56-87 (Jan., 1933), and "Toward a Reinterpretation of Thomas Paine," +_American Literature_, V, 133-45 (May, 1933).] + +[Footnote i-476: _Writings_, IX, 520.] + +[Footnote i-477: _Ibid._, VIII, 561. See also IX, 506.] + +[Footnote i-478: Aug. 22, 1784; unpublished letter in W. S. Mason +Collection. Also see _Writings_, VIII, 113; IX, 476, 488, 621.] + +[Footnote i-479: I. W. Riley, _American Thought from Puritanism to +Pragmatism_, 76.] + +[Footnote i-480: Parton, _op. cit._, I, 546.] + +[Footnote i-481: He admonished Deborah, his wife, that she "should go +oftener to Church" (_Writings_, IV, 202), and his daughter, Sarah, "Go +constantly to Church, whoever preaches" (_Ibid._, IV, 287).] + +[Footnote i-482: _Letters to Benjamin Franklin from His Family and +Friends, 1751-1790_ (New York, 1859), 10.] + +[Footnote i-483: Franklin's English friends, Dr. Richard Price, Joseph +Priestley, Rev. David Williams, Dr. John Fothergill, Peter Collinson, +Sir Joseph Banks, Jonathan Shipley, Lord Kames, Sir William Jones, et +cetera, though not all deists, found Newtonian science useful in +augmenting their philosophies.] + +[Footnote i-484: _A Discourse ..._ (London, 1775), 33. For background +material on the history of this concept see L. E. Hicks, _A Critique of +Design-Arguments_ (New York, 1883).] + +[Footnote i-485: N. Meredith, _Considerations on the Utility of +Conductors for Lightning ..._ (London, 1789), 44-5. See especially the +characteristic notice in _Monthly Review ..._, XLII (London, 1770), +199-210, 298-308.] + +[Footnote i-486: For references see B. Faÿ, _The Revolutionary Spirit in +France and America_; E. E. Hale and E. E. Hale, Jr., _Franklin in +France_; L. Amiable, _Un loge maçonnique d'avant 1789 ..._.] + +[Footnote i-487: _Writings_, IX, 436.] + +[Footnote i-488: W. T. Franklin ed. of Franklin's _Writings_ (London, +1818), I, 433.] + +[Footnote i-489: See similar expression in letter to Mme Brillon, cited +in J. M. Stifler, _The Religion of Benjamin Franklin_, 55-6.] + +[Footnote i-490: _Writings_, III, 135.] + + + + +_CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE_ + + +1706. Benjamin Franklin born in Boston, January 17 (January 6, + 1705, O. S.). + +1714-16. After a year in Boston Grammar School is sent to learn + writing and arithmetic in school kept by George Brownell, from + which, after a year, he is taken to assist his father, Josiah, + a candlemaker. + +1717. James Franklin returns from England, following apprenticeship + as printer. + +1718. Benjamin is apprenticed to brother James. + +1718-23. Period of assiduous reading in Anthony Collins, + Shaftesbury, Locke, Addison and Steele, Cotton Mather, Bunyan, + Defoe, etc. + +1719. Writes and hawks ballads of the "Grub-Street" style, "The + Lighthouse Tragedy" and "The Taking of Teach the Pirate." + +1721-23. Aids brother in publishing the _New England Courant_. + During 1722-23 in charge of paper after James is declared + objectionable by the authorities. + +1722. His _Dogood Papers_ printed anonymously in the _New England + Courant_. + +1723. Breaks his indentures and leaves for New York; eventually + arrives in Philadelphia. + +1723-24. Employed by Samuel Keimer, a printer in Philadelphia. + +1724. Visits Cotton Mather and Governor Burnet (New York). Meets + James Ralph, Grub-Street pamphleteer, historian, and poet in + the Thomson tradition. Patronized by Governor Keith. Leaves + for London in November on the _London-Hope_ to buy type, etc., + for printing shop to be set up in his behalf by Keith. Upon + arrival he and Ralph take lodgings in Little Britain. + +1725-26. Employed in Palmer's and Watts's printing houses. + +1725. Publishes _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure + and Pain_. One result of this is acquaintance with Lyons, + author of _The Infallibility of Human Judgement_. Through him + Franklin meets Bernard Mandeville and Dr. Henry Pemberton, who + is preparing a third edition of Sir Isaac Newton's + _Principia_. Is received by Sir Hans Sloane in Bloomsbury + Square. Conceives of setting up a swimming school in London. + +1726. On July 21, with Mr. Denham, merchant and Quaker, leaves for + Philadelphia on the _Berkshire_. Between July 22 and October + 11 writes _Journal of a Voyage from London to Philadelphia_. + Employed by Denham until latter's death in 1727. + +1727. Ill of pleurisy and composes his epitaph. After recovery + returns to Keimer's printing house. Forms his Junto club. + Employed in Burlington, New Jersey, on a job of printing paper + money. + +1728. Forms partnership with Hugh Meredith. Writes _Articles of + Belief and Acts of Religion_, and _Rules for a Club_--his + Junto club "Constitution." + +1729. Buys Keimer's _The Universal Instructor in all Arts and + Sciences: and Pennsylvania Gazette_ (begun December 24, 1728). + Changes name to _Pennsylvania Gazette_, first issue, XL, + September 25-October 2, 1729. (Published by Franklin until + 1748, by Franklin and David Hall from 1748 to 1766, after + which Hall, until his death, and others publish it until + 1815.) Contributes to _American Weekly Mercury_ six papers of + _The Busy-Body_, February 4, 1729-March 27, 1729. Writes and + prints _A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a + Paper Currency_. + +1730. Appointed Public Printer by Pennsylvania Assembly (incumbent + until 1764). Partnership with Meredith dissolved. Marries + Deborah Read (Mrs. Rogers). Prints in _Pennsylvania Gazette_ + his _Dialogues between Philocles and Horatio_. + +1731. First public venture: founds the Philadelphia Library Company, + first subscription library in America. Begins partnership + with Thomas Whitemarsh, Charleston, S. C. (1732, publishes + _South Carolina Gazette_.) Begins Masonic affiliations: enters + St. John's Lodge in February. William Franklin born. + +1732. Begins _Poor Richard's Almanack_ (for 1733). His son Francis + Folger Franklin born (dies of smallpox in 1736). Elected + junior grand warden of St. John's Lodge. + +1733. Begins to study languages, French, Italian, Spanish, and + continues Latin. + +1734. Elected grand master of Masons of Pennsylvania for 1734-35. + Reprints Anderson's _Constitutions_, first Masonic book + printed in America. + +1735. Writes and prints three pamphlets in defense of Rev. Mr. + Hemphill. Prints, in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, _Protection + of Towns from Fire_. Secretary of St. John's Lodge until 1738. + Writes introduction for and prints Logan's _Cato's Moral + Distiches_, first classic translated and printed in the + colonies. + +1736. Establishes the Union Fire Company, the first in Philadelphia. + Chosen clerk of the Pennsylvania General Assembly. + +1737. Appointed postmaster of Philadelphia (incumbent until 1753); + also justice of the peace. + +1739. Beginning of friendship with the Reverend George Whitefield. + +1740. Announces (November 13) _The General Magazine and Historical + Chronicle_. + +1741. Six issues (January-June) of this magazine (the first planned + and the second issued in the colonies). With J. Parker + establishes a printing house in New York. + +1742. Invents Franklin open stove. + +1743. _A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British + Plantations in America_ (circular letter sent to his friends). + +1744. Establishes the American Philosophical Society and becomes its + first secretary. Daughter Sarah born. _An Account of the New + Invented Pennsylvanian Fire-places._ Writes preface to and + prints Logan's translation of Cicero's _Cato Major_. Reprints + Richardson's _Pamela_. Father dies. + +1746. _Reflections on Courtship and Marriage_, first of his writings + reprinted in Europe. Peter Collinson sends a Leyden vial as + gift to Library Company of Philadelphia. Having witnessed Dr. + Spence's experiments, Franklin now begins his study of + electricity. + +1747. _Plain Truth: or, Serious Considerations on the Present State + of the City of Philadelphia, and Province of Pennsylvania._ + +1748. Withdraws from active service in his printing and bookselling + house (Franklin and Hall). _Advice to a Young Tradesman._ + Chosen member of the Council of Philadelphia. + +1749. Appointed provincial grand master of colonial Masons (through + 1750). _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in + Pensilvania._ Founds academy which later develops into + University of Pennsylvania. Reprints Bolingbroke's _On the + Spirit of Patriotism_. + +1750. Appointed as one of the commissioners to make treaty with the + Indians at Carlisle. + +1751. _Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at + Philadelphia in America, By Mr. Benjamin Franklin, and + Communicated in several Letters to Mr. P. Collinson, of + London, F. R. S._ (London.) _Idea of the English School, + Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the Trustees of the + Philadelphia Academy._ Member of Assembly from Philadelphia + (incumbent until 1764). _Observations Concerning the Increase + of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, Etc._ Aids Dr. Bond to + establish Pennsylvania hospital. + +1752. Collinson edition of Franklin's works translated into French. + Alleged kite experiment proves identity of lightning and + electricity. Invents lightning rod; in September raises one + over his own house. Mother dies. Aids in establishing the + first fire insurance company in the colonies. + +1753. Appointed (jointly with William Hunter) deputy postmaster + general of North America Post, a position he held until 1774. + Makes ten-weeks' survey of roads and post offices in northern + colonies. Abbé Nollet attacks Franklin in _Lettres sur + l'électricité_ (Paris). Beccaria defends Franklin's electrical + theories against Abbé Nollet. Receives M. A. from Harvard and + from Yale. Receives Sir Godfrey Copley medal from the Royal + Society. + +1754. Proposes Albany Plan of Union. Second edition of _Experiments + and Observations on Electricity_. + +1755. _An Act for the Better Ordering and Regulating such as are + Willing and Desirous to be United for Military Purposes within + the Province of Pennsylvania._ _A Dialogue Between X, Y, & Z, + concerning the Present State of Affairs in Pennsylvania._ Aids + General Braddock in getting supplies and transportation. + +1756. Supervises construction efforts in province of Pennsylvania (a + task begun in 1755). Chosen Fellow of the Royal Society of + London. Chosen a member of the London Society of Arts. _Plan + for Settling the Western Colonies in North America, with + Reasons for the Plan._ M. D'Alibard's edition of Franklin's + electrical experiments (French translation). Receives M. A. + from William and Mary College. + +1757. Appointed colonial agent for Province of Pennsylvania (arrives + in London July 26). _The Way to Wealth_ (for 1758). (In 1889 + Ford noted: "Seventy editions of it have been printed in + English, fifty-six in French, eleven in German, and nine in + Italian. It has been translated into Spanish, Danish, Swedish, + Welsh, Polish, Gaelic, Russian, Bohemian, Dutch, Catalan, + Chinese, Modern Greek and Phonetic writing. It has been + printed at least four hundred times, and is today as popular + as ever.") + +1759. Receives Doctor of Laws degree from University of St. Andrews. + September 5, made burgess and guild-brother of Edinburgh. _An + Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of + Pennsylvania._ (See Ford, pp. 110-111, where he suggests that + this "must still be treated as from Franklin's pen.") _Parable + against Persecution._ Meets Adam Smith, Hume, Lord Kames, + etc., in home of Dr. Robertson at Edinburgh. Makes many + electrical experiments. Chosen honorary member of + Philosophical Society of Edinburgh. + +1760. Provincial grand master of Pennsylvania Masons. _The Interest + of Great Britain Considered with Regard to Her Colonies._ + Elected to society of Dr. Bray's Associates. (Corresponding + member until 1790.) Successful close of his issue with the + proprietaries. + +1761. Tour of Holland and Belgium. + +1762. Receives degree of Doctor of Civil Law from Oxford. Leaves + England in August, arrives in America in October. + +1763. Travels through colonies to inspect and regulate post offices. + +1764. Appointed agent for Province of Pennsylvania to petition king + for change from proprietary to royal government. Leaves for + London in November. _Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of + Our Public Affairs._ _A Narrative of the Late Massacres in + Lancaster County._ _Preface to the Speech of Joseph Galloway, + Esq._ + +1765. Presents Grenville with resolution of Pennsylvania Assembly + against Stamp Act. + +1766. Examined in House of Commons relative to repeal of the Stamp + Act. _Physical and Meteorological Observations._ With Sir John + Pringle visits Germany and Holland (June-August). Chosen + foreign member of the Royal Society of Sciences, Göttingen. + +1767. With Sir John Pringle visits France (August 28-October 8). + Meets French Physiocrats. _Remarks and Facts Concerning + American Paper Money._ + +1768. Preface to _Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania_ (J. + Dickinson). _A Scheme for a New Alphabet and Reformed Mode of + Spelling._ _Causes of the American Discontents before 1768._ + _Art of Swimming._ Appointed London agent for colony of + Georgia. + +1769. Visits France (July-August). Appointed New Jersey agent in + London. Elected first president of the American Philosophical + Society. + +1770. Appointed London agent for Massachusetts Assembly. + +1771. Begins _Autobiography_ (from 1706 to 1731) while visiting the + Bishop of St. Asaph at Twyford. Three-months' tour of Ireland + and Scotland. Entertained by Hume and Lord Kames. Chosen + corresponding member of Learned Society of Sciences, + Rotterdam. + +1772. Chosen foreign member of Royal Academy of Sciences of Paris. + +1773. _Abridgement of the Book of Common Prayer_ (with Sir Francis + Dashwood). _Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a + Small One._ M. Barbeu Dubourg's edition of _Œuvres de M. + Franklin_. Sends Hutchinson-Oliver letters to Massachusetts. + +1774. Examined by Wedderburn before the Privy Council (January 29) + in regard to the Hutchinson-Oliver correspondence. Contributes + notes to George Whately's second edition of _Principles of + Trade_. Dismissed as deputy postmaster general of North + America. Deborah Franklin dies December 19. + +1775. First postmaster general under Confederation. Returns to + America in May. Member of Philadelphia Committee of Safety. + Chosen a delegate to second Continental Congress. _An Account + of Negotiations in London for Effecting a Reconciliation + between Great Britain and the American Colonies._ Appointed + member of Committee of Secret Correspondence. + +1776. A commissioner to Canada. Presides over Constitutional + Convention of Pennsylvania. Appointed one of committee to + frame Declaration of Independence. In September appointed one + of three commissioners from Congress to the French court. + Leaves Philadelphia October 27; reaches Paris December 21. + +1777. Elected member of Loge des Neuf Sœurs. Chosen associate + member of Royal Medical Society of Paris. + +1778. Assists at initiation of Voltaire in Loge des Neuf Sœurs. + Officiates at Masonic funeral service of Voltaire. Signs + commercial treaty and alliance for mutual defense with France. + _The Ephemera._ Altercation with Arthur Lee. + +1779. Minister plenipotentiary to French court. _The Whistle._ + _Morals of Chess._ B. Vaughan edits Franklin's _Political, + Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces_. + +1780. _Dialogue between Franklin and the Gout._ + +1781. Chosen Fellow of American Academy of Arts and Sciences: + elected foreign member of Academy of Sciences, Letters, and + Arts of Padua, for work in natural philosophy and politics. + Appointed one of the peace commissioners to negotiate treaty + of peace between England and United States. + +1782. Elected Venerable of Loge des Neuf Sœurs. + +1783. Signs treaty with Sweden. Prints _Constitutions of the United + States_. Elected Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of + Edinburgh. Interest in balloons. Signs the Treaty of Paris + with John Jay and John Adams. + +1784. With Le Roy, Bailly, Guillotin, Lavoisier, and others, + investigates Mesmer's animal magnetism (results in numerous + pamphlet reports). _Remarks Concerning the Savages of North + America. Advice to Such as Would Remove to America._ Chosen + member of Royal Academy of History, Madrid. At Passy resumes + work on _Autobiography_, beyond 1731. + +1785. _Maritime Observations._ _On the Causes and Cure of Smoky + Chimneys._ Signs treaty of amity and commerce with Prussia. + Resigns as minister to French Court, and returns to + Philadelphia. President of Council of Pennsylvania (incumbent + for three years). Associate member of Academy of Sciences, + Literature, and Arts of Lyons. Councillor for Philadelphia + until 1788. Member of Philadelphia Society for the Promotion + of Agriculture, and Royal Society of Physics, National History + and Arts of Orleans, and honorary member of Manchester + Literary and Philosophical Society. + +1786. Chosen corresponding member of Society of Agriculture of + Milan. + +1787. President of the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of + Slavery (incumbent until death). Pennsylvania delegate to + Constitutional Convention. Chosen honorary member of Medical + Society of London. Aids in establishing the Society for + Political Enquiry; elected its first president. + +1788. At Philadelphia works on _Autobiography_, from 1731-1757. + +1789. _Observations Relative to the Intentions of the Original + Founders of the Academy in Philadelphia_ and several papers in + behalf of abolition of slavery. At Philadelphia resumes + _Autobiography_, from 1757 to 1759. Chosen member of Imperial + Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg. + +1790. Paper on the slave trade, _To the Editor of the Federal + Gazette_, March 23. Dies, April 17, in Philadelphia. + + + + +_SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY_ + +Starred items are of primary importance. + + +I. WORKS + +Only the most useful and historically significant editions are here +listed. The student interested in other editions of Franklin's works, +the publication of his separate pamphlets, his contributions to +newspapers and periodicals, and his editorial activities should consult +P. L. Ford's _Franklin Bibliography_. Many of these items are +conveniently listed in _The Cambridge History of American Literature_, +I, 442 ff. + +_Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in + America, By Mr. Benjamin Franklin, and Communicated in several + Letters to P. Collinson, of London, F. R. S._ London: 1751. (For + various editions and translations of this and the supplementary + letters added to first edition, consult Ford's _Bibliography_.) + +_Political, Miscellaneous, and Philosophical Pieces; ... Written by + Benj. Franklin, LL. D. and F. R. S.... Now first collected, With + Explanatory Plates, Notes_, ... [ed. by Benjamin Vaughan]. London: + 1779. ("The work is ably performed, many pieces being for the first + time printed as Franklin's; and contains valuable notes. But what + gives a special value to this collection is that it is the only + edition of Franklin's writings [other than his scientific], which was + printed during his life time; was done with Franklin's knowledge and + consent, and contains an 'errata' made by him for it" [Ford, p. 161]. + Review in _Monthly Review_, LXII, 199-210, 298-308, describes his + electrical experiments as constituting a "_principia_" of electricity. + See also Smyth, VII, 410-13, for Franklin's own opinion.) + +_Mémoires de la vie privée de Benjamin Franklin, écrits par luimême, et + adressés à son fils; suivis d'un précis historique de sa vie + politique, et de plusieurs pièces, relatives à ce père de la liberté._ + Paris: 1791. (First edition of Franklin's _Autobiography_ to the year + 1731; translation attributed to Dr. Jacques Gibelin. "The remainder of + his life is a translation from Wilmer's _Memoirs_ of Franklin, with + the most objectionable statements omitted" [Ford, p. 183]. For a + succinct history of _Autobiography_, editions, printing, translation, + and fortunes of the MS see Bigelow's introduction to _Autobiography_.) + +_Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin, LL. D. F. R. S. + &c.... Written by himself to a late period, and continued to the time + of his death, by his Grandson; William Temple Franklin. Now first + published from the original MSS...._ 3 vols. London: 1818. (The + standard collection, according to A. H. Smyth, until Sparks's edition. + Representative review in _Analectic Magazine_, XI, 449-84, June, + 1818.) + +_The Works of Benjamin Franklin; containing several political and + historical tracts not included in any former edition, and many letters + official and private not hitherto published; with notes and a life of + the author_, by Jared Sparks. 10 vols. Boston: 1836-1840. (Although + Sparks took undesirable editorial liberties with the MSS, rephrasing, + emending, and deleting, this edition still possesses value for its + notes and inclusion of pieces which Smyth does not include, but which + _may_ have been written by Franklin. Includes many valuable letters to + Franklin. For reviews see _North American Review_, LIX, 446, and + LXXXIII, 402.) + +_Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. Edited from his Manuscript, with + Notes and an Introduction_, by John Bigelow. Philadelphia: 1868. (To + quote Ford: "This is not only the first appearance of the + autobiography from Franklin's own copy, but also the first publication + in English of the four parts, and the first publication of the very + important 'outline' autobiography. It is therefore the first edition + of _the_ autobiography" [p. 199].) + +_The Life of Benjamin Franklin, written by himself. Now first edited + from original manuscripts and from his printed correspondence and + other writings_, by John Bigelow. 3 vols. Philadelphia: 1874. + (Bigelow text of _Autobiography_ and extracts from Franklin's other + works.) + +_The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin including his private as well + as his official and scientific correspondence, and numerous letters + and documents now for the first time printed with many others not + included in any former collection, also the unmutilated and correct + version of his autobiography._ Comp. and ed. by John Bigelow. 10 vols. + New York: 1887-1889. (Corrects many of Sparks's errors and adds "some + six hundred new pieces." For first time works are chronologically + arranged.) + +*_The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, collected and edited with a Life + and Introduction_, by Albert Henry Smyth. 10 vols. New York: + 1905-1907. (The standard edition. It is unfortunate that the editor + has omitted pieces which are either too Rabelaisian or too + metaphysically radical, such as the _Dissertation_ of 1725, or are, in + his mind, _probably_ not written by Franklin.) + + + +II. COLLECTIONS AND REPRINTS + +No attempt has been made to include the learned journal articles which +reprint occasional letters not in Smyth. Letters which aid in +understanding Franklin's mind have been referred to in the Introduction +and Notes. + +Chinard, Gilbert. _Les amitiés américaines de Madame d'Houdetot, + d'après sa correspondance inédite avec Benjamin Franklin et Thomas + Jefferson._ Paris: 1924. + +Diller, Theodore. _Franklin's Contribution to Medicine._ Brooklyn: 1912. + (Able collection of Franklin's letters bearing on medicine. Franklin + is described "as one of the greatest benefactors, friends, and patrons + of the medical profession as well as a most substantial contributor to + the science and art of medicine.") + +[Franklin, Benjamin.] _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure + and Pain._ Reproduced from the first edition, with a bibliographical + note by Lawrence C. Wroth. The Facsimile Text Society, New York: 1930. + (Although A. H. Smyth omitted this work from his _Writings of + Benjamin Franklin_, suggesting that "the work has no value," it is + difficult to see how a study of the _modus operandi_ of Franklin's + mind could be thoroughly made without it. Parton in his _Life and + Times of Benjamin Franklin_, and I. W. Riley in his _American + Philosophy: The Early Schools_ have reprinted it in appendices.) + +Franklin, Benjamin. _Poor Richard's Almanack. Being the Almanacks of + 1733, 1749, 1756, 1757, 1758, first written under the name of Richard + Saunders._ With a foreword by Phillips Russell. Garden City, N. Y.: + 1928. ("First facsimile edition of a group of the Almanacks to be + published.") + +Franklin, Benjamin. _The Prefaces, Proverbs, and Poems of Benjamin + Franklin Originally Printed in Poor Richard's Almanacs for 1733-1758._ + Collected and ed. by P. L. Ford. Brooklyn: 1890. (Best collection of + its kind; in addition contains account of popularity and function of + almanacs in colonial period.) + +Franklin, Benjamin. _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in + Pensilvania._ Facsimile reprint, with an introduction by William + Pepper. Philadelphia: 1931. (Franklin's notes omitted in Smyth. + _Proposals_ also reprinted by the William L. Clements Library, Ann + Arbor, Michigan: 1927; "though not a facsimile reprint," it does + include the notes. Thomas Woody in his _Educational Views of Benjamin + Franklin_ [New York: 1931] reprints it with the notes.) + +Franklin, Benjamin. _The Sayings of Poor Richard, 1733-1758._ Condensed + and ed. by T. H. Russell. N.p.: n.d. (Best aphorisms chronologically + arranged.) + +Goodman, N. G., ed. _The Ingenious Dr. Franklin; Selected Scientific + Letters of Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1931. (Includes several + items not published in Smyth edition.) + +_Letters to Benjamin Franklin, from his Family and Friends, 1751-1790._ + [Ed. by William Duane.] New York: 1859. + +Pepper, William. _The Medical Side of Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: + 1911. (Essentially quotations from the A. H. Smyth edition. Franklin + is viewed as "an early and great hygienist.") + +Stifler, J. M., ed. "_My Dear Girl._" _The Correspondence of Benjamin + Franklin with Polly Stevenson, Georgiana and Catherine Shipley._ New + York: 1927. (Engaging collection showing Franklin's "capacity for + lively and enduring friendship" [p. vii]. Many of the letters _to_ + Franklin "printed now for the first time." Contains several of + Franklin's letters hitherto unpublished.) + + + +III. BIOGRAPHIES + +Becker, Carl. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Dictionary of American + Biography_. New York: 1931. VI, 585-98. (The most authoritative brief + biography.) + +*Bruce, W. C. _Benjamin Franklin, Self-Revealed._ 2 vols. New York: + 1917. (In spite of occasional extravagant statements and a + conservative temperament preventing him from discussing Franklin's + religion with sympathetic and historical insight, Mr. Bruce has + provided a brilliant and perspicuous survey. "Self-revealed" fails to + do justice to Bruce's incisive commentary.) + +*Faÿ, Bernard. _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times._ Boston: 1929. (A + readable critical biography said to be based on "six hundred to nine + hundred unpublished letters." Would have been more useful had it been + given scholarly documentation. Some new light on Franklin's Masonic + activities and his efforts during 1757-1762 to effect the growth of a + British empire. [Faÿ used the Franklin-Galloway correspondence in the + W. S. Mason and W. L. Clements collections.] Believes that Franklin + was a "follower of the seventeenth-century English Pythagoreans": + since this belief is largely undocumented, one feels it curious that + Pythagoreanism should bulk larger than the pattern of thought provoked + by Locke and Newton. See very critical reviews by H. M. Jones in + _American Literature_, II, 306-12 [Nov., 1930], and W. C. Bruce, + _American Historical Review_, XXXV, 634 ff. [April, 1930]. The latter + concludes that "there is very little, indeed, in the text of the book + under review that makes any unquestionably substantial addition to our + pre-existing knowledge of Franklin, or is marked by anything that can + be termed freshness of interpretation.") + +Faÿ, Bernard. _The Two Franklins: Fathers of American Democracy._ + Boston: 1933. (Charmingly spirited portrait of patriarchal Franklin of + Passy [reworking of materials in _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern + Times_]. Faÿ's habit of mingling quotation, paraphrase, and intuition + in use of Bache's Diary suggests untrustworthy documentation. The + second Franklin is, of course, Benjamin Franklin Bache [1769-1798, son + of Sally Franklin and Richard Bache], editor of the republican _Aurora + General Advertiser_. For a judicial, unsympathetic review see A. + Guerard's in the _New York Herald Tribune Books_, Oct. 22, 1933. J. A. + Krout, in the _American Historical Review_, XXXIX, 741-2 [July, 1934], + observes that Faÿ "fails to establish the elder Franklin's paternal + relation to the democratic forces of the 'revolutionary' decade after + 1790.") + +Fisher, S. G. _The True Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1899. (Highly + prejudiced interpretation with disproportionate attention to + Franklin's acknowledged shortcomings.) + +*Ford, P. L. _The Many-Sided Franklin._ New York: 1899. (A gracefully + solid and inclusive standard work.) + +Hale, E. E., and Hale, E. E., Jr. _Franklin in France. From Original + Documents, Most of Which Are Now Published for the First Time._ 2 + vols. Boston: 1887-1888. (Convenient collection of letters to + Franklin; authors had access to Stevens and American Philosophical + Society collections. Franklin letters and documents here given later + published in Smyth. Useful chapters on Franklin's friends, his vogue + in France, meetings with Voltaire, his activities in science, his + interest in balloons, and investigation of Mesmerism. See reviews in + _Dial_, VIII, 7, IX, 204; _Nation_, XLIV, 368; _Athenaeum_, II, 77 + [1887]; _Atlantic Monthly_, LX, 318.) + +McMaster, J. B. _Benjamin Franklin as a Man of Letters._ American Men of + Letters series. Boston: 1887. (Fullest account of this aspect of the + many-minded Franklin. See also MacLaurin and Jorgenson items, pp. + clxv, clxvi below.) + +More, P. E. _Benjamin Franklin._ Riverside Biographical Series. Boston: + 1900. (Suggestive of a _précis_ of Parton's _Life_ with judicial, if + not historical, penetration. Stimulating notes, such as the following: + Franklin was "a great pagan, who lapsed now and then into the + pseudo-religious platitudes of the eighteenth-century deists.") + +Morse, John Torrey, Jr. _Benjamin Franklin._ American Statesmen series. + Boston: 1889. (Compact account stressing his political and diplomatic + career.) + +*Parton, James. _Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin._ 2 vols. New York: + 1864. (Although not all works ascribed to Franklin by Parton are by + his pen, and although new materials have been added to the Franklin + canon, he remains the most encyclopedic and often the most penetrating + of Franklin's biographers. He deserves credit for printing in an + appendix Franklin's _Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure + and Pain_. For reviews see _North American Review_ [July, 1864]; + _Atlantic Monthly_ [Sept., 1864]; _London Quarterly_, XXIII, 483; + _Littell's Living Age_, LXXXIV, 289.) + +Russell, Phillips. _Benjamin Franklin, the First Civilised American._ + New York: 1926. (The _esprit_ and readableness of this popular work do + not offset its lack of precision, historical scholarship, and taste.) + +Smyth, Albert H. "Life of Benjamin Franklin," in Vol. X, 141-510, of + _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin_. (Stimulating survey.) + +Swift, Lindsay. _Benjamin Franklin._ Beacon Biographies of Eminent + Americans. Boston: 1910. (Brief series of biographical "impressions" + arranged chronologically.) + +Weems, Mason L. _The Life of Benjamin Franklin, with many Choice + Anecdotes and Admirable Sayings of this Great Man._ Baltimore: 1815. + (One would think it unfair to smile at a writer who had the wit to + describe Franklin as one who "with such equal ease, could play the + _Newton_ or the _Chesterfield_, and charm alike the lightnings and the + ladies." Contains some imaginative, though intuitive, remarks on + Franklin's religion.) + + + +IV. BIOGRAPHICAL AND CRITICAL STUDIES + +Abbe, C. "Benjamin Franklin as Meteorologist," _Proceedings of the + American Philosophical Society_, XLV, 117-28 (1906). ("Worthy + co-laborer" with Newton, Huygens, Descartes, Boyle, and Gay-Lussac. + He is "the first meteorologist of America," "pioneer of the rational + long-range forecasters.") + +Abbot, G. M. _A Short History of the Library Company of Philadelphia: + Compiled from the Minutes, together with some personal reminiscences._ + Philadelphia: 1913. + +Amiable, L. _Une loge maçonnique d'avant 1789. La R.·. L.·. Les Neuf + Sœurs._ Paris: 1897. (Fullest account of Franklin's activities in + French Freemasonry.) + +_Analectic Magazine_, XI, 449-84 (June, 1818). (Review of W. T. + Franklin's edition of Franklin's works. Complexion of this eulogy + suggested by: "His name is now exalted in Europe above any others of + the eighteenth century.") + +Angoff, Charles. _A Literary History of the American People._ New York: + 1931. II, 295-310. (It would be difficult to match the debonair + ignorance of this violently hostile essay.) + +"A Poem on the Death of Franklin," _Proceedings of the New Jersey + Historical Society_, XV, 109 (Jan., 1930). (A typical elegy based on + theme suggested by Turgot's epigram on Franklin.) + +Bache, R. M. "Smoky Torches in Franklin's Honor," _Critic_, XLVIII, + 561-6 (June, 1906). (Charming in its caustic though just view that + "articles on Franklin have verged on superfluity.") + +Bache, R. M. "The So-Called 'Franklin Prayer-Book,'" _Pennsylvania + Magazine of History and Biography_, XXI, 225-34 (1897). (See Rev. John + Wright's account of the same in _Early Prayer Books of America_ [St. + Paul: 1896], pp. 386-99.) + +Biddison, P. "The Magazine Franklin Failed to Remember," _American + Literature_, IV, 177-80 (May, 1932). (Survey of the Franklin-Webbe + altercation concerning the inauguration of Franklin's _General + Magazine, and Historical Chronicle ..._, 1741.) + +Bigelow, John. "Franklin as the Man," _Independent_, LX, 69-72 (Jan. 11, + 1906). (Stresses his tolerance, common sense, and "constitutional + unwillingness to dogmatize.") + +Bleyer, W. G. _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism._ + Boston: 1927. (Chapters I-II contain excellent survey of the _New + England Courant_, and the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ during its formative + years. Bibliography, pp. 431-41.) + +Bloore, Stephen. "Joseph Breintnall, First Secretary of the Library + Company," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIX, 42-56 + (Jan., 1935). (Valuable notes on Franklin's collaborator in + _Busy-Body_ series.) + +Bloore, Stephen. "Samuel Keimer. A Foot-note to the Life of Franklin," + _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LIV, 255-87 (July, + 1930). (Readers of the _Autobiography_ will appreciate this excellent + study of one who figures prominently in its pages.) + +Brett-James, N. G. _The Life of Peter Collinson._ London: [1917]. (Many + notes on Franklin-Collinson friendship. Collinson, it is remembered, + "started Franklin on his career as a researcher in electricity.") + +Buckingham, J. T. _Specimens of Newspaper Literature; with Personal + Memoirs, Anecdotes, and Reminiscences._ 2 vols. Boston: 1850. (Vol. I, + 49-88, discusses _New England Courant_. Identifies _Dogood Papers_ as + Franklin's.) + +Bullen, H. L. "Benjamin Franklin and What Printing Did for Him," + _American Collector_, II, 284-91 (May, 1926). + +Butler, Ruth L. _Doctor Franklin, Postmaster General._ Garden City, N. + Y.: 1928. (A sturdily documented study illustrating that Franklin + "furnished the most highly efficient administration to the postal + system during the colonial period.") + +Canby, H. S. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Classic Americans_. New York: + 1931, pp. 34-45. (Spirited estimate partly vitiated by excessive + emphasis on influence of Quakerism; Canby observes that Franklin's + mind represents "Quakerism conventionalized, stylized, and Deicized.") + +*Carey, Lewis J. _Franklin's Economic Views._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. + (Excellent survey.) + +Cestre, Charles. "Franklin, homme représentatif," _Revue + Anglo-Américaine_, 409-23, 505-22 (June, August, 1928). + +Choate, J. H. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Abraham Lincoln, and Other + Addresses in England_. New York: 1910, pp. 47-94. (Sanely eulogistic + biographical survey.) + +Condorcet, Marquis de. _Éloge de M. Franklin, lu à la séance publique de + l'Académie des Sciences, le 13 Nov., 1790...._ Paris: 1791. (Both a + eulogy, and an interpretation of _why_ France, as representative of + the Enlightenment, eulogized the Philadelphia tradesman. By the most + sublime of the _philosophes_.) + +Cook, E. C. _Literary Influences in Colonial Newspapers, 1704-1750._ New + York: 1912. (Trenchant analysis of Franklin's indebtedness to Addison + and Steele--especially in the _Dogood Papers_--the character of the + _New England Courant_, advertisements of books in _Pennsylvania + Gazette_, etc. "Benjamin Franklin was the only prominent man of the + period who deliberately attempted to spread the knowledge and love of + literature among his countrymen.") + +Crane, V. W. "Certain Writings of Benjamin Franklin on the British + Empire and the American Colonies," _Papers of the Bibliographical + Society_, XXVIII, Pt. 1, 1-27 (1934). (Newly identified Franklin + papers more than double existing canon. He becomes "the chief agent of + the American propaganda in England, especially between 1765 and 1770." + New canon promises to "illuminate the development of Franklin's + political ideas." Very significant.) + +Cumston, C. G. "Benjamin Franklin from the Medical Viewpoint," _New York + Medical Journal_, LXXXIX, 3-12 (Jan. 2, 1909). (Useful survey.) + +Cutler, W. P., and Cutler, J. P. _Life, Journals and Correspondence of + Rev. Manasseh Cutler._ 2 vols. Cincinnati: 1888. (Portrait of + patriarchal Franklin at age of eighty-four.) + +Dickinson, A. D. "Benjamin Franklin, Bookman," _Bookman_, LIII, 197-205 + (May, 1921). (Brief account of Franklin imprints.) + +_Discours du Comte de Mirabeau. Dans la séance du 11 Juin, sur la mort + de Benjamin Francklin_ [_sic_]. Imprimé par ordre de l'Assemblée + National. Paris: 1790. + +Draper, J. W. "Franklin's Place in the Science of the Last Century," + _Harper's Magazine_, LXI, 265-75 (July, 1880). (Franklin's discoveries + "were only embellishments of his life." Superficial.) + +Duniway, C. A. _The Development of Freedom of the Press in + Massachusetts._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1906. (Chapter VI includes account + of James Franklin and the _New England Courant_.) + +Eddy, G. S. "Dr. Benjamin Franklin's Library," _Proceedings of the + American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 206-26 (Oct., 1924). (This + indefatigable scholar has ascertained the titles of 1350 volumes in + Franklin's library. This survey article does not list the titles.) + +*Eiselen, M. R. _Franklin's Political Theories._ Garden City, N. Y.: + 1928. (Thoughtful survey.) + +Eiselen, M. R. _The Rise of Pennsylvania Protectionism._ Philadelphia: + 1932. (University of Pennsylvania dissertation. Chapter I describes + Franklin's holding to laissez faire in a state dominantly + protectionist.) + +Eliot, T. D. "The Relations Between Adam Smith and Benjamin Franklin + before 1776," _Political Science Quarterly_, XXXIX, 67-96 (March, + 1924). (Exhaustive documentary data which fails to establish specific + and incontrovertible Franklin influence on Smith.) + +"Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush," _Pennsylvania Magazine + of History and Biography_, XXIX, 15-30 (Jan., 1905). (Includes + "Conversations with Franklin," pp. 23-8: Franklin terms Latin and + Greek the "quackery of literature"; is alleged to have reprobated the + Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, in that it placed "the Supreme + power of the State in the hands of a Single legislature." Other + interesting sidelights.) + +Farrand, Max, ed. _The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787._ 3 + vols. New Haven: 1911. (Records show Franklin as a sober moderator: + when rival factions tended to render the convention impotent, he + said, "When a broad table is to be made, and the edges <of planks do + not fit> the artist takes a little from both, and makes a good + joint.") + +Fauchet, Claude. _Éloge civique de Benjamin Franklin, prononcé, le 21 + Juillet 1790, dans la Rotonde, au nom de la Commune de Paris._ Paris: + 1790. + +Faÿ, Bernard. "Franklin et Mirabeau collaborateurs," _Revue de + Littérature Comparée_, VIII, 5-28 (1928). (Franklin furnished + materials for Mirabeau's _Considerations on the Order of + Cincinnatus_.) + +Faÿ, Bernard. "Learned Societies in Europe and America in the Eighteenth + Century," _American Historical Review_, XXXVII, 255-66 (Jan., 1932). + (Urges that like all learned societies in the eighteenth century, + Franklin's Junto and American Philosophical Society "had Masonic + leanings.") + +Faÿ, Bernard. "Le credo de Franklin," _Correspondant_, 570-8 (Feb. 25, + 1930). + +Faÿ, Bernard. "Les débuts de Franklin en France," _Revue de Paris_, + 577-605 (Feb. 1, 1931). + +Faÿ, Bernard. "Les dernières amours d'un philosophe," _Correspondant_, + 381-96 (May 10, 1930). + +Faÿ, Bernard. "Le triomphe de Franklin en France," _Revue de Paris_, + 872-96 (Feb. 15, 1931). + +Ford, P. L. "Franklin as Printer and Publisher," _Century Magazine_, + LVII, 803-17 (April, 1899). + +Ford, W. C. "Franklin and Chatham," _Independent_, LX, 94-7 (Jan. 11, + 1906). + +Ford, W. C. "Franklin's New England Courant," _Proceedings of the + Massachusetts Historical Society_, LVII, 336-53 (April, 1924). + +Ford, W. C. "One of Franklin's Friendships. From Hitherto Unpublished + Correspondence between Madame de Brillon and Benjamin Franklin, + 1776-1789," _Harper's Magazine_, CXIII, 626-33 (Sept., 1906). + +Foster, J. W. "Franklin as a Diplomat," _Independent_, LX, 84-9 (Jan. + 11, 1906). + +Fox, R. H. _Dr. John Fothergill and His Friends; Chapters in Eighteenth + Century Life._ London: 1919. (Franklin and Fothergill, "lovers of + nature and keen students of physical science," met in 1757. See also + J. C. Lettsom, _Memoirs of John Fothergill_, 4th ed., London: 1786.) + +Garrison, F. W. "Franklin and the Physiocrats," _Freeman_, VIII, 154-6 + (Oct. 24, 1923). (Transcended by Carey's chapter in _Franklin's + Economic Views_, but has quotation from Dupont de Nemours [1769]: "Who + does not know that the English have today their Benjamin Franklin, who + has adopted the principles and the doctrines of our French + economists?") + +Goggio, E. "Benjamin Franklin and Italy," _Romanic Review_, XIX, 302-8 + (Oct., 1928). (Largely through the efforts of G. Beccaria, "Benjamin + Franklin was one of the first Americans to gain eminence and + popularity among the people of Italy.") + +Goode, G. B. "The Literary Labors of Benjamin Franklin," _Proceedings of + the American Philosophical Society_, XXVIII, 177-97 (1890). + +Grandgent, C. H. "Benjamin Franklin the Reformer," in _Prunes and + Prisms, with Other Odds and Ends_. Cambridge, Mass.: 1928, pp. 86-97. + ("The principles advocated in his unfinished exposition [on spelling + reform] are those which phoneticians now advocate.") + +Greene, S. A. "The Story of a Famous Book," _Atlantic Monthly_, XXVII, + 207-12 (Feb., 1871). (A kind of _précis_ of Bigelow's Introduction to + _Autobiography_.) + +Griswold, A. W. "Three Puritans on Prosperity," _New England Quarterly_, + VII, 475-93 (Sept., 1934). (Cotton Mather, Timothy Dwight, and + Franklin. One wonders by what right Franklin is dubbed the "soul of + Puritanism.") + +Guedalla, Philip. "Dr. Franklin," in _Fathers of the Revolution_. New + York: 1926, pp. 215-34. (Chatty popular review of "the first + high-priest of the religion of efficiency.") + +Guillois, Antoine. _Le salon de Madame Helvétius._ Paris: 1894. + +Gummere, R. M. "Socrates at the Printing Press. Benjamin Franklin and + the Classics," _Classical Weekly_, XXVI, 57-9 (Dec. 5, 1932). (Survey + of his references to the classics, with occasional estimates of impact + on his mind.) + +Hale, E. E. "Ben Franklin's Ballads," _New England Magazine_, N. S. + XVIII, 505-7 (1898). (Thinks "The Downfall of Piracy," found in + Ashton's _Real Sea-Songs_, is "one of the two lost ballads" Franklin + mentions in _Autobiography_.) + +Hale, E. E. "Franklin as Philosopher and Moralist," _Independent_, LX, + 89-93 (Jan. 11, 1906). (Does not go beyond terming Franklin's + philosophy common sense.) + +Harrison, Frederic. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Memories and Thoughts_. New + York: 1906, pp. 119-23. (Keen appraisal.) + +Hart, C. H. "Benjamin Franklin in Allegory," _Century Magazine_, XLI (N. + S. XIX), 197-204 (Dec., 1890). (The French sanctify Franklin in + allegory.) + +Hart, C. H. "Who Was the Mother of Franklin's Son? An Inquiry + Demonstrating that She Was Deborah Read, Wife of Benjamin Franklin," + _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXXV, 308-14 (July, + 1911). (Plausible circumstantial evidence is offered.) + +Hays, I. M. _The Chronology of Benjamin Franklin, Founder of the + American Philosophical Society._ Philadelphia: 1904. + +Hill, D. J. "A Missing Chapter of Franco-American History," _American + Historical Review_, XXI, 709-19 (July, 1916). (Political interests of + Masonic "Lodge of the Nine Sisters," Paris, of which Franklin was an + active member. Franklin described as "creator of constitutionalism in + Europe.") + +Houston, E. J. "Franklin as a Man of Science and an Inventor," _Journal + of the Franklin Institute_, CLXI, Nos. 4-5, 241-383 (April-May, 1906). + +Hulbert, C. _Biographical Sketches of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, General + Washington, and Thomas Paine; with an Essay on Atheism and + Infidelity._ London: 1820. (Franklin and Washington made almost + saintly to contrast with Paine, "a notorious Unbeliever." Quotes one + who sees Franklin as "the patriot of the world, the playmate of the + lightning, the philosopher of liberty.") + +Jackson, M. K. _Outlines of the Literary History of Colonial + Pennsylvania._ Lancaster, Pa.: 1906. (Especially chapter III, which + surveys Franklin as man of letters.) + +Jernegan, M. W. "Benjamin Franklin's 'Electrical Kite' and Lightning + Rod," _New England Quarterly_, I, 180-96 (April, 1928). ("The question + still remains however whether Franklin flew his kite _before_ he heard + of the French experiments, and thus discovered the identity of + lightning and electricity independently." Summarizes and supersedes: + McAdie, A., "The Date of Franklin's Kite Experiment," _Proceedings of + the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 188-205; Rotch, A. L., + "Did Benjamin Franklin Fly His Electrical Kite before He Invented the + Lightning Rod?" _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. + S. XVIII, 115-23.) + +Jordan, J. W. "Franklin as a Genealogist," _Pennsylvania Magazine of + History and Biography_, XXIII, 1-22 (April, 1899). + +Jorgenson, C. E. "A Brand Flung at Colonial Orthodoxy. Samuel Keimer's + 'Universal Instructor in All Arts and Sciences,'" _Journalism + Quarterly_, XII, 272-7 (Sept., 1935). (Shows deistic tendencies.) + +Jorgenson, C. E. "The New Science in the Almanacs of Ames and Franklin," + _New England Quarterly_, VIII, 555-61 (Dec., 1935). (Newtonianism and + scientific deism diffused through these popular almanacs.) + +Jorgenson, C. E. "Sidelights on Benjamin Franklin's Principles of + Rhetoric," _Revue Anglo-Américaine_, 208-22 (Feb., 1934). (Franklin's + principles in general are consonant with the eighteenth-century + neoclassic ideals.) + +Jorgenson, C. E. "The Source of Benjamin Franklin's Dialogues between + Philocles and Horatio (1730)," _American Literature_, VI, 337-9 (Nov., + 1934). (The source is Shaftesbury's "The Moralists," in the + _Characteristics_.) + +*Jusserand, J. J. "Franklin in France," in _Essays Offered to Herbert + Putnam...._ Ed. by W. W. Bishop and A. Keogh. New Haven: 1929, pp. + 226-47. (Delightful summary.) + +Kane, Hope F. "James Franklin Senior, Printer of Boston and Newport," + _American Collector_, III, 17-26 (Oct., 1926). (A study of his _New + England Courant_ and his place in the development of freedom of the + press.) + +King, M. R. "One Link in the First Newspaper Chain, _The South Carolina + Gazette," Journalism Quarterly_, IX, 257-68 (Sept., 1932). (Franklin's + partnership with Thomas Whitemarsh in 1731 is here alleged to have + begun the first American newspaper "chain.") + +Kite, Elizabeth S. "Benjamin Franklin--Diplomat," _Catholic World_, + CXLII, 28-37 (Oct., 1935). (An intelligent and appreciative brief + survey of the subject, with a considerable preface showing the extent + to which Franklin's worldly success grew out of his religious views.) + +Lees, F. "The Parisian Suburb of Passy: Its Architecture in the Days of + Franklin," _Architectural Record_, XII, 669-83 (Dec., 1902). (Several + good illustrations included.) + +Livingston, L. S. _Franklin and His Press at Passy; An Account of the + Books, Pamphlets, and Leaflets Printed There, including the Long-Lost + Bagatelles._ The Grolier Club, New York: 1914. (For additions to this + work begun by L. S. Livingston, see R. G. Adams, "The 'Passy-ports' + and Their Press," _American Collector_, IV, 177-80 [Aug., 1927], which + includes bibliography useful to study of the Passy imprints.) + +MacDonald, William. "The Fame of Franklin," _Atlantic Monthly_, XCVI. + 450-62 (Oct., 1905). + +Mackay, Constance D'A. _Franklin. A Play._ New York: 1922. + +MacLaurin, Lois M. _Franklin's Vocabulary._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1928. + (His "conservative ideas about linguistic innovations" are to a + notable degree achieved in his practices. For example, of a vocabulary + of 4062 words used in his writings between 1722 and 1751, "only 19 + were discovered to be pure 'Americanisms.'") + +McMaster, J. B. "Franklin in France," _Atlantic Monthly_, LX, 318-26 + (Sept., 1887). (Good survey, based on Hale and Hale, _Franklin in + France_.) + +Malone, Kemp. "Benjamin Franklin on Spelling Reform," _American Speech_, + I, 96-100 (Nov., 1925). (Franklin was the "first American to tackle + English phonetics scientifically.") + +Mason, W. S. "Franklin and Galloway: Some Unpublished Letters," + _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. XXXIV, 227-58 + (Oct., 1924). (Significant sidelights cast on "the problems of + Pennsylvania colonial history from 1757 to 1760." Excellent summary of + Franklin's and Galloway's victory over the Proprietors. Mr. Mason's + collection includes many valuable letters [Franklin-Galloway] between + 1757 and 1772, not published in Smyth.) + +Mathews, Mrs. L. K. "Benjamin Franklin's Plans for a Colonial Union, + 1750-1775," _American Political Science Review_, VIII, 393-412 (Aug., + 1914). + +Melville, Herman. _Israel Potter._ London: 1923. (Graphic intuitive + portrait of Franklin: he lives as a "household Plato," "a practical + Magian in linsey-woolsey," a "didactically waggish," prudent courtier + who "was everything but a poet.") + +_Mémoires de l'Abbé Morellet, de l'Académie Française, sur le + dixhuitième siècle et sur la Révolution._ 2 vols. Paris: 1821. + (Especially II, 286-311. Franklin viewed as very emblem of Liberty.) + +Montgomery, T. H. _A History of the University of Pennsylvania from Its + Foundation to A. D. 1770._ Philadelphia: 1900. + +_Monthly Review; or Literary Journal: By Several Hands._ London: 1770. + XLII, 199-210, 298-308. ("The experiments and observations of Dr. + Franklin constitute the _principia_ of electricity, and form the basis + of a system equally simple and profound.") + +*More, P. E. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Shelburne Essays_, Fourth Series. + New York: 1906, pp. 129-55. (Provocative appraisal: stresses + Franklin's "contemporaneity," his tendency to be oblivious to the + past--a suggestive, if a moot point.) + +Morgan, W. _Memoirs of the Life of Rev. Richard Price._ London: 1815. + (Notes on Franklin's relations with Price during early 1760's; + meetings at Royal Society and London Coffee-house.) + +Mottay, F. _Benjamin Franklin et la philosophie pratique._ Paris: 1886. + (Good model for citizens of a free nation and "le véritable catechisme + de l'homme vertueux." Also several just remarks on his style which + possesses "les mots épiques d'un Corneille et les élégantes + périphrases d'un Racine.") + +Moulton, C. W., ed. _Library of Literary Criticism of English and + American Authors_. Buffalo, N. Y.: 1901. IV, 79-106. (Stimulating + assembly of extracts which aids student in discovering the history of + Franklin's reputation.) + +Mustard, W. P. "Poor Richard's Poetry," _Nation_, LXXXII, 239, 279 + (March 22, April 5, 1906). (Indicates Franklin's borrowings from + Dryden, Pope, Prior, Gay, Swift, and others.) + +Nichols, E. L. "Franklin as a Man of Science," _Independent_, LX, 79-84 + (Jan. 11, 1906). (Franklin's mind "turned ever by preference to the + utilitarian and away from the theoretical and speculative aspects of + things.") + +"Notice sur Benjamin Franklin," in _Œuvres posthumes de Cabanis_. + Paris: 1825, pp. 219-74. (Representative in its rapturous eulogy.) + +Oberholtzer, E. P. _The Literary History of Philadelphia._ Philadelphia: + 1906. (Chap. II, "The Age of Franklin," written with conservative + bias, belabors Franklin who as a statesman "was almost as wrong as + Paine and Mirabeau." What Voltaire was to France, Franklin was to his + native city and state.) + +Oswald, J. C. _Benjamin Franklin in Oil and Bronze._ New York: 1926. + ("Probably the features and form of no man who ever lived were + delineated so frequently and in such a variety of ways as were those + of Benjamin Franklin." Best survey of its kind, including many + excellent reproductions.) + +Oswald, J. C. _Benjamin Franklin, Printer._ Garden City, N. Y.: 1917. + (Fullest and ablest account of this phase of Franklin's life.) + +Owen, E. D. "Where Did Benjamin Franklin Get the Idea for His Academy?" + _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LVIII, 86-94 (Jan., + 1934). (Inconclusive evidence attributing it to Dr. Philip Doddridge.) + +*Parker, Theodore. "Benjamin Franklin," in _Historic Americans_. Ed. + with notes by S. A. Eliot. Boston: 1908 [written in 1858]. (Franklin + "thinks, investigates, theorizes, invents, but never does he dream." + Although Parker, an idealist and reformer, exalts "the sharp outline + of his [Franklin's] exact idea," his humanitarianism, his combining + the "rare excellence of Socrates and Bacon" in making things "easy + for all to handle and comprehend," he concludes that Franklin is "a + saint devoted to the almighty dollar." There are few more readable + estimates.) + +*Parrington, V. L. "Benjamin Franklin," in _The Colonial Mind, + 1620-1800_. New York: 1927, pp. 164-78. (Emphasizes Franklin's + tendencies toward agrarian democracy; Parrington's indifference to the + genetic approach and his chronic economic determinism lead him to + slight the primary importance of Franklin's religious and philosophic + views in conditioning his other activities.) + +Pennington, E. L. "The Work of the Bray Associates in Pennsylvania," + _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, LVIII, 1-25 (Jan., + 1934). (Franklin's humanitarian interest in negro education. In 1758 + he writes from London urging school for instructing young Negroes in + Philadelphia.) + +_Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXV, 307-22, 516-26 + (1901), XXVI, 81-90, 255-64 (1902). (Reprints one of Dean Tucker's + pamphlets with Franklin's annotations. Casts light on Franklin's + loyalty to the Crown, while rebellious against Parliament.) + +Potamian, Brother, and Walsh, J. J. _Makers of Electricity._ New York: + 1909. ("Franklin and Some Contemporaries," chapter II, pp. 68-132, by + Brother Potamian, is an excellent survey of Franklin's contributions + to the science of electricity.) + +Powell, E. P. "A Study of Benjamin Franklin," _Arena_, VIII, 477-91 + (Sept., 1893). (Fair survey of Franklin as a diplomatist.) + +Priestley, J. _The History and Present State of Electricity, with + Original Experiments._ London: 1767. (Many notes observing Franklin's + "truly philosophical greatness of mind." Preface contains suggestive + generalizations concerning function of the natural philosopher: + especially, he who experiments in electricity discerns laws of nature, + "that is, of the God of nature himself.") + +Rava, Luigi. "La fortuna di Beniamino Franklin in Italia," Prefazione al + volume _Beniamino Franklin_ di Lawrence Shaw Mayo. Firenze: n.d. + +Repplier, Emma. "Franklin's Trials as a Benefactor," _Lippincott's + Magazine_, LXXVII, 63-70 (Jan., 1906). (Concerning those who during + the Revolution wrote Franklin for favors and places.) + +Riddell, W. R. "Benjamin Franklin and Colonial Money," _Pennsylvania + Magazine of History and Biography_, LIV, 52-64 (Jan., 1930). + +Riddell, W. R. "Benjamin Franklin's Mission to Canada and the Causes of + Its Failure," _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, + XLVIII, 111-58 (April, 1924). + +*Riley, I. W. _American Philosophy: The Early Schools._ New York: 1907, + pp. 229-65. (Conventional view of Franklin's deism; with C. M. Walsh + [see below], Riley overemphasizes influence of Plato on Franklin's + thought.) + +Riley, I. W. _American Thought from Puritanism to Pragmatism and + Beyond._ New York: 1915, pp. 68-77. (Graphic glimpses of "most + precocious of the American skeptics.") + +Rosengarten, J. G. "The American Philosophical Society," reprinted from + _Founders' Week Memorial Volume_. Philadelphia: 1908. + +Ross, E. D. "Benjamin Franklin as an Eighteenth-Century Agriculture + Leader," _Journal of Political Economy_, XXXVII, 52-72 (Feb., 1929). + (No "rural sentimentalist," Franklin experimented in agriculture, + particularly during 1747-1755, as a utilitarian idealist. Quotes one + who suggests Franklin was "half physiocratic before the rise of the + physiocratic school." Excellent and well-documented survey.) + +Sachse, J. F. _Benjamin Franklin as a Free Mason._ Philadelphia: 1906. + ("To write the history of Franklin as a Freemason is virtually to + chronicle the early Masonic history of America." Soundly documented + survey. Includes useful chronological table of Franklin's Masonic + activities.) + +*Sainte-Beuve, C. A. _Portraits of the Eighteenth Century._ Tr. by K. + P. Wormeley, with a critical introduction by E. Scherer. New York: + 1905. I, 311-75. (The two essays on Franklin in _Causeries du lundi_ + are "here put together," though with no important omissions from + either. Brilliant portrait of the "most gracious, smiling, and + persuasive utilitarian," one who assigned "no part to human + imagination.") + +Seipp, Erika. _Benjamin Franklins Religion und Ethik._ Darmstadt: 1932. + (Suggestive, though brief, view of Franklin's deism and + utilitarianism. Attempts to see his thought in reference to various + representative deists. This is not, however, a "source" study.) + +Shepherd, W. R. _History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania._ New + York: 1896. (Franklin emerges as "a sort of tribune to the people," a + "mighty Goliath," a "plague" in the eyes of the feudalistic rulers of + Pennsylvania, "a huge fief." Author relatively unsympathetic to + Franklin.) + +*Sherman, S. P. "Franklin and the Age of Enlightenment," in _Americans_. + New York: 1922, pp. 28-62. (Penetrating survey and estimate.) + +Smith, William, D.D. _Eulogium on Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: + 1792. (One agrees with P. L. Ford, that this work "forms a somewhat + amusing contrast to the savageness of the Doctor's earlier writings + against Franklin." Bombastic in its rhetoric and eulogy.) + +Smythe, J. H., Jr., comp. _The Amazing Benjamin Franklin._ New York: + 1929. (Anthology of brief, popular estimates. If individual notes are + trivial, the collection illustrates Franklin's many-mindedness, a + Renaissance versatility.) + +Sonneck, O. G. "Benjamin Franklin's Relation to Music," _Music_, XIX, + 1-14 (Nov., 1900). + +Steell, Willis. _Benjamin Franklin of Paris, 1776-1785._ New York: 1928. + (An undocumented, partly imaginative, popular account.) + +Stifler, J. M. _The Religion of Benjamin Franklin._ New York: 1925. + (Popular survey. Warm appreciation of Franklin's _penchant_ for + projects of a humanitarian sort.) + +Stuber, Henry. "Life of Franklin" [a biography meant as a continuation + of Franklin's _Autobiography_], in _Columbian Magazine and Universal + Asylum_, May, July, September, October, November, 1790, and February, + March, May, June, 1791. + +*Thorpe, F. N., ed. _Benjamin Franklin and the University of + Pennsylvania._ U. S. Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, No. + 2 (1892). Washington: 1893. (See especially chapters I, II, written by + Thorpe, which deal particularly with Franklin's ideas of self and + formal education.) + +Titus, Rev. Anson. "Boston When Ben Franklin Was a Boy," _Proceedings of + the Bostonian Society_, pp. 55-72 (1906). (Brief suggestive view of + the climate of opinion with regard to inoculation, Newtonianism, and + Lockian sensationalism.) + +Trent, W. P. "Benjamin Franklin," _McClure's Magazine_, VIII, 273-7 + (Jan., 1897). ("The most complete representative of his century that + any nation can point to." Franklin "thoroughly represents his age in + its practicality, in its devotion to science, in its intellectual + curiosity, in its humanitarianism, in its lack of spirituality, in its + calm self-content--in short, in its exaltation of prose and reason + over poetry and faith." An enthusiastic and wise account.) + +Trowbridge, John. "Franklin as a Scientist," _Publications of the + Colonial Society of Massachusetts_, XVIII (1917). (Excellent + appreciation of Franklin's capacity for inductive reasoning.) + +Tuckerman, H. T. "Character of Franklin," _North American Review_, + LXXXIII, 402-22 (Oct., 1856). (Praises disinterestedness of Franklin + as a scientist, as "one whom Bacon would have hailed as a disciple," + although he "is not adapted to beguile us 'along the line of infinite + desires.'") + +Tudury, M. "Poor Richard," _Bookman_, LXIV, 581-4 (Jan., 1927). (Popular + glance at "cynical patriarch of American letters.") + +_Typothetae Bulletin_, XXII, No. 15 (Jan. 11, 1926). (Issue devoted to + the printer Franklin.) + +Vicq d'Azyr, Félix. _Éloge de Franklin._ N.p.: 1791. + +Victory, Beatrice M. _Benjamin Franklin and Germany._ Americana + Germanica series, No. 21. Press of the University of Pennsylvania: + 1915. (Sources reflecting Franklin's reputation in Germany of + particular interest.) + +Walsh, C. M. "Franklin and Plato," _Open Court_, XX, 129-33 (March, + 1906). (An attempt to interpret his _Articles of Belief_, 1728, in + terms of the _Timaeus_, _Protagoras_, _Republic_, and _Euthyphro_.) + +Webster, Noah. _Dissertations on the English Language: With Notes, + Historical and Critical. To which is added, By Way of Appendix, an + Essay on a Reformed Mode of Spelling, with Dr. Franklins Arguments on + that Subject._ Boston: 1789. (Notable remarks on Franklin's + perspicuous and correct style which is "plain and elegantly neat": he + "writes for the child as well as the philosopher.") + +Wendell, Barrett. _A Literary History of America._ New York: 1900. + (Franklin estimate, pp. 92-103.) + +Wetzel, W. A. _Benjamin Franklin as an Economist._ Johns Hopkins + University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Thirteenth + Series, IX, 421-76. Baltimore: 1895. (Useful summary, but superseded + by Carey's _Franklin's Economic Views_.) + +Wharton, A. H. "The American Philosophical Society," _Atlantic Monthly_, + LXI, 611-24 (May, 1888). + +Bibliographical suggestions relating to Franklin's American friends and +contemporaries will be found following the brief but scholarly studies +in the _Dictionary of American Biography_. Of these see especially John +Adams (also G. Chinard, _Honest John Adams_, Boston, 1933); Samuel +Adams; Ethan Allen; Nathaniel Ames; Joel Barlow (also V. C. Miller, +_Joel Barlow: Revolutionist, London, 1791-92_, Hamburg, 1932, and T. A. +Zunder, _Early Days of Joel Barlow_, New Haven, 1934); John Bartram; +William Bartram (also N. Fagin, _William Bartram_, Baltimore, 1933); +Hugh H. Brackenridge (also C. Newlin, _Brackenridge_, Princeton, 1933); +Cadwallader Colden; John Dickinson; Philip Freneau; Francis Hopkinson; +T. Jefferson; Cotton Mather; Jonathan Mayhew; Thomas Paine; David +Rittenhouse; Dr. Benjamin Rush (also N. Goodman, _Rush_, Philadelphia, +1934); Rev. William Smith; Ezra Stiles; John Trumbull; Noah Webster. + + + +V. THE AGE OF FRANKLIN + +Adams, J. T. _Provincial Society, 1690-1763._ (Volume III of _A History + of American Life_, ed. Fox and Schlesinger.) New York: 1927. + (Contains useful "Critical Essay on Authorities" consulted, pp. + 324-56, which serves as a guide for further study of many phases of + the social history of the period.) + +Adams, R. G. _Political Ideas of the American Revolution._ Durham, N. + C.: 1922. + +Andrews, C. M. _The Colonial Background of the American Revolution._ New + Haven: 1924. (Stresses economic factors and the need of viewing the + subject from the European angle; profitably used as companion study to + Beer's _British Colonial Policy_.) + +Baldwin, Alice M. _The New England Clergy and the American Revolution._ + Durham, N. C.: 1928. (Prior to 1763 the clergy popularized "doctrines + of natural right, the social contract, and the right of resistance" + and principles of American constitutional law.) + +Beard, C. A. _The Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy._ New York: + 1915. (Suggestive, if _other_ factors are not neglected. See C. H. + Hull's review in _American Historical Review_, XXII, 401-3.) + +Becker, Carl. _The Declaration of Independence; A Study in the History + of Political Ideas._ New York: 1922. (Excellent survey of natural + rights, and the extent to which this concept was influenced by + Newtonianism.) + +Becker, Carl. _The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century + Philosophers._ New Haven: 1932. (R. S. Crane observes, after calling + attention to certain obscurities and confusions: "The description of + the general temper of the 'philosophers,' the characterization of the + principal eighteenth-century historians, much at least of the final + chapter on the idea of progress--these can be read with general + approval for their content and with a satisfaction in Becker's prose + style that is unalloyed by considerations of exegesis or terminology" + [_Philological Quarterly_, XIII, 104-6].) + +Beer, George L. _British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765._ New York: 1933 + [1907]. + +Bemis, S. F. _The Diplomacy of the American Revolution._ New York; 1935. + (Brilliant exposition of French, Spanish, Austrian, and other + diplomacy relative to the Revolution. Should be supplemented by Frank + Monaghan's _John Jay_.) + +Bloch, Léon. _La philosophie de Newton._ Paris: 1908. (A comprehensive, + standard exposition.) + +Bosker, Aisso. _Literary Criticism in the Age of Johnson._ Groningen: + 1930. (Reviewed by N. Foerster in _Philological Quarterly_, XI, + 216-7.) + +Brasch, F. E. "The Royal Society of London and Its Influence upon + Scientific Thought in the American Colonies," _Scientific Monthly_, + XXXIII, 336-55, 448-69 (1931). (Useful survey.) + +Brinton, Crane. _A Decade of Revolutions, 1789-1799._ New York: 1934. + (Useful on the pattern of ideas associated with the French Revolution; + has a full and up-to-date "Bibliographical Essay," pp. 293-322, with + critical commentary.) + +Bullock, C. J. _Essays on the Monetary History of the United States._ + New York: 1900. (Useful bibliography, pp. 275-88.) + +Burnett, E. C., ed. _Letters of Members of the Continental Congress._ + Washington, D. C.: 1921. (Seven volumes now published include letters + to 1784. Contain a mass of new material of first importance, edited + with notes, cross-references, and introductions.) + +Burtt, E. A. _The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science; A + Historical and Critical Essay._ New York: 1925. + +Bury, J. B. _The Idea of Progress._ New York: 1932 (new edition). + (Standard English work on the topic. See also Jules Delvaille, _Essai + sur l'histoire de l'idée de progrès_ [Paris, 1910], a more + encyclopedic book.) + +Channing, Edward. _A History of the United States._ New York: 1912. + (Volumes II-III.) + +Clark, H. H. "Factors to be Investigated in American Literary History + from 1787 to 1800," _English Journal_, XXIII, 481-7 (June, 1934). + (Suggests the genetic interrelations of classical ideas; + neoclassicism; the scientific spirit, rationalism, and deism; + primitivism and the idea of progress; physical America and the + frontier spirit; agrarianism and laissez faire; Federalism versus + Democracy, whether Jeffersonian or French; sentimentalism and + humanitarianism; Gothicism; and conflicting currents of aesthetic + theory.) + +Clark, H. H., ed. _Poems of Freneau._ New York: 1929. (F. L. Pattee says + of the Introduction, "No one has ever traced out better the + ramifications of French Revolution deism in America and the effects of + its clash with Puritanism" [_American Literature_, II, 316-7]. Also + see Clark's "Thomas Paine's Theories of Rhetoric," _Transactions of + the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters_, XXVIII, 307-39 + [1933], which discusses relationships between deism and literary + theory.) + +Clark, J. M., Viner, J., and others. _Adam Smith, 1776-1926._ Chicago: + 1928. (Brilliant essays on various aspects of Smith's thought and + influence. See especially Jacob Viner's "Adam Smith and + Laissez-Faire," pp. 116-55, which shows the relations in Smith's mind + between economics and religion, between laissez faire and "the + harmonious order of nature" posited by the scientific deists.) + +Crane, R. S. "Anglican Apologetics and the Idea of Progress, 1699-1745," + _Modern Philology_, XXXI, 273-306 (Feb., 1934), 349-82 (May, 1934). + (Demonstrates in masterly fashion how the idea of progress grew out of + orthodox defenses of revealed religion, current in Franklin's + formative years. Modifies the conventional view that the Church was + hostile to the idea of progress and that it derived exclusively from + the scientific spirit.) + +Davidson, P. G., Jr. "Whig Propagandists of the American Revolution," + _American Historical Review_, XXXIX, 442-53 (April, 1934). (Also see + _Revolutionary Propaganda in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, + 1763-1776_. Unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago, 1929.) + +"Deism," in _The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge_, + III, 391-7 (by Ernst Troeltsch). + +De la Fontainerie, F., tr. and ed. _French Liberalism and Education in + the Eighteenth Century: The Writings of La Chalotais, Turgot, Diderot, + and Condorcet on National Education._ New York: 1932. (Convenient + source book.) + +Dewey, D. R. _Financial History of the United States._ New York: 1924 + (9th ed.). (Bristles with bibliographical aids for study of eighteenth + century.) + +Draper, J. W. _Eighteenth Century English Aesthetics: A Bibliography._ + Heidelberg: 1931. (Source materials, pp. 61-128, for aesthetics of + literature and drama: includes in appendix, pp. 129-40, ablest + secondary works to 1931. An invaluable guide. See additions by R. S. + Crane, _Modern Philology_, XXIX, 251 ff. [1931], W. D. Templeman, + _ibid._, XXX, 309-16, R. D. Havens, _Modern Language Notes_, XLVII, + 118-20 [1932].) + +Drennon, Herbert. "Newtonianism: Its Method, Theology, and Metaphysics," + _Englische Studien_, LXVIII, 397-409 (1933-1934). (Other parts of Mr. + Drennon's brilliant doctoral dissertation, _James Thomson and + Newtonianism_ [University of Chicago, 1928], have been published in + _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XLIX, 71-80, March, + 1934; in _Studies in Philology_, XXXI, 453-71, July, 1934; and in + _Philological Quarterly_, XIV, 70-82, Jan., 1935.) + +Ducros, Louis. _French Society in the Eighteenth Century._ Tr. from the + French by W. de Geijer; with a Foreword by J. A. Higgs-Walker. London: + 1927. + +Duncan, C. S. _The New Science and English Literature in the Classical + Period._ Menasha, Wis.: 1913. (Scholarly.) + +Dunning, W. A. _A History of Political Theories from Luther to + Montesquieu._ New York: 1905, and _A History of Political Theories + from Rousseau to Spencer_. New York: 1920. (Standard works.) + +Elton, Oliver. _The Augustan Age._ New York: 1899, and _A Survey of + English Literature, 1730-1780_. 2 vols. London: 1928. (Acute on + literary trends, though hardly adequate on ideas.) + +Evans, Charles. _American Bibliography._ Chicago: 1903-1934. (Volumes + I-XII, 1639-1799.) + +Faÿ, Bernard. _Revolution and Freemasonry, 1680-1800._ Boston: 1935. + (Stimulating conjectures vitiated by extravagant and undocumented + conclusions.) + +Faÿ, Bernard. _The Revolutionary Spirit in France and America._ Tr. by + R. Guthrie. New York: 1927. (Especially valuable for notes on the + vogue of Franklin in France. Highly important comprehensive survey of + French influence in America, and the impetus our revolution gave to + French liberalism.) + +Fisher, S. G. _The Quaker Colonies. A Chronicle of the Proprietors of + the Delaware._ New Haven: 1921. (Useful bibliography, pp. 231-4.) + +Fiske, John. _The Beginnings of New England, or the Puritan Theocracy in + Its Relations to Civil and Religious Liberty._ Boston: 1896 [1889]. + (See also Perry Miller's _Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1630-1650_. _A + Genetic Study._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1933.) + +Gettell, R. G. _History of American Political Thought._ New York: 1928. + (The standard comprehensive treatment of its subject. Has good + bibliographies.) + +Gide, Charles, and Rist, Charles. _A History of Economic Doctrines from + the Time of the Physiocrats to the Present Day._ Authorized + translation from the second revised and augmented edition of 1913 + under the direction of the late Professor Wm. Smart, by R. Richards. + Boston: 1915. (Excellent survey of physiocracy.) + +Gierke, Otto. _Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800._ + With a Lecture on The Ideas of Natural Law and Humanity, by Ernst + Troeltsch. Tr. with an introduction by E. Barker. 2 vols. Cambridge, + England: 1934. (A standard work, with excellent notes, especially + valuable on European backgrounds.) + +Gohdes, Clarence. "Ethan Allen and his _Magnum Opus_," _Open Court_, + XLIII, 128-51 (March, 1929). (Suggests the eighteenth-century battle + between revelation and reason, the latter as buttressed by Lockian + sensationalism and Newtonian science.) + +Greene, E. B. _The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North + America._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1898. (Inveterate divergence between + provincial governor and provincial assemblies foreshadowed the + American Revolution.) + +Halévy, E. _The Growth of Philosophic Radicalism._ Tr. by M. Morris, + with a preface by A. D. Lindsay. London: 1928. (A comprehensive, + authoritative work.) + +Hansen, A. O. _Liberalism and American Education in the Eighteenth + Century._ With an introduction by E. H. Reisner. New York: 1926. (A + good bibliography of primary sources and a poor bibliography of + secondary sources, pp. 265-96. Although this slights Franklin and + deals especially with plans following Franklin's death, it surveys + educational ideals with reference to the ideas of the Enlightenment, + ideas latent in Franklin's writings.) + +Haroutunian, Joseph. _Piety versus Moralism, the Passing of the New + England Theology._ New York: 1932. (An important scholarly work + arguing reluctantly that Puritanism declined because it was + theocentric and inadequate to the social needs of the time. Has an + excellent bibliography.) + +Hefelbower, S. G. _The Relation of John Locke to English Deism._ + Chicago: 1918. (The relation between Locke and the English deists is + "not causal, nor do they mark different stages of the same movement"; + they are "related as coordinate parts of the larger progressive + movement of the age." Stresses Locke's tolerance, rationalism, and + natural religion.) + +Higgs, Henry. _The Physiocrats. Six Lectures on the French Économistes + of the Eighteenth Century._ London: 1897. (Gide and Rist term this a + "succinct account" of the physiocratic system.) + +Hildeburn, C. R. _Issues of the Pennsylvania Press. A Century of + Printing, 1685-1784._ 2 vols. Philadelphia: 1885-1886. (A highly + useful guide to what was being read in Pennsylvania year by year.) + +Horton, W. M. _Theism and the Scientific Spirit._ New York: 1933. + (Popular accounts of "Copernican world" and "God in the Newtonian + world" in chapters I-II.) + +Humphrey, Edward. _Nationalism and Religion in America, 1774-1789._ + Boston: 1924. + +Jameson, J. F. _The American Revolution Considered as a Social + Movement._ Princeton, N. J.: 1926. (Brief and general, but + suggestive.) + +Jones, H. M. _America and French Culture, 1750-1848._ Chapel Hill, N. + C.: 1927. (A monumental, elaborately documented comprehensive work, + containing an excellent bibliography.) + +Jones, H. M. "American Prose Style: 1700-1770," _Huntington Library + Bulletin_, No. 6, 115-51 (Nov., 1934). (Shows that Puritan preachings + inculcated the ideal of a simple, lucid, and dignified style.) + +Kaye, F. B., ed. _The Fable of the Bees: or, Private Vices, Publick + Benefits. With a Commentary Critical, Historical, and Explanatory._ 2 + vols. Oxford: 1924. (The introduction is the most lucid and + penetrating commentary on Mandeville in relation to the pattern of + ideas of his age. See L. I. Bredvold's review in _Journal of English + and Germanic Philology_, XXIV, 586-9, Oct., 1925.) + +Koch, G. A. _Republican Religion: The American Revolution and the Cult + of Reason._ New York: 1933. ("A vast body of facts about a host of + obscure figures"--reviewed by H. H. Clark in _Journal of Philosophy_, + XXXI, 135-8. Contains an elaborate bibliography.) + +Kraus, M. _Intercolonial Aspects of American Culture on the Eve of the + Revolution._ New York: 1928. (Scholarly.) + +Lecky, W. E. H. _A History of England in the Eighteenth Century._ 7 + vols. New York: 1892-1893 (new ed.). (A standard work, containing a + finely documented treatment of the political aspects of the American + Revolution.) + +Leonard, S. A. _The Doctrine of Correctness in English Usage, + 1700-1800._ Madison, Wis.: 1929. (Authoritative.) + +Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien. _History of Modern Philosophy in France._ Chicago: + 1899. + +Lincoln, C. H. _The Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1760-1776._ + Philadelphia: 1901. (A highly important study showing that local + sectional strife which would have eventually led to conflict + synchronized with the strife between the colony and England.) + +Lovejoy, A. O. "The Parallel of Deism and Classicism," _Modern + Philology_, XXIX, 281-99 (Feb., 1932). ("A systematic statement of the + rationalistic _preconceptions_ which, when applied in matters of + religion terminated in Deism, when applied in aesthetics produced + Classicism. An illuminating synthesis, done throughout with + characteristic finesse and discrimination" [_Philological Quarterly_, + XII, 106, April, 1933].) + +McIlwain, C. H. _The American Revolution: A Constitutional + Interpretation._ New York: 1923. (Offers defense of revolution on + English constitutional grounds.) + +Martin, Kingsley. _French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century: A + Study of Political Ideas from Bayle to Condorcet._ Boston: 1929. + (Stimulating survey of ideology motivating the French revolution, "a + dramatic moment when feudalism, clericalism and divine monarchy + collapsed.") + +Merriam, C. E. _A History of American Political Theories._ New York: + 1924 [1903]. (Authoritative, brief treatment.) + +Monaghan, Frank. _John Jay, Defender of Liberty._ New York: 1935. (A + brilliant biography and a fully documented study of the activities and + diplomacy of the Continental Congress. Supplements S. F. Bemis; see + above.) + +Moore, C. A. "Shaftesbury and the Ethical Poets in England, 1700-1760," + _Publications of the Modern Language Association_, XXXI (N. S. XXIV), + 264-325 (June, 1916). (Penetrating and brilliant survey of the growth + of altruism, to be supplemented by R. S. Crane's studies of earlier + sources.) + +Morais, H. M. _Deism in Eighteenth Century America._ New York: 1934. (If + little space is given to the implications of Deism in terms of + political, economic, and literary theory, and if the leaders of + deistic thought, such as Franklin, Jefferson, and Paine are too + lightly dealt with, this work is "substantial, precise, + well-documented, modest, cautious, and objective." Has a good + bibliography. Reviewed by H. H. Clark, _American Literature_, VI, + 467-9, Jan., 1935. See also Morais's "Deism in Revolutionary America, + 1763-89," _International Journal of Ethics_, XLII, 434-53, July, + 1932.) + +Morley, John. _Diderot and the Encyclopædists._ 2 vols. London: 1923. (A + suggestive survey, parts of which have been superseded by more recent + studies.) + +Mornet, Daniel. _French Thought in the Eighteenth Century._ Tr. by L. M. + Levin. New York: 1929. (Lucid and penetrating survey; suggestive notes + on the influence of speculation motivated by science.) + +Mornet, Daniel. _Les origines intellectuelles de la Révolution française + (1715-1787)._ Paris: 1933. (A brilliant work, concluding that without + the extraordinary diffusion of radical ideas in all classes in France, + the States-General in 1789 would not have adopted revolutionary + measures. See C. Brinton's review, _American Historical Review_, + XXXIX, 726-7, 1934.) + +Morse, W. N. "Lectures on Electricity in Colonial Times," _New England + Quarterly_, VII, 364-74 (June, 1934). (Presents fourteen items on the + vogue of electrical experiments, 1747-1765.) + +Mott, F. L. _A History of American Magazines, 1741-1850._ New York: + 1930. + +Mullett, C. F. _Fundamental Law and the American Revolution, 1760-1776._ + New York: 1933. (A highly important scholarly study, with excellent + bibliography of relevant investigations of recent date. Supplements B. + F. Wright.) + +Ornstein, Martha. _The Rôle of Scientific Societies in the Seventeenth + Century._ New York: 1913. Reprinted, University of Chicago Press: + 1928. (Shows their radical influence. See suggestive reviews in + _American Historical Review_, XXXIV, 386-7, 1929; and _Times Literary + Supplement_ [London], 679, Sept. 27, 1928.) + +Osgood, H. L. _The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century._ 4 vols. + New York: 1924-1925. (Standard work on political aspects.) + +Perkins, J. B. _France in the American Revolution._ Boston: 1911. + (Includes able survey of Franklin's efforts in behalf of colonies.) + +Richardson, L. N. _A History of Early American Magazines, 1741-1789._ + New York: 1931. (An encyclopedic survey indispensable to all students + of the period. Enormously documented.) + +Robertson, J. M. _A Short History of Free Thought, Ancient and Modern._ + 2 vols. London: 1915. (Third edition, revised and expanded. An + important survey, if somewhat militantly partisan.) + +Roustan, Marius. _The Pioneers of the French Revolution._ Tr. by F. + Whyte, with an Introduction by H. J. Laski. Boston: 1926. (Thesis: + "The spirit of the _philosophes_ was the spirit of the Revolution." + Highly readable, but inferior to parallel studies by Martin and Mornet + in incisive analysis of patterns of ideas. Stresses picturesque social + aspects.) + +Schapiro, J. S. _Condorcet and the Rise of Liberalism in France._ New + York: 1934. (Condorcet is the "almost perfect expression of the + pioneer liberalism of the period"; he is viewed as the "last of the + encyclopedists and the most universal of all." A lucid scholarly + study, although hardly superseding Alengry's _Condorcet_.) + +Schlesinger, A. M. "The American Revolution," in _New Viewpoints in + American History_. New York: 1922, pp. 160-83. (A brief but excellent + interpretation, stressing economic factors, and presenting a useful + "Bibliographical Note," pp. 181-3, including references to studies of + political and religious factors. See also studies of the latter by R. + G. Adams, Alice Baldwin, Carl Becker, B. F. Wright, C. F. Mullett, C. + H. Van Tyne, and Edward Humphrey.) + +Schneider, H. W. _The Puritan Mind._ New York: 1930. (An acute scholarly + study, with excellent bibliography. The stress on ideas supplements + and balances Parrington's tendency to dismiss ideas as by-products of + economic factors.) + +Smith, T. V. _The American Philosophy of Equality._ Chicago: 1927. + (Chapter I includes discussion of "natural rights," with recognition + of the influence of European theorists.) + +Smyth, A. H. _The Philadelphia Magazines and Their Contributors, + 1741-1850._ Philadelphia: 1892. (Brief descriptive account, mostly + superseded by the relevant sections in F. L. Mott's and L. N. + Richardson's histories.) + +Stephen, Leslie. _A History of English Thought in the Eighteenth + Century._ 2 vols. London: 1902 (3rd ed.). (As J. L. Laski observes, it + is "almost insolent to praise such work." In certain aspects, however, + it has been superseded by studies by such men as R. S. Crane, A. O. + Lovejoy, H. M. Jones, etc.) + +Stimson, Dorothy. _The Gradual Acceptance of the Copernican Theory of + the Universe._ Hanover, N. H.: 1917. + +Taylor, O. H. "Economics and the Idea of Natural Law," _Quarterly + Journal of Economics_, XLIV, 1-39 (Nov., 1929). ("The evolution of the + idea of 'law' in economics" paralleling "its evolution in the natural + sciences" led to belief in an economic mechanism which "was regarded + as a wise device of the Creator for causing individuals, while + pursuing only their own interests, to promote the prosperity of + society, and for causing the right adjustment to one another of + supplies, demands, prices, and incomes, to take place automatically, + in consequence of the free action of all individuals." The author + suggests that there is evident an incongruous dichotomy between the + mechanistic idea of the physiocrats and their assumption that + enlightened men "would be able to use government as a scientific tool + for carrying out purely rationalistic measures in the common + interest." See also outline of his doctoral thesis on this subject. + Harvard University _Summaries of Theses_ [1928], 102-6. An + authoritative study of an important subject.) + +Torrey, N. L. _Voltaire and the English Deists._ New Haven: 1930. (Shows + Voltaire's great indebtedness to Newtonianism, which he popularized in + France, and to earlier deists than Bolingbroke. Authoritative.) + +Turberville, A. S., ed. _Johnson's England. An Account of the Life and + Manners of His Age._ 2 vols. Oxford University Press: 1933. (Although + this collaborative work neglects political, religious, economic, and + aesthetic ideas, it embodies readable and authoritative surveys of + external aspects of social history, viewed from many angles. Contains + useful bibliographies. See review by H. H. Clark, _American Review_, + II, No. 4 [Feb., 1934].) + +Tyler, M. C. _A History of American Literature, 1607-1765_ (2 vols. New + York: 1878), and _The Literary History of the American Revolution_ (2 + vols. New York: 1897). (Somewhat grandiloquent but very full survey, + including Loyalists. Excellent on literary aspects but partly + superseded on ideas. Contains excellent bibliography of primary + sources.) + +Van Tyne, C. H. _The Causes of the War of Independence._ Boston: 1922. + (Brilliant both in interpretation and style, and well balanced in + considering economic, political, social, religious, and philosophic + factors.) + +Veitch, G. S. _The Genesis of Parliamentary Reform._ London: 1913. + (Useful for English backgrounds.) + +Weld, C. R. _A History of the Royal Society with Memoirs of the + Presidents._ 2 vols. London: 1848. + +Wendell, Barrett. _Cotton Mather, the Puritan Priest._ Cambridge, Mass.: + 1926 [1891]. (A sympathetic study of one of Franklin's masters, based + on a deep knowledge of the Puritan spirit.) + +Weulersse, Georges. _Le mouvement physiocratique en France_ (_de 1756 à + 1770_). 2 vols. Paris: 1910. (The standard treatment.) + +White, A. D. _A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in + Christendom._ 2 vols. New York: 1897. (Prominent attention given to + colonial eighteenth century.) + +Whitney, Lois. _Primitivism and the Idea of Progress in English Popular + Literature of the Eighteenth Century._ Baltimore: 1934. (An acute + study of the history of an important idea, especially as embodied in + novels. Occasionally misleading because Miss Whitney does not always + pay necessary attention to the major individuals' change of attitude, + to their genetic development. Contains no bibliography. See Bury, + above.) + +Williams, David. "The Influence of Rousseau on Political Opinion, + 1760-1795," _English Historical Review_, XLVIII, 414-30 (1933). + +Winsor, Justin, ed. _Narrative and Critical History of America._ 8 vols. + Boston: [1884-] 1889. (Especially valuable for bibliographical notes.) + +Wright, B. F. _American Interpretations of Natural Law. A Study in the + History of Political Thought._ Cambridge, Mass.: 1931. (An able + outline of main trends, although it neglects evidence both in + eighteenth-century sermons and in legal papers of colonial attorneys. + Shows strong influence of Grotius, Puffendorf, and Locke on + Revolutionary theories. Should be supplemented by C. F. Mullett's + parallel book. Reviewed by R. B. Morris, _American Historical Review_, + XXXVII, 561-2, April, 1932.) + +Wright, T. G. _Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620-1730._ New + Haven: 1920. (Valuable for its check lists of colonial libraries, + suggesting books current in Franklin's formative years. The best + treatment of its subject although it neglects the literary and + aesthetic theories of the period. To be supplemented by books by C. F. + Richardson, W. F. Mitchell, and E. C. Cook.) + +Further background studies may be found in _The Cambridge History of +English Literature_, Cambridge and New York, 1912-1914, VIII-XI, and +_The Cambridge History of American Literature_, New York, 1917, Vol. I. +See also the more up-to-date bibliographies in P. Smith's _A History of +Modern Culture_, New York, 1934, II, 647-76; R. S. Crane's _A Collection +of English Poems, 1660-1800_, New York, 1932, pp. 1115-42; and +especially O. Shepard and P. S. Wood, _English Prose and Poetry, +1660-1800_, Boston, 1934, pp. xxxiii-xxxviii and pp. 937-1067. For +bibliographical guides, see note following, p. clxxxviii. + + + +VI. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND CHECK LISTS + +Boggess, A. C., and Witmer, E. R. _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin + Franklin in the Library of the University of Pennsylvania._ (Being + the Appendix to the _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in + the Library of the American Philosophical Society_, edited by I. M. + Hays.) Philadelphia: 1908. (This valuable work lists letters to + Franklin, letters from Franklin, and miscellaneous letters, with + brief notes on the topics discussed in each letter and place of + publication in cases where the letters have been published.) + +_Books Printed by Benjamin Franklin. Born Jan. 17, 1706._ New York: + 1906. (Lists best known imprints; useful although eclipsed by + Campbell.) + +*_The Cambridge History of American Literature._ New York: 1917. I, + 442-52. (Lists of "Collected Works," "Separate Works," and + "Contributions to Periodicals" constitute a convenient abridgment of + Ford, but the list, "Biographical and Critical," limited to two pages, + is at best inadequately suggestive.) + +Campbell, W. J. _The Collection of Franklin Imprints in the Museum of + the Curtis Publishing Company. With a Short-Title Check List of All + the Books, Pamphlets, Broadsides, &c., known to have been printed by + Benjamin Franklin._ Philadelphia: 1918. + +Campbell, W. J. _A Short-Title Check List of All the Books, Pamphlets, + Broadsides, &c., known to have been printed by Benjamin Franklin._ + Philadelphia: 1918. + +*Faÿ, B. _Benjamin Franklin bibliographie et étude sur les sources + historiques relatives à sa vie_ (Vol. III of _Benjamin Franklin, + bourgeois d'Amérique et citoyen du monde_.) Paris: 1931. (Faÿ, in + _Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times_, pp. 517-33, has furnished + "only a summary bibliography," which, in spite of its occasional + inaccuracies and infelicities in form, contains many useful items, + American, English, and French; especially valuable for notes on + several manuscript collections. In this French edition the + bibliography is more detailed.) + +*Ford, P. L. _Franklin Bibliography. A List of Books Written by, or + Relating to Benjamin Franklin._ Brooklyn, N. Y.: 1889. (The standard, + time-honored work, unfortunately not superseded.) + +Ford, W. C. _List of the Benjamin Franklin Papers in the Library of + Congress._ Washington, D. C.: 1905. + +Hays, I. M. _Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library + of the American Philosophical Society._ Vols. II-VI in _The Record of + the Celebration of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of + Benjamin Franklin, under the Auspices of the American Philosophical + Society Held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge, April 17 + to 20, 1906_. Philadelphia: 1908. (A. H. Smyth purports to have + printed in his ten-volume edition all of Franklin's letters in this + collection. Valuable especially for letters addressed to Franklin.) + +"List of Works in the New York Public Library by or Relating to Benjamin + Franklin," _Bulletin of New York Public Library_, X, No. 1. New York: + 1906, pp. 29-83. + +Rosengarten, J. G. "Some New Franklin Papers," _University of + Pennsylvania Alumni Register_, 1-7 (July, 1903). (A report to the + Board of Trustees saying "there are over five hundred pieces of MS + among the collection of Franklin papers recently added to the Library + of the University." These range from 1731 to Franklin's latest + correspondence. Only a few of these pieces are described.) + +Stevens, Henry. _Benjamin Franklin's Life and Writings. A + Bibliographical Essay on the Stevens Collection of Books and + Manuscripts Relating to Doctor Franklin._ London: 1881. (Pp. 21-40 + contain a list of "Franklin's Printed Works.") + +Swift, Lindsay. "Catalogue of Works Relating to Benjamin Franklin in the + Boston Public Library," _Bulletin of the Boston Public Library_, V, + 217-31, 276-84, 420-33. Boston: 1883. (Including Dr. S. A. Green's + collection, this was the "immediate predecessor" to Ford.) + +For current articles the student should consult especially the +bibliographies in _Philological Quarterly_, _American Literature_, +_Publications of the Modern Language Association_, bibliographical +bulletins of the Modern Humanities Research Association, and Grace G. +Griffin's annual bibliography, _Writings on American History_. + + + + + * + +_Selections from_ +BENJAMIN FRANKLIN + + * + +NOTE: Superior figures through the text refer to notes in pp. 529 ff. + + +_From the_ AUTOBIOGRAPHY[1] + + TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's, 1771. + +DEAR SON, I have ever had a Pleasure in obtaining any little Anecdotes +of my Ancestors. You may remember the Enquiries I made among the Remains +of my Relations when you were with me in England; and the journey I +undertook for that purpose. Now imagining it may be equally agreable to +you to know the Circumstances of _my_ Life, many of which you are yet +unacquainted with; and expecting a Weeks uninterrupted Leisure in my +present Country Retirement, I sit down to write them for you. To which I +have besides some other Inducements. Having emerg'd from the Poverty and +Obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a State of Affluence and some +Degree of Reputation in the World, and having gone so far thro' Life +with a considerable Share of Felicity, the conducing Means I made use +of, which, with the Blessing of God, so well succeeded, my Posterity may +like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own +Situations, and therefore fit to be imitated. That Felicity, when I +reflected on it, has induc'd me sometimes to say, that were it offer'd +to my Choice, I should have no Objection to a Repetition of the same +Life from its Beginning, only asking the Advantages Authors have in a +second Edition to correct some Faults of the first. So would I if I +might, besides corr[ecting] the Faults, change some sinister Accidents +and Events of it for others more favourable, but tho' this were deny'd, +I should still accept the Offer. However, since such a Repetition is not +to be expected, the next Thing most like living one's Life over again, +seems to be a _Recollection_ of that Life; and to make that Recollection +as durable as possible, the putting it down in Writing. Hereby, too, I +shall indulge the Inclination so natural in old Men, to be talking of +themselves and their own past Actions, and I shall indulge it, without +being troublesome to others who thro' respect to Age might think +themselves oblig'd to give me a Hearing, since this may be read or not +as any one pleases. And lastly (I may as well confess it, since my +Denial of it will be believ'd by no Body) perhaps I shall a good deal +gratify my own _Vanity_. Indeed I scarce ever heard or saw the +introductory Words, _Without vanity I may say_, &c. but some vain thing +immediately follow'd. Most People dislike Vanity in others whatever +share they have of it themselves, but I give it fair Quarter wherever I +meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of Good to the +Possessor and to others that are within his Sphere of Action: And +therefore in many Cases it would not be quite absurd if a Man were to +thank God for his Vanity among the other Comforts of Life.-- + +And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all Humility to +acknowledge, that I owe the mention'd Happiness of my past Life to his +kind Providence, which led me to the Means I us'd and gave them Success. +My Belief of this, induces me to _hope_, tho' I must not _presume_, that +the same Goodness will still be exercis'd towards me in continuing that +Happiness, or in enabling me to bear a fatal Reverse, which I may +experience as others have done, the Complexion of my future Fortune +being known to him only: in whose Power it is to bless to us even our +Afflictions. + +The Notes one of my Uncles (who had the same kind of Curiosity in +collecting Family Anecdotes) once put into my Hands, furnish'd me with +several Particulars relating to our Ancestors. From these Notes I learnt +that the Family had liv'd in the same Village, Ecton in +Northamptonshire, for 300 Years, and how much longer he knew not +(perhaps from the Time when the Name _Franklin_ that before was the name +of an Order of People, was assum'd by them for a Surname, when others +took surnames all over the kingdom)[,] on a Freehold of about 30 Acres, +aided by the Smith's Business, which had continued in the Family till +his Time, the eldest son being always bred to that Business[.] A Custom +which he and my Father both followed as to their eldest Sons.--When I +search'd the Register at Ecton, I found an Account of their Births, +Marriages and Burials, from the Year 1555 only, there being no Register +kept in that Parish at any time preceding.--By that Register I +perceiv'd that I was the youngest Son of the youngest Son for 5 +Generations back. My Grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at +Ecton till he grew too old to follow Business longer, when he went to +live with his Son John, a Dyer at Banbury in Oxfordshire, with whom my +Father serv'd an Apprenticeship. There my Grandfather died and lies +buried. We saw his Gravestone in 1758. His eldest Son Thomas liv'd in +the House at Ecton, and left it with the Land to his only Child, a +Daughter, who, with her Husband, one Fisher of Wellingborough sold it to +Mr. Isted, now Lord of the Manor there. My Grandfather had 4 Sons that +grew up, viz Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give you what +Account I can of them at this distance from my Papers, and if these are +not lost in my Absence, you will among them find many more Particulars. +Thomas was bred a Smith under his Father, but being ingenious, and +encourag'd in Learning (as all his Brothers likewise were) by an Esquire +Palmer then the principal Gentleman in that Parish, he qualify'd himself +for the Business of Scrivener, became a considerable Man in the County +Affairs, was a chief Mover of all publick Spirited Undertakings for the +County or Town of Northampton and his own village, of which many +instances were told us; and he was at Ecton much taken Notice of and +patroniz'd by the then Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, Jan. 6, old Stile, +just 4 Years to a Day before I was born. The Account we receiv'd of his +Life and Character from some old People at Ecton, I remember struck you +as something extraordinary, from its Similarity to what you knew of +mine. Had he died on the same Day, you said one might have suppos'd a +Transmigration.--John was bred a Dyer, I believe of Woollens. Benjamin, +was bred a Silk Dyer, serving an Apprenticeship at London. He was an +ingenious Man, I remember him well, for when I was a Boy he came over to +my Father in Boston, and lived in the House with us some Years. He lived +to a great Age. His Grandson Samuel Franklin now lives in Boston. He +left behind him two Quarto Volumes, MS of his own Poetry, consisting of +little occasional Pieces address'd to his Friends and Relations, of +which the following sent to me, is a Specimen. [Although Franklin wrote +in the margin "Here insert it," the poetry is not given.] He had form'd +a Shorthand of his own, which he taught me, but, never practising it I +have now forgot it. I was nam'd after this Uncle, there being a +particular Affection between him and my Father. He was very pious, a +great Attender of Sermons of the best Preachers, which he took down in +his Shorthand and had with him many Volumes of them. He was also much of +a Politician, too much perhaps for his Station. There fell lately into +my Hands in London a Collection he had made of all the principal +Pamphlets relating to Publick Affairs from 1641 to 1717. Many of the +Volumes are wanting, as appears by the Numbering, but there still +remains 8 Vols. Folio, and 24 in 4.^to and 8.^vo.--A Dealer in old Books +met with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought +them to me. It seems my Uncle must have left them here when he went to +America, which was above 50 years since. There are many of his Notes in +the Margins.-- + +This obscure Family of ours was early in the Reformation, and continu'd +Protestants thro' the Reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in +Danger of Trouble on Account of their Zeal against Popery. They had got +an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open +with Tapes under and within the Frame of a Joint Stool. When my Great +Great Grandfather read it [it] to his Family, he turn'd up the joint +Stool upon his Knees, turning over the Leaves then under the Tapes. One +of the Children stood at the Door to give Notice if he saw the Apparitor +coming, who was an Officer of the Spiritual Court. In that Case the +Stool was turn'd down again upon its feet, when the Bible remain'd +conceal'd under it as before. This Anecdote I had from my Uncle +Benjamin.--The Family continu'd all of the Church of England till about +the End of Charles the 2^ds Reign, when some of the Ministers that had +been outed for Nonconformity, holding Conventicles in Northamptonshire, +Benjamin and Josiah adher'd to them, and so continu'd all their Lives. +The rest of the Family remain'd with the Episcopal Church. + +Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his Wife with three +Children into New England, about 1682. The Conventicles having been +forbidden by Law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable +Men of his Acquaintance to remove to that Country, and he was prevail'd +with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their Mode +of Religion with Freedom.--By the same Wife he had 4 Children more born +there, and by a second wife ten more, in all 17, of which I remember 13 +sitting at one time at his Table, who all grew up to be Men and Women, +and married. I was the youngest Son, and the youngest Child but two, and +was born in Boston, N. England. My mother, the 2^d wife was Abiah +Folger, a daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first Settlers of New +England, of whom honourable mention is made by Cotton Mather, in his +Church History of that Country, (entitled Magnalia Christi Americana) as +_a godly learned Englishman_, if I remember the Words rightly. I have +heard that he wrote sundry small occasional Pieces, but only one of them +was printed which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in +the home-spun Verse of that Time and People, and address'd to those then +concern'd in the Government there. It was in favour of Liberty of +Conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other Sectaries, +that had been under Persecution; ascribing the Indian Wars and other +Distresses, that had befallen the Country to that Persecution, as so +many Judgments of God, to punish so heinous an Offense; and exhorting a +Repeal of those uncharitable Laws. The whole appear'd to me as written +with a good deal of Decent Plainness and manly Freedom. The six last +concluding Lines I remember, tho' I have forgotten the two first of the +Stanza, but the Purport of them was that his Censures proceeded from +Good will, and therefore he would be known as the Author, + + "Because to be a Libeller, (says he) + I hate it with my Heart. + From[A] Sherburne Town where now I dwell, + My Name I do put here, + Without Offense, your real Friend, + It is Peter Folgier." + + [A] In MS Franklin notes, "In the Island of Nantucket." + +My elder Brothers were all put Apprentices to different Trades. I was +put to the Grammar School at Eight Years of Age, my Father intending to +devote me as the Tithe of his Sons to the Service of the Church. My +early Readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as +I do not remember when I could not read) and the Opinion of all his +Friends that I should certainly make a good Scholar, encourag'd him in +this Purpose of his. My Uncle Benjamin too approv'd of it, and propos'd +to give me all his Shorthand Volumes of Sermons I suppose as a Stock to +set up with, if I would learn his Character. I continu'd however at the +Grammar School not quite one Year, tho' in that time I had risen +gradually from the Middle of the Class of that Year to be the Head of +it, and farther was remov'd into the next Class above it, in order to go +with that into the third at the End of the Year. But my Father in the +mean time, from a View of the Expence of a College Education which, +having so large a Family, he could not well afford, and the mean Living +many so educated were afterwards able to obtain, Reasons that he gave to +his Friends in my Hearing, altered his first Intention, took me from the +Grammar School, and sent me to a School for Writing and Arithmetic kept +by a then famous Man, Mr. Geo. Brownell, very successful in his +Profession generally, and that by mild encouraging Methods. Under him I +acquired fair Writing pretty soon, but I fail'd in the Arithmetic, and +made no Progress in it.--At Ten Years old, I was taken home to assist my +Father in his Business, which was that of a Tallow Chandler and Sope +Boiler. A Business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his Arrival in +New England and on finding his Dying Trade would not maintain his +Family, being in little Request. Accordingly I was employed in cutting +Wick for the Candles, filling the Dipping Mold, and the Molds for cast +Candles, attending the Shop, going of Errands, etc.--I dislik'd the +Trade and had a strong Inclination for the Sea; but my Father declar'd +against it; however, living near the Water, I was much in and about it, +learnt early to swim well, and to manage Boats, and when in a Boat or +Canoe with other Boys I was commonly allow'd to govern, especially in +any case of Difficulty; and upon other Occasions I was generally a +Leader among the Boys, and sometimes led them into Scrapes, of w^ch I +will mention one Instance, as it shows an early projecting public +Spirit, tho' not then justly conducted. There was a salt Marsh that +bounded part of the Mill Pond, on the Edge of which at Highwater, we +us'd to stand to fish for Min[n]ows. By much Trampling, we had made it a +mere Quagmire. My Proposal was to build a Wharff there fit for us to +stand upon, and I show'd my Comrades a large Heap of Stones which were +intended for a new House near the Marsh, and which would very well suit +our Purpose. Accordingly in the Evening when the Workmen were gone, I +assembled a Number of my Playfellows; and working with them diligently +like so many Emmets, sometimes two or three to a Stone, we brought them +all away and built our little Wharff.--The next Morning the Workmen were +surpriz'd at Missing the Stones; which were found in our Wharff; Enquiry +was made after the Removers; we were discovered and complain'd of; +several of us were corrected by our Fathers; and tho' I pleaded the +Usefulness of the Work, mine convinc'd me that nothing was useful which +was not honest. + +I think you may like to know something of his Person and Character. He +had an excellent Constitution of Body, was of middle Stature, but well +set and very strong. He was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skill'd +a little in Music and had a clear pleasing Voice, so that when he play'd +Psalm Tunes on his Violin and sung withal as he sometimes did in an +Evening after the Business of the Day was over, it was extreamly +agreable to hear. He had a mechanical Genius too, and on occasion was +very handy in the Use of other Tradesmen's Tools. But his great +Excellence lay in a sound Understanding, and solid Judgment in +prudential Matters, both in private and publick Affairs. In the latter +indeed he was never employed, the numerous Family he had to educate and +the straitness of his Circumstances, keeping him close to his Trade, but +I remember well his being frequently visited by leading People, who +consulted him for his Opinion in Affairs of the Town or of the Church he +belong'd to and show'd a good deal of Respect for his Judgment and +advice. He was also much consulted by private Persons about their +affairs when any Difficulty occurr'd, and frequently chosen an +Arbitrator between contending Parties.--At his Table he lik'd to have as +often as he could, some sensible Friend or Neighbour to converse with, +and always took care to start some ingenious or useful Topic for +Discourse, which might tend to improve the Minds of his Children. By +this means he turn'd our Attention to what was good, just, and prudent +in the Conduct of Life; and little or no Notice was ever taken of what +related to the Victuals on the Table, whether it was well or ill drest, +in or out of season, of good or bad flavour, preferable or inferior to +this or that other thing of the kind; so that I was bro't up in such a +perfect Inattention to those Matters as to be quite Indifferent what +kind of Food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this +Day, if I am ask'd I can scarce tell a few Hours after Dinner, what I +din'd upon. This has been a Convenience to me in travelling, where my +Companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable +Gratification of their more delicate[,] because better instructed[,] +tastes and appetites. + +My Mother had likewise an excellent Constitution. She suckled all her 10 +Children. I never knew either my Father or Mother to have any Sickness +but that of which they dy'd he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. They +lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a Marble +Stone over their Grave with this Inscription: + + JOSIAH FRANKLIN + And ABIAH his Wife + Lie here interred. + They lived lovingly together in Wedlock + Fifty-five Years. + Without an Estate or any gainful Employment, + By constant labour and Industry, + With God's blessing, + They maintained a large Family + Comfortably; + And brought up thirteen Children, + And seven Grandchildren + Reputably. + + From this Instance, Reader, + Be encouraged to Diligence in thy Calling, + And Distrust not Providence. + He was a pious and prudent Man, + She a discreet and virtuous Woman. + Their youngest Son, + In filial Regard to their Memory, + Places this Stone. + J. F. born 1655--Died 1744--Ætat 89. + A. F. born 1667--Died 1752----85. + +By my rambling Digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I us'd to +write more methodically.--But one does not dress for private Company as +for a publick Ball. 'Tis perhaps only Negligence.-- + +To return. I continu'd thus employ'd in my Father's Business for two +Years, that is till I was 12 Years old; and my Brother John, who was +bred to that Business having left my Father, married and set up for +himself at Rhodeisland, there was all Appearance that I was destin'd to +supply his Place and be a Tallow Chandler. But my Dislike to the Trade +continuing, my Father was under Apprehensions that if he did not find +one for me more agreable, I should break away and get to Sea, as his Son +Josiah had done to his great Vexation. He therefore sometimes took me to +walk with him, and see Joiners, Bricklayers, Turners, Braziers, etc. at +their Work, that he might observe my Inclination, and endeavour to fix +it on some Trade or other on Land. It has ever since been a Pleasure to +me to see good Workmen handle their Tools; and it has been useful to me, +having learnt so much by it, as to be able to do little Jobs myself in +my House, when a Workman could not readily be got; and to construct +little Machines for my Experiments while the Intention of making the +Experiment was fresh and warm in my Mind. My Father at last fix'd upon +the Cutler's Trade, and my Uncle Benjamin's Son Samuel who was bred to +that Business in London[,] being about that time establish'd in Boston, +I was sent to be with him some time on liking. But his Expectations of a +Fee with me displeasing my Father, I was taken home again.-- + +From a Child I was fond of Reading, and all the little Money that came +into my Hands was ever laid out in Books. Pleas'd with the Pilgrim's +Progress, my first Collection was of John Bunyan's Works, in separate +little Volumes. I afterwards sold them to enable me to buy R. Burton's +Historical Collections; they were small Chapmen's Books and cheap, 40 or +50 in all.--My Father's little Library consisted chiefly of Books in +polemic Divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted, +that at a time when I had such a Thirst for Knowledge, more proper Books +had not fallen in my Way, since it was now resolv'd I should not be a +Clergyman. Plutarch's Lives there was, in which I read abundantly, and I +still think that time spent to great ["Great" seems to have been +deleted.] Advantage. There was also a Book of Defoe's, called an Essay +on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's, called Essays to do Good which +perhaps gave me a Turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the +principal future Events of my Life. + +This Bookish inclination at length determin'd my Father to make me a +Printer, tho' he had already one Son (James) of that Profession. In 1717 +my Brother James return'd from England with a Press and Letters to set +up his Business in Boston. I lik'd it much better than that of my +Father, but still had a Hankering for the Sea.--To prevent the +apprehended Effect of such an Inclination, my Father was impatient to +have me bound to my Brother. I stood out some time, but at last was +persuaded and signed the Indentures, when I was yet but 12 Years old.--I +was to serve as an Apprentice till I was 21 Years of Age, only I was to +be allow'd Journeyman's Wages during the last Year. In a little time I +made great Proficiency in the Business, and became a useful Hand to my +Brother. I now had Access to better Books. An Acquaintance with the +Apprentices of Booksellers, enabled me sometimes to borrow a small one, +which I was careful to return soon and clean. Often I sat up in my Room +reading the greatest Part of the Night, when the Book was borrow'd in +the Evening and to be return'd early in the Morning[,] lest it should be +miss'd or wanted. And after some time an ingenious Tradesman Mr. Matthew +Adams who had a pretty Collection of Books, and who frequented our +Printing House, took Notice of me, invited me to his Library, and very +kindly lent me such Books as I chose to read. I now took a Fancy to +Poetry, and made some little Pieces. My Brother, thinking it might turn +to account encourag'd me, and put me on composing two occasional +Ballads. One was called The _Lighthouse Tragedy_, and contained an Acc^t +of the drowning of Capt. Worthilake with his Two Daughters; the other +was a Sailor Song on the Taking of _Teach_ or Blackbeard the Pirate. +They were wretched Stuff, in the Grub-street Ballad Stile, and when they +were printed he sent me about the Town to sell them. The first sold +wonderfully, the Event being recent, having made a great Noise. This +flatter'd my Vanity. But my Father discourag'd me, by ridiculing my +Performances, and telling me Verse-makers were generally Beggars; so I +escap'd being a Poet, most probably a very bad one. But as Prose Writing +has been of great Use to me in the Course of my Life, and was a +principal Means of my Advancement, I shall tell you how in such a +Situation I acquir'd what little Ability I have in that Way. + +There was another Bookish Lad in the Town, John Collins by Name, with +whom I was intimately acquainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond +we were of Argument, and very desirous of confuting one another. Which +disputacious Turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad Habit, making +People often extreamly disagreeable in Company, by the Contradiction +that is necessary to bring it into Practice, and thence, besides souring +and spoiling the Conversation, is productive of Disgusts and perhaps +Enmities where you may have occasion for Friendship. I had caught it by +reading my Father's Books of Dispute about Religion. Persons of good +Sense, I have since observ'd, seldom fall into it, except Lawyers, +University Men, and Men of all Sorts that have been bred at Edinborough. +A Question was once somehow or other started between Collins and me, of +the Propriety of educating the Female Sex in Learning, and their +Abilities for Study. He was of Opinion that it was improper, and that +they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary Side, perhaps a +little for Dispute['s] sake. He was naturally more eloquent, had a +ready Plenty of Words, and sometimes as I thought bore me down more by +his Fluency than by the Strength of his Reasons. As we parted without +settling the Point, and were not to see one another again for some time, +I sat down to put my Arguments in Writing, which I copied fair and sent +to him. He answer'd and I reply'd. Three of [or] four Letters of a Side +had pass'd, when my Father happen'd to find my Papers, and read them. +Without ent'ring into the Discussion, he took occasion to talk to me +about the Manner of my Writing, observ'd that tho' I had the Advantage +of my Antagonist in correct Spelling and pointing (which I ow'd to the +Printing House) I fell far short in elegance of Expression, in Method +and in Perspicuity, of which he convinc'd me by several Instances. I saw +the Justice of his Remarks, and thence grew more attentive to the +_Manner_ in writing, and determin'd to endeavour at Improvement.-- + +About this time I met with an odd Volume of the Spectator. It was the +Third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it, read it over +and over, and was much delighted with it. I thought the Writing +excellent, and wish'd if possible to imitate it. With that View, I took +some of the Papers, and making short Hints of the Sentiment in each +Sentence, laid them by a few Days, and then without looking at the Book, +try'd to compleat the Papers again, by expressing each hinted Sentiment +at length, and as fully as it had been express'd before, in any suitable +Words, that should come to hand. + +Then I compar'd my Spectator with the Original, discover'd some of my +Faults and corrected them. But I found I wanted a Stock of Words or a +Readiness in recollecting and using them, which I thought I should have +acquir'd before that time, if I had gone on making Verses, since the +continual Occasion for Words of the same Import but of different Length, +to suit the Measure, or of different Sound for the Rhyme, would have +laid me under a constant Necessity of searching for Variety, and also +have tended to fix that Variety in my Mind, and make me Master of it. +Therefore I took some of the Tales and turn'd them into Verse: And after +a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the Prose, turn'd them back +again. I also sometimes jumbled my Collections of Hints into Confusion, +and after some Weeks, endeavour'd to reduce them into the best Order, +before I began to form the full Sentences, and compleat the Paper. This +was to teach me Method in the Arrangement of Thoughts. By comparing my +work afterwards with the original, I discover'd many faults and amended +them; but I sometimes had the Pleasure of Fancying that in certain +Particulars of small Import, I had been lucky enough to improve the +Method or the Language and this encourag'd me to think I might possibly +in time come to be a tolerable English Writer, of which I was extreamly +ambitious. + +My Time for these Exercises and for Reading, was at Night, after Work or +before it began in the Morning; or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in +the Printing House alone, evading as much as I could the common +Attendance on publick Worship, which my Father used to exact of me when +I was under his Care: And which indeed I still thought a Duty; tho' I +could not, as it seemed to me, afford the Time to practise it. + +When about 16 Years of Age, I happen'd to meet with a Book, written by +one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it. My +Brother being yet unmarried, did not keep House, but boarded himself and +his Apprentices in another Family. My refusing to eat Flesh occasioned +an Inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made +myself acquainted with Tryon's Manner of preparing some of his Dishes, +such as Boiling Potatoes or Rice, making Hasty Pudding, and a few +others, and then propos'd to my Brother, that if he would give me Weekly +half the Money he paid for my Board I would board myself. He instantly +agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save half what he paid +me. This was an additional Fund for buying Books. But I had another +Advantage in it. My Brother and the rest going from the Printing House +to their Meals, I remain'd there alone, and dispatching presently my +light Repast, (which often was no more than a Bisket or a Slice of +Bread, a Handful of Raisins or a Tart from the Pastry Cook's, and a +Glass of Water) had the rest of the Time till their Return, for Study, +in which I made the greater Progress from that greater Clearness of +Head and quicker Apprehension which usually attend Temperance in Eating +and Drinking. And now it was that being on some Occasion made asham'd of +my Ignorance in Figures, which I had twice failed in Learning when at +School, I took Cocker's Book of Arithmetick, and went thro' the whole by +myself with great Ease. I also read Seller's and Sturmy's Books of +Navigation, and became acquainted with the little Geometry they contain, +but never proceeded far in that Science.--And I read about this Time +Locke on Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking by Mess^rs du Port +Royal. + +While I was intent on improving my Language, I met with an English +Grammar (I think it was Greenwood's) at the End of which there were two +little Sketches of the Arts of Rhetoric and Logic, the latter finishing +with a Specimen of a Dispute in the Socratic Method. And soon after I +procur'd Xenophon's Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many +Instances of the same Method. I was charm'd with it, adopted it, dropt +my abrupt Contradiction, and positive Argumentation, and put on the +humble Enquirer and Doubter. And being then, from reading Shaftesbury +and Collins, become a real Doubter in many Points of our religious +Doctrine, I found this Method safest for myself and very embarrassing to +those against whom I us'd it, therefore I took a Delight in it, +practis'd it continually and grew very artful and expert in drawing +People even of superior Knowledge into Concessions the Consequences of +which they did not foresee, entangling them in Difficulties out of which +they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining Victories that +neither myself nor my Cause always deserved.--I continu'd this Method +some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only the Habit of +expressing myself in Terms of modest Diffidence, never using when I +advance any thing that may possibly be disputed, the Words, _Certainly_, +_undoubtedly_; or any others that give the Air of Positiveness to an +Opinion; but rather say, I conceive, or I apprehend a Thing to be so or +so, It appears to me, or I should think it so or so for such and such +Reasons, or I imagine it to be so, or it is so if I am not mistaken. +This Habit I believe has been of great Advantage to me, when I have had +occasion to inculcate my Opinions and persuade Men into Measures that I +have been from time to time engag'd in promoting.--And as the chief Ends +of Conversation are to _inform_, or to be _informed_, to _please_ or to +_persuade_, I wish wellmeaning sensible Men would not lessen their Power +of doing Good by a Positive assuming Manner that seldom fails to +disgust, tends to create Opposition, and to defeat every one of those +Purposes for which Speech was given us, to wit, giving or receiving +Information, or Pleasure: For if you would _inform_, a positive +dogmatical Manner in advancing your Sentiments, may provoke +Contradiction and prevent a candid Attention. If you wish Information +and Improvement from the Knowledge of others and yet at the same time +express yourself as firmly fix'd in your present Opinions, modest +sensible Men, who do not love Disputation, will probably leave you +undisturbed in the Possession of your Error; and by such a Manner you +can seldom hope to recommend yourself in _pleasing_ your Hearers, or to +persuade those whose Concurrence you desire.--Pope says, judiciously, + + _Men should be taught as if you taught them not, + And things unknown propos'd as things forgot,--_ + +farther recommending it to us, + + _To speak tho' sure, with seeming Diffidence._ + +And he might have coupled with this Line that which he has coupled with +another, I think less properly, + + _For want of Modesty is want of Sense._ + +If you ask why _less properly_, I must repeat the lines; + + "Immodest Words admit of _no_ Defence; + _For_ Want of Modesty is Want of Sense." + +Now is not _Want of Sense_ (where a Man is so unfortunate as to want it) +some Apology for his _Want of Modesty?_ and would not the Lines stand +more justly thus? + + Immodest Words admit _but this_ Defence, + That Want of Modesty is Want of Sense. + +This however I should submit to better Judgments.-- + +My Brother had in 1720 or 21, begun to print a Newspaper. It was the +second that appear'd in America, and was called _The New England +Courant_.[2] The only one before it, was _the Boston News Letter_. I +remember his being dissuaded by some of his Friends from the +Undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one Newspaper being in their +Judgment enough for America.--At this time 1771 there are not less than +five and twenty.--He went on however with the Undertaking, and after +having work'd in composing the Types and printing off the Sheets, I was +employ'd to carry the Papers thro' the Streets to the Customers.--He had +some ingenious Men among his Friends who amus'd themselves by writing +little Pieces for this Paper, which gain'd it Credit, and made it more +in Demand; and these Gentlemen often visited us.--Hearing their +Conversations, and their Accounts of the Approbation their Papers were +receiv'd with, I was excited to try my Hand among them. But being still +a Boy, and suspecting that my Brother would object to printing any Thing +of mine in his Paper if he knew it to be mine, I contriv'd to disguise +my Hand, and writing an anonymous Paper I put it in at Night under the +Door of the Printing House. It was found in the Morning and communicated +to his Writing Friends when they call'd in as usual. They read it, +commented on it in my Hearing, and I had the exquisite Pleasure, of +finding it met with their Approbation, and that in their different +Guesses at the Author none were named but Men of some Character among us +for Learning and Ingenuity.--I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my +Judges: And that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I +then esteem'd them. Encourag'd however by this, I wrote and convey'd in +the same Way to the Press several more Papers, which were equally +approv'd, and I kept my Secret till my small Fund of Sense for such +Performances was pretty well exhausted, and then I discovered it; when I +began to be considered a little more by my Brother's Acquaintance, and +in a manner that did not quite please him, as he thought, probably with +reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And perhaps this might be +one Occasion of the Differences that we began to have about this Time. +Tho' a Brother, he considered himself as my Master, and me as his +Apprentice; and accordingly expected the same Services from me as he +would from another; while I thought he demean'd me too much in some he +requir'd of me, who from a Brother expected more Indulgence. Our +Disputes were often brought before our Father, and I fancy I was either +generally in the right, or else a better Pleader, because the Judgment +was generally in my favour: But my Brother was passionate and had often +beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss; and thinking my Apprenticeship +very tedious, I was continually wishing for some Opportunity of +shortening it, which at length offered in a manner unexpected.[B] + + [B] I fancy his harsh and tyrannical Treatment of me, might be a + means of impressing me with that Aversion to arbitrary Power + that has stuck to me thro' my whole life [_Franklin's note._] + +One of the Pieces in our Newspaper, on some political Point which I have +now forgotten, gave Offence to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd +and imprison'd for a Month by the Speaker's Warrant, I suppose because +he would not discover his Author. I too was taken up and examin'd before +the Council; but tho' I did not give them any Satisfaction, they +contented themselves with admonishing me, and dismiss'd me; considering +me perhaps as an Apprentice who was bound to keep his Master's Secrets. +During my Brother's Confinement, which I resented a good deal, +notwithstanding our private Differences, I had the Management of the +Paper, and I made bold to give our Rulers some Rubs in it, which my +Brother took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an +unfavourable Light, as a young Genius that had a Turn for Libelling and +Satyr. My Brother's Discharge was accompany'd with an Order of the +House, (a very odd one) _that James Franklin should no longer print the +Paper called the New England Courant_. There was a Consultation held in +our Printing House among his Friends what he should do in this Case. +Some propos'd to evade the Order by changing the Name of the Paper; but +my Brother seeing Inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on +as a better Way, to let it be printed for the future under the Name of +_Benjamin Franklin_. And to avoid the Censure of the Assembly that might +fall on him, as still printing it by his Apprentice, the Contrivance +was, that my old Indenture should be return'd to me with a full +Discharge on the Back of it, to be shown on Occasion; but to secure to +him the Benefit of my Service I was to sign new Indentures for the +Remainder of the Term, w^ch were to be kept private. A very flimsy +Scheme it was, but however it was immediately executed, and the Paper +went on accordingly under my Name for several Months. At length a fresh +Difference arising between my Brother and me, I took upon me to assert +my Freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new +Indentures. It was not fair in me to take this Advantage, and this I +therefore reckon one of the first Errata of my life: But the Unfairness +of it weighed little with me, when under the Impressions of Resentment, +for the Blows his Passion too often urg'd him to bestow upon me. Tho' he +was otherwise not an ill-natur'd Man: Perhaps I was too saucy and +provoking. + +When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting +Employment in any other Printing-House of the Town, by going round and +speaking to every Master, who accordingly refus'd to give me Work. I +then thought of going to New York as the nearest Place where there was a +Printer: and I was the rather inclin'd to leave Boston, when I reflected +that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing +Party; and from the arbitrary Proceedings of the Assembly in my +Brother's Case it was likely I might if I stay'd soon bring myself into +Scrapes; and farther that my indiscrete Disputations about Religion +began to make me pointed at with Horror by good People, as an Infidel or +Atheist. I determin'd on the Point: but my Father now siding with my +Brother, I was sensible that if I attempted to go openly, Means would be +used to prevent me. My Friend Collins therefore undertook to manage a +little for me. He agreed with the Captain of a New York Sloop for my +Passage, under the Notion of my being a young Acquaintance of his that +had got a naughty Girl with Child, whose Friends would compel me to +marry her, and therefore I could not appear or come away publickly. So I +sold some of my Books to raise a little Money, Was taken on board +privately, and as we had a fair Wind[,] in three Days I found myself in +New York near 300 Miles from home, a Boy of but 17, without the least +Recommendation to or Knowledge of any Person in the Place, and with very +little Money in my Pocket. + +My Inclinations for the Sea, were by this time worne out, or I might now +have gratify'd them. But having a Trade, and supposing myself a pretty +good Workman, I offer'd my Service to the Printer in the Place, old Mr +W^m Bradford, who had been the first Printer in Pensilvania, but remov'd +from thence upon the Quarrel of Geo. Keith.--He could give me no +Employment, having little to do, and Help enough already: But, says he, +my Son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal Hand, Aquila Rose, +by Death. If you go thither I believe he may employ you.--Philadelphia +was 100 Miles farther. I set out, however, in a Boat for Amboy, leaving +my Chest and Things to follow me round by Sea. In crossing the Bay we +met with a Squall that tore our rotten Sails to pieces, prevented our +getting into the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our Way a +drunken Dutchman, who was a Passenger too, fell overboard; when he was +sinking I reach'd thro' the Water to his shock Pate and drew him up so +that we got him in again. His ducking sober'd him a little, and he went +to sleep, taking first out of his Pocket a Book which he desir'd I would +dry for him. It prov'd to be my old favourite Author Bunyan's Pilgrim's +Progress in Dutch, finely printed on good Paper with copper Cuts, a +Dress better than I had ever seen it wear in its own Language. I have +since found that it has been translated into most of the Languages of +Europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other Book +except perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that I know of who +mix'd Narration and Dialogue, a Method of Writing very engaging to the +Reader, who in the most interesting Parts finds himself, as it were +brought into the Company, and present at the Discourse. Defoe in his +Cruso, his Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and +other Pieces, has imitated it with Success. And Richardson has done the +same in his Pamela, etc.-- + +When we drew near the Island we found it was at a Place where there +could be no Landing, there being a great Surff on the stony Beach. So we +dropt Anchor and swung round towards the Shore. Some People came down to +the Water Edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them. But the Wind was +so high and the Surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to +understand each other. There were Canoes on the Shore, and we made Signs +and hallow'd that they should fetch us, but they either did not +understand us, or thought it impracticable. So they went away, and Night +coming on, we had no Remedy but to wait till the Wind should abate, and +in the mean time the Boatman and I concluded to sleep if we could, and +so crouded into the Scuttle with the Dutchman who was still wet, and the +Spray beating over the Head of our Boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we +were soon almost as wet as he. In this Manner we lay all Night with very +little Rest. But the Wind abating the next Day, we made a Shift to reach +Amboy before Night, having been 30 Hours on the Water without Victuals, +or any Drink but a Bottle of filthy Rum: The Water we sail'd on being +salt.-- + +In the Evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to Bed. But +having read somewhere that cold Water drank plentifully was good for a +Fever, I follow'd the Prescription, sweat plentifully most of the Night, +my Fever left me, and in the Morning crossing the Ferry, I proceeded on +my Journey, on foot, having 50 Miles to Burlington, where I was told I +should find Boats that would carry me the rest of the Way to +Philadelphia. + +It rain'd very hard all the Day, I was thoroughly soak'd, and by Noon a +good deal tir'd, so I stopt at a poor Inn, where I staid all Night, +beginning now to wish I had never left home. I cut so miserable a Figure +too, that I found by the Questions ask'd me I was suspected to be some +runaway Servant, and in danger of being taken up on that Suspicion. +However I proceeded the next Day, and got in the Evening to an Inn +within 8 or 10 Miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr Brown.-- + +He ent[e]red into Conversation with me while I took some Refreshment, +and finding I had read a little, became very sociable and friendly. Our +Acquaintance continu'd as long as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine, an +itinerant Doctor, for there was no Town in England, or Country in +Europe, of which he could not give a very particular Account. He had +some Letters, and was ingenious, but much of an Unbeliever, and wickedly +undertook, some Years after to travesty the Bible in doggrel Verse as +Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the Facts in a very +ridiculous Light, and might have hurt weak minds if his Work had been +publish'd:--but it never was.--At his House I lay that Night, and the +next Morning reach'd Burlington.--But had the Mortification to find that +the regular Boats were gone, a little before my coming, and no other +expected to go till Tuesday, this being Saturday. Wherefore I returned +to an old Woman in the Town of whom I had bought Gingerbread to eat on +the Water, and ask'd her Advice; she invited me to lodge at her House +till a Passage by Water should offer: and being tired with my foot +Travelling, I accepted the Invitation. She understanding I was a +Printer, would have had me stay at that Town and follow my Business, +being ignorant of the Stock necessary to begin with. She was very +hospitable, gave me a Dinner of Ox Cheek with great Goodwill, accepting +only of a Pot of Ale in return. And I thought myself fix'd till Tuesday +should come. However walking in the Evening by the Side of the River, a +Boat came by, which I found was going towards Philadelphia, with several +People in her. They took me in, and as there was no wind, we row'd all +the Way; and about Midnight not having yet seen the City, some of the +Company were confident we must have pass'd it, and would row no farther, +the others knew not where we were, so we put towards the Shore, got into +a Creek, landed near an old Fence[,] with the Rails of which we made a +Fire, the Night being cold, in October, and there we remain'd till +Daylight. Then one of the Company knew the Place to be Cooper's Creek a +little above Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the +Creek, and arriv'd there about 8 or 9 o'Clock, on the Sunday morning, +and landed at the Market street Wharff.-- + +I have been the more particular in this Description of my Journey, and +shall be so of my first Entry into that City, that you may in your Mind +compare such unlikely Beginnings with the Figure I have since made +there. I was in my Working Dress, my best Cloaths being to come round by +Sea. I was dirty from my Journey; my Pockets were stuff'd out with +Shirts and Stockings; I knew no Soul, nor where to look for Lodging. I +was fatigued with Travelling, Rowing and Want of Rest. I was very +hungry, and my whole Stock of Cash consisted of a Dutch Dollar and about +a Shilling in Copper. The latter I gave the People of the Boat for my +Passage, who at first refus'd it on Acc^t of my Rowing; but I insisted +on their taking it, a Man being sometimes more generous when he has but +a little Money than when he has plenty, perhaps thro' Fear of being +thought to have but little. Then I walk'd up the Street, gazing about, +till near the Market House I met a Boy with Bread. I had made many a +Meal on Bread, and inquiring where he got it, I went immediately to the +Baker's he directed me to in Second Street; and ask'd for Bisket, +intending such as we had in Boston, but they it seems were not made in +Philadelphia, then I ask'd for a threepenny Loaf, and was told they had +none such: so not considering or knowing the Difference of Money and the +greater Cheapness nor the Names of his Bread, I bad[e] him give me +threepenny worth of any sort. He gave me accordingly three great Puffy +Rolls. I was surpriz'd at the Quantity, but took it, and having no room +in my Pockets, walk'd off, with a Roll under each Arm, and eating the +other. Thus I went up Market Street as far as fourth Street, passing by +the Door of Mr. Read, my future Wife's Father, when she standing at the +Door saw me, and thought I made as I certainly did a most awkward +ridiculous Appearance. Then I turn'd and went down Chestnut Street and +part of Walnut Street, eating my Roll all the Way, and coming round +found myself again at Market Street Wharff, near the Boat I came in, to +which I went for a Draught of the River Water, and being fill'd with one +of my Rolls, gave the other two to a Woman and her Child that came down +the River in the Boat with us and were waiting to go farther. Thus +refresh'd I walk'd again, up the Street, which by this time had many +clean dress'd People in it who were all walking the same Way; I join'd +them, and thereby was led into the great Meeting House of the Quakers +near the Market. I sat down among them, and after looking round awhile +and hearing nothing said; being very drowsy thro' Labour and want of +Rest the preceding Night, I fell fast asleep, and continu'd so till the +Meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was +therefore the first House I was in or slept in, in Philadelphia.-- + +Walking again down towards the River, and looking in the Faces of +People, I met a young Quaker Man whose Countenance I lik'd, and +accosting him requested he would tell me where a Stranger could get +Lodging. We were then near the Sign of the Three Mariners. Here, says +he, is one Place that entertains Strangers, but it is not a reputable +House; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll show thee a better. He brought me +to the Crooked Billet in Water Street. Here I got a Dinner. And while I +was eating it, several sly Questions were ask'd me, as it seem'd to be +suspected from my youth and Appearance, that I might be some Runaway. +After Dinner my Sleepiness return'd: and being shown to a Bed, I lay +down without undressing, and slept till Six in the Evening; was call'd +to Supper; went to Bed again very early and slept soundly till next +Morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and went to Andrew +Bradford the Printer's. I found in the Shop the old Man his Father, whom +I had seen at New York, and who travelling on horseback had got to +Philadelphia before me. He introduc'd me to his Son, who receiv'd me +civilly, gave me a Breakfast, but told me he did not at present want a +Hand, being lately supply'd with one. But there was another Printer in +town lately set up, one Keimer, who perhaps might employ me; if not, I +should be welcome to lodge at his House, and he would give me a little +Work to do now and then till fuller Business should offer. + +The old Gentleman said, he would go with me to the new Printer: And when +we found him, Neighbor, says Bradford, I have brought to see you a young +Man of your Business, perhaps you may want such a One. He ask'd me a few +Questions, put a Composing Stick in my Hand to see how I work'd, and +then said he would employ me soon, tho' he had just then nothing for me +to do. And taking old Bradford whom he had never seen before, to be one +of the Towns People that had a Good Will for him, enter'd into a +Conversation on his present Undertaking and Prospects; while Bradford +not discovering that he was the other Printer's Father, on Keimer's +saying he expected soon to get the greatest Part of the Business into +his own Hands, drew him on by artful Questions and starting little +Doubts, to explain all his Views, what Interest he rely'd on, and in +what manner he intended to proceed.--I who stood by and heard all, saw +immediately that one of them was a crafty old Sophister, and the other a +mere Novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly surpriz'd +when I told him who the old Man was. + +Keimer's Printing House I found, consisted of an old shatter'd Press, +and one small worn-out Fount of English, which he was then using +himself, composing in it an Elegy on Aquila Rose before-mentioned, an +ingenious young Man of excellent Character much respected in the Town, +Clerk of the Assembly, and a pretty Poet. Keimer made Verses, too, but +very indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his Manner +was to compose them in the Types directly out of his Head; so there +being no Copy, but one Pair of Cases, and the Elegy likely to require +all the Letter[s], no one could help him.--I endeavour'd to put his +Press (which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood nothing) +into Order fit to be work'd with; and promising to come and print off +his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I return'd to +Bradford's who gave me a little Job to do for the present, [and] there I +lodged and dieted. A few Days after[,] Keimer sent for me to print off +the Elegy. And now he had got another Pair of Cases, and a Pamphlet to +reprint, on which he set me to work.-- + +These two Printers I found poorly Qualified for their Business. Bradford +had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate; and Keimer tho' +something of a Scholar, was a mere Compositor, knowing nothing of +Presswork. He had been one of the French Prophets and could act their +enthusiastic Agitations. At this time he did not profess any particular +Religion, but something of all on occasion; was very ignorant of the +World, and had, as I afterward found, a good deal of the Knave in his +Composition. He did not like my Lodging at Bradford's while I work'd +with him. He had a House indeed, but without Furniture, so he could not +lodge me: But he got me a Lodging at Mr. Read's beforementioned, who was +the Owner of his House. And my Chest and Clothes being come by this +time, I made rather a more respectable Appearance in the Eyes of Miss +Read than I had done when she first happen'd to see me eating my Roll in +the Street.-- + +I began now to have some Acquaintance among the young People of the +Town, that were Lovers of Reading with whom I spent my Evenings very +pleasantly and gaining Money by my Industry and Frugality, I lived very +agreably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not desiring that +any there should know where I resided, except my Friend Collins who was +in my Secret, and kept it when I wrote to him. At length an Incident +happened that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended.-- + +I had a Brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, Master of a Sloop, that traded +between Boston and Delaware. He being at New Castle 40 Miles below +Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote me a Letter, mentioning the +Concern of my Friends in Boston at my abrupt Departure, assuring me of +their Good will to me, and that every thing would be accommodated to my +Mind if I would return, to which he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote +an Answer to his Letter, thank'd him for his Advice, but stated my +Reasons for quitting Boston fully, and in such a Light as to convince +him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended. Sir William Keith[3] +Governor of the Province, was then at New Castle, and Capt. Holmes +happening to be in Company with him when my Letter came to hand, spoke +to him of me, and show'd him the Letter. The Governor read it, and +seem'd surpriz'd when he was told my Age. He said I appear'd a young Man +of promising Parts, and therefore should be encouraged: The Printers at +Philadelphia were wretched ones, and if I would set up there, he made +no doubt I should succeed; for his Part, he would procure me the publick +Business, and do me every other Service in his Power. This my +Brother-in-law afterwards told me in Boston. But I knew as yet nothing +of it; when one Day Keimer and I being at Work together near the Window, +we saw the Governor and another Gentleman (which prov'd to be Col. +French, of New Castle) finely dress'd, come directly across the Street +to our House, and heard them at the Door. Keimer ran down immediately, +thinking it a Visit to him. But the Governor enquir'd for me, came up, +and with a Condescension and Politeness I had been quite unus'd to, made +me many Compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, blam'd me kindly +for not having made myself known to him when I first came to the Place, +and would have me away with him to the Tavern where he was going with +Col. French to taste as he said some excellent Madeira. I was not a +little surpriz'd, and Keimer star'd like a Pig poison'd. I went however +with the Governor and Col. French, to a Tavern [at] the Corner of Third +Street, and over the Madeira he propos'd my Setting up my Business, laid +before me the Probabilities of Success, and both he and Col. French, +assur'd me I should have their Interest and Influence in procuring the +Publick Business of both Governments. On my doubting whether my Father +would assist me in it, Sir William said he would give me a Letter to +him, in which he would state the Advantages, and he did not doubt of +prevailing with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in +the first Vessel with the Governor's Letter recommending me to my +Father. In the mean time the Intention was to be kept secret, and I went +on working with Keimer as usual, the Governor sending for me now and +then to dine with him, a very great Honour I thought it, and conversing +with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable. +About the End of April 1724 a little Vessel offer'd for Boston. I took +leave of Keimer as going to see my Friends. The Governor gave me an +ample Letter, saying many flattering things of me to my Father, and +strongly recommending the Project of my setting up at Philadelphia, as a +Thing that must make my Fortune. We struck on a Shoal in going down the +Bay and sprung a Leak, we had a blustering time at Sea, and were oblig'd +to pump almost continually, at which I took my Turn. We arriv'd safe +however at Boston in about a Fortnight.--I had been absent Seven Months +and my Friends had heard nothing of me; for my Br. Holmes was not yet +return'd; and had not written about me. My unexpected Appearance +surpriz'd the Family; all were however very glad to see me and made me +Welcome, except my Brother. I went to see him at his Printing-House: I +was better dress'd than ever while in his Service, having a genteel new +Suit from Head to foot, a Watch, and my Pockets lin'd with near Five +Pounds Sterling in Silver. He receiv'd me not very frankly, look'd me +all over, and turn'd to his Work again. The JourneyMen were inquisitive +where I had been, what sort of a Country it was, and how I lik'd it? I +prais'd it much, and the happy Life I led in it; expressing strongly my +Intention of returning to it; and one of them asking what kind of Money +we had there, I produc'd a handful of Silver and spread it before them, +which was a kind of Raree Show they had not been us'd to, Paper being +the Money of Boston. Then I took an Opportunity of letting them see my +Watch: and lastly, (my Brother still grum and sullen) I gave them a +Piece of Eight to drink, and took my Leave.--This Visit of mine offended +him extreamly. For when my Mother some time after spoke to him of a +Reconciliation, and of her Wishes to see us on good Terms together, and +that we might live for the future as Brothers, he said, I had insulted +him in such a Manner before his People that he could never forget or +forgive it. In this however he was mistaken.-- + +My Father received the Governor's Letter with some apparent Surprize; +but said little of it to me for some Days; when Capt. Holmes returning, +he show'd it to him, ask'd if he knew Keith, and what kind of a Man he +was: Adding his Opinion that he must be of small Discretion, to think of +setting a Boy up in Business who wanted yet 3 Years of being at Man's +Estate. Holmes said what he could in fav^r of the Project; but my Father +was clear in the Impropriety of it; and at last gave a flat Denial to +it. Then he wrote a civil Letter to Sir William thanking him for the +Patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declining to assist me as yet +in Setting up, I being in his Opinion too young to be trusted with the +Management of a Business so important, and for which the Preparation +must be so expensive.-- + +My Friend and Companion Collins, who was a Clerk at the Post-Office, +pleas'd with the Account I gave him of my new Country, determin'd to go +thither also: And while I waited for my Fathers Determination, he set +out before me by Land to Rhodeisland, leaving his Books which were a +pretty Collection of Mathematicks and Natural Philosophy, to come with +mine and me to New York where he propos'd to wait for me. My Father, +tho' he did not approve Sir William's Proposition was yet pleas'd that I +had been able to obtain so advantageous a Character from a Person of +such Note where I had resided, and that I had been so industrious and +careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so short a time: therefore +seeing no Prospect of an Accommodation between my Brother and me, he +gave his Consent to my Returning again to Philadelphia, advis'd me to +behave respectfully to the People there, endeavour to obtain the general +Esteem, and avoid lampooning and libelling to which he thought I had too +much Inclination; telling me, that by steady Industry and a prudent +Parsimony, I might save enough by the time I was One and Twenty to set +me up, and that if I came near the Matter he would help me out with the +rest. This was all I could obtain, except some small Gifts as Tokens of +his and my Mother's Love, when I embark'd again for New-York, now with +their Approbation and their Blessing.-- + +The Sloop putting in at Newport, Rhodeisland, I visited my Brother John, +who had been married and settled there some Years. He received me very +affectionately, for he always lov'd me. A Friend of his, one Vernon, +having some Money due to him in Pensilvania, about 35 Pounds Currency, +desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till I had his +Directions what to remit it in. Accordingly he gave me an Order.--This +afterwards occasion'd me a good deal of Uneasiness. At Newport we took +in a Number of Passengers for New York: Among which were two young +Women, Companions, and a grave, sensible Matron-like Quaker-Woman with +her Attendants.--I had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little +Services which impress'd her I suppose with a degree of Good-will +towards me.--Therefore when she saw a daily growing Familiarity between +me and the two Young Women, which they appear'd to encourage, she took +me aside and said, Young Man, I am concern'd for thee, as thou has no +Friend with thee, and seems not to know much of the World, or of the +Snares Youth is expos'd to; depend upon it those are very bad Women, I +can see it in all their Actions, and if thee art not upon thy Guard, +they will draw thee into some Danger: they are Strangers to thee, and I +advise thee in a friendly Concern for thy Welfare, to have no +Acquaintance with them. As I seem'd at first not to think so ill of them +as she did, she mention'd some Things she had observ'd and heard that +had escap'd my Notice; but now convinc'd me she was right. I thank'd her +for her kind Advice, and promis'd to follow it.--When we arriv'd at New +York, they told me where they liv'd, and invited me to come and see +them: but I avoided it. And it was well I did: For the next Day, the +Captain miss'd a Silver Spoon and some other Things that had been taken +out of his Cabbin, and knowing that these were a Couple of Strumpets, he +got a Warrant to search their Lodgings, found the stolen Goods, and had +the Thieves punish'd. So tho' we had escap'd a sunken Rock which we +scrap'd upon in the Passage, I thought this Escape of rather more +Importance to me. At New York I found my Friend Collins, who had arriv'd +there some Time before me. We had been intimate from Children, and had +read the same Books together: But he had the Advantage of more time for +reading, and Studying and a wonderful Genius for Mathematical Learning +in which he far outstript me. While I liv'd in Boston most of my Hours +of Leisure for Conversation were spent with him, and he continu'd a +sober as well as an industrious Lad; was much respected for his Learning +by several of the Clergy and other Gentlemen, and seem'd to promise +making a good Figure in Life: but during my Absence he had acquir'd a +Habit of Sotting with Brandy; and I found by his own Account and what I +heard from others, that he had been drunk every day since his Arrival +at New York, and behav'd very oddly. He had gam'd too and lost his +Money, so that I was oblig'd to discharge his Lodgings, and defray his +Expenses to and at Philadelphia: Which prov'd extreamly inconvenient to +me. The then Governor of N[ew] York, Burnet, Son of Bishop Burnet +hearing from the Captain that a young Man, one of his Passengers, had a +great many Books, desired he would bring me to see him. I waited upon +him accordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but that he was +not sober. The Gov^r treated me with great Civility, show'd me his +Library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of +Conversation about Books and Authors. This was the second Governor who +had done me the Honour to take Notice of me, which to a poor Boy like me +was very pleasing.--We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the Way +Vernon's Money, without which we could hardly have finish'd our Journey. +Collins wish'd to be employ'd in some Counting House; but whether they +discover'd his Dramming by his Breath, or by his Behaviour, tho' he had +some Recommendations, he met with no Success in any Application, and +continu'd Lodging and Boarding at the same House with me and at my +Expense. Knowing I had that Money of Vernon's he was continually +borrowing of me, still promising Repayment as soon as he should be in +Business. At length he had got so much of it, that I was distress'd to +think what I should do, in case of being call'd on to remit it. His +Drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes quarrel'd, for when a +little intoxicated he was very fractious. Once in a Boat on the Delaware +with some other young Men, he refused to row in his Turn: I will be +row'd home, says he. We will not row you, says I. You must or stay all +Night on the Water, says he, just as you please. The others said, Let us +row; what signifies it? But my Mind being soured with his other Conduct, +I continu'd to refuse. So he swore he would make me row, or throw me +overboard; and coming along stepping on the Thwarts towards me, when he +came up and struck at me I clapt my Hand under his Crutch, and rising +pitch'd him head-foremost into the River. I knew he was a good Swimmer, +and so was under little Concern about him; but before he could get +round to lay hold of the Boat, we had with a few Strokes pull'd her out +of his Reach. And ever when he drew near the Boat, we ask'd if he would +row, striking a few Strokes to slide her away from him.--He was ready to +die with Vexation, and obstinately would not promise to row; however +seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in; and brought him +home dripping wet in the Evening. We hardly exchang'd a civil Word +afterwards; and a West India Captain who had a Commission to procure a +Tutor for the Sons of a Gentleman at Barbadoes, happening to meet with +him, agreed to carry him thither. He left me then, promising to remit me +the first Money he should receive in order to discharge the Debt. But I +never heard of him after. The Breaking into this Money of Vernon's was +one of the first great Errata of my Life[.] And this Affair show'd that +my Father was not much out in his Judgment when he suppos'd me too Young +to manage Business of Importance. But Sir William, on reading his +Letter, said he was too prudent. There was great Difference in Persons, +and Discretion did not always accompany Years, nor was Youth always +without it. And since he will not set you up, says he, I will do it +myself. Give me an Inventory of the Things necessary to be had from +England, and I will send for them. You shall repay me when you are able; +I am resolv'd to have a good Printer here, and I am sure you must +succeed. This was spoken with such an Appearance of Cordiality, that I +had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept +the Proposition of my Setting up[,] a Secret in Philadelphia, and I +still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on the Governor, +probably some Friend that knew him better would have advis'd me not to +rely on him, as I afterwards heard it as his known Character to be +liberal of Promises which he never meant to keep.--Yet unsolicited as he +was by me, how could I think his generous Offers insincere? I believ'd +him one of the best Men in the World.-- + +I presented him an Inventory of a little Print[8] House, amounting by my +Computation to about 100£ Sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd me if my +being on the Spot in England to chuse the Types and see that every thing +was good of the kind, might not be of some Advantage. Then, says he, +when there, you may make Acquaintances and establish Correspondencies in +the Bookselling and Stationary Way. I agreed that this might be +advantageous. Then, says he, get yourself ready to go with Annis; which +was the annual Ship, and the only one at that Time usually passing +between London and Philadelphia. But it would be some Months before +Annis sail'd, so I continu'd working with Keimer, fretting about the +Money Collins had got from me; and in daily Apprehensions of being +call'd upon by Vernon, which however did not happen for some Years +after.-- + +I believe I have omitted mentioning that in my first Voyage from Boston, +being becalm'd off Block Island, our People set about catching Cod and +haul'd up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my Resolution of not +eating animal Food; and on this Occasion, I consider'd with my Master +Tryon, the taking every Fish as a kind of unprovoked Murder, since none +of them had or ever could do us any Injury that might justify the +Slaughter. All this seem'd very reasonable.--But I had formerly been a +great Lover of Fish, and when this came hot out of the Frying Pan, it +smelt admirably well. I balanc'd some time between Principle and +Inclination: till I recollected, that when the Fish were opened, I saw +smaller Fish taken out of their Stomachs: Then thought I, if you eat one +another, I don't see why we mayn't eat you. So I din'd upon Cod very +heartily and continu'd to eat with other People, returning only now and +then occasionally to a vegetable Diet. So convenient a thing it is to be +a _reasonable Creature_, since it enables one to find or make a Reason +for every thing one has a mind to do. + +Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar Footing and agreed +tolerably well: for he suspected nothing of my Setting up. He retain'd a +great deal of his old Enthusiasms, and lov'd Argumentation. We therefore +had many Disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic Method, +and had trepann'd him so often by Questions apparently so distant from +any Point we had in hand, and yet by degrees led to the Point, and +brought him into Difficulties and Contradictions that at last he grew +ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most common +Question, without asking first, _What do you intend to infer from that?_ +However it gave him so high an Opinion of my Abilities in the Confuting +Way, that he seriously propos'd my being his Colleague in a Project he +had of setting up a new Sect. He was to preach the Doctrines, and I was +to confound all Opponents. When he came to explain with me upon the +Doctrines, I found several Conundrums which I objected to, unless I +might have my Way a little too, and introduce some of mine. Keimer wore +his Beard at full Length, because somewhere in the Mosaic Law it is +said, _thou shalt not mar the Corners of thy beard_. He likewise kept +the seventh day Sabbath; and these two Points were Essentials with him. +I dislik'd both, but agreed to admit them upon Condition of his adopting +the Doctrine of using no animal Food. I doubt, says he, my Constitution +will not bear that. I assur'd him it would, and that he would be the +better for it. He was usually a great Glutton, and I promis'd myself +some Diversion in half-starving him. He agreed to try the Practice if I +would keep him Company. I did so and we held it for three Months. We had +our Victuals dress'd and brought to us regularly by a Woman in the +Neighbourhood, who had from me a List of 40 Dishes to be prepar'd for us +at different times, in all which there was neither Fish Flesh nor Fowl, +and the whim suited me the better at this time from the Cheapness of it, +not costing us above 18^d Sterling each, per Week. I have since kept +several Lents most strictly, leaving the common Diet for that, and that +for the common, abruptly, without the least Inconvenience: So that I +think there is little in the Advice of making those Changes by easy +Gradations. I went on pleasantly, but Poor Keimer suffer'd grievously, +tir'd of the Project, long'd for the Flesh Pots of Egypt, and order'd a +roast Pig. He invited me and two Women Friends to dine with him, but it +being brought too soon upon the table, he could not resist the +Temptation, and ate it all up before we came.-- + +I had made some Courtship during this time to Miss Read. I had a great +Respect and Affection for her, and had some Reason to believe she had +the same for me: but as I was about to take a long Voyage, and we were +both very young, only a little above 18, it was thought most prudent by +her Mother to prevent our going too far at present, as a Marriage if it +was to take place would be more convenient after my Return, when I +should be as I expected set up in my Business. Perhaps too she thought +my Expectations not so well founded as I imagined them to be.-- + +My chief Acquaintances at this time were, Charles Osborne, Joseph +Watson, and James Ralph; all Lovers of Reading. The two first were +Clerks to an eminent Scrivener or Conveyancer in the Town, Charles +Brogden; the other was Clerk to a Merchant. Watson was a pious sensible +young Man, of great Integrity.--The others rather more lax in their +Principles of Religion, particularly Ralph, who as well as Collins had +been unsettled by me, for which they both made me suffer.--Osborne was +sensible, candid, frank, sincere and affectionate to his Friends; but in +literary Matters too fond of Criticising. Ralph, was ingenious, genteel +in his Manners, and extreamly eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier +Talker. Both of them great Admirers of Poetry, and began to try their +Hands in little Pieces. Many pleasant Walks we four had together on +Sundays into the Woods near Schuylkill, where we read to one another and +conferr'd on what we read. Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the Study of +Poetry, not doubting but he might become eminent in it and make his +Fortune by it, alledging that the best Poets must when they first began +to write, make as many Faults as he did.--Osborne dissuaded him, assur'd +him he had no Genius for Poetry, and advis'd him to think of nothing +beyond the Business he was bred to; that in the mercantile way tho' he +had no Stock, he might by his Diligence and Punctuality recommend +himself to Employment as a Factor, and in time acquire wherewith to +trade on his own Account. I approv'd the amusing one's self with Poetry +now and then, so far as to improve one's Language, but no farther. On +this it was propos'd that we should each of us at our next Meeting +produce a Piece of our own Composing, in order to improve by our mutual +Observations, Criticisms and Corrections. As Language and Expression was +what we had in View, we excluded all Considerations of Invention, by +agreeing that the Task should be a Version of the 18^th Psalm, which +describes the Descent of a Deity. When the Time of our Meeting drew +nigh, Ralph call'd on me first, and let me know his Piece was ready. I +told him I had been busy, and having little Inclination had done +nothing. He then show'd me his Piece for my Opinion; and I much approv'd +it, as it appear'd to me to have great Merit. Now, says he, Osborne +never will allow the least Merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000 +Criticisms out of mere Envy. He is not so jealous of you. I wish +therefore you would take this Piece, and produce it as yours. I will +pretend not to have had time, and so produce nothing: We shall then see +what he will say to it. It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib'd it +that it might appear in my own hand. We met. Watson's Performance was +read: there were some Beauties in it: but many Defects. Osborne's was +read: It was much better. Ralph did it Justice, remark'd some Faults, +but applauded the Beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I was +backward, seem'd desirous of being excused, had not had sufficient Time +to correct, etc. but no Excuse could be admitted, produce I must. It was +read and repeated; Watson and Osborne gave up the Contest; and join'd in +applauding it immoderately. Ralph only made some Criticisms and propos'd +some Amendments, but I defended my Text. Osborne was against Ralph, and +told him he was no better a Critic than Poet; so he dropt the Argument. +As they two went home together, Osborne express'd himself still more +strongly in favour of what he thought my Production, having restrain'd +himself before as he said, lest I should think it Flattery. But who +would have imagin'd, says he, that Franklin had been capable of such a +Performance; such Painting, such Force! such Fire! he has even improv'd +the Original! In his common Conversation, he seems to have no Choice of +Words; he hesitates and blunders; and yet, good God, how he +writes!--When we next met, Ralph discover'd the Trick we had plaid him, +and Osborne was a little laught at. This Transaction fix'd Ralph in his +Resolution of becoming a Poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from +it, but he continued scribbling Verses, till _Pope_ cur'd him. He became +however a pretty good Prose Writer. More of him hereafter. But as I may +not have occasion again to mention the other two, I shall just remark +here, that Watson died in my Arms a few Years after, much lamented, +being the best of our Set. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he +became an eminent Lawyer and made Money, but died young. He and I had +made a serious Agreement, that the one who happen'd first to die, should +if possible make a friendly Visit to the other, and acquaint him how he +found things in that Separate State. But he never fulfill'd his Promise. + +The Governor, seeming to like my Company, had me frequently to his +House; and his Setting me up was always mention'd as a fix'd thing. I +was to take with me Letters recommendatory to a Number of his Friends, +besides the Letter of Credit to furnish me with the necessary Money for +purchasing the Press and Types, Paper, etc. For these Letters I was +appointed to call at different times, when they were to be ready, but a +future time was still named.--Thus we went on till the Ship whose +Departure too had been several times postponed was on the Point of +sailing. Then when I call'd to take my Leave and receive the Letters, +his Secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the Governor was +extreamly busy, in writing, but would be down at Newcastle before the +Ship, and there the Letters would be delivered to me. + +Ralph, tho' married and having one Child, had determined to accompany me +in this Voyage. It was thought he intended to establish a +Correspondence, and obtain Goods to sell on Commission. But I found +afterwards, that thro' some Discontent with his Wife's Relations, he +purposed to leave her on their Hands, and never return again.--Having +taken leave of my Friends, and interchang'd some Promises with Miss +Read, I left Philadelphia in the Ship, which anchor'd at Newcastle. The +Governor was there. But when I went to his Lodging, the Secretary came +to me from him with the civillest Message in the World, that he could +not then see me being engag'd in Business of the utmost Importance, but +should send the Letters to me on board, wish'd me heartily a good Voyage +and a speedy Return, etc. I return'd on board, a little puzzled, but +still not doubting.-- + +Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous Lawyer of Philadelphia, had taken Passage +in the same Ship for himself and Son: and with Mr. Denham a Quaker +Merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russell[,] Masters of an Iron Work in +Maryland, had engag'd the Great Cabin; so that Ralph and I were forc'd +to take up with a Birth in the Steerage: And none on board knowing us, +were considered as ordinary Persons.--But Mr. Hamilton and his Son (it +was James, since Governor) return'd from New Castle to Philadelphia, the +Father being recall'd by a great Fee to plead for a seized Ship.--And +just before we sail'd Col. French coming on board, and showing me great +Respect, I was more taken Notice of, and with my Friend Ralph invited by +the other Gentlemen to come into the Cabin, there being now Room. +Accordingly we remov'd thither. + +Understanding that Col. French had brought on board the Governor's +Dispatches, I ask'd the Captain for those Letters that were to be under +my Care. He said all were put into the Bag together; and he could not +then come at them; but before we landed in England, I should have an +Opportunity of picking them out. So I was satisfy'd for the present, and +we proceeded on our Voyage. We had a sociable Company in the Cabin, and +lived uncommonly well, having the Addition of all Mr. Hamilton's Stores, +who had laid in plentifully. In this Passage Mr. Denham contracted a +Friendship for me that continued during his Life. The Voyage was +otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad Weather. + +When we came into the Channel, the Captain kept his Word with me, and +gave me an Opportunity of examining the Bag for the Governor's Letters. +I found none upon which my Name was put, as under my Care; I pick'd out +6 or 7 that by the Hand writing I thought might be the promis'd Letters, +especially as one of them was directed to Basket the King's printer, and +another to some Stationer. We arriv'd in London the 24^th of December, +1724.--I waited upon the Stationer who came first in my Way, delivering +the Letter as from Gov. Keith. I don't know such a Person, says he: but +opening the Letter, O, this is from Riddlesden; I have lately found him +to be a compleat Rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor +receive any Letters from him. So putting the Letter into my Hand, he +turn'd on his Heel and left me to serve some Customer. I was surprized +to find these were not the Governor's Letters. And after recollecting +and comparing Circumstances, I began to doubt his Sincerity.--I found my +Friend Denham, and opened the whole Affair to him. He let me into +Keith's Character, told me there was not the least Probability that he +had written any Letters for me, that no one who knew him had the +smallest Dependence on him, and he laught at the Notion of the +Governor's giving me a Letter of Credit, having as he said no Credit to +give.--On my expressing some Concern about what I should do: He advis'd +me to endeavour getting some Employment in the Way of my Business. Among +the Printers here, says he, you will improve yourself; and when you +return to America, you will set up to greater Advantage.-- + +We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the Stationer, that +Riddlesden the Attorney, was a very Knave. He had half ruin'd Miss +Read's Father by acquiring his note he bound for him. By his Letter it +appear'd, there was a secret Scheme on foot to the Prejudice of +Hamilton, (suppos'd to be then coming over with us,) and that Keith was +concern'd in it with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a Friend of Hamilton's, +thought he ought to be acquainted with it. So when he arriv'd in +England, which was soon after, partly from Resentment and Ill-Will to +Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from Good Will to him: I waited on him, +and gave him the Letter. He thank'd me cordially, the Information being +of Importance to him. And from that time he became my Friend, greatly to +my Advantage afterwards on many Occasions. + +But what shall we think of a Governor's playing such pitiful Tricks, and +imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant Boy! It was a Habit he had +acquired. He wish'd to please every body; and, having little to give, he +gave Expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious sensible Man, a pretty +good Writer, and a good Governor for the People, tho' not for his +Constituents the Proprietaries, whose Instructions he sometimes +disregarded.--Several of our best Laws were of his Planning, and pass'd +during his Administration.-- + +Ralph and I were inseparable Companions. We took Lodgings together in +Little Britain at 3/6 p[er] Week, as much as we could then afford. He +found some Relations, but they were poor and unable to assist him. He +now let me know his Intentions of remaining in London, and that he never +meant to return to Philad^a--He had brought no Money with him, the whole +he could muster having been expended in paying his Passage. I had 15 +Pistoles: So he borrowed occasionally of me, to subsist while he was +looking out for Business.--He first endeavoured to get into the +Playhouse, believing himself qualify'd for an Actor; but Wilkes to whom +he apply'd, advis'd him candidly not to think of that Employment, as it +was impossible he should succeed in it.--Then he propos'd to Roberts, a +Publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a Weekly Paper like the +Spectator, on certain Conditions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he +endeavour'd to get Employm^t as a Hackney Writer to copy for the +Stationers and Lawyers about the Temple: but could find no Vacancy.-- + +I immediately got into Work at Palmer's then a famous Printing House in +Bartholomew Close; and here I continu'd near a Year. I was pretty +diligent; but spent with Ralph a good deal of my Earnings in going to +Plays and other Places of Amusement. We had together consum'd all my +Pistoles, and now just rubb'd on from hand to mouth. He seem'd quite to +forget his Wife and Child, and I by degrees my Engagements w^th Miss +Read, to whom I never wrote more than one Letter, and that was to let +her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great +Errata of my Life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it +over again.--In fact, by our Expences, I was constantly kept unable to +pay my Passage. + +At Palmer's I was employ'd in composing for the second Edition of +Woollaston's [_sic_] Religion of Nature. Some of his Reasonings not +appearing to me well-founded, I wrote a little metaphysical Piece, in +which I made Remarks on them. It was entitled, _A Dissertation on +Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and pain_. I inscrib'd it to my Friend +Ralph.--I printed a small Number. It occasion'd my being more consider'd +by Mr. Palmer, as a young Man of some Ingenuity, tho' he seriously +Expostulated with me upon the Principles of my Pamphlet which to him +appear'd abominable. My printing this Pamphlet was another Erratum. + +In our House there lodg'd a young Woman; a Millener, who I think had a +Shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and +lively, and of most pleasing Conversation. Ralph read Plays to her in +the Evenings, they grew intimate, she took another Lodging, and he +follow'd her. They liv'd together some time, but he being still out of +Business, and her Income not sufficient to maintain them with her Child, +he took a Resolution of going from London, to try for a Country School, +which bethought himself well qualify'd to undertake, as he wrote an +excellent Hand, and was a Master of Arithmetic and Accounts.--This +however he deem'd a Business below him, and confident of future better +Fortune when he should be unwilling to have it known that he once was so +meanly employ'd, he chang'd his Name, and did me the Honour to assume +mine.--For I soon after had a Letter from him, acquainting me, that he +was settled in a small Village in Berkshire, I think it was, where he +taught reading and writing to 10 or a dozen Boys at 6 pence each p[er] +Week, recommending Mrs. T. to my Care, and desiring me to write to him +directing for Mr. Franklin Schoolmaster at such a Place. He continu'd to +write frequently, sending me large Specimens of an Epic Poem, which he +was then composing, and desiring my Remarks and Corrections.--These I +gave him from time to time, but endeavour'd rather to discourage his +Proceeding. One of Young's Satires was then just publish'd. I copy'd and +sent him a great Part of it, which set in a strong Light the Folly of +pursuing the Muses with any Hope of Advancement by them. All was in +vain. Sheets of the Poem continu'd to come by every Post. In the mean +time Mrs. T. having on his Account lost her Friends and Business, was +often in Distresses, and us'd to send for me, and borrow what I could +spare to help her out of them. I grew fond of her Company, and being at +this time under no Religious Restraints, and presuming on my Importance +to her, I attempted Familiarities, (another Erratum) which she repuls'd +with a proper Resentment, and acquainted him with my Behaviour. This +made a Breach between us, and when he return'd again to London, he let +me know he thought I had cancell'd all the Obligations he had been under +to me.--So I found I was never to expect his Repaying me what I lent to +him or advanc'd for him. This was however not then of much Consequence, +as he was totally unable: And in the Loss of his Friendship I found +myself reliev'd from a Burthen. I now began to think of getting a little +Money beforehand; and expecting better Work, I left Palmer's to work at +Watts's near Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still greater Printing House. Here +I continu'd all the rest of my Stay in London. + +While I lodg'd in Little Britain I made an Acquaintance with one Wilcox +a Bookseller, whose Shop was at the next Door. He had an immense +Collection of second-hand Books. Circulating Libraries were not then in +Use; but we agreed that on certain reasonable Terms which I have now +forgotten, I might take, read and return any of his Books. This I +esteem'd a great Advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could.-- + +My Pamphlet by some means falling into the Hands of one Lyons, a +Surgeon, Author of a Book intitled _The Infallibility of Human +Judgment_, it occasioned an Acquaintance between us; he took great +Notice of me, call'd on me often, to converse on those Subjects, carried +me to the Horns a pale Alehouse in ----Lane, Cheapside, and introduc'd +me to Dr. Mandevil[l]e, Author of the Fable of the Bees who had a Club +there, of which he was the Soul, being a most facetious entertaining +Companion. Lyons too introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson's Coffee +House, who promis'd to give me an Opportunity some time or other of +seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which I was extreamly desirous; but this +never happened. + +I had brought over a few Curiosities among which the principal was a +Purse made of the Asbestos, which purifies by Fire. Sir Hans Sloane +heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his House in Bloomsbury +Square; where he show'd me all his Curiosities, and persuaded me to let +him add that to the Number, for which he paid me handsomely.[4]-- + +At my first Admission into this Printing House, I took to working at +Press, imagining I felt a Want of the Bodily Exercise I had been us'd to +in America, where Presswork is mix'd with Composing, I drank only Water, +the other Workmen, near 50 in Number, were great Guzzlers of Beer. On +occasion I carried up and down Stairs a large Form of Types in each +hand, when others carried but one in both Hands. They wonder'd to see +from this and several Instances that the water-American as they call'd +me was _stronger_ than themselves who drank _strong_ beer. We had an +Alehouse Boy who attended always in the House to supply the Workmen. My +Companion at the Press, drank every day a Pint before Breakfast, a Pint +at Breakfast with his Bread and Cheese; a Pint between Breakfast and +Dinner; a Pint at Dinner; a Pint in the Afternoon about Six o'Clock, and +another when he had done his Day's-Work. I thought it a detestable +Custom.--But it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink _strong_ Beer that +he might be _strong_ to labour. I endeavour'd to convince him that the +Bodily Strength afforded by Beer could only be in proportion to the +Grain or Flour of the Barley dissolved in the Water of which it was +made; that there was more Flour in a Penny-worth of Bread, and therefore +if he would eat that with a Pint of Water, it would give him more +Strength than a Quart of Beer.--He drank on however, and had 4 or 5 +Shillings to pay out of his Wages every Saturday Night for that muddling +Liquor; an Expence I was free from.--And thus these poor Devils keep +themselves always under. + +Watts after some Weeks desiring to have me in the Composing-Room, I left +the Pressmen. A new _Bienvenu_ or Sum for Drink; being 5/, was demanded +of me by the Compositors. I thought it an Imposition, as I had paid +below. The Master thought so too, and forbad[e] my Paying it. I stood +out two or three Weeks, was accordingly considered as an Excommunicate, +and had so many little Pieces of private Mischief done me, by mixing my +Sorts, transposing my Pages, breaking my Matter, etc. etc. and if I were +ever so little out of the Room, and all ascrib'd to the Chapel Ghost, +which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that +notwithstanding the Master's Protection, I found myself oblig'd to +comply and pay the Money; convinc'd of the Folly of being on ill Terms +with those one is to live with continually. I was now on a fair Footing +with them, and soon acquir'd considerable Influence. I propos'd some +reasonable Alterations in their Chapel[C] Laws, and carried them against +all Opposition. From my Example a great Part of them, left their +muddling Breakfast of Beer and Bread and Cheese, finding they could with +me be supply'd from a neighbouring House with a large Porringer of hot +Water-gruel, sprinkled with Pepper, crumb'd with Bread, and a Bit of +Butter in it, for the Price of a Pint of Beer, viz., three halfpence. +This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper Breakfast, and kept their +Heads clearer.--Those who continu'd sotting with Beer all day, were +often, by not paying, out of Credit at the Alehouse, and us'd to make +Interest with me to get Beer, _their Light_, as they phras'd it, _being +out_. I watch'd the Pay table on Saturday Night, and collected what I +stood engag'd for them, having to pay some times near Thirty Shillings a +Week on their Accounts.--This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good +Riggite, that is a jocular verbal Satyrist, supported my Consequence in +the Society.--My constant Attendance, (I never making a St. Monday), +recommended me to the Master; and my uncommon Quickness at Composing, +occasion'd my being put upon all Work of Dispatch which was generally +better paid. So I went on now very agreably.-- + + [C] A Printing House is always called a Chappel [_sic_], by the + Workmen. [_Franklin's note._] + +My Lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in +Duke-street opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of Stairs +backwards at an Italian Warehouse. A Widow Lady kept the House; she had +a Daughter and a Maid Servant, and a Journey-man who attended the +Warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After sending to enquire my Character at +the House where I last lodg'd, she agreed to take me in at the same Rate +3/6 p[er] Week, cheaper as she said from the Protection she expected in +having a Man lodge in the House. She was a Widow, an elderly Woman, had +been bred a Protestant, being a Clergyman's Daughter, but was converted +to the Catholic Religion by her Husband, whose Memory she much +revered[;] had lived much among People of Distinction, and knew a 1000 +Anecdotes of them as far back as the Times of Charles the Second. She +was lame in her Knees with the Gout, and therefore seldom stirr'd out of +her Room, so sometimes wanted Company; and hers was so highly amusing +[Franklin first wrote "agreable"; both it and "amusing" are deleted in +the MS.] to me; that I was sure to spend an Evening with her whenever +she desired it. Our Supper was only half an Anchovy each, on a very +little Strip of Bread and Butter, and half a Pint of Ale between us. But +the Entertainment was in her Conversation. My always keeping good Hours, +and giving little Trouble in the Family, made her unwilling to part with +me; so that when I talk'd of a Lodging I had heard of, nearer my +Business, for 2/ a Week, which, intent as I now was on saving Money, +made some Difference; she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me +two Shillings a Week for the future, so I remain'd with her at 1/6 as +long as I staid in London.-- + +In a Garret of her House there lived a Maiden Lady of 70 in the most +retired Manner, of whom my Landlady gave me this Account, that she was a +Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young and lodg'd in a Nunnery +with an Intent of becoming a Nun: but the Country not agreeing with her, +she return'd to England, where there being no Nunnery, she had vow'd to +lead the Life of a Nun as near as might be done in those Circumstances: +Accordingly she had given all her Estate to charitable Uses, reserving +only Twelve Pounds a Year to live on, and out of this Sum she still gave +a great deal in Charity, living herself on Watergruel only, and using no +Fire but to boil it.--She had lived many Years in that Garret, being +permitted to remain there gratis by successive Catholic Tenants of the +House below, as they deem'd it a Blessing to have her there. A Priest +visited her, to confess her every Day. I have ask'd her, says my +Landlady, how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so much Employment +for a Confessor? O, says she, it is impossible to avoid _vain Thoughts_. +I was permitted once to visit her: She was chearful and polite, and +convers'd pleasantly. The Room was clean, but had no other Furniture +than a Matras, a Table with a Crucifix and Book, a Stool, which she gave +me to sit on, and a Picture over the Chimney of St. _Veronica_, +displaying her Handkerchief with the miraculous Figure of Christ's +bleeding Face on it, which she explain'd to me with great Seriousness. +She look'd pale, but was never sick, and I give it as another Instance +on how small an Income Life and Health may be supported. + +At Watts's Printinghouse I contracted an Acquaintance with an ingenious +young Man, one Wygate, who having wealthy Relations, had been better +educated than most Printers, was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and +lov'd Reading. I taught him and a Friend of his, to swim, at twice going +into the River, and they soon became good Swimmers. They introduc'd me +to some Gentlemen from the Country who went to Chelsea by Water to see +the College and Don Saltero's Curiosities.[5] In our Return, at the +Request of the Company, whose Curiosity Wygate had excited, I stript and +leapt into the River, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryars, +performing on the Way many Feats of Activity both upon and under Water, +that surpriz'd and pleas'd those to whom they were Novelties.--I had +from a Child been ever delighted with this Exercise, had studied and +practis'd all Thevenot's Motions and Positions, added some of my own, +aiming at the graceful and easy, as well as the Useful. All these I took +this Occasion of exhibiting to the Company, and was much flatter'd by +their Admiration.--And Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a Master, +grew more and more attach'd to me, on that account, as well as from the +Similarity of our Studies. He at length propos'd to me travelling all +over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at our +Business. I was once inclin'd to it. But mentioning it to my good Friend +Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an Hour, when I had Leisure. He +dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to +Pensilvania, which he was now about to do. + +I must record one Trait of this good Man's Character. He had formerly +been in Business at Bristol, but fail'd in Debt to a Number of People, +compounded and went to America. There, by a close Application to +Business as a Merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful Fortune in a few Years. +Returning to England in the Ship with me, He invited his old Creditors +to an Entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the easy Composition +they had favour'd him with, and when they expected nothing but the +Treat, every Man at the first Remove, found under his Plate an Order on +a Banker for the full Amount of the unpaid Remainder with Interest. + +He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and should carry +over a great Quantity of Goods in order to open a Store there: He +propos'd to take me over as his Clerk, to keep his Books (in which he +would instruct me) copy his Letters, and attend the Store. He added, +that as soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile Business he would +promote me by sending me with a Cargo of Flour and Bread etc to the West +Indies, and procure me Commissions from others; which would be +profitable, and if I manag'd well, would establish me handsomely. The +Thing pleas'd me, for I was grown tired of London, remember'd with +Pleasure the happy Months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again +to see it. Therefore I immediately agreed, on the Terms of Fifty Pounds +a Year, Pensylvania Money less indeed than my then present Gettings as a +Compositor, but affording a better Prospect.-- + +I now took leave of Printing; as I thought for ever, and was daily +employ'd in my new Business; going about with Mr. Denham among the +Tradesmen, to purchase various Articles, and seeing them pack'd up, +doing Errands, calling upon Workmen to dispatch, etc. and when all was +on board, I had a few Days Leisure. On one of these Days I was to my +Surprise sent for by a great Man I knew only by Name, a Sir William +Wyndham and I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of my +Swimming from Chelsey to Blackfryars, and of my teaching Wygate and +another young Man to swim in a few Hours. He had two Sons about to set +out on their Travels; he wish'd to have them first taught Swimming; and +propos'd to gratify me handsomely if I would teach them.--They were not +yet come to Town and my Stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it. +But from this Incident I thought it likely, that if I were to remain in +England and open a Swimming School, I might get a good deal of Money. +And it struck me so strongly, that had the Overture been sooner made me, +probably I should not so soon have returned to America.--After many +Years, you and I had something of more Importance to do with one of +these Sons of Sir William Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont, which I +shall mention in its Place.--[This promise Franklin did not fulfill.] + +Thus I spent about 18 Months in London. Most Part of the Time, I work'd +hard at my Business, and spent but little upon myself except in seeing +Plays, and in Books.--My Friend Ralph had kept me poor. He owed me about +27 Pounds; which I was now never likely to receive; a great Sum out of +my small Earnings. I lov'd him notwithstanding, for he had many amiable +Qualities.--Tho' I had by no means improv'd my Fortune. But I had pick'd +up some very ingenious Acquaintance whose Conversation was of great +Advantage to me, and I had read considerably. + +We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23^d of July 1726. For the Incidents of +the Voyage, I refer you to my Journal, where you will find them all +minutely related. Perhaps the most important Part of that Journal is the +_Plan_ [This Plan is not found in the _Journal_ printed in _Writings_, +II, 53-86.] to be found in it which I formed at Sea, for regulating my +future Conduct in Life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when +I was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro' +to old Age.--We landed in Philadelphia on the 11th of October, where I +found sundry Alterations. Keith was no longer Governor, being superceded +by Major Gordon: I met him walking the Streets as a common Citizen. He +seem'd a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd without saying any +thing. I should have been as much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not +her Fr^ds, despairing with Reason of my Return, after the Receipt of my +Letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a Potter, which was +done in my Absence. With him however she was never happy, and soon +parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him, or bear his Name[,] it +being now said that he had another Wife. He was a worthless Fellow tho' +an excellent Workman[,] which was the Temptation to her Friends. He got +into Debt, ran away in 1727 or 28. and went to the West Indies, and died +there. Keimer had got a better House, a Shop well supply'd with +Stationary[,] plenty of new Types, a number of Hands tho' none good, and +seem'd to have a great deal of Business. + +Mr. Denham took a Store in Water Street, where we open'd our Goods. I +attended the Business diligently, studied Accounts, and grew in a little +Time expert at selling. We lodg'd and boarded together, he counsell'd me +as a Father, having a sincere Regard for me: I respected and lov'd him: +and we might have gone on together very happily: But in the Beginning of +Feb^y 172-6/7 when I had just pass'd my 21^st Year, we both were taken +ill. My Distemper was a Pleurisy, which very nearly carried me off:--I +suffered a good deal, gave up the Point in my own mind, and was rather +disappointed when I found my Self recovering; regretting in some degree +that I must now some time or other have all that disagreeable Work to do +over again.--I forget what his Distemper was. It held him a long time, +and at length carried him off. He left me a small Legacy in a +nuncupative Will, as a Token of his Kindness for me, and he left me once +more to the wide World. For the Store was taken into the Care of his +Executors, and my Employment under him ended:--My Brother-in-law Holmes, +being now at Philadelphia, advised my Return to my Business. And Keimer +tempted me with an Offer of large Wages by the Year to come and take the +Management of his Printing-House, that he might better attend his +Stationer's Shop.--I had heard a bad Character of him in London, from +his Wife and her Friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with +him. I try'd for farther Employment as a Merchant's Clerk; but not +readily meeting with any, I clos'd again with Keimer.-- + +I found in _his_ House these Hands; Hugh Meredith a Welsh-Pensilvanian, +30 Years of Age, bred to Country Work: honest, sensible, had a great +deal of solid Observation, was something of a Reader, but given to +drink: Stephen Potts, a young Country Man of full Age, bred to the +Same:--of uncommon natural Parts, and great Wit and Humour, but a little +idle. These he had agreed with at extream low Wages, p[er] Week, to be +rais'd a Shilling every 3 Months, as they would deserve by improving in +their Business, and the Expectation of these high Wages to come on +hereafter was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at +Press, Potts at Bookbinding, which he by Agreement, was to teach them, +tho' he knew neither one nor t'other. John ---- a wild Irishman brought +up to no Business, whose Service for 4 Years Keimer had purchas'd from +the Captain of a Ship. He too was to be made a Pressman. George Webb, an +Oxford Scholar, whose Time for 4 Years he had likewise bought, intending +him for a Compositor: of whom more presently. And David Harry, a Country +Boy, whom he had taken Apprentice. I soon perceiv'd that the Intention +of engaging me at Wages so much higher than he had been us'd to give, +was to have these raw cheap Hands form'd thro' me, and as soon as I had +instructed them, then, they being all articled to him, he should be able +to do without me.--I went on however, very chearfully; put his Printing +House in Order, which had been in great Confusion, and brought his Hands +by degrees to mind their Business and to do it better. + +It was an odd Thing to find an Oxford Scholar in the Situation of a +bought Servant. He was not more than 18 Years of Age, and gave me this +Account of himself; that he was born in Gloucester, educated at a +Grammar School there, had been distinguish'd among the Scholars for some +apparent Superiority in performing his Part when they exhibited Plays; +belong'd to the Witty Club there, and had written some Pieces in Prose +and Verse which were printed in the Gloucester Newspapers.--Thence he +was sent to Oxford; where he continu'd about a Year, but not +well-satisfy'd, wishing of all things to see London and become a Player. +At length receiving his Quarterly Allowance of 15 Guineas, instead of +discharging his Debts, he walk'd out of Town, hid his Gown in a Furz +Bush, and footed it to London, where having no Friend to advise him, he +fell into bad Company, soon spent his Guineas, found no means of being +introduc'd among the Players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his Cloaths and +wanted Bread. Walking the Street very hungry, and not knowing what to do +with himself, a Crimp's Bill was put into his Hand, offering immediate +Entertainment and Encouragement to such as would bind themselves to +serve in America. He went directly, sign'd the Indentures, was put into +the Ship and came over; never writing a Line to acquaint his Friends +what was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur'd, and a +pleasant Companion, but idle, thoughtless and imprudent to the last +Degree. + +John the Irishman soon ran away. With the rest I began to live very +agreably; for they all respected me, the more as they found Keimer +incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learnt something +daily. We never work'd on a Saturday, that being Keimer's Sabbath. So I +had two Days for Reading.--My Acquaintance with ingenious People in the +Town, increased. Keimer himself treated me with great Civility, and +apparent Regard; and nothing now made me uneasy but my Debt to Vernon, +which I was yet unable to pay being hitherto but a poor Oeconomist. He +however kindly made no Demand of it. + +Our Printing-House often wanted Sorts, and there was no Letter Founder +in America. I had seen Types cast at James's in London, but without much +Attention to the Manner: However I now contriv'd a Mould, made use of +the Letters we had, as Puncheons, struck the Matrices in Lead, and thus +supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all Deficiencies. I also engrav'd +several Things on occasion. I made the Ink, I was Warehouse-man and +every thing, in short quite a Factotum.-- + +But however serviceable I might be, I found that my Services became +every Day of less Importance, as the other Hands improv'd in the +Business. And when Keimer paid my second Quarter's Wages, he let me know +that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an Abatement. He +grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the Master, frequently found +Fault, was captious and seem'd ready for an Out-breaking. I went on +nevertheless with a good deal of Patience, thinking that his incumber'd +Circumstances were partly the Cause. At length a Trifle snapt our +Connexion. For a great Noise happening near the Courthouse, I put my +Head out of the Window to see what was the Matter. Keimer being in the +Street look'd up and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry +Tone to mind my Business, adding some reproachful Words, that nettled me +the more for their Publicity, all the Neighbours who were looking out on +the same Occasion being Witnesses how I was treated. He came up +immediately into the Printing-House, continu'd the Quarrel, high Words +pass'd on both Sides, he gave me the Quarter's Warning we had +stipulated, expressing a Wish that he had not been oblig'd to so long a +Warning: I told him his Wish was unnecessary for I would leave him that +Instant; and so taking my Hat walk'd out of Doors; desiring Meredith +whom I saw below to take care of some Things I left, and bring them to +my Lodging.-- + +Meredith came accordingly in the Evening, when we talk'd my Affair over. +He had conceiv'd a great Regard for me, and was very unwilling that I +should leave the House while he remain'd in it. He dissuaded me from +returning to my native Country which I began to think of. He reminded me +that Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd, that his Creditors began +to be uneasy, that he kept his Shop miserably, sold often without Profit +for ready Money, and often trusted without keeping Accounts. That he +must therefore fail; which would make a Vacancy I might profit of.--I +objected my Want of Money. He then let me know, that his Father had a +high Opinion of me, and from some Discourse that had pass'd between +them, he was sure would advance Money to set us up, if I would enter +into Partner Ship with him. My Time, says he, will be out with Keimer in +the Spring. By that time we may have our Press and Types in from London: +I am sensible I am no Workman. If you like it, Your Skill in the +Business shall be set against the Stock I furnish; and we will share the +Profits equally.--The Proposal was agreable, and I consented. His Father +was in Town, and approv'd of it, the more as he saw I had great +Influence with his Son, had prevail'd on him to abstain long from +Dramdrinking, and he hop'd might break him of that wretched Habit +entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I gave an Inventory +to the Father, who carry'd it to a Merchant; the Things were sent for; +the Secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time +I was to get work if I could at the other Printing House. But I found no +Vacancy there, and so remain'd idle a few Days, when Keimer, on a +Prospect of being employ'd to print some Paper-Money, in New Jersey, +which would require Cuts and various Types that I only could supply, and +apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the Jobb from him, sent me +a very civil Message, that old Friends should not part for a few Words +the Effect of sudden Passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith +persuaded me to comply, as it would give more Opportunity for his +Improvement under my daily Instructions.--So I return'd, and we went on +more smoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey Jobb was +obtained. I contriv'd a Copper-Plate Press for it, the first that had +been seen in the Country. I cut several Ornaments and Checks for the +Bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the Whole to +Satisfaction, and he received so large a Sum for the Work, as to be +enabled thereby to keep his Head much longer above Water. + +At Burlington I made an Acquaintance with many principal People of the +Province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly a Committee +to attend the Press, and take Care that no more Bills were printed than +the Law directed. They were therefore by Turns constantly with us, and +generally he who attended brought with him a Friend or two for Company. +My Mind having been much more improv'd by Reading than Keimer's, I +suppose it was for that Reason my Conversation seem'd to be more valu'd. +They had me to their Houses, introduc'd me to their Friends and show'd +me much Civility, while he, tho' the Master, was a little neglected. In +truth he was an odd Fish, ignorant of common Life, fond of rudely +opposing receiv'd Opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic +in some Points of Religion, and a little Knavish withal. We continu'd +there near 3 Months, and by that time I could reckon among my acquired +Friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the Secretary of the Province, +Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper and several of the Smiths, Members of +Assembly, and Isaac Decow the Surveyor General. The latter was a shrewd +sagacious old Man, who told me that he began for himself when young by +wheeling Clay for the Brickmakers, learnt to write after he was of Age, +carry'd the Chain for Surveyors, who taught him Surveying, and he had +now by his Industry acquir'd a good Estate; and says he, I foresee, that +you will soon work this Man out of his Business and make a Fortune in it +at Philadelphia. He had not then the least Intimation of my Intention to +set up there or any where. These Friends were afterwards of great use to +me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They all continued their +Regard for me as long as they lived.-- + +Before I enter upon my public Appearance in Business it may be well to +let you know the then State of my Mind, with regard to my Principles and +Morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future Events of +my Life. My Parent's [_sic_] had early given me religious Impressions, +and brought me through my Childhood piously in the Dissenting Way. But I +was scarce 15 when, after doubting by turns of several Points as I found +them disputed in the different Books I read, I began to doubt of +Revelation it self. Some Books against Deism fell into my Hands; they +were said to be the Substance of Sermons preached at Boyle's Lectures. +It happened that they wrought an Effect on me quite contrary to what was +intended by them: For the Arguments of the Deists which were quoted to +be refuted, appeared to me much Stronger than the Refutations. In short +I soon became a thorough Deist. My Arguments perverted some others, +particularly Collins and Ralph: but each of them having afterwards +wrong'd me greatly without the least Compunction and recollecting +Keith's Conduct towards me, (who was another Freethinker) and my own +towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at Times gave me great Trouble, I +began to suspect that this Doctrine tho' it might be true, was not very +useful.--My London Pamphlet, which had for its Motto these Lines of +Dryden + + _Whatever is, is right. Tho' purblind Man + Sees but a Part of the Chain, the nearest Link, + His Eyes not carrying to the equal Beam, + That poises all, above._ + +And from the Attributes of God, his infinite Wisdom, Goodness and Power +concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the World, and that +Vice and Virtue were empty Distinctions, no such Things existing: +appear'd now not so clever a Performance as I once thought it; and I +doubted whether some Error had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd, into +my Argument, so as to infect all that follow'd, as is common in +metaphysical Reasonings.--I grew convinc'd that _Truth_, _Sincerity_ and +_Integrity_ in Dealings between Man and Man, were of the utmost +Importance to the Felicity of Life, and I form'd written Resolutions, +(w^ch still remain in my Journal Book) to practice them everwhile I +lived. Revelation had indeed no weight with me as such; but I +entertain'd an Opinion, that tho' certain Actions might not be bad +_because_ they were forbidden by it, or good _because_ it commanded +them; yet probably those Actions might be forbidden _because_ they were +bad for us, or commanded _because_ they were beneficial to us, in their +own Natures, all the Circumstances of things considered. And this +Persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian Angel, or +accidental favourable Circumstances and Situations, or all together, +preserved me (thro' this dangerous Time of Youth and the hazardous +Situations I was sometimes in among Strangers, remote from the Eye and +Advice of my Father) without any _wilful_ gross Immorality or Injustice +that might have been expected from my Want of Religion. I say _wilful_, +because the Instances I have mentioned, had something of _Necessity_ in +them, from my Youth, Inexperience, and the Knavery of others. I had +therefore a tolerable Character to begin the World with, I valued it +properly, and determin'd to preserve it.-- + +We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia, before the New Types +arriv'd from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his Consent +before he heard of it.--We found a House to hire near the Market, and +took it. To lessen the Rent, (which was then but 24£ a Year tho' I have +since known it let for 70) We took in Tho' Godfrey a Glazier and his +Family, who were to pay a considerable Part of it to us, and we to board +with them. We had scarce opened our Letters and put our Press in Order, +before George House, an Acquaintance of mine, brought a Countryman to +us, whom he had met in the Street enquiring for a Printer. All our Cash +was now expended in the Variety of Particulars we had been obliged to +procure and this Countryman's Five Shillings being our first Fruits, and +coming so seasonably, gave me more Pleasure than any Crown I have since +earned; and from the Gratitude I felt towards House, has made me often +more ready, than perhaps I should otherwise have been to assist young +Beginners. + +There are Croakers in every Country always boding its Ruin. Such a one +then lived in Philadelphia, a Person of Note, an elderly Man, with a +wise Look, and very grave Manner of speaking. His Name was Samuel +Mickle. This Gentleman, a Stranger to me, stopt one Day at my Door, and +asked me if I was the young Man who had lately opened a new Printing +House: Being answered in the Affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, +because it was an expensive Undertaking and the Expence would be lost; +for Philadelphia was a sinking Place, the People already half Bankrupts +or near being so; all Appearances to the contrary, such as hew Buildings +and the Rise of Rents being to his certain Knowledge fallacious; for +they were in fact among the Things that would soon ruin us.--And he gave +me such a Detail of Misfortunes, now existing or that were soon to +exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged +in this Business, probably I never should have done it.--This Man +continued to live in this decaying Place; and to declaim in the same +Strain, refusing for many Years to buy a House there, because all was +going to Destruction, and at last I had the Pleasure of seeing him give +five times as much for one as he might have bought it for, when he first +began his Croaking. + +I should have mentioned before, that in the Autumn of the proceeding +Year I had formed most of my ingenious Acquaintance into a Club of +mutual Improvement, which we called the Junto. We met on Friday +Evenings. The Rules I drew up required that every Member in his Turn +should produce one or more Queries on any Point of Morals, Politics or +Natural Philosophy, to be discussed by the Company, and once in three +Months produce and read an Essay of his own Writing on any Subject he +pleased. Our Debates were to be under the Direction of a President and +to be conducted in the sincere Spirit of Enquiry after Truth, without +Fondness for Dispute, or Desire of Victory; and to prevent Warmth all +Expressions of Positiveness in Opinions or direct Contradiction, were +after some time made contraband and prohibited under small pecuniary +Penalties.--The first Members were Joseph Breintnal,[6] a Copyer of +Deeds for the Scriveners; a good-natur'd friendly middle-ag'd Man, a +great Lover of Poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some +that was tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of +sensible Conversation. Thomas Godfrey,[7] a self-taught Mathematician, +great in his Way, and afterwards Inventor of what is now call'd Hadley's +Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing +Companion, as like most Great Mathematicians I have met with, he +expected universal Precision in every thing said, or was forever denying +or distinguishing upon Trifles, to the Disturbance of all Conversation. +He soon left us. Nicholas Scull, a Surveyor, afterwards +Surveyor-General, who lov'd Books, and sometimes made a few Verses. +William Parsons,[8] bred a Shoemaker, but loving Reading, had acquir'd a +considerable Share of Mathematics, which he first studied with a View to +Astrology that he afterwards laught at. He also became Surveyor General. +William Maugridge, a Joiner, a most exquisite Mechanic and a solid +sensible Man. Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb, I have +Characteris'd before. Robert Grace, a young Gentleman of some Fortune, +generous, lively and witty, a Lover of Punning and of his Friends. And +William Coleman, then a Merchant's Clerk, about my Age, who had the +coolest clearest Head, the best Heart, and the exactest Morals, of +almost any Man I ever met with. He became afterwards a Merchant of great +Note, and one of our Provincial Judges. Our Friendship continued without +Interruption to his death upwards of 40 Years. And the club continu'd +almost as long[,] and was the best School of Philosophy, and Politics +that then existed in the Province; for our Queries which were read the +Week preceding their Discussion, put us on reading with Attention upon +the several Subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose: and here +too we acquired better Habits of Conversation, every thing being studied +in our Rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence +the long Continuance of the Club, which I shall have frequent Occasion +to speak farther of hereafter; But my giving this Account of it here, is +to show something of the Interest I had, every one of these exerting +themselves in recommending Business to us.--Brientnal particularly +procur'd us from the Quakers, the Printing 40 Sheets of their History +[William Sewel's], the rest being to be done by Keimer: and upon this we +work'd exceeding hard, for the Price was low. It was a Folio, Pro Patria +Size, in Pica with Long Primer Notes. I compos'd of it a Sheet a Day, +and Meredith work'd it off at Press. It was often 11 at Night and +sometimes later, before I had finish'd my Distribution for the next days +Work: For the little Jobbs sent in by our other Friends now and then put +us back. But so determin'd I was to continue doing a Sheet a Day of the +Folio, that one Night when having impos'd my Forms, I thought my Days +Work over, one of them by accident was broken and two Pages reduc'd to +pie, I immediately distributed and compos'd it over again before I went +to bed. And this Industry visible to our Neighbours began to give us +Character and Credit; particularly I was told, that mention being made +of the new Printing Office at the Merchants every-night Club, the +general Opinion was that it must fail, there being already two Printers +in the Place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw +many Years after at his native Place, St. Andrews in Scotland) gave a +contrary Opinion; for the Industry of that Franklin, says he, is +superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind: I see him still at work +when I go home from Club; and he is at Work again before his Neighbours +are out of bed. This struck the rest, and we soon after had Offers from +one of them to Supply us with Stationary. But as yet we did not chuse to +engage in Shop Business. + +I mention this Industry the more particularly and the more freely, tho' +it seems to be talking in my own Praise, that those of my Posterity who +shall read it, may know the Use of that Virtue, when they see its +Effects in my Favour throughout this Relation.-- + +George Webb, who had found a Friend that lent him wherewith to purchase +his Time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a Journeyman to us. We +could not then imploy him, but I foolishly let him know, as a Secret, +that I soon intended to begin a Newspaper, and might then have Work for +him. My Hopes of Success as I told him were founded on this, that the +then only Newspaper [the _American Weekly Mercury_], printed by Bradford +was a paltry thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining; and yet was +profitable to him.--I therefore thought a good Paper could scarcely fail +of good Encouragem^t. I requested Webb not to mention it, but he told it +to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published +Proposals for Printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd.--I +resented this, and to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our +Paper, I wrote several Pieces of Entertainment for Bradford's Paper, +under the Title of the Busy Body which Brientnal continu'd some Months. +By this means the Attention of the Publick was fix'd on that Paper, and +Keimer's Proposals which we burlesqu'd and ridicul'd, were disregarded. +He began his Paper[9] however, and after carrying it on three Quarters +of a Year, with at most only 90 Subscribers, he offer'd it to me for a +Trifle, and I having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in +hand directly, and it prov'd in a few years extreamly profitable to me. + +I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular Number, though our +Partnership still continu'd. The Reason may be, that in fact the whole +Management of the Business lay upon me. Meredith was no Compositor, a +poor Pressman, and seldom sober. My Friends lamented my Connection with +him, but I was to make the best of it. + +Our first Papers made a quite different Appearance from any before in +the Province, a better Type and better printed [In MS is found: "Insert +these Remarks, in a Note."]: but some spirited Remarks of my Writing on +the Dispute then going on between Gov^r Burnet and the Massachusetts +Assembly, struck the principal People, occasion'd the Paper and the +Manager of it to be much talk'd of, and in a few Weeks brought them all +to be our Subscribers. Their Example was follow'd by many, and our +Number went on growing continually.--This was one of the first good +Effects of my having learnt a little to scribble. Another was, that the +leading Men, seeing a News Paper now in the hands of one who could also +handle a Pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford +still printed the Votes and Laws and other Publick Business. He had +printed an Address of the House to the Governor in a coarse blundering +manner; We reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every +Member. They were sensible of the Difference, it strengthen'd the Hands +of our Friends in the House, and they voted us their Printers for the +Year ensuing. + +Among my Friends in the House I must not forget Mr. Hamilton before +mentioned, who was then returned from England and had a Seat in it. He +interested himself for me strongly in that Instance, as he did in many +others afterwards, continuing his Patronage till his Death.[D] M^r +Vernon about this time put me in mind of the Debt I ow'd him: but did +not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous Letter of Acknowledgments, crav'd +his Forbearance a little longer which he allow'd me, and as soon as I +was able I paid the Principal with Interest and many Thanks.--So that +Erratum was in some degree corrected.-- + + [D] I got his Son once 500 £. [_Franklin's note._] + +But now another Difficulty came upon me, which I had never the least +Reason to expect. Mr. Meredith's Father, who was to have paid for our +Printing House according to the Expectations given me, was able to +advance only one Hundred Pounds, Currency, which had been paid, and a +Hundred more was due to the Merchant; who grew impatient and su'd us +all. We gave Bail, but saw that if the Money could not be rais'd in +time, the Suit must come to a Judgment and Execution, and our hopeful +Prospects must with us be ruined, as the Press and Letters must be sold +for Payment, perhaps at half Price.--In this Distress two true Friends +whose Kindness I have never forgotten nor ever shall forget while I can +remember any thing, came to me separately[,] unknown to each other, and +without any Application from me, offering each of them to advance me all +the Money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole +Business upon myself if that should be practicable, but they did not +like my continuing the Partnership with Meredith, who as they said was +often seen drunk in the Streets, and playing at low Games in Alehouses, +much to our Discredit. These two Friends were _William Coleman_ and +_Robert Grace_. I told them I could not propose a Separation while any +Prospect remain'd of the Merediths fulfilling their Part of our +Agreement. Because I thought myself under great Obligations to them for +what they had done and would do if they could. But if they finally +fail'd in their Performance, and our Partnership must be dissolv'd, I +should then think myself at Liberty to accept the Assistance of my +Friends. Thus the matter rested for some time. When I said to my +Partner, perhaps your Father is dissatisfied at the Part you have +undertaken in this Affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for you +and me what he would for you alone: If that is the Case, tell me, and I +will resign the whole to you and go about my Business. No[,] says he, my +Father has really been disappointed and is really unable; and I am +unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a Business I am not fit +for. I was bred a Farmer, and it was a Folly in me to come to Town and +put my Self at 30 Years of Age an Apprentice to learn a new Trade. Many +of our Welsh People are going to settle in North Carolina where Land is +cheap: I am inclin'd to go with them, and following my old Employment. +You may find Friends to assist you. If you will take the Debts of the +Company upon you, return to my Father the hundred Pound he has advanc'd, +pay my little personal Debts, and give me Thirty Pounds and a new +Saddle, I will relinquish the Partnership and leave the whole in your +Hands. I agreed to this Proposal. It was drawn up in Writing, sign'd and +seal'd immediately. I gave him what he demanded and he went soon after +to Carolina; from whence he sent me next Year two long Letters, +containing the best Account that had been given of that Country, the +Climate, Soil, Husbandry, etc. for in those Matters he was very +judicious. I printed them in the Papers, and they gave grate +Satisfaction to the Publick. + +As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two Friends; and because I +would not give an unkind Preference to either, I took half what each had +offered and I wanted, of one, and half of the other; paid off the +Company Debts, and went on with the Business in my own Name, advertising +that the Partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or about the +Year 1729 [July 14, 1730].-- + +About this Time there was a Cry among the People for more Paper-Money, +only 15,000£ being extant in the Province and that soon to be sunk. The +wealthy Inhabitants oppos'd any Addition, being against all Paper +Currency, from an Apprehension that it would depreciate as it had done +in New England to the Prejudice of all Creditors.--We had discuss'd this +Point in our Junto, where I was on the Side of an Addition, being +persuaded that the first small Sum struck in 1723 had done much good, by +increasing the Trade[,] Employment, and Number of Inhabitants in the +Province, since I now saw all the old Houses inhabited, and many new +ones building, where as I remember'd well, that when I first walk'd +about the Streets of Philadelphia, eating my Roll, I saw most of the +Houses in Walnut Street between Second and Front Streets with Bills on +their Doors, to be let; and many likewise in Chesnut Street, and other +Streets; which made me then think the Inhabitants of the City were +deserting it, one after another.--Our Debates possess'd me so fully of +the Subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous Pamphlet on it, +entituled, _The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_. It was well +receiv'd by the common People in general; but the Rich Men dislik'd it; +for it increas'd and strengthen'd the Clamour for more Money; and they +happening to have no Writers among them that were able to answer it, +their Opposition slacken'd, and the Point was carried by a Majority in +the House. My Friends there, who conceiv'd I had been of some Service, +thought fit to reward me, by employing me in printing the Money, a very +profitable Jobb, and a great Help to me.--This was another Advantage +gain'd by my being able to write[.] The Utility of this Currency became +by Time and Experience so evident, as never afterwards to be much +disputed, so that it grew soon to 55,000£ and in 1739 to 80,000£ since +which it arose during War to upwards of 350,000£. Trade, Building and +Inhabitants all the while increasing. Tho' I now think there are Limits +beyond which the Quantity may be hurtful.-- + +I soon after obtain'd, thro' my Friend Hamilton, the Printing of the New +Castle Paper Money, another profitable Jobb, as I then thought it; small +Things appearing great to those in small Circumstances. And these to me +were really great Advantages, as they were great Encouragements. He +procured me also the Printing of the Laws and Votes of that Government +which continu'd in my Hands as long as I follow'd the Business.-- + +I now open'd a little Stationer's Shop. I had in it Blanks of all +Sorts[,] the correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted in +that by my Friend Brientnal; I had also Paper, Parchment, Chapmen's +Books, etc. One Whitema[r]sh[,] a Compositor I had known in London, an +excellent Workman now came to me and work'd with me constantly and +diligently, and I took an Apprentice the Son of Aquila Rose. I began now +gradually to pay off the Debt I was under for the Printing-House. In +order to secure my Credit and Character as a Tradesman, I took care not +only to be in _Reality_ Industrious and frugal, but to avoid all +_Appearances_ of the Contrary. I drest plainly; I was seen at no Places +of idle Diversion; I never went out a fishing or Shooting; a Book, +indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my Work; but that was seldom, snug, +and gave no Scandal: and to show that I was not above my Business, I +sometimes brought home the Paper I purchas'd at the Stores, thro' the +Streets on a Wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an industrious thriving +young Man, and paying duly for what I bought, the Merchants who +imported Stationary solicited my Custom, others propos'd supplying me +with Books, I went on swimmingly.--In the mean time Keimer's Credit and +Business declining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his +Printing-house to satisfy his Creditors. He went to Barbadoes, there +lived some Years, in very poor Circumstances. + +His Apprentice David Harry, whom I had instructed while I work'd with +him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his Materials. I +was at first apprehensive of a powerful Rival in Harry, as his Friends +were very able, and had a good deal of Interest. I therefore propos'd a +Partnership to him; which he, fortunately for me, rejected with Scorn. +He was very proud, dress'd like a Gentleman, liv'd expensively, took +much Diversion and Pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his +Business, upon which all Business left him; and finding nothing to do, +he follow'd Keimer to Barbadoes; taking the Printing-house with him[.] +There this Apprentice employ'd his former Master as a Journeyman. They +quarrel'd often, Harry went continually behindhand, and at length was +forc'd to sell his Types, and return to his Country work in Pensilvania. +The Person that bought them, employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a few +years he died. There remain'd now no Competitor with me at Philadelphia, +but the old one, Bradford, who was rich and easy, did a little Printing +now and then by straggling Hands, but was not very anxious about it. +However, as he kept the Post Office, it was imagined he had better +Opportunities of obtaining News, his Paper was thought a better +Distributer of Advertisements than mine, and therefore had many more, +which was a profitable thing to him and a Disadvantage to me. For tho' I +did indeed receive and send Papers by Post, yet the publick Opinion was +otherwise; for what I did send was by Bribing the Riders who took them +privately: Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it: which occasion'd +some Resentment on my Part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that +when I afterwards came into his Situation, I took care never to imitate +it. + +I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey who lived in Part of my +House with his Wife and Children, and had one Side of the Shop for his +Glazier's Business, tho' he work'd little, being always absorb'd in his +Mathematics.--Mrs. Godfrey projected a Match for me with a Relation's +Daughter, took Opportunities of bringing us often together, till a +serious Courtship on my Part ensu'd, the Girl being in herself very +deserving. The old Folks encourag'd me by continual Invitations to +Supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time to +explain. Mrs. Godfrey manag'd our little Treaty. I let her know that I +expected as much Money with their Daughter as would pay off my Remaining +Debt for the Printinghouse, which I believe was not then above a Hundred +Pounds. She brought me Word they had no such Sum to spare. I said they +might mortgage their House in the Loan Office.--The Answer to this after +some Days was, that they did not approve the Match; that on Enquiry of +Bradford they had been inform'd the Printing Business was not a +profitable one, the Types would soon be worn out and more wanted, that +S. Keimer and D. Harry had fail'd one after the other, and I should +probably soon follow them; and therefore I was forbidden the House, and +the Daughter shut up.--Whether this was a real Change of Sentiment, or +only Artifice, on a Supposition of our being too far engag'd in +Affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a Marriage, +which would leave them at Liberty to give or with[h]old what they +pleas'd, I know not: But I suspected the latter, resented it, and went +no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me afterwards some more favourable +Accounts of their Disposition, and would have drawn me on again: But I +declared absolutely my Resolution to have nothing more to do with that +Family. This was resented by the Godfreys, we differ'd, and they +removed, leaving me the whole House, and I resolved to take no more +Inmates. But this Affair having turn'd my Thoughts to Marriage, I look'd +round me, and made Overtures of Acquaintance in other Places; but soon +found that the Business of a Printer being generally thought a poor one, +I was not to expect Money with a Wife unless with such a one, as I +should not otherwise think agreable.--In the mean time, that +hard-to-be-govern'd Passion of Youth, had hurried me frequently into +Intrigues with low Women that fell in my Way, which were attended with +some Expence and great Inconvenience, besides a continual Risque to my +Health by a Distemper which of all Things I dreaded, tho' by great good +Luck I escaped it.-- + +A friendly Correspondence as Neighbours and old Acquaintances, had +continued between me and Mrs. Read's Family, who all had a Regard for me +from the time of my first Lodging in their House. I was often invited +there and consulted in their Affairs, wherein I sometimes was of +service.--I pity'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate Situation, who was +generally dejected, seldom chearful, and avoided Company. I consider'd +my Giddiness and Inconstancy when in London as in a great degree the +Cause of her Unhappiness; tho' the Mother was good enough to think the +Fault more her own than mine, as she had prevented our Marrying before I +went thither, and persuaded the other Match in my Absence. Our mutual +Affection was revived, but there were now great Objections to our Union. +That Match was indeed look'd upon as invalid, a preceding Wife being +said to be livin[g] in England; but this could not easily be prov'd, +because of the Distance[.] And tho' there was a Report of his Death, it +was not certain. The[n] tho' it should be true, he had left many Debts +which his Successor might be call'd [on] to pay. We venture['d] however, +over all these Difficulties, and I [took] her to Wife Sept. 1. 1730.[10] +None of the Inconveniencies happen[ed] that we had apprehended, she +prov'd a good and faithful Helpmate, assisted me much by attending the +Shop, we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavour'd to make +each other happy. Thus I corrected that great _Erratum_ as wel[l] as I +could. + +About [th]is Time our Club meeting, not at a Tavern, but in a little +Room of Mr. Grace's set apart for that Purpose; a Proposition was made +by me that since our Books were often referr'd to in our Disquisitions +upon the Queries, it might be convenient to us to have them all together +where we met, that upon Occasion they might be consulted; and by thus +clubbing our Books to a common Library, we should, while we lik'd to +keep them together, have each of us the Advantage of using the Books of +all the other Members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each +owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd one End of +the Room with such Books as we could best spare. The Number was not so +great as we expected; and tho' they had been of great Use, yet some +Inconveniencies occurring for want of due Care of them, the Collection +after about a Year was separated, and each took his Books home again. + +And now I sent on foot my first Project of a public Nature, [th]at for a +Subscription Library. [I] drew up the Proposals, got them put into Form +by our great Scrivener Brockden, and by the help of my Friends in the +Junto, procur'd Fifty Subscribers of 40/ each to begin with and 10/ a +Year for 50 Years, the Term our Company was to continue. We afterwards +obtain'd a Charter, the Company being increas'd to 100. This was the +Mother of all the N American Subscription Libraries now so numerous, is +become a great thing itself, and continually increasing.--These +Libraries have improv'd the general Conversation of the Americans, made +the common Tradesmen and Farmers as intelligent as most Gentlemen from +other Countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the +Stand so generally made throughout the Colonies in Defence of their +Privileges.--[11] + + * * * * * + +This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for +which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus repair'd in some +degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. +Reading was the only amusement I allow'd myself. I spent no time in +taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in my business +continu'd as indefatigable as it was necessary. I was indebted for my +printing-house; I had a young family coming on to be educated, and I had +to contend with for business two printers, who were established in the +place before me. My circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My +original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his +instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon, +"Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, +he shall not stand before mean men," I from thence considered industry +as a means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag'd me, +tho' I did not think that I should ever literally _stand before kings_, +which, however, has since happened; for I have stood before _five_, and +even had the honour of sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to +dinner. + +We have an English proverb that says, "_He that would thrive, must ask +his wife_." It was lucky for me that I had one as much dispos'd to +industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me chearfully in my +business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old +linen rags for the paper-makers, etc., etc. We kept no idle servants, +our table was plain and simple, our furniture of the cheapest. For +instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I +ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But +mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of +principle: being call'd one morning to breakfast, I found it in a China +bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my +knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of +three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or apology +to make, but that she thought _her_ husband deserv'd a silver spoon and +China bowl as well as any of his neighbors. This was the first +appearance of plate and China in our house, which afterward, in a course +of years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several +hundred pounds in value. + +I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho' some of the +dogmas of that persuasion, such as _the eternal decrees of God_, +_election_, _reprobation, etc._, appeared to me unintelligible, others +doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public assemblies of the +sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some religious +principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; +that he made the world, and govern'd it by his Providence; that the most +acceptable service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls are +immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded, +either here or hereafter. These I esteem'd the essentials of every +religion; and, being to be found in all the religions we had in our +country, I respected them all, tho' with different degrees of respect, +as I found them more or less mix'd with other articles, which, without +any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd +principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This +respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, +induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good +opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our province +increas'd in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted, +and generally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for such +purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused. + +Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion of its +propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I regularly +paid my annual subscription for the support of the only Presbyterian +minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me +sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his administrations, +and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five Sundays +successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might +have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's +leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either +polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar doctrines of our +sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since +not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforc'd, their aim +seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens. + +At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of +Philippians, "_Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, +just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any +praise, think on these things_." And I imagin'd, in a sermon on such a +text, we could not miss of having some morality. But he confin'd himself +to five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: 1. Keeping holy the +Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3. +Attending duly the publick worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. +Paying a due respect to God's ministers. These might be all good things; +but, as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from that +text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was +disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years before +compos'd a little Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use +(viz., in 1728), entitled _Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion_. I +return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the public assemblies. +My conduct might be blameable, but I leave it, without attempting +further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not +to make apologies for them. + +It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of +arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to live without committing any +fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural inclination, +custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, +what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the +one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of +more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employ'd in +guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit took +the advantage of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong for +reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction +that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient +to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken, +and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any +dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I +therefore contrived the following method. + +In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my +reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different +writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, +for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by +others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, +appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice +and ambition. I propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use +rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few names +with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues all that +at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to +each a short precept, which fully express'd the extent I gave to its +meaning. + +These names of virtues, with their precepts, were: + +1. TEMPERANCE + +Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation. + +2. SILENCE + +Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling +conversation. + +3. ORDER + +Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business +have its time. + +4. RESOLUTION + +Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you +resolve. + +5. FRUGALITY + +Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; _i.e._, waste +nothing. + +6. INDUSTRY + +Lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut off all +unnecessary actions. + +7. SINCERITY + +Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly, and, if you speak, +speak accordingly. + +8. JUSTICE + +Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your +duty. + +9. MODERATION + +Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they +deserve. + +10. CLEANLINESS + +Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation. + +11. TRANQUILLITY + +Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable. + +12. CHASTITY + +Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness, +weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or reputation. + +13. HUMILITY + +Imitate Jesus and Socrates. + +My intention being to acquire the _habitude_ of all these virtues, I +judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the +whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I +should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I +should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisition of +some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd them +with that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to +procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where +constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the +unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual +temptations. This being acquir'd and establish'd, Silence would be more +easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that I +improv'd in virtue, and considering that in conversation it was obtain'd +rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing +to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking, +which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave _Silence_ the +second place. This and the next, _Order_, I expected would allow me more +time for attending to my project and my studies. _Resolution_, once +become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavours to obtain all the +subsequent virtues; _Frugality_ and Industry freeing me from my +remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence, would make +more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving +then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his _Golden +Verses_, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following +method for conducting that examination. + +I made a little book,[12] in which I allotted a page for each of the +virtues. I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, +one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the +day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the +beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on +which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black +spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been committed +respecting that virtue upon that day. + + _Form of the Pages_ + +------------------------------+ + | TEMPERANCE. | + +------------------------------+ + | EAT NOT TO DULNESS. | + | DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION. | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + | | S.| M.| T.| W.| T.| F.| S.| + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |T.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |S.| * | * | | * | | * | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |O.|* *| * | * | | * | * | * | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |R.| | | * | | | * | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |F.| | * | | | * | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |I.| | | * | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |S.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |J.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |M.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |C.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |T.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |C.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + |H.| | | | | | | | + +--+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ + +I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues +successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid every +the least offence against _Temperance_, leaving the other virtues to +their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. +Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear +of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much strengthen'd, and +its opposite weaken'd, that I might venture-extending my attention to +include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of +spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a course compleat +in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having +a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at +once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of +the beds at a time, and, having accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a +second, so I should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on +my pages the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my +lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should +be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks' daily +examination. + +This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison's _Cato_: + + Here will I hold. If there's a power above us + (And that there is, all nature cries aloud + Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue; + And that which he delights in must be happy. + +Another from Cicero, + + O vitæ Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque + vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex præceptis tuis actus, + peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus. + +Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue: + + Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand + riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all + her paths are peace.--iii. 16, 17. + +And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and +necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end I +formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables of +examination, for daily use. + + _O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! + Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest + interest. Strengthen my resolutions to perform what that + wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other children + as the only return in my power for thy continual favours to + me._ + +I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson's +_Poems_, viz.: + + Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme! + O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself! + Save me from folly, vanity, and vice, + From every low pursuit; and fill my soul + With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure; + Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss! + +The precept of _Order_ requiring that _every part of my business should +have its allotted time_, one page in my little book contain'd the +following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural +day. + + THE MORNING. {5} Rise, wash, and address _Powerful + _Question._ What good {6} Goodness!_ Contrive day's business, + shall I do this day? { } and take the resolution of the + { } day; prosecute the present study, + {7} and breakfast. + + 8} + 9} Work. + 10} + 11} + + NOON. {12} Read, or overlook my accounts, + { 1} and dine. + + 2} + 3} + 4} Work. + 5} + + EVENING. {6} Put things in their places. Supper. + _Question._ What good {7} Music or diversion, or conversation. + have I done to-day? {8} Examination of the day. + {9} + + {10} + {11} + {12} + NIGHT. { 1} Sleep. + { 2} + { 3} + { 4} + +I enter'd upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and +continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was +surpris'd to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined; +but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble +of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the +marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new +course, became full of holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts to +the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn +with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I mark'd my +faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out +with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro' one course only in a year, +and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them +entirely, being employ'd in voyages and business abroad, with a +multiplicity of affairs that interfered; but I always carried my little +book with me. + +My scheme of ORDER gave me the most trouble; and I found that, tho' it +might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave him the +disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it +was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with +the world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. +_Order_, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found +extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, +and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the +inconvenience attending want of method. This article, therefore, cost me +so much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I +made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, +that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself with +a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of +a smith, my neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as +bright as the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he +would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad face +of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it +very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see +how the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without +farther grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn on, turn on; we shall have +it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled." "Yes," says the man, +"_but I think I like a speckled ax best_." And I believe this may have +been the case with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I +employ'd, found the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits +in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and +concluded that "_a speckled ax was best_"; for something, that pretended +to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extream +nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, +which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect +character might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and +hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself, +to keep his friends in countenance. + +In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I +am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. +But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection I had been so +ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the +endeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been +if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at perfect writing by +imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for +excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavour, and +is tolerable while it continues fair and legible. + +It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little +artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant +felicity of his life, down to his 79th year in which this is written. +What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence; +but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy'd ought to +help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes +his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good +constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his +circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge +that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some +degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the +confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon +him; and to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even +in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of +temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his company +still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. I +hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example and +reap the benefit. + +It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without +religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of +any particular sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully +persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might +be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some time or +other to publish it, I would not have any thing in it that should +prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little +comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of +possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I +should have called my book THE ART OF VIRTUE,[E] because it would have +shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which would have +distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not +instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's man of verbal +charity, who only, without showing to the naked and hungry how or where +they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and +clothed.--James ii. 15, 16. + + [E] Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue. + [_Franklin's note._] + +But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this +comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from time to time, put down +short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in +it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary close attention +to private business in the earlier part of my life, and public business +since, have occasioned my postponing it; for, it being connected in my +mind with _a great and extensive project_, that required the whole man +to execute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my +attending to, it has hitherto remain'd unfinish'd. + +In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, +that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but +forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; +that it was, therefore, every one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd +to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance +(there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, +states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the +management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavoured +to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a +poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity. + +My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend +having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud; that my +pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content +with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, +and rather insolent, of which he convinc'd me by mentioning several +instances; I determined endeavouring to cure myself, if I could, of this +vice or folly among the rest, and I added _Humility_ to my list, giving +an extensive meaning to the word. + +I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the _reality_ of this +virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the _appearance_ of it. I +made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of +others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, +agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or +expression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as +_certainly_, _undoubtedly_, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, _I +conceive_, _I apprehend_, or _I imagine_ a thing to be so or so; or it +_so appears to me at present_. When another asserted something that I +thought an error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of contradicting him +abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity in his proposition; +and in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or +circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there +_appear'd_ or _seem'd_ to me some difference, etc. I soon found the +advantage of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag'd in +went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd my opinions +procur'd them a readier reception and less contradiction; I had less +mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily +prevail'd with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I +happened to be in the right. + +And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural +inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that +perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical +expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of +integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight +with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations +in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became a +member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much +hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I +generally carried my points. + +In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard to +subdue as _pride_. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle +it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every +now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often +in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had compleatly +overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.[13]... + +Having mentioned _a great and extensive project_ which I had conceiv'd, +it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project +and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following +little paper, accidentally preserv'd, viz.: + + _Observations_ on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, + 1731. + + "That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, + etc., are carried on and affected by parties. + + "That the view of these parties is their present general + interest, or what they take to be such. + + "That the different views of these different parties occasion + all confusion. + + "That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man + has his particular private interest in view. + + "That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each + member becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, + thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, and + occasions more confusion. + + "That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good + of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their + actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily + considered that their own and their country's interest was + united, and did not act from a principle of benevolence. + + "That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the + good of mankind. + + "There seems to me at present to be great occasion for + raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous + and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be + govern'd by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise + men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, + than common people are to common laws. + + "I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is + well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting + with success. + + B. F." + +Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when +my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from +time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me +respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting to be +the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the +essentials of every known religion, and being free of every thing that +might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these +words, viz.: + + "That there is one God, who made all things. + + "That he governs the world by his providence. + + "That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and + thanksgiving. + + "But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to + man. + + "That the soul is immortal. + + "And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice, + either here or hereafter." + +My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread at +first among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated +should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have +exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice of +the virtues, as in the before-mention'd model; that the existence of +such a society should be kept a secret, till it was become considerable, +to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but that +the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for +ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the +scheme should be gradually communicated; that the members should engage +to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in +promoting one another's interests, business, and advancement in life; +that, for distinction, we should be call'd _The Society of the Free and +Easy_: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of the virtues, +free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of +industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to +confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors. + +This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I +communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some +enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was +under of sticking close to my business, occasion'd my postponing the +further prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations, +public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it has +been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient +for such an enterprise; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a +practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great +number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by the seeming +magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of +tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs +among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all +amusements or other employments that would divert his attention, makes +the execution of that same plan his sole study and business. + +In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of _Richard +Saunders_; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly +call'd _Poor Richard's Almanack_. I endeavour'd to make it both +entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, +that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten +thousand.[14] And observing that it was generally read, scarce any +neighborhood in the province being without it, I consider'd it as a +proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who +bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little +spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calendar with +proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, +as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being +more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use +here one of those proverbs, _it is hard for an empty sack to stand +upright_. + +These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I +assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the Almanack +of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an +auction. The bringing all these scatter'd counsels thus into a focus +enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally +approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted +in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two translations +were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy and +gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. +In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign +superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing +that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years +after its publication. + +I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating +instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from +the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little +pieces of my own, which had been first compos'd for reading in our +Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever +might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be +called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that +virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free +from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be found in the +papers about the beginning of 1735.[15] + +In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libelling and +personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our +country. Whenever I was solicited to insert any thing of that kind, and +the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press, +and that a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which any one who would +pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print the piece +separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he +pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to +spread his detraction; and that, having contracted with my subscribers +to furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, I +could not fill their papers with private altercation, in which they had +no concern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our +printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by +false accusations of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting +animosity even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover, so +indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of +neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, +which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. These +things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be +encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession +by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may see by my +example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be +injurious to their interests. + + * * * * * + +I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a +master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then +undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd +often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much +of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play any +more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game should +have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got +by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to +perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we play'd pretty +equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I afterwards with +a little painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish as to read their +books also. + +I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruction in a +Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that +language entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance with the +French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz'd to find, on looking over a +Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language than I +had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of +it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages had +greatly smooth'd my way. + +From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some +inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that +it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd that, +it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are deriv'd +from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to +acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the +top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain +them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will +with more ease ascend to the top; and I would therefore offer it to the +consideration of those who superintend the education of our youth, +whether, since many of those who begin with the Latin quit the same +after spending some years without having made any great proficiency, and +what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has +been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the French, +proceeding to the Italian, etc.; for, tho', after spending the same +time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the +Latin, they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, +being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in common life. + + * * * * * + +Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction +to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends, +which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a +convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the beginning made it a +rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observ'd; +the intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for +admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. +I was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but, +instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every member separately +should endeavour to form a subordinate club, with the same rules +respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the connection +with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many +more young citizens by the use of our institutions; our better +acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any +occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should +desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate club; +the promotion of our particular interests in business by more extensive +recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and +our power of doing good by spreading thro' the several clubs the +sentiments of the Junto. + +The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club, +but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were compleated, which +were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. +They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of +amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some +considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on +particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of +time as they happened. + + * * * * * + +I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs,[16] +beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the +first things that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by the +constables of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a +number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose +never to attend, paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd, which was +suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more +than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place +of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such +ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not +choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and +most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to be +read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more +particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the +constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a +poor widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch +did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the +wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds' worth of goods in his +stores. + +On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper +men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable way of +supporting the charge, the levying a tax that should be proportion'd to +the property. This idea, being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated +to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them; and though the plan +was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds +of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a few +years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more +influence. + +About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was +afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by +which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means +proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece, +and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a company +for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual assistance in +removing and securing of goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme +were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement +oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a +certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for +packing and transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every +fire; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening +together, in discoursing and communicating such ideas as occurred to us +upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such +occasions. + +The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to +be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were +advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, +one new company being formed after another, till they became so numerous +as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, +at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of fifty years since its +establishment, that which I first formed, called the Union Fire Company, +still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first members are all deceas'd +but myself and one, who is older by a year than I am. The small fines +that have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have +been apply'd to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and +other useful implements for each company, so that I question whether +there is a city in the world better provided with the means of putting a +stop to beginning conflagrations; and, in fact, since these +institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one or two +houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the +house in which they began has been half consumed. + +In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who +had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. He was at +first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, +taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and he was +oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and +denominations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter +of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the +extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they +admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by +assuring them they were naturally _half beasts and half devils_. It was +wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. +From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if +all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk thro' +the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families +of every street. + + * * * * * + +I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of +which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I +silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had in my pocket a +handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles +in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the +coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and +determin'd me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I +empty'd my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At +this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments +respecting the building in Georgia and, suspecting a collection might be +intended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from +home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong +desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour, who stood near him, to +borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately +[made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not +to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, "_At any other time, +Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee +seems to be out of thy right senses_." + + * * * * * + +He [Rev. Whitefield] us'd, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, +but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. +Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to +his death.[17] + +The following instance will show something of the terms on which we +stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me +that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could +lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet +was removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house, if you can +make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily +welcome." He reply'd, that if I made that kind offer for Christ's sake, +I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, "_Don't let me be +mistaken, it was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake_." One of our +common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom +of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the burden of the +obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had +contriv'd to fix it on earth. + +The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me +about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to +the establishment of a college. + +He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences +so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, +especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most exact +silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house steps, +which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the west side of +Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were +fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the +hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could +be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river; and I +found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some noise +in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then a semicircle, of which my +distance should be the radius, and that it were fill'd with auditors, to +each of whom I allow'd two square feet, I computed that he might well be +heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper +accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the +fields, and to the antient histories of generals haranguing whole +armies, of which I had some times doubted. + + * * * * * + +I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being +established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I +regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat +education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, +drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time, +thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to +superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him; but +he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, +which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not knowing another at +that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while +dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and +establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose +will be found among my writings, when collected. + + * * * * * + +Peace being concluded, and the association business therefore at an end, +I turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy. The +first step I took was to associate in the design a number of active +friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good part; the next was to write +and publish a pamphlet, entitled _Proposals Relating to the Education of +Youth in Pennsylvania_. This I distributed among the principal +inhabitants gratis, and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little +prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening +and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas yearly for five +years; by so dividing it, I judg'd the subscription might be larger, and +I believe it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember right, than +five thousand pounds. + +In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their publication, not +as an act of mine, but of some _publick-spirited gentlemen_, avoiding as +much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself to +the publick as the author of any scheme for their benefit. + +The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execution, chose +out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, +then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the +government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was +hired, masters engag'd, and the schools opened, I think, in the same +year, 1749. + + * * * * * + +In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately +arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. They +were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a +subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon +after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr. +P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a +glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such +experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had +seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in +performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding +a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually +full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders. + +To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number +of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they +furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among +these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, +being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments +for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments +were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in +such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the +following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which +all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely +form'd by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave +great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the colonies, +exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some money. In the +West India Islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could +be made, from the general moisture of the air. + +Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I +thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and +wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got +them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought +worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper, +which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with +electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of +the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been +read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being +shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be +stifled, and advis'd the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them +to _Cave_ for publication in his Gentleman's Magazine; but he chose to +print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the +preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the +additions that arrived afterward they swell'd, to a quarto volume, which +has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money. + +It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of +in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count +de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, +indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them +into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended +the Abbé Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, +and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory of +electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first +believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been +fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, +having been assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin +at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume +of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying +the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them. + +I once purpos'd answering the abbé, and actually began the answer; but, +on consideration that my writings contain'd a description of experiments +which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could +not be defended; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, and not +delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to +defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing +in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, +and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the +abbé's letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded +to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend +what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments, +than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered +M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my +friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and +refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin +languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally +adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the +abbé; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except +Monsieur B----, of Paris, his _élève_ and immediate disciple. + +What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success +of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor +at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd the public +attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental +philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook to repeat +what he called the _Philadelphia Experiments_; and, after they were +performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to +see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that +capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the +success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, +as both are to be found in the histories of electricity. + +Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who +was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments +were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings +had been so little noticed in England. The Society, on this, resum'd the +consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the +celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I +had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which he accompanied with +some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their +Transactions; and some members of the Society in London, particularly +the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of +procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting +them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight +with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any +application for that honour, they chose me a member, and voted that I +should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to +twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions +gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley +for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very +handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was +highly honoured. + + * * * * * + + + +DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. I + +(From Monday March 26. to Monday April 2. 1722.) + +_To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. + +SIR, + +It may not be improper in the first Place to inform your Readers, that I +intend once a Fortnight to present them, by the Help of this Paper, with +a short Epistle, which I presume will add somewhat to their +Entertainment. + +And since it is observed, that the Generality of People, now a days, are +unwilling either to commend or dispraise what they read, until they are +in some measure informed who or what the Author of it is, whether he be +_poor_ or _rich_, _old_ or _young_, a _Scollar_ or a _Leather Apron +Man_, &c. and give their Opinion of the Performance, according to the +Knowledge which they have of the Author's Circumstances, it may not be +amiss to begin with a short Account of my past Life and present +Condition, that the Reader may not be at a Loss to judge whether or no +my Lucubrations are worth his reading. + +At the time of my Birth, my Parents were on Ship-board in their Way from +_London_ to _N. England_. My Entrance into this troublesome World was +attended with the Death of my Father, a Misfortune, which tho' I was not +then capable of knowing, I shall never be able to forget; for as he, +poor Man, stood upon the Deck rejoycing at my Birth, a merciless Wave +entred the Ship, and in one Moment carry'd him beyond Reprieve. Thus was +the _first_ Day which I saw, the _last_ that was seen by my Father; and +thus was my disconsolate Mother at once made both a _Parent_ and a +_Widow_. + +When we arrived at _Boston_ (which was not long after) I was put to +Nurse in a Country Place, at a small Distance from the Town, where I +went to School, and past my Infancy and Childhood in Vanity and +Idleness, until I was bound out Apprentice, that I might no longer be a +Charge to my Indigent Mother, who was put to hard Shifts for a Living. + +My Master was a Country Minister, a pious good-natur'd young Man, & a +Batchelor: He labour'd with all his Might to instil vertuous and godly +Principles into my tender Soul, well knowing that it was the most +suitable Time to make deep and lasting Impressions on the Mind, while it +was yet untainted with Vice, free and unbiass'd. He endeavour'd that I +might be instructed in all that Knowledge and Learning which is +necessary for our Sex, and deny'd me no Accomplishment that could +possibly be attained in a Country Place, such as all Sorts of +Needle-Work, Writing, Arithmetick, &c. and observing that I took a more +than ordinary Delight in reading ingenious Books, he gave me the free +Use of his Library, which tho' it was but small, yet it was well chose, +to inform the Understanding rightly and enable the Mind to frame great +and noble Ideas. + +Before I had liv'd quite two Years with this Reverend Gentleman, my +indulgent Mother departed this Life, leaving me as it were by my self, +having no Relation on Earth within my Knowledge. + +I will not abuse your Patience with a tedious Recital of all the +frivolous Accidents of my Life, that happened from this Time until I +arrived to Years of Discretion, only inform you that I liv'd a chearful +Country Life, spending my leisure Time either in some innocent Diversion +with the neighbouring Females, or in some shady Retirement, with the +best of Company, _Books_. Thus I past away the Time with a Mixture of +Profit and Pleasure, having no Affliction but what was imaginary and +created in my own Fancy; as nothing is more common with us Women, than +to be grieving for nothing, when we have nothing else to grieve for. + +As I would not engross too much of your Paper at once, I will defer the +Remainder of my Story until my next Letter; in the mean time desiring +your Readers to exercise their Patience, and bear with my Humours now +and then, because I shall trouble them but seldom. I am not insensible +of the Impossibility of pleasing all, but I would not willingly +displease any; and for those who will take Offence where none is +intended, they are beneath the Notice of + + _Your Humble Servant_, + SILINC DOGOOD. + +_As the Favour of Mrs. Dogood's Correspondence is acknowledged by the +Publisher of this Paper, lest any of her Letters should miscarry, he +desires they may for the future be deliver'd at his Printing-House, or +at the Blue Ball in Union-Street, and no Questions shall be ask'd of the +Bearer._ + + + +DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. IV + +(From Monday May 7. to Monday May 14. 1722.) + + _An sum etiam nunc vel Græcè loqui vel_ Latinè docendus? + CICERO. + +_To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. + +SIR, + +Discoursing the other Day at Dinner with my Reverend Boarder, formerly +mention'd, (whom for Distinction sake we will call by the Name of +_Clericus_,) concerning the Education of Children, I ask'd his Advice +about my young Son _William_, whether or no I had best bestow upon him +Academical Learning, or (as our Phrase is) _bring him up at our +College_: He perswaded me to do it by all Means, using many weighty +Arguments with me, and answering all the Objections that I could form +against it; telling me withal, that he did not doubt but that the Lad +would take his Learning very well, and not idle away his Time as too +many there now-a-days do. These words of _Clericus_ gave me a Curiosity +to inquire a little more strictly into the present Circumstances of that +famous Seminary of Learning; but the Information which he gave me, was +neither pleasant, nor such as I expected. + +As soon as Dinner was over, I took a solitary Walk into my Orchard, +still ruminating on _Clericus's_ Discourse with much Consideration, +until I came to my usual Place of Retirement under the _Great +Apple-Tree_; where having seated my self, and carelessly laid my Head on +a verdant Bank, I fell by Degrees into a soft and undisturbed Slumber. +My waking Thoughts remained with me in my Sleep, and before I awak'd +again, I dreamt the following DREAM. + +I fancy'd I was travelling over pleasant and delightful Fields and +Meadows, and thro' many small Country Towns and Villages; and as I +pass'd along, all Places resounded with the Fame of the Temple of +LEARNING: Every Peasant, who had wherewithal, was preparing to send one +of his Children at least to this famous Place; and in this Case most of +them consulted their own Purses instead of their Childrens Capacities: +So that I observed, a great many, yea, the most part of those who were +travelling thither, were little better than Dunces and Blockheads. Alas! +Alas! + +At length I entred upon a spacious Plain, in the Midst of which was +erected a large and stately Edifice: It was to this that a great Company +of Youths from all Parts of the Country were going; so stepping in among +the Crowd, I passed on with them, and presently arrived at the Gate. + +The Passage was Kept by two sturdy Porters named _Riches_ and +_Poverty_, and the latter obstinately refused to give Entrance to any +who had not first gain'd the Favour of the former; so that I observed, +many who came even to the very Gate, were obliged to travel back again +as ignorant as they came, for want of this necessary Qualification. +However, as a Spectator I gain'd Admittance, and with the rest entred +directly into the Temple. + +In the Middle of the great Hall stood a stately and magnificent Throne, +which was ascended to by two high and difficult Steps. On the Top of it +sat LEARNING in awful State; she was apparelled wholly in Black, and +surrounded almost on every Side with innumerable Volumes in all +Languages. She seem'd very busily employ'd in writing something on half +a Sheet of Paper, and upon Enquiry, I understood she was preparing a +Paper, call'd, _The New-England Courant_. On her Right Hand sat +_English_, with a pleasant smiling Countenance, and handsomely attir'd; +and on her left were seated several _Antique Figures_ with their Faces +vail'd. I was considerably puzzl'd to guess who they were, until one +informed me, (who stood beside me,) that those Figures on her left Hand +were _Latin_, _Greek_, _Hebrew_, &c. and that they were very much +reserv'd, and seldom or never unvail'd their Faces here, and then to few +or none, tho' most of those who have in this Place acquir'd so much +Learning as to distinguish them from _English_, pretended to an intimate +Acquaintance with them. I then enquir'd of him, what could be the Reason +why they continued vail'd, in this Place especially: He pointed to the +Foot of the Throne, where I saw _Idleness_, attended with _Ignorance_, +and these (he informed me) were they, who first vail'd them, and still +kept them so. + +Now I observed, that the whole Tribe who entred into the Temple with me, +began to climb the Throne; but the Work; proving troublesome and +difficult to most of them, they withdrew their Hands from the Plow, and +contented themselves to sit at the Foot, with Madam _Idleness_ and her +Maid _Ignorance_, until those who were assisted by Diligence and a +docible Temper, had well nigh got up the first Step: But the Time +drawing nigh in which they could no way avoid ascending, they were fain +to crave the Assistance of those who had got up before them, and who, +for the Reward perhaps of a _Pint of Milk_, or a _Piece of Plumb-Cake_, +lent the Lubbers a helping Hand, and sat them in the Eye of the World, +upon a Level with themselves. + +The other Step being in the same Manner ascended, and the usual +Ceremonies at an End, every Beetle-Scull seem'd well satisfy'd with his +own Portion of Learning, tho' perhaps he was _e'en just_ as ignorant as +ever. And now the Time of their Departure being come, they march'd out +of Doors to make Room for another Company, who waited for Entrance: And +I, having seen all that was to be seen, quitted the Hall likewise, and +went to make my Observations on those who were just gone out before me. + +Some I perceiv'd took to Merchandizing, others to Travelling, some to +one Thing, some to another, and some to Nothing; and many of them from +henceforth, for want of Patrimony, liv'd as poor as church Mice, being +unable to dig, and asham'd to beg, and to live by their Wits it was +impossible. But the most Part of the Crowd went along a large beaten +Path, which led to a Temple at the further End of the Plain, call'd, +_The Temple of Theology_. The Business of those who were employ'd in +this Temple being laborious and painful, I wonder'd exceedingly to see +so many go towards it; but while I was pondering this Matter in my Mind, +I spy'd _Pecunia_ behind a Curtain, beckoning to them with her Hand, +which Sight immediately satisfy'd me for whose Sake it was, that a great +Part of them (I will not say all) travel'd that Road. In this Temple I +saw nothing worth mentioning, except the ambitious and fraudulent +Contrivances of _Plagius_, who (notwithstanding he had been severely +reprehended for such Practices before) was diligently transcribing some +eloquent Paragraphs out of _Tillotson's_ Works, &c. to embellish his +own. + +Now I bethought my self in my Sleep, that it was Time to be at Home, and +as I fancy'd I was travelling back thither, I reflected in my Mind on +the extream Folly of those Parents, who, blind to their Childrens +Dulness, and insensible of the Solidity of their Skulls, because they +think their Purses can afford it, will needs send them to the Temple of +Learning, where, for want of a suitable Genius, they learn little more +than how to carry themselves handsomely, and enter a Room genteely, +(which might as well be acquir'd at a Dancing-School,) and from whence +they return, after Abundance of Trouble and Charge, as great Blockheads +as ever, only more proud and self-conceited. + +While I was in the midst of these unpleasant Reflections, _Clericus_ +(who with a Book in his Hand was walking under the Trees) accidentally +awak'd me; to him I related my Dream with all its Particulars, and he, +without much Study, presently interpreted it, assuring me, _That it was +a lively Representation of HARVARD COLLEGE, Etcetera._ + + _I remain, Sir, + Your Humble Servant,_ + SILENCE DOGOOD. + + + +DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. V + +(From Monday May 21. to Monday May 28. 1722.) + + _Mulier Muliere magis congruet._--TER. + +_To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. + +SIR, + +I shall here present your Readers with a Letter from one, who informs me +that I have begun at the wrong End of my Business, and that I ought to +begin at Home, and censure the Vices and Follies of my own Sex, before I +venture to meddle with your's: Nevertheless, I am resolved to dedicate +this Speculation to the Fair Tribe, and endeavour to show, that Mr. +_Ephraim_ charges Women with being particularly guilty of Pride, +Idleness, &c. wrongfully, inasmuch as the Men have not only as great a +Share in those Vices as the Women, but are likewise in a great Measure +the Cause of that which the Women are guilty of. I think it will be best +to produce my Antagonist, before I encounter him. + + _To Mrs._ DOGOOD. + + _Madam_, + + My Design in troubling you with this Letter is, to desire you + would begin with your own Sex first: Let the first Volley of + your Resentments be directed against _Female_ Vice; let + Female Idleness, Ignorance and Folly, (which are Vices more + peculiar to your Sex than to our's,) be the Subject of your + Satyrs, but more especially Female Pride, which I think is + intollerable. Here is a large Field that wants Cultivation, + and which I believe you are able (if willing) to improve with + Advantage; and when you have once reformed the Women, you + will find it a much easier Task to reform the Men, because + Women are the prime Causes of a great many Male Enormities. + This is all at present from + + _Your Friendly Wellwisher,_ + Ephraim Censorious. + +After Thanks to my Correspondent for his Kindness in cutting out Work +for me, I must assure him, that I find it a very difficult Matter to +reprove Women separate from the Men; for what Vice is there in which the +Men have not as great a Share as the Women? and in some have they not a +far greater, as in Drunkenness, Swearing, &c.? And if they have, then it +follows, that when a Vice is to be reproved, Men, who are most culpable, +deserve the most Reprehension, and certainly therefore, ought to have +it. But we will wave this point at present, and proceed to a particular +Consideration of what my Correspondent calls _Female Vice_. + +As for Idleness, if I should _Quære_, Where are the greatest Number of +its Votaries to be found, with us or the Men? it might I believe be +easily and truly answer'd, _With the latter_. For, notwithstanding the +Men are commonly complaining how hard they are forc'd to labour, only to +maintain their Wives in Pomp and Idleness, yet if you go among the +Women, you will learn, that _they have always more Work upon their Hands +than they are able to do_, and that _a Woman's Work is never done_, &c. +But however, Suppose we should grant for once, that we are generally +more idle than the Men, (without making any Allowance for the _Weakness +of the Sex_,) I desire to know whose Fault it is? Are not the Men to +blame for their Folly in maintaining us in Idleness? Who is there that +can be handsomely supported in Affluence, Ease and Pleasure by another, +that will chuse rather to earn his Bread by the Sweat of his own Brows? +And if a Man will be so fond and so foolish, as to labour hard himself +for a Livelihood, and suffer his Wife in the mean Time to sit in Ease +and Idleness, let him not blame her if she does so, for it is in a great +Measure his own Fault. + +And now for the Ignorance and Folly which he reproaches us with, let us +see (if we are Fools and Ignoramus's) whose is the Fault, the Men's or +our's. An ingenious Writer, having this Subject in Hand, has the +following Words, wherein he lays the Fault wholly on the Men, for not +allowing Women the Advantages of Education. + + "I have (says he) often thought of it as one of the most + barbarous Customs in the World, considering us as a civiliz'd + and Christian Country, that we deny the Advantages of + Learning to Women. We reproach the Sex every Day with Folly + and Impertinence, while I am confident, had they the + Advantages of Education equal to us, they would be guilty of + less than our selves. One would wonder indeed how it should + happen that Women are conversible at all, since they are only + beholding to natural Parts for all their Knowledge. Their + Youth is spent to teach them to stitch and sow, or make + Baubles. They are taught to read indeed, and perhaps to write + their Names, or so; and that is the Heigth of a Womans + Education. And I would but ask any who slight the Sex for + their Understanding, What is a Man (a Gentleman, I mean) good + for that is taught no more? If Knowledge and Understanding + had been useless Additions to the Sex, God Almighty would + never have given them Capacities, for he made nothing + Needless. What has the Woman done to forfeit the Priviledge + of being taught? Does she plague us with her Pride and + Impertinence? Why did we not let her learn, that she might + have had more Wit? Shall we upraid Women with Folly, when + 'tis only the Error of this inhumane Custom that hindred them + being made wiser." + +So much for Female Ignorance and Folly; and now let us a little consider +the Pride which my Correspondent thinks is _intolerable_. By this +Expression of his, one would think he is some dejected Swain, tyranniz'd +over by some cruel haughty Nymph, who (perhaps he thinks) has no more +Reason to be proud than himself. _Alas-a-day!_ What shall we say in this +Case! Why truly, if Women are proud, it is certainly owing to the Men +still; for if they will be such _Simpletons_ as to humble themselves at +their Feet, and fill their credulous Ears with extravagant Praises of +their Wit, Beauty, and other Accomplishments (perhaps where there are +none too,) and when Women are by this Means perswaded that they are +Something more than humane, what Wonder is it, if they carry themselves +haughtily, and live extravagantly. Notwithstanding, I believe there are +more Instances of extravagant Pride to be found among Men than among +Women, and this Fault is certainly more hainous in the former than in +the latter. + +Upon the whole, I conclude, that it will be impossible to lash any Vice, +of which the Men, are not equally guilty with the Women, and +consequently deserve an equal (if not a greater), Share in the Censure. +However, I exhort both to amend, where both are culpable, otherwise they +may expect to be severely handled by + + Sir, + _Your Humble Servant,_ + SILENCE DOGOOD. + +N. B. _Mrs._ Dogood _has lately left her Seat in the Country, and come +to Boston, where she intends to tarry for the Summer Season, in order to +compleat her Observations of the present reigning Vices of the Town._ + + + +DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. VII + +(From Monday June 18. to Monday June 25. 1722.) + + _Give me the Muse, whose generous Force, + Impatient of the Reins, + Pursues an unattempted Course, + Breaks all the Criticks Iron Chains._ + WATTS. + +_To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. + +SIR, + +It has been the Complaint of many Ingenious Foreigners, who have +travell'd amongst us, _That good Poetry is not to be expected in_ +New-England. I am apt to Fancy, the Reason is, not because our +Countrymen are altogether void of a Poetical Genius, nor yet because we +have not those Advantages of Education which other Countries have, but +purely because we do not afford that Praise and Encouragement which is +merited, when any thing extraordinary of this Kind is produc'd among us: +Upon which Consideration I have determined, when I meet with a Good +Piece of _New-England_ Poetry, to give it a suitable Encomium, and +thereby endeavour to discover to the World some of its Beautys, in order +to encourage the Author to go on, and bless the World with more, and +more Excellent Productions. + +There has lately appear'd among us a most Excellent Piece of Poetry, +entituled, _An Elegy upon the much Lamented Death of Mrs._ Mehitebell +Kitel, _Wife of Mr._ John Kitel _of_ Salem, _Etc._ It may justly be said +in its Praise, without Flattery to the Author, that it is the most +_Extraordinary_ Piece that was ever wrote in _New-England_. The Language +is so soft and Easy, the Expression so moving and pathetick, but above +all, the Verse and Numbers so Charming and Natural, that it is almost +beyond Comparison. + + The Muse _disdains[F] + Those Links and Chains, + Measures and Rules of Vulgar Strains, + And o'er the Laws of Harmony a Sovereign Queen she reigns._ + + [F] Watts. [_Franklin's note._] + +I find no English Author, Ancient or Modern, whose Elegies may be +compar'd with this, in respect to the Elegance of Stile, or Smoothness +of Rhime; and for the affecting Part, I will leave your Readers to +judge, if ever they read any Lines, that would sooner make them _draw +their Breath_ and Sigh, if not shed Tears, than these following. + + _Come let us mourn, for we have lost a + Wife, a Daughter, and a Sister, + Who has lately taken Flight, and + greatly we have mist her._ + +In another place, + + Some little Time _before she yielded up her Breath, + She said, I ne'er shall hear one Sermon more on Earth. + She kist her Husband_ some little Time _before she expir'd, + Then lean'd her Head the Pillow on, just out of Breath and tir'd._ + +But the Threefold Appellation in the first Line + + --_a Wife, a Daughter, and a Sister_, + +must not pass unobserved. That Line in the celebrated _Watts_, + + GUNSTON, _the Just, the Generous, and the Young,_ + +is nothing Comparable to it. The latter only mentions three +Qualifications of _one_ Person who was deceased, which therefore could +raise Grief and Compassion but for _One_. Whereas the former, (_our most +excellent Poet_) gives his Reader a Sort of an Idea of the Death of +_Three Persons_, viz. + + --_a Wife, a Daughter, and a Sister,_ + +which is _Three Times_ as great a Loss as the Death of _One_, and +consequently must raise _Three Times_ as much Grief and Compassion in +the Reader. + +I should be very much straitened for Room, if I should attempt to +discover even half the Excellencies of this Elegy which are obvious to +me. Yet I cannot omit one Observation, which is, that the Author has (to +his Honour) invented a new Species of Poetry, which wants a Name, and +was never before known. His muse scorns to be confin'd to the old +Measures and Limits, or to observe the dull Rules of Criticks; + + _Nor_ Rapin _gives her Rules to fly, nor_ Purcell _Notes to Sing._ + WATTS. + +Now 'tis Pity that such an Excellent Piece should not be dignify'd with +a particular Name; and seeing it cannot justly be called, either _Epic_, +_Sapphic_, _Lyric_, or _Pindaric_, nor any other Name yet invented, I +presume it may, (in Honour and Remembrance of the Dead) be called the +KITELIC. Thus much in the Praise of _Kitelic Poetry_. + +It is certain, that those Elegies which are of our own Growth, (and our +Soil seldom produces any other sort of Poetry) are by far the greatest +part, wretchedly Dull and Ridiculous. Now since it is imagin'd by many, +that our Poets are honest, well-meaning Fellows, who do their best, and +that if they had but some Instructions how to govern Fancy with +Judgment, they would make indifferent good Elegies; I shall here subjoin +a Receipt for that purpose, which was left me as a Legacy, (among other +valuable Rarities) by my Reverend Husband. It is as follows, + + A RECEIPT _to make_ a New-England Funeral ELEGY. + + For the Title of your Elegy. _Of these you may have enough + ready made to your Hands, but if you should chuse to make it + your self, you must be sure not to omit the words_ Ætatis + Suæ, _which will Beautify it exceedingly._ + + For the Subject of your Elegy. _Take one of your Neighbours + who has lately departed this Life; it is no great matter at + what Age the Party dy'd, but it will be best if he went away + suddenly, being_ Kill'd, Drown'd, _or_ Frose to Death. + + _Having chose the Person, take all his Virtues, Excellencies, + &c. and if he have not enough, you may borrow some to make up + a sufficient Quantity: To these add his last Words, dying + Expressions, &c. if they are to be had; mix all these + together, and be sure you strain them well. Then season all + with a Handful or two of Melancholly Expressions, such as_, + Dreadful, Deadly, cruel cold Death, unhappy Fate, weeping + Eyes, &c. _Have mixed all these Ingredients well, put them + into the empty Scull of some_ young Harvard; (_but in Case + you have ne'er a One at Hand, you may use your own_,) _there + let them Ferment for the Space of a Fortnight, and by that + Time they will be incorporated into a Body, which take out, + and having prepared a sufficient Quantity of double Rhimes, + such as_ Power, Flower; Quiver, Shiver; Grieve us, Leave us; + tell you, excel you; Expeditions, Physicians; Fatigue him, + Intrigue him; &c. _you must spread all upon Paper, and if you + can procure a Scrap of Latin to put at the End, it will + garnish it mightily, then having affixed your Name at the + Bottom, with a_ Mœstus Composuit, _you will have an + Excellent Elegy._ + + N. B. _This Receipt will serve when a Female is the Subject + of your Elegy, provided you borrow a greater Quantity of + Virtues, Excellencies, &c._ + + SIR, + _Your Servant,_ + SILENCE DOGOOD. + +_P.S._ I shall make no other Answer to _Hypercarpus's_ Criticism on my +last Letter than this, _Mater me genuit, peperit mox filia matrem_. + + + +DOGOOD PAPERS, NO. XII + +(From Monday September 3. to Monday September 10. 1722.) + + _Quod est in corde sobrii, est in ore ebrii._ + +_To the Author of the_ New-England Courant. + +SIR, + +It is no unprofitable tho' unpleasant Pursuit, diligently to inspect and +consider the Manners & Conversation of Men, who, insensible of the +greatest Enjoyments of humane Life, abandon themselves to Vice from a +false Notion of _Pleasure_ and _good Fellowship_. A true and natural +Representation of any Enormity, is often the best Argument against it +and Means of removing it, when the most severe Reprehensions alone, are +found ineffectual. + +I would in this Letter improve the little Observation I have made on the +Vice of _Drunkeness_, the better to reclaim the _good Fellows_ who +usually pay the Devotions of the Evening to _Bacchus_. + +I doubt not but _moderate Drinking_ has been improv'd for the Diffusion +of Knowledge among the ingenious Part of Mankind, who want the Talent of +a ready Utterance, in order to discover the Conceptions of their Minds +in an entertaining and intelligible Manner. 'Tis true, drinking does not +_improve_ our Faculties, but it enables us to use them; and therefore I +conclude, that much Study and Experience, and a little Liquor, are of +absolute Necessity for some Tempers, in order to make them accomplish'd +Orators. _Dic. Ponder_ discovers an excellent Judgment when he is +inspir'd with a Glass or two of _Claret_, but he passes for a Fool among +those of small Observation, who never saw him the better for Drink. And +here it will not be improper to observe, That the moderate Use of +Liquor, and a well plac'd and well regulated Anger, often produce this +same Effect; and some who cannot ordinarily talk but in broken Sentences +and false Grammar, do in the Heat of Passion express themselves with as +much Eloquence as Warmth. Hence it is that my own Sex are generally the +most eloquent, because the most passionate. "It has been said in the +Praise of some Men," (says an ingenious Author,) "that they could talk +whole Hours together upon any thing; but it must be owned to the Honour +of the other Sex, that there are many among them who can talk whole +Hours together upon Nothing. I have known a Woman branch out into a long +extempore Dissertation on the Edging of a Petticoat, and chide her +Servant for breaking a China Cup, in all the Figures of Rhetorick." + +But after all it must be consider'd, that no Pleasure can give +Satisfaction or prove advantageous to a _reasonable Mind_, which is not +attended with the _Restraints of Reason_. Enjoyment is not to be found +by Excess in any sensual Gratification; but on the contrary, the +immoderate Cravings of the Voluptuary, are always succeeded with +Loathing and a palled Apetite. What Pleasure can the Drunkard have in +the Reflection, that, while in his Cups, he retain'd only the Shape of a +Man, and acted the Part of a Beast; or that from reasonable Discourse a +few Minutes before, he descended to Impertinence and Nonsense? + +I cannot pretend to account for the different Effects of Liquor on +Persons of different Dispositions, who are guilty of Excess in the Use +of it. 'Tis strange to see Men of a regular Conversation become rakish +and profane when intoxicated with Drink, and yet more surprizing to +observe, that some who appear to be the most profligate Wretches when +sober, become mighty religious in their Cups, and will then, and at no +other Time address their Maker, but when they are destitute of Reason, +and actually affronting him. Some shrink in the Wetting, and others +swell to such an unusual Bulk in their Imaginations, that they can in an +Instant understand all Arts and Sciences, by the liberal Education of a +little vivyfying _Punch_, or a sufficient Quantity of other exhilerating +Liquor. + +And as the Effects of Liquor are various, so are the Characters given to +its Devourers. It argues some Shame in the Drunkards themselves, in that +they have invented numberless Words and Phrases to cover their Folly, +whose proper Significations are harmless, or have no Signification at +all. They are seldom known to be _drunk_, tho they are very often +_boozey_, _cogey_, _tipsey_, _fox'd_, _merry_, _mellow_, _fuddl'd_, +_groatable_, _Confoundedly cut_, _See two Moons_, are _Among the +Philistines_, _In a very good Humour_, _See the Sun_, or, _The Sun has +shone upon them_; they _Clip the King's English_, are _Almost froze_, +_Feavourish_, _In their Altitudes_, _Pretty well enter'd_, &c.[18] In +short, every Day produces some new Word or Phrase which might be added +to the Vocabulary of the _Tiplers_: But I have chose to mention these +few, because if at any Time a Man of Sobriety and Temperance happens to +_cut himself confoundedly_, or is _almoss froze_, or _feavourish_, or +accidentally _sees the Sun_, &c. he may escape the Imputation of being +_drunk_, when his Misfortune comes to be related. + + _I am_ SIR, + _Your Humble Servant,_ + SILENCE DOGOOD. + + + +EDITORIAL PREFACE TO THE NEW ENGLAND COURANT + +(_From Monday, February 4, to Monday, February 11, 1723_) + +The late Publisher of this Paper,[19] finding so many Inconveniences +would arise by his carrying the Manuscripts and publick News to be +supervis'd by the Secretary, as to render his carrying it on +unprofitable, has intirely dropt the Undertaking. The present Publisher +having receiv'd the following Piece, desires the Readers to accept of it +as a Preface to what they may hereafter meet with in this Paper. + + Non ego mordaci distrinxi Carmine quenquam + Nulla vonenato Litera onista Joco est. + +Long has the Press groaned in bringing forth an hateful, but numerous +Brood of Party Pamphlets, malicious Scribbles, and Billinsgate Ribaldry. +The Rancour and bitterness it has unhappily infused into Men's minds, +and to what a Degree it has sowred and leaven'd the Tempers of Persons +formerly esteemed some of the most sweet and affable, is too well known +here, to need any further Proof or Representation of the Matter. + +No generous and impartial Person then can blame the present Undertaking, +which is designed purely for the Diversion and Merriment of the Reader. +Pieces of Pleasancy and Mirth have a secret Charm in them to allay the +Heats and Tumours of our Spirits, and to make a Man forget his restless +Resentments. They have a strange Power to tune the harsh Disorders of +the Soul, and reduce us to a serene and placid State of Mind. + +The main Design of this Weekly Paper will be to entertain the Town with +the most comical and diverting Incidents of Humane Life, which in so +large a Place as _Boston_ will not fail of a universal Exemplification: +Nor shall we be wanting to fill up these Papers with a grateful +Interspersion of more serious Morals which may be drawn from the most +ludicrous and odd Parts of Life. + +As for the Author, that is the next Question. But tho' we profess +ourselves ready to oblige the ingenious and courteous Reader with most +Sorts of Intelligence, yet here we beg a Reserve. Nor will it be of any +Manner of Advantage either to them or to the Writers, that their names +should be published; and therefore in this Matter we desire the Favour +of you to suffer us to hold our Tongues: Which tho' at this Time of Day +it may sound like a very uncommon Request, yet it proceeds from the very +Hearts of your Humble Servants. + +By this Time the Reader perceives that more than one are engaged in the +present Undertaking. Yet is there one Person, an Inhabitant of this Town +of _Boston_, whom we honour as a Doctor in the Chair, or a perpetual +Dictator. + +The Society had design'd to present the Publick with his Effigies, but +that the Limner, to whom he was presented for a Draught of his +Countenance, descryed (and this he is ready to offer upon Oath) Nineteen +Features in his Face, more than ever he beheld in any Humane Visage +before; which so raised the Price of his Picture, that our Master +himself forbid the Extravagance of coming up to it. And then besides, +the Limner objected a Schism in his face, which splits it from his +Forehead in a strait Line down to his chin, in such sort, that Mr. +Painter protests it is a double Face, and he'll have _Four Pounds_ for +the Pourtraiture. However, tho' this double Face has spoilt us of a +pretty Picture, yet we all rejoiced to see old _Janus_ in our Company. + +There is no Man in _Boston_ better qualified than old _Janus_ for a +_Couranteer_, or if you please, an _Observator_, being a Man of such +remarkable _Opticks_, as to look two ways at once. + +As for his Morals, he is a chearly Christian, as the Country Phrase +expresses it. A Man of good Temper, courteous Deportment, sound +Judgment; a mortal Hater of Nonsense, Foppery, Formality, and endless +Ceremony. + +As for his club, they aim at no greater Happiness or Honour, than the +Publick be made to know, that it is the utmost of their Ambition to +attend upon and do all imaginable good Offices to good old _Janus_ the +Couranteer, who is and always will be the Readers humble Servant. + +P.S. Gentle Readers, we design never to let a Paper pass without a Latin +Motto if we can possibly pick one up, which carries a Charm in it to the +Vulgar, and the learned admire the pleasure of Construing. We should +have obliged the World with a Greek scrap or two, but the Printer has no +Types, and therefore we intreat the candid Reader not to impute the +defect to our Ignorance, for our Doctor can say all the _Greek_ Letters +by heart. + + + +A DISSERTATION ON LIBERTY AND NECESSITY, PLEASURE AND PAIN + +To Mr. J. R. + +[London, 1725] + +SIR, + +I have here, according to your Request, given you my _present_ Thoughts +of the _general State of Things_ in the Universe. Such as they are, you +have them, and are welcome to 'em; and if they yield you any Pleasure or +Satisfaction, I shall think my Trouble sufficiently compensated. I know +my Scheme will be liable to many Objections from a less discerning +Reader than your self; but it is not design'd for those who can't +understand it. I need not give you any Caution to distinguish the +hypothetical Parts of the Argument from the conclusive: You will easily +perceive what I design for Demonstration, and what for Probability only. +The whole I leave entirely to you, and shall value my self more or less +on this account, in proportion to your Esteem and Approbation. + + * * * * * + +Sect. I. _Of_ Liberty _and_ Necessity + +I. _There is said to be a_ First Mover, _who is called_ GOD, _Maker of +the Universe._ + +II. _He is said to be all-wise, all-good, all powerful._ + +These two Propositions being allow'd and asserted by People of almost +every Sect and Opinion; I have here suppos'd them granted, and laid them +down as the Foundation of my Argument; What follows then, being a Chain +of Consequences truly drawn from them, will stand or fall as they are +true or false. + +III. _If He is all-good, whatsoever He doth must be good._ + +IV. _If He is all-wise, whatsoever He doth must be wise._ + +The Truth of these Propositions, with relation to the two first, I think +may be justly call'd evident; since, either that infinite Goodness will +act what is ill, or infinite Wisdom what is, not wise, is too glaring a +Contradiction not to be perceiv'd by any Man of common Sense, and +deny'd as soon as understood. + +V. _If He is all-powerful, there can be nothing either existing or +acting in the Universe_ against _or_ without _his Consent, and what He +consents to must be good, because He is good, therefore_ Evil _doth not +exist._ + +_Unde Malum?_ has been long a Question, and many of the Learned have +perplex'd themselves and Readers to little Purpose in Answer to it. That +there are both Things and Actions to which we give the Name of _Evil_, +is not here deny'd, as _Pain_, _Sickness_, _Want_, _Theft_, _Murder_, +&c. but that these and the like are not in reality _Evils_, _Ills_, or +_Defects_ in the Order of the Universe, is demonstrated in the next +Section, as well as by this and the following Proposition. Indeed, to +suppose any Thing to exist or be done, _contrary_ to the Will of the +Almighty, is to suppose him not almighty; or that Something (the Cause +of _Evil_) is more mighty than the Almighty; an Inconsistence that I +think no One will defend: And to deny any Thing or Action, which he +consents to the existence of, to be good, is entirely to destroy his two +Attributes of _Wisdom_ and _Goodness_. + +_There is nothing done in the Universe_, say the Philosophers, _but what +God either does, or_ permits _to be done_. This, as He is Almighty, is +certainly true: But what need of this Distinction between _doing_ and +_permitting_? Why, first they take it for granted that many Things in +the Universe exist in such a Manner as is not for the best, and that +many Actions are done which ought not to be done, or would be better +undone; these Things or Actions they cannot ascribe to God as His, +because they have already attributed to Him infinite Wisdom and +Goodness; Here then is the Use of the Word _Permit_; He _permits_ them +to be done, _say they_. But we will reason thus: If God permits an +Action to be done, it is because he wants either _Power_ or +_Inclination_ to hinder it; in saying he wants _Power_, we deny Him to +be _almighty_; and if we say He wants _Inclination_ or _Will_, it must +be, either because He is not Good, or the Action is not _evil_, (for all +Evil is contrary to the Essence of _Infinite Goodness_.) The former is +inconsistent with his before-given Attribute of Goodness, therefore the +latter must be true. + +It will be said, perhaps, that _God permits evil Actions to be done, +for_ wise _Ends and Purposes_. But this Objection destroys itself; for +whatever an infinitely good God hath wise Ends in suffering to _be_, +must be good, is thereby made good, and cannot be otherwise. + +VI. _If a Creature is made by God, it must depend upon God, and receive +all its Power from Him, with which Power the Creature can do nothing +contrary to the Will of God, because God is Almighty; what is not +contrary to His Will, must be agreeable to it; what is agreeable to it, +must be good, because He is Good; therefore a Creature can do nothing +but what is good._ + +This Proposition is much to the same Purpose with the former, but more +particular; and its Conclusion is as just and evident. Tho' a Creature +may do many Actions which by his Fellow Creatures will be nam'd _Evil_, +and which will naturally and necessarily cause or bring upon the Doer, +certain _Pains_ (which will likewise be call'd _Punishments_;) yet this +Proposition proves, that he cannot act what will be in itself really +Ill, or displeasing to God. And that the painful Consequences of his +evil Actions (_so call'd_) are not, as indeed they ought not to be, +_Punishments_ or Unhappinesses, will be shewn hereafter. + +Nevertheless, the late learned Author of _The Religion of Nature_, +(which I send you herewith) has given us a Rule or Scheme, whereby to +discover which of our Actions ought to be esteem'd and denominated +_good_, and which _evil_; It is in short this, "Every Action which is +done according to _Truth_, is good; and every Action contrary to Truth, +is evil: To act according to Truth is to use and esteem every Thing as +what it is, &c. Thus if _A_ steals a Horse from _B_, and rides away upon +him, he uses him not as what he is in Truth, _viz._ the Property of +another, but as his own, which is contrary to Truth, and therefore +_evil_." But, as this Gentleman himself says, (Sect. I. Prop. VI.) "In +order to judge rightly what any Thing is, it must be consider'd, not +only what it is in one Respect, but also what it may be in any other +Respect; and the whole Description of the Thing ought to be taken in: So +in this Case it ought to be consider'd, that _A_ is naturally a +_covetous_ Being, feeling an Uneasiness in the want of _B's_ Horse, +which produces an Inclination for stealing him, stronger than his Fear +of Punishment for so doing. This is _Truth_ likewise, and _A_ acts +according to it when he steals the Horse. Besides, if it is prov'd to be +a _Truth_, that _A_ has not Power over his own Actions, it will be +indisputable that he acts according to Truth, and impossible he should +do otherwise. + +I would not be understood by this to encourage or defend Theft; 'tis +only for the sake of the Argument, and will certainly have no _ill +Effect_. The Order and Course of Things will not be affected by +Reasoning of this Kind; and 'tis as just and necessary, and as much +according to Truth, for _B_ to dislike and punish the Theft of his +Horse, as it is for _A_ to steal him. + +VII. _If the Creature is thus limited in his Actions, being able to do +only such Things as God would have him to do, and not being able to +refuse doing what God would have done; then he can have no such Thing as +Liberty, Free-will or Power to do or refrain an Action._ + +By _Liberty_ is sometimes understood the Absence of Opposition; and in +this Sense, indeed, all our Actions may be said to be the Effects of our +Liberty: But it is a Liberty of the same Nature with the Fall of a heavy +Body to the Ground; it has Liberty to fall, that is, it meets with +nothing to hinder its Fall, but at the same Time it is necessitated to +fall, and has no Power or Liberty to remain suspended. + +But let us take the Argument in another View, and suppose ourselves to +be, in the common sense of the Word, _Free Agents_. As Man is a Part of +this great Machine, the Universe, his regular Acting is requisite to the +regular moving of the whole. Among the many Things which lie before him +to be done, he may, as he is at Liberty and his Choice influenc'd by +nothing, (for so it must be, or he is not at Liberty) chuse any one, and +refuse the rest. Now there is every Moment something _best_ to be done, +which is alone then _good_, and with respect to which, every Thing else +is at that Time _evil_. In order to know which is best to be done, and +which not, it is requisite that we should have at one View all the +intricate Consequences of every Action with respect to the general Order +and Scheme of the Universe, both present and future; but they are +innumerable and incomprehensible by any Thing but Omniscience. As we +cannot know these, we have but as one Chance to ten thousand, to hit on +the right Action; we should then be perpetually blundering about in the +Dark, and putting the Scheme in Disorder; for every wrong Action of a +Part, is a Defect or Blemish in the Order of the Whole. Is it not +necessary then, that our Actions should be over-rul'd and govern'd by an +all-wise Providence?--How exact and regular is every Thing in the +_natural_ World! How wisely in every Part contriv'd! We cannot here find +the least Defect! Those who have study'd the mere animal and vegetable +Creation, demonstrate that nothing can be more harmonious and beautiful! +All the heavenly Bodies, the Stars and Planets, are regulated with the +utmost Wisdom! And can we suppose less Care to be taken in the Order of +the _moral_ than in the _natural_ System? It is as if an ingenious +Artificer, having fram'd a curious Machine or Clock, and put its many +intricate Wheels and Powers in such a Dependance on one another, that +the whole might move in the most exact Order and Regularity, had +nevertheless plac'd in it several other Wheels endu'd with an +independent _Self-Motion_, but ignorant of the general Interest of the +Clock; and these would every now and then be moving wrong, disordering +the true Movement, and making continual Work for the Mender: which might +better be prevented, by depriving them of that Power of Self-Motion, and +placing them in a Dependance on the regular Part of the Clock. + +VIII. _If there is no such Thing as Free-Will in Creatures, there can be +neither Merit nor Demerit in Creatures._ + +IX. _And therefore every Creature must be equally esteem'd by the +Creator._ + +These Propositions appear to be the necessary Consequences of the +former. And certainly no Reason can be given, why the Creator should +prefer in his Esteem one Part of His Works to another, if with equal +Wisdom and Goodness he design'd and created them all, since all Ill or +Defect, as contrary to his Nature, is excluded by his Power. We will sum +up the Argument thus, When the Creator first design'd the Universe, +either it was His Will and Intention that all Things should exist and +be in the Manner they are at this Time; or it was his Will they should +_be_ otherwise, _i.e._ in a different Manner: To say it was His Will +Things should be otherwise than they are, is to say Somewhat hath +contradicted His Will, and broken His Measures, which is impossible +because inconsistent with his Power; therefore we must allow that all +Things exist now in a Manner agreeable to His Will, and in consequence +of that are all equally Good, and therefore equally esteem'd by Him. + +I proceed now to shew, that as all the Works of the Creator are equally +esteem'd by Him, so they are, as in Justice they ought to be, equally +us'd. + + * * * * * + +Sect. II. _Of_ Pleasure _and_ Pain. + +I. _When a Creature is form'd and endu'd with Life, 'tis suppos'd to +receive a Capacity of the Sensation of_ Uneasiness _or_ Pain. + +It is this distinguishes Life and Consciousness from unactive +unconscious Matter. To know or be sensible of Suffering or being acted +upon is _to live_; and whatsoever is not so, among created Things, is +properly and truly _dead_. + +All _Pain_ and _Uneasiness_ proceeds at first from and is caus'd by +Somewhat without and distinct from the Mind itself. The Soul must first +be acted upon before it can re-act. In the Beginning of Infancy it is as +if it were not; it is not conscious of its own Existence, till it has +receiv'd the first Sensation of _Pain_; then, and not before, it begins +to feel itself, is rous'd, and put into Action; then it discovers its +Powers and Faculties, and exerts them to expel the Uneasiness. Thus is +the Machine set on work; this is Life. We are first mov'd by _Pain_, and +the whole succeeding Course of our Lives is but one continu'd Series of +Action with a View to be freed from it. As fast as we have excluded one +Uneasiness another appears, otherwise the Motion would cease. If a +continual Weight is not apply'd, the Clock will stop. And as soon as the +Avenues of Uneasiness to the Soul are choak'd up or cut off, we are +dead, we think and act no more. + +II. _This Uneasiness, whenever felt, produces_ Desire _to be freed from +it, great in exact proportion to the Uneasiness._ + +Thus is _Uneasiness_ the first Spring and Cause of all Action; for till +we are uneasy in Rest, we can have no Desire to move, and without Desire +of moving there can be no voluntary Motion. The Experience of every Man +who has observ'd his own Actions will evince the Truth of this; and I +think nothing need be said to prove that the _Desire_ will be equal to +the _Uneasiness_, for the very Thing implies as much: It is not +_Uneasiness_ unless we desire to be freed from it, nor a great +_Uneasiness_ unless the consequent Desire is great. + +I might here observe, how necessary a Thing in the Order and Design of +the Universe this _Pain_ or _Uneasiness_ is, and how beautiful in its +Place! Let us but suppose it just now banish'd the World entirely, and +consider the Consequence of it: All the Animal Creation would +immediately stand stock still, exactly in the Posture they were in the +Moment Uneasiness departed; not a Limb, not a Finger would henceforth +move; we should all be reduc'd to the Condition of Statues, dull and +unactive: Here I should continue to sit motionless with the Pen in my +Hand thus------and neither leave my Seat nor write one Letter more. This +may appear odd at first View, but a little Consideration will make it +evident; for 'tis impossible to assign any other Cause for the voluntary +Motion of an Animal than its _uneasiness_ in Rest. What a different +Appearance then would the Face of Nature make, without it! How necessary +is it! And how unlikely that the Inhabitants of the World ever were, or +that the Creator ever design'd they should be, exempt from it! + +I would likewise observe here, that the VIIIth Proposition in the +preceding Section, viz. _That there is neither Merit nor Demerit_, &c. +is here again demonstrated, as infallibly, tho' in another manner: For +since _Freedom from Uneasiness_ is the End of all our Actions, how is it +possible for us to do any Thing disinterested?--How can any Action be +meritorious of Praise or Dispraise, Reward or Punishment, when the +natural Principle of _Self-Love_ is the only and the irresistible Motive +to it? + +III. _This_ Desire _is always fulfill'd or satisfy'd_, + +In the _Design_ or _End_ of it, tho' not in the _Manner_: The first is +requisite, the latter not. To exemplify this, let us make a Supposition; +A Person is confin'd in a House which appears to be in imminent Danger +of Falling, this, as soon as perceiv'd, creates a violent _Uneasiness_, +and that instantly produces an equal strong _Desire_, the _End_ of which +is _freedom from the Uneasiness_, and the _Manner_ or Way propos'd to +gain this _End_, is _to get out of the House_. Now if he is convinc'd by +any Means, that he is mistaken, and the House is not likely to fall, he +is immediately freed from his _Uneasiness_, and the _End_ of his Desire +is attain'd as well as if it had been in the _Manner_ desir'd, viz. +_leaving the House_. + +All our different Desires and Passions proceed from and are reducible to +this one Point, _Uneasiness_, tho' the Means we propose to ourselves for +expelling of it are infinite. One proposes _Fame_, another _Wealth_, a +third _Power_, &c. as the Means to gain this _End_; but tho' these are +never attain'd, if the Uneasiness be remov'd by some other Means, the +_Desire_ is satisfy'd. Now during the Course of Life we are ourselves +continually removing successive Uneasinesses as they arise, and the +_last_ we suffer is remov'd by the _sweet Sleep_ of Death. + +IV. _The fulfilling or Satisfaction of this_ Desire, _produces the +Sensation of_ Pleasure, _great or small in exact proportion to the_ +Desire. + +_Pleasure_ is that Satisfaction which arises in the Mind upon, and is +caus'd by, the accomplishment of our _Desires_, and by no other Means at +all; and those Desires being above shewn to be caus'd by our _Pains_ or +_Uneasinesses_, it follows that _Pleasure_ is wholly caus'd by _Pain_, +and by no other Thing at all. + +V. _Therefore the Sensation of_ Pleasure _is equal, or in exact +proportion to the Sensation of_ Pain. + +As the _Desire_ of being freed from Uneasiness is equal to the +_Uneasiness_, and the _Pleasure_ of satisfying that Desire equal to the +_Desire_, the _Pleasure_ thereby produc'd must necessarily be equal to +the _Uneasiness_ or _Pain_ which produces it: of three Lines, _A_, _B_, +and _C_, if _A_ is equal to _B_, and _B_ to _C_, _C_ must be equal to +_A_. And as our _Uneasinesses_ are always remov'd by some Means or +other, it follows that _Pleasure_ and _Pain_ are in their Nature +inseparable: So many Degrees as one Scale of the Ballance descends, so +many exactly the other ascends; and one cannot rise or fall without the +Fall or Rise of the other: 'Tis impossible to taste of _Pleasure_, +without feeling its preceding proportionate _Pain_; or to be sensible of +_Pain_, without having its necessary Consequent _Pleasure_: The _highest +Pleasure_ is only Consciousness of Freedom from the _deepest Pain_, and +Pain is not Pain to us unless we ourselves are sensible of it. They go +Hand in Hand; they cannot be divided. + +You have a View of the whole Argument in a few familiar Examples: The +_Pain_ of Abstinence from Food, as it is greater or less, produces a +greater or less _Desire_ of Eating, the Accomplishment of this _Desire_ +produces a greater or less _Pleasure_ proportionate to it. The _Pain_ of +Confinement causes the _Desire_ of Liberty, which accomplish'd, yields a +_Pleasure_ equal to that _Pain_ of Confinement. The _Pain_ of Labour and +Fatigue causes the _Pleasure_ of Rest, equal to that _Pain_. The _Pain_ +of Absence from Friends, produces the _Pleasure_ of Meeting in exact +proportion. _&c._ + +This is the _fixt Nature_ of Pleasure and Pain, and will always be found +to be so by those who examine it. + +One of the most common Arguments for the future Existence of the Soul, +is taken from the generally suppos'd Inequality of Pain and Pleasure in +the present; and this, notwithstanding the Difficulty by outward +Appearances to make a Judgment of another's Happiness, has been look'd +upon as almost unanswerable: but since _Pain_ naturally and infallibly +produces a _Pleasure_ in proportion to it, every individual Creature +must, in any State of _Life_, have an equal Quantity of each, so that +there is not, on that Account, any Occasion for a future Adjustment. + +Thus are all the Works of the Creator _equally_ us'd by him; And no +Condition of Life or Being is in itself better or preferable to another: +The Monarch is not more happy than the Slave, nor the Beggar more +miserable than _Crœsus_. Suppose _A_, _B_, and _C_, three distinct +Beings; _A_ and _B_, animate, capable of _Pleasure_ and _Pain_, _C_ an +inanimate Piece of Matter, insensible of either. _A_ receives ten +Degrees of _Pain_, which are necessarily succeeded by ten Degrees of +_Pleasure_: _B_ receives fifteen of _Pain_, and the consequent equal +Number of _Pleasure_: _C_ all the while lies unconcern'd, and as he has +not suffer'd the former, has no right to the latter. What can be more +equal and just than this? When the Accounts come to be adjusted, _A_ has +no Reason to complain that his Portion of _Pleasure_ was five Degrees +less than that of _B_, for his Portion of _Pain_ was five Degrees less +likewise: Nor has _B_ any Reason to boast that his _Pleasure_ was five +Degrees greater than that of _A_, for his _Pain_ was proportionate: They +are then both on the same Foot with _C_, that is, they are neither +Gainers nor Losers. + +It will possibly be objected here, that even common Experience shews us, +there is not in Fact this Equality: "Some we see hearty, brisk and +chearful perpetually, while others are constantly burden'd with a heavy +Load of Maladies and Misfortunes, remaining for Years perhaps in +Poverty, Disgrace, or Pain, and die at last without any Appearance of +Recompence." Now tho' 'tis not necessary, when a Proposition is +demonstrated to be a general Truth, to shew in what manner it agrees +with the particular Circumstances of Persons, and indeed ought not to be +requir'd; yet, as this is a common Objection, some Notice may be taken +of it: And here let it be observ'd, that we cannot be proper Judges of +the good or bad Fortune of Others; we are apt to imagine, that what +would give us a great Uneasiness or a great Satisfaction, has the same +Effect upon others: we think, for Instance, those unhappy, who must +depend upon Charity for a mean Subsistence, who go in Rags, fare hardly, +and are despis'd and scorn'd by all; not considering that Custom renders +all these Things easy, familiar, and even pleasant. When we see Riches, +Grandeur and a chearful Countenance, we easily imagine Happiness +accompanies them, when oftentimes 'tis quite otherwise: Nor is a +constantly sorrowful Look, attended with continual Complaints, an +infallible Indication of Unhappiness. In short, we can judge by nothing +but Appearances, and they are very apt to deceive us. Some put on a gay +chearful Outside, and appear to the World perfectly at Ease, tho' even +then, some inward Sting, some secret Pain imbitters all their Joys, and +makes the Ballance even: Others appear continually dejected and full of +Sorrow; but even Grief itself is sometimes _pleasant_, and Tears are not +always without their Sweetness: Besides, Some take a Satisfaction in +being thought unhappy, (as others take a Pride in being thought humble,) +these will paint their Misfortunes to others in the strongest Colours, +and leave no Means unus'd to make you think them throughly miserable; so +great a Pleasure it is to them _to be pitied_. Others retain the Form +and outside Shew of Sorrow, long after the Thing itself, with its Cause, +is remov'd from the Mind; it is a Habit they have acquir'd and cannot +leave. These, with many others that might be given, are Reasons why we +cannot make a true Estimate of the _Equality_ of the Happiness and +Unhappiness of others; and unless we could, Matter of Fact cannot be +opposed to this Hypothesis. Indeed, we are sometimes apt to think, that +the Uneasinesses we ourselves have had, outweigh our Pleasures; but the +Reason is this, the Mind takes no Account of the latter, they flip away +un-remark'd, when the former leave more lasting Impressions on the +Memory. But suppose we pass the greatest part of Life in Pain and +Sorrow, suppose we die by Torments and _think no more_, 'tis no +Diminution to the Truth of what is here advanc'd; for the _Pain_, tho' +exquisite, is not so to the _last_ Moments of Life, the Senses are soon +benumm'd, and render'd incapable of transmitting it so sharply to the +Soul as at first; She perceives it cannot hold long, and 'tis an +_exquisite Pleasure_ to behold the immediate Approaches of Rest. This +makes an Equivalent tho' Annihilation should follow: For the Quantity of +_Pleasure_ and _Pain_ is not to be measur'd by its Duration, any more +than the Quantity of Matter by its Extension; and as one cubic Inch may +be made to contain, by Condensation, as much Matter as would fill ten +thousand cubic Feet, being more expanded, so one single Moment of +_Pleasure_ may outweigh and compensate an Age of _Pain_. + +It was owing to their Ignorance of the Nature of Pleasure and Pain that +the Antient Heathens believ'd the idle Fable of their _Elizium_, that +State of uninterrupted Ease and Happiness! The Thing is intirely +impossible in Nature! Are not the Pleasures of the Spring made such by +the Disagreeableness of the Winter? Is not the Pleasure of fair Weather +owing to the Unpleasantness of foul? Certainly. Were it then always +Spring, were the Fields always green and nourishing, and the Weather +constantly serene and fair, the Pleasure would pall and die upon our +Hands; it would cease to be Pleasure to us, when it is not usher'd in by +Uneasiness. Could the Philosopher visit, in reality, every Star and +Planet with as much Ease and Swiftness as he can now visit their Ideas, +and pass from one to another of them in the Imagination; it would be a +_Pleasure_ I grant; but it would be only in proportion to the _Desire_ +of accomplishing it, and that would be no greater than the _Uneasiness_ +suffer'd in the Want of it. The Accomplishment of a long and difficult +Journey yields a great _Pleasure_; but if we could take a Trip to the +Moon and back again, as frequently and with as much Ease as we can go +and come from Market, the Satisfaction would be just the same. + +The _Immateriality_ of the Soul has been frequently made use of as an +Argument for its _Immortality_; but let us consider, that tho' it should +be allow'd to be immaterial, and consequently its Parts incapable of +Separation or Destruction by any Thing material, yet by Experience we +find, that it is not incapable of Cessation of _Thought_, which is its +Action. When the Body is but a little indispos'd it has an evident +Effect upon the Mind; and a right Disposition of the Organs is requisite +to a right Manner of Thinking. In a sound Sleep sometimes, or in a +Swoon, we cease to think at all; tho' the Soul is not therefore then +annihilated, but _exists_ all the while tho' it does not _act_; and may +not this probably be the Case after Death? All our Ideas are first +admitted by the Senses and imprinted on the Brain, increasing in Number +by Observation and Experience; there they become the Subjects of the +Soul's Action. The Soul is a mere Power or Faculty of _contemplating_ +on, and _comparing_ those Ideas when it has them; hence springs Reason: +But as it can _think_ on nothing but Ideas, it must have them before it +can _think_ at all. Therefore as it may exist before it has receiv'd any +Ideas, it may exist before it _thinks_. To remember a Thing, is to have +the Idea of it still plainly imprinted on the Brain, which the Soul can +turn to and contemplate on Occasion. To forget a Thing, is to have the +Idea of it defac'd and destroy'd by some Accident, or the crouding in +and imprinting of great variety of other Ideas upon it, so that the Soul +cannot find out its Traces and distinguish it. When we have thus lost +the Idea of any one Thing, we can _think_ no more, or _cease to think_, +on that Thing; and as we can lose the Idea of one Thing, so we may of +ten, twenty, a hundred, &c. and even of all Things, because they are not +in their Nature permanent; and often during Life we see that some Men, +(by an Accident or Distemper affecting the Brain,) lose the greatest +Part of their Ideas, and remember very little of their past Actions and +Circumstances. Now upon _Death_, and the Destruction of the Body, the +Ideas contain'd in the Brain, (which are alone the Subjects of the +Soul's Action) being then likewise necessarily destroy'd, the Soul, tho' +incapable of Destruction itself, must then necessarily _cease to think_ +or _act_, having nothing left to think or act upon. It is reduc'd to its +first unconscious State before it receiv'd any Ideas. And to cease to +_think_ is but little different from _ceasing to be_. + +Nevertheless, 'tis not impossible that this same _Faculty_ of +contemplating Ideas may be hereafter united to a new Body, and receive a +new Set of Ideas; but that will no way concern us who are now living; +for the Identity will be lost, it is no longer that same _Self_ but a +new Being. + +I shall here subjoin a short Recapitulation of the Whole, that it may +with all its Parts be comprehended at one View. + +1. _It is suppos'd that God the Maker and Governour of the Universe, is +infinitely wise, good, and powerful._ + +2. _In consequence of His Infinite Wisdom and Goodness, it is asserted, +that whatever He doth must be infinitely wise and good;_ + +3. _Unless He be interrupted, and His Measures broken by some other +Being, which is impossible because He is Almighty._ + +4. _In consequence of His infinite Power, it is asserted, that nothing +can exist or be done in the Universe which is not agreeable to His Will, +and therefore good._ + +5. _Evil is hereby excluded, with all Merit and Demerit; and likewise +all preference in the Esteem of God, of one Part of the Creation to +another._ This is the Summary of the first Part. + +Now our common Notions of Justice will tell us, that if all created +Things are equally esteem'd by the Creator, they ought to be equally +us'd by Him; and that they are therefore equally us'd, we might embrace +for Truth upon the Credit, and as the true Consequence of the foregoing +Argument. Nevertheless we proceed to confirm it, by shewing _how_ they +are equally us'd, and that in the following Manner. + +1. _A Creature when endu'd with Life or Consciousness, is made capable +of Uneasiness or Pain._ + +2. _This Pain produces Desire to be freed from it, in exact proportion +to itself._ + +3. _The Accomplishment of this Desire produces an equal Pleasure._ + +4. _Pleasure is consequently equal to Pain._ + +From these Propositions it is observ'd, + +1. _That every Creature hath as much Pleasure as Pain._ + +2. _That Life is not preferable to Insensibility; for Pleasure and Pain +destroy one another: That Being which has ten Degrees of Pain subtracted +from ten of Pleasure, has nothing remaining, and is upon an equality +with that Being which is insensible of both._ + +3. _As the first Part proves that all Things must be equally us'd by the +Creator because equally esteem'd; so this second Part demonstrates that +they are equally esteem'd because equally us'd._ + +4. _Since every Action is the Effect of Self-Uneasiness, the Distinction +of Virtue and Vice is excluded; and_ Prop. VIII. _in_ Sect. I. _again +demonstrated._ + +5. _No State of Life can be happier than the present, because Pleasure +and Pain are inseparable._ + +Thus both Parts of this Argument agree with and confirm one another, and +the Demonstration is reciprocal. + +I am sensible that the Doctrine here advanc'd, if it were to be +publish'd, would meet with but an indifferent Reception. Mankind +naturally and generally love to be flatter'd: Whatever sooths our Pride, +and tends to exalt our Species above the rest of the Creation, we are +pleas'd with and easily believe, when ungrateful Truths shall be with +the utmost Indignation rejected. "What! bring ourselves down to an +Equality with the Beasts of the Field! with the _meanest_ part of the +Creation! 'Tis insufferable!" But, (to use a Piece of _common_ Sense) +our _Geese_ are but _Geese_ tho' we may think 'em _Swans_, and Truth +will be Truth tho' it sometimes prove mortifying and distasteful. + + + +RULES FOR A CLUB ESTABLISHED FOR MUTUAL IMPROVEMENT[20] + +[1728] + +Previous Question, To Be Answered At Every Meeting + +Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what +you might have to offer the Junto touching any one of them? viz. + +1. Have you met with any thing in the author you last read, remarkable, +or suitable to be communicated to the Junto? particularly in history, +morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or other parts of +knowledge. + +2. What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling in +conversation? + +3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately, and +what have you heard of the cause? + +4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what +means? + +5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, +got his estate? + +6. Do you know of a fellow citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, +deserving praise and imitation; or who has lately committed an error, +proper for us to be warned against and avoid? + +7. What unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or +heard; of imprudence, of passion, or of any other vice or folly? + +8. What happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation, or of +any other virtue? + +9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or wounded? If +so, what remedies were used, and what were their effects? + +10. Whom do you know that are shortly going voyages or journeys, if one +should have occasion to send by them? + +11. Do you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto may be +serviceable to _mankind_, to their country, to their friends, or to +themselves? + +12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting, that +you have heard of? And what have you heard or observed of his character +or merits? And whether, think you, it lies in the power of the Junto to +oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves? + +13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom it +lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage? + +14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your _country_, +of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment? Or +do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? + +15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of +the people? + +16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately? And what can the +Junto do towards securing it? + +17. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto, or +any of them, can procure for you? + +18. Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and how have +you defended it? + +19. Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of the Junto +to procure redress? + +20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you in any of +your honourable designs? + +21. Have you any weighty affair on hand, in which you think the advice +of the Junto may be of service? + +22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not present? + +23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice, and +injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time? + +24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings of +the Junto, which might be amended? + + -- -- -- -- -- + +Any person to be qualified [as a member of the Junto], to stand up, and +lay his hand upon his breast, and be asked these questions, viz. + +1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present members? _Answer._ +I have not. + +2. Do you sincerely declare, that you love mankind in general, of what +profession or religion soever? _Answer._ I do. + +3. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name, or +goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship? +_Answer._ No. + +4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavour +impartially to find and receive it yourself, and communicate it to +others? _Answer._ Yes. + + + +ARTICLES OF BELIEF AND ACTS OF RELIGION + +IN TWO PARTS[21] + + Here will I hold. If there is a Pow'r above us, + (And that there is, all Nature cries aloud, + Thro' all her Works) He must delight in Virtue; + And that which he delights in must be Happy. + --CATO. + +PART I + +Philad^a, NOV. 20: 1728 + +FIRST PRINCIPLES + +I believe there is one supreme, most perfect Being, Author and Father of +the Gods themselves. For I believe that Man is not the most perfect +Being but one, rather that as there are many Degrees of Beings his +Inferiors, so there are many Degrees of Beings superior to him. + +Also, when I stretch my Imagination thro' and beyond our System of +Planets, beyond the visible fix'd Stars themselves, into that Space that +is every Way infinite, and conceive it fill'd with Suns like ours, each +with a Chorus of Worlds forever moving round him, then this little Ball +on which we move, seems, even in my narrow Imagination, to be almost +Nothing, and myself less than nothing, and of no sort of Consequence. + +When I think thus, I imagine it great Vanity in me to suppose, that the +_Supremely Perfect_ does in the least regard such an inconsiderable +Nothing as Man. More especially, since it is impossible for me to have +any positive clear idea of that which is infinite and incomprehensible, +I cannot conceive otherwise than that he _the Infinite Father_ expects +or requires no Worship or Praise from us, but that he is even infinitely +above it. + +But, since there is in all Men something like a natural principle, which +inclines them to DEVOTION, or the Worship of some unseen Power; + +And since Men are endued with Reason superior to all other Animals, that +we are in our World acquainted with; + +Therefore I think it seems required of me, and my Duty as a Man, to pay +Divine Regards to SOMETHING. + +I conceive then, that the INFINITE has created many beings or Gods, +vastly superior to Man, who can better conceive his Perfections than we, +and return him a more rational and glorious Praise. + +As, among Men, the Praise of the Ignorant or of Children is not regarded +by the ingenious Painter or Architect, who is rather honour'd and +pleas'd with the approbation of Wise Men & Artists. + +It may be that these created Gods are immortal; or it may be that after +many Ages, they are changed, and others Supply their Places. + +Howbeit, I conceive that each of these is exceeding wise and good, and +very powerful; and that Each has made for himself one glorious Sun, +attended with a beautiful and admirable System of Planets. + +It is that particular Wise and good God, who is the author and owner of +our System, that I propose for the object of my praise and adoration. + +For I conceive that he has in himself some of those Passions he has +planted in us, and that, since he has given us Reason whereby we are +capable of observing his Wisdom in the Creation, he is not above caring +for us, being pleas'd with our Praise, and offended when we slight Him, +or neglect his Glory. + +I conceive for many Reasons, that he is a _good Being_; and as I should +be happy to have so wise, good, and powerful a Being my Friend, let me +consider in what manner I shall make myself most acceptable to him. + +Next to the Praise resulting from and due to his Wisdom, I believe he is +pleas'd and delights in the Happiness of those he has created; and since +without Virtue Man can have no Happiness in this World, I firmly believe +he delights to see me Virtuous, because he is pleased when he sees Me +Happy. + +And since he has created many Things, which seem purely design'd for the +Delight of Man, I believe he is not offended, when he sees his Children +solace themselves in any manner of pleasant exercises and Innocent +Delights; and I think no Pleasure innocent, that is to Man hurtful. + +I _love_ him therefore for his Goodness, and I _adore_ him for his +Wisdom. + +Let me then not fail to praise my God continually, for it is his Due, +and it is all I can return for his many Favours and great Goodness to +me; and let me resolve to be virtuous, that I may be happy, that I may +please Him, who is delighted to see me happy. Amen! + + +ADORATION + +PREL. Being mindful that before I address the Deity, my soul ought to be +calm and serene, free from Passion and Perturbation, or otherwise +elevated with Rational Joy and Pleasure, I ought to use a Countenance +that expresses a filial Respect, mixed w^th a kind of Smiling, that +Signifies inward Joy, and Satisfaction, and Admiration. + +O wise God, my good Father! + +Thou beholdest the sincerity of my Heart and of my Devotion; Grant me a +Continuance of thy Favour! + +1. O Creator, O Father! I believe that thou art Good, and that thou art +_pleas'd with the pleasure_ of thy children.--Praised be thy name for +Ever! + +2. By thy Power hast thou made the glorious Sun, with his attending +Worlds; from the energy of thy mighty Will, they first received [their +prodigious] motion, and by thy Wisdom hast thou prescribed the wondrous +Laws, by which they move.--Praised be thy name for Ever! + +3. By thy Wisdom hast thou formed all Things. Thou hast created Man, +bestowing Life and Reason, and placed him in Dignity superior to thy +other earthly Creatures.--Praised be thy name for Ever! + +4. Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy Goodness are everywhere clearly seen; +in the air and in the water, in the Heaven and on the Earth; Thou +providest for the various winged Fowl, and the innumerable Inhabitants +of the Water; thou givest Cold and Heat, Rain and Sunshine, in their +Season, & to the Fruits of the Earth Increase.--Praised be thy name for +Ever! + +5. Thou abhorrest in thy Creatures Treachery and Deceit, Malice, +Revenge, [_Intemperance_,] and every other hurtful Vice; but Thou art a +Lover of Justice and Sincerity, of Friendship and Benevolence, and every +Virtue. Thou art my Friend, my Father, and my Benefactor.--Praised be +thy name, O God, for Ever! Amen! + +[After this, it will not be improper to read part of some such Book as +Ray's _Wisdom of God in the Creation_, or _Blackmore on the Creation_, +or the Archbishop of Cambray's _Demonstration of the Being of a God_, +&c., or else spend some Minutes in a serious Silence, contemplating on +those Subjects.] + +Then sing + +MILTON'S HYMN TO THE CREATOR + + "These are thy Glorious Works, Parent of Good! + Almighty, Thine this Universal Frame, + Thus wondrous fair! Thyself how wondrous then! + Speak ye who best can tell, Ye Sons of Light, + Angels, for ye behold him, and with Songs + And Choral Symphonies, Day without Night, + Circle his Throne rejoicing you in Heav'n, + On Earth join all ye creatures to extol + Him first, him last, him midst, and without End. + "Fairest of Stars, last in the Train of Night, + If rather Thou belongst not to the Dawn, + Sure Pledge of Day! thou crown'st the smiling Morn + With thy bright Circlet, Praise him in thy Sphere + While Day arises, that sweet Hour of Prime. + Thou Sun, of this great World, both Eye and Soul, + Acknowledge him thy greater; Sound his Praise + In thy eternal Course; both when thou climb'st, + And when high Noon hast gain'd, and when thou fall'st. + Moon! that now meet'st the orient sun, now fly'st, + With the fixed Stars, fixed in their orb that flies, + And ye five other wandering Fires, that move + In mystic Dance not without Song; resound + His Praise, that out of Darkness called up Light. + Air! and ye Elements! the eldest Birth + Of Nature's womb, that in Quaternion run + Perpetual Circle, multiform, and mix + And nourish all things, let your ceaseless Change + Vary to our great Maker still new Praise. + Ye mists and Exhalations, that now rise + From Hill or steaming lake, dusky or grey, + Till the Sun paint your fleecy skirts with Gold, + In honour to the World's Great Author rise; + Whether to deck with Clouds the uncolor'd sky, + Or wet the thirsty Earth w^th falling show'rs, + Rising or falling still advance his Praise. + His Praise, ye Winds! that from 4 quarters blow, + Breathe soft or Loud; and wave your Tops, ye Pines! + With every Plant, in sign of worship wave. + Fountains! and ye that warble, as ye flow + Melodious Murmurs, warbling tune his Praise. + Join voices all ye living souls, ye Birds! + That singing, up to Heaven's high gate ascend, + Bear on your wings, & in your Note his Praise; + Ye that in Waters glide! and ye that walk + The Earth! and stately tread or lowly creep; + Witness _if I be silent_, Ev'n or Morn, + To Hill, or Valley, Fountain, or Fresh Shade, + Made Vocal by my Song, and taught his Praise." + +[Here follows the Reading of some Book, or part of a Book, Discoursing +on and exciting to Moral Virtue.] + + +PETITION + +Inasmuch as by Reason of our Ignorance We cannot be certain that many +Things, which we often hear mentioned in the Petitions of Men to the +Deity, would prove real Goods, if they were in our Possession, and as I +have reason to hope and believe that the Goodness of my Heavenly Father +will not withold from me a suitable share of Temporal Blessings, if by a +Virtuous and holy Life I conciliate his Favour and Kindness, Therefore I +presume not to ask such things, but rather humbly and with a Sincere +Heart, express my earnest desires that he would graciously assist my +Continual Endeavours and Resolutions of eschewing Vice and embracing +Virtue; which Kind of Supplications will _at least be thus far +beneficial, as they remind me_ in a solemn manner of my Extensive duty. + + That I may be preserved from Atheism & Infidelity, Impiety, + and Profaneness, and, in my Addresses to Thee, carefully + avoid Irreverence and ostentation, Formality and odious + Hypocrisy,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may be loyal to my Prince, and faithful to my country, + careful for its good, valiant in its defence, and obedient to + its Laws, abhorring Treason as much as Tyranny,--Help me, O + Father! + + That I may to those above me be dutiful, humble, and + submissive; avoiding Pride, Disrespect, and Contumacy,--Help + me, O Father! + + That I may to those below me be gracious, Condescending, and + Forgiving, using Clemency, protecting _innocent Distress_, + avoiding Cruelty, Harshness, and Oppression, Insolence, and + unreasonable Severity,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may refrain from Censure, Calumny and Detraction; that + I may avoid and abhor Deceit and Envy, Fraud, Flattery, and + Hatred, Malice, Lying, and Ingratitude,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may be sincere in Friendship, faithful in trust, and + Impartial in Judgment, watchful against Pride, and against + Anger (that momentary Madness),--Help me, O Father! + + That I may be just in all my Dealings, temperate in my + Pleasures, full of Candour and Ingenuity, Humanity and + Benevolence,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may be grateful to my Benefactors, and generous to my + Friends, exercising Charity and Liberality to the Poor, and + Pity to the Miserable,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may avoid Avarice and Ambition, Jealousie, and + Intemperance, Falsehood, Luxury, and Lasciviousness,--Help + me, O Father! + + That I may possess Integrity and Evenness of Mind, Resolution + in Difficulties, and Fortitude under Affliction; that I may + be punctual in performing my promises, Peaceable and prudent + in my Behaviour,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may have Tenderness for the Weak, and reverent Respect + for the Ancient; that I may be Kind to my Neighbours, + good-natured to my Companions, and hospitable to + Strangers,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may be averse to Talebearing, Backbiting, Detraction, + Slander, & Craft, and overreaching, abhor Extortion, Perjury, + and every Kind of wickedness,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may be honest and open-hearted, gentle, merciful, and + good, cheerful in spirit, rejoicing in the Good of + others,--Help me, O Father! + + That I may have a constant Regard to Honour and Probity, that + I may possess a perfect innocence and a good Conscience, and + at length become truly Virtuous and Magnanimous,--Help me, + good God; help me, O Father![G] + + And, forasmuch as ingratitude is one of the most odious of + vices, let me not be unmindful gratefully to acknowledge the + favours I receive from Heaven. + + [G] At this point the original MS ends. The subsequent + paragraph, including the "Thanks," is found only in William + Temple Franklin's transcript, now in the Library of Congress. + [_Smyth's note._] + + +THANKS + + For peace and liberty, for food and raiment, for corn, and + wine, and milk, and every kind of healthful + nourishment,--Good God, I thank thee! + + For the common benefits of air and light; for useful fire and + delicious water,--Good God, I thank thee! + + For knowledge, and literature, and every useful art, for my + friends and their prosperity, and for the fewness of my + enemies,--Good God, I thank thee! + + For all thy innumerable benefits; for life, and reason, and + the use of speech; for health, and joy, and every pleasant + hour,--My good God, I thank thee! + + + +THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 1[22] + +Tuesday, February 4th, 1728/9 + +MR. ANDREW BRADFORD, + +I design this to acquaint you, that I, who have long been one of your +Courteous Readers, have lately entertain'd some Thoughts of setting up +for an Author mySelf; not out of the least Vanity, I assure you, or +Desire of showing my Parts, but purely for the Good of my Country. + +I have often observ'd with Concern that your Mercury is not always +equally entertaining. The Delay of Ships expected in, and want of fresh +Advices from Europe, make it frequently very Dull; and I find the +Freezing of our River has the same Effect on News as on Trade. With more +Concern have I continually observ'd the growing Vices and Follies of my +Country-folk; and, tho' Reformation is properly the concern of every +Man; that is, Every one ought to mend One; yet 'tis too true in this +Case, that what is every Body's Business is nobody's Business; and the +Business is done accordingly. I therefore, upon mature Deliberation, +think fit to take Nobody's Business wholly into my own Hands; and, out +of Zeal for the Publick Good, design to erect mySelf into a Kind of +_Censor Morum_; proposing, with your Allowance, to make Use of the +_Weekly Mercury_ as a Vehicle in which my Remonstrances shall be +convey'd to the World. + +I am sensible I have in this Particular undertaken a very unthankful +Office, and expect little besides my Labour for my Pains. Nay, 'tis +probable I may displease a great Number of your Readers, who will not +very well like to pay 10s. a Year for being told of their Faults. But, +as most People delight in Censure when they themselves are not the +Objects of it, if any are offended at my publickly exposing their +private Vices, I promise they shall have the Satisfaction, in a very +little Time, of seeing their good Friends and Neighbours in the same +Circumstances. + +However, let the Fair Sex be assur'd that I shall always treat them and +their Affairs with the utmost Decency and Respect. I intend now and then +to dedicate a Chapter wholly to their Service; and if my Lectures any +Way contribute to the Embellishment of their Minds and brightning of +their Understandings, without offending their Modesty, I doubt not of +having their Favour and Encouragement. + +'Tis certain, that no Country in the World produces naturally finer +Spirits than ours; Men of Genius for every kind of Science, and capable +of acquiring to Perfection every Qualification that is in Esteem among +Mankind. But as few here have the Advantage of good Books, for want of +which, good Conversation is still more scarce, it would doubtless have +been very acceptable to your Readers, if, instead of an old out-of-date +Article from Muscovy or Hungary, you had entertained them with some +well-chosen Extract from a good Author. This I shall sometimes do, when +I happen to have nothing of my own to say that I think of more +Consequence. Sometimes I propose to deliver Lectures of Morality or +Philosophy, and (because I am naturally enclin'd to be meddling with +Things that don't concern me) perhaps I may sometimes talk Politicks. +And if I can by any means furnish out a Weekly Entertainment for the +Publick that will give a rational Diversion, and at the same Time be +instructive to the Readers, I shall think my Leisure Hours well +employ'd: And if you publish this, I hereby invite all ingenious +Gentlemen and others (that approve of such an Undertaking) to my +Assistance and Correspondence. + +'Tis like by this Time, you have a Curiosity to be acquainted with my +Name and Character. As I do not aim at publick Praise, I design to +remain concealed; and there are such Numbers of our Family and Relations +at this Time in the Country, that tho' I've sign'd my Name at full +Length, I am not under the least Apprehension of being distinguish'd and +discover'd by it. My Character, indeed, I would favour you with, but +that I am cautious of praising mySelf, lest I should be told my +Trumpeter's dead: And I cannot find in my Heart at present, to say any +Thing to my own Disadvantage. + +It is very common with Authors, in their first Performances, to talk to +their Readers thus; "If this meets with a SUITABLE Reception; Or, If +this should meet with DUE Encouragement, I shall hereafter publish, &c." +This only manifests the Value they put on their own Writings, since they +think to frighten the Publick into their Applause, by threatning, that +unless you approve what they have already wrote, they intend never to +write again; when perhaps it mayn't be a Pin Matter whether they ever do +or no. As I have not observ'd the Criticks to be more favourable on this +Account, I shall always avoid saying any Thing of the Kind; and conclude +with telling you, that, if you send me a Bottle of Ink and a Quire of +Paper by the Bearer, you may depend on hearing further from, Sir, your +most humble Servant, + + THE BUSY-BODY. + + + +THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 2 + +Tuesday, February 11, 1728/9 + + All fools have still an itching to deride, + And fain would be upon the laughing side. + --POPE. + +Monsieur de la Rochefoucault tells us somewhere in his Memoirs, that the +Prince of Condé delighted much in ridicule, and used frequently to shut +himself up for half a day together in his chamber, with a gentleman that +was his favorite, purposely to divert himself with examining what was +the foible or ridiculous side of every noted person in the court. That +gentleman said afterwards in some company, that he thought nothing was +more ridiculous in anybody, than this same humour in the Prince; and I +am somewhat inclined to be of this opinion. The general tendency there +is among us to this embellishment, which I fear has too often grossly +imposed upon my loving countrymen instead of wit, and the applause it +meets with from a rising generation, fill me with fearful apprehensions +for the future reputation of my country. A young man of modesty (which +is the most certain indication of large capacities) is hereby +discouraged from attempting to make any figure in life; his +apprehensions of being out-laughed will force him to continue in a +restless obscurity, without having an opportunity of knowing his own +merit himself or discovering it to the world, rather than venture to +oppose himself in a place where a pun or a sneer shall pass for wit, +noise for reason, and the strength of the argument be judged by that of +the lungs. + +Among these witty gentlemen let us take a view of Ridentius. What a +contemptible figure does he make with his train of paltry admirers! This +wight shall give himself an hour's diversion with the cock of a man's +hat, the heels of his shoes, an unguarded expression in his discourse, +or even some personal defect; and the height of his low ambition is to +put some one of the company to the blush, who perhaps must pay an equal +share of the reckoning with himself. If such a fellow makes laughing the +sole end and purpose of his life; if it is necessary to his +constitution, or if he has a great desire of growing suddenly fat, let +him eat; let him give public notice where any dull stupid rogue may get +a quart of four-penny for being laughed at; but it is barbarously +unhandsome, when friends meet for the benefit of conversation and a +proper relaxation from business, that one should be the butt of the +company, and four men made merry at the cost of the fifth. + +How different from this character is that of the good-natured, gay +Eugenius, who never spoke yet but with a design to divert and please, +and who was never yet baulked in his intention. Eugenius takes more +delight in applying the wit of his friends, than in being admired +himself; and if any one of the company is so unfortunate as to be +touched a little too nearly, he will make use of some ingenious artifice +to turn the edge of ridicule another way, choosing rather to make +himself a public jest, than be at the pain of seeing his friend in +confusion. + +Among the tribe of laughers, I reckon the petty gentlemen that write +satires, and carry them about in their pockets, reading them themselves +in all company they happen into; taking an advantage of the ill taste of +the town to make themselves famous for a pack of paltry, low nonsense, +for which they deserve to be kicked rather than admired, by all who have +the least tincture of politeness. These I take to be the most +incorrigible of all my readers; nay, I expect they will be squibbing at +the Busy-Body himself. However, the only favour he begs of them is this, +that if they cannot control their overbearing itch of scribbling, let +him be attacked in downright biting lyrics; for there is no satire he +dreads half so much as an attempt towards a panegyric. + + + +THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 3 + +Tuesday, February 18th, 1728/9 + + Non vultus instantis Tyranni + Mente quatit solidâ,--neque Auster, + Dux inquieti turbidus Adriæ, + Nec fulminantis magna Jovis manus. + --HOR. + +It is said that the Persians, in their ancient Constitution, had publick +Schools in which Virtue was taught as a Liberal Art or Science; and it +is certainly of more Consequence to a Man, that he has learnt to govern +his Passions; in spite of Temptation to be just in his Dealings, to be +Temperate in his Pleasures, to support himself with Fortitude under his +Misfortunes, to behave with Prudence in all Affairs, and in every +Circumstance of Life; I say, it is of much more real Advantage to him +to be thus qualified, than to be a Master of all the Arts and Sciences +in the World beside. + +Virtue alone is sufficient to make a Man Great, Glorious, and Happy. He +that is acquainted with Cato, as I am, cannot help thinking as I do now, +and will acknowledge he deserves the Name, without being honour'd by it. +Cato is a Man whom Fortune has plac'd in the most obscure Part of the +Country. His Circumstances are such, as only put him above Necessity, +without affording him many Superfluities; Yet who is greater than Cato? +I happened but the other Day to be at a House in Town, where, among +others, were met Men of the most Note in this Place. Cato had Business +with some of them, and knock'd at the Door. The most trifling Actions of +a Man, in my Opinion, as well as the smallest Features and Lineaments of +the Face, give a nice Observer some Notion of his Mind. Methought he +rapp'd in such a peculiar Manner, as seem'd of itself to express there +was One, who deserv'd as well as desir'd Admission. He appear'd in the +plainest Country Garb; his Great Coat was coarse, and looked old and +threadbare; his Linnen was home-spun; his Beard perhaps of Seven Days' +Growth; his Shoes thick and heavy; and every Part of his Dress +corresponding. Why was this Man receiv'd with such concurring Respect +from every Person in the Room, even from those who had never known him +or seen him before? It was not an exquisite Form of Person, or Grandeur +of Dress, that struck us with Admiration. + +I believe long Habits of Virtue have a sensible Effect on the +Countenance. There was something in the Air of his Face, that manifested +the true Greatness of his Mind, which likewise appear'd in all he said, +and in every Part of his Behaviour, obliging us to regard him with a +Kind of Veneration. His Aspect is sweetened with Humanity and +Benevolence, and at the same Time enboldned with Resolution, equally +free from a diffident Bashfulness and an unbecoming Assurance. The +Consciousness of his own innate Worth and unshaken Integrity renders him +calm and undaunted in the Presence of the most Great and Powerful, and +upon the most extraordinary Occasions. His strict Justice and known +Impartiality make him the Arbitrator and Decider of all Differences, +that arise for many Miles around him, without putting his Neighbours to +the Charge, Perplexity, and Uncertainty of Law-Suits. He always speaks +the Thing he means, which he is never afraid or asham'd to do, because +he knows he always means well, and therefore is never oblig'd to blush, +and feel the Confusion of finding himself detected in the Meanness of a +Falsehood. He never contrives Ill against his Neighbour, and therefore +is never seen with a lowring, suspicious Aspect. A mixture of Innocence +and Wisdom makes him ever seriously chearful. His generous Hospitality +to Strangers, according to his Ability; his Goodness, his Charity, his +Courage in the Cause of the Oppressed, his Fidelity in Friendship, his +Humility, his Honesty and Sincerity, his Moderation, and his Loyalty to +the Government; his Piety, his Temperance, his Love to Mankind, his +Magnanimity, his Publick-Spiritedness, and in fine, his consummate +Virtue, make him justly deserve to be esteem'd the Glory of his Country. + + "The Brave do never shun the Light; + Just are their Thoughts, and open are their Tempers; + Freely without Disguise they love and hate; + Still are they found in the fair Face of Day, + And Heaven and Men are Judges of their Actions." + --ROWE. + +Who would not rather chuse, if it were in his Choice, to merit the above +Character, than be the richest, the most learned, or the most powerful +Man in the Province without it? + +Almost every Man has a strong natural Desire of being valu'd and +esteem'd by the rest of his Species, but I am concern'd and griev'd to +see how few fall into the Right and only infallible Method of becoming +so. That laudable Ambition is too commonly misapply'd, and often ill +employ'd. Some to make themselves considerable pursue Learning, others +grasp at Wealth; some aim at being thought witty; and others are only +careful to make the most of an handsome Person; But what is Wit, or +Wealth, or Form, or Learning, when compar'd with Virtue? 'Tis true, we +love the handsome, we applaud the Learned, and we fear the Rich and +Powerful; but we even Worship and adore the Virtuous. Nor is it strange; +since Men of Virtue are so rare, so very rare to be found. If we were as +industrious to become Good as to make ourselves Great, we should become +really Great by being Good, and the Number of valuable Men would be much +increased; but it is a Grand Mistake to think of being Great without +Goodness; and I pronounce it as certain, that there was never yet a +truly Great Man, that was not at the same Time truly Virtuous. + +O Cretico! thou sowre Philosopher! Thou cunning Statesman! Thou art +crafty, but far from being Wise. When wilt thou be esteem'd, regarded, +and belov'd like Cato? When wilt thou, among thy Creatures, meet with +that unfeign'd respect and warm Good-will, that all Men have for him? +Wilt thou never understand, that the cringing, mean, submissive +Deportment of thy Dependents, is (like the worship paid by Indians to +the Devil) rather thro' Fear of the Harm thou may'st do to them, than +out of Gratitude for the Favours they have receiv'd of thee? Thou art +not wholly void of Virtue; there are many good Things in thee, and many +good Actions reported of thee. Be advised by thy Friend. Neglect those +musty Authors; let them be cover'd with Dust, and moulder on their +proper Shelves; and do thou apply thyself to a Study much more +profitable, The knowledge of Mankind and of thySelf. + + # # # # # + +This is to give Notice, that the Busy-Body strictly forbids all Persons, +from this Time forward, of what Age, Sex, Rank, Quality, Degree, or +Denomination soever, on any Pretence, to enquire who is the Author of +this Paper, on Pain of his Displeasure, (his own near and Dear Relations +only excepted). + +'Tis to be observ'd, that if any bad Characters happen to be drawn in +the Course of these Papers, they mean no particular Person, if they are +not particularly apply'd. + +Likewise, that the Author is no Party-man, but a general Meddler. + +N. B. Cretico lives in a neighbouring Province. + + + +THE BUSY-BODY, NO. 4 + +Tuesday, February 25, 1728/9. + + Ne quid nimis. + +In my first Paper I invited the Learned and the Ingenious to join with +me in this Undertaking, and I now repeat that Invitation. I would have +such Gentlemen take this Opportunity (by trying their Talent in Writing) +of diverting themselves and their Friends, and improving the Taste of +the Town. And because I would encourage all Wit of our own Growth and +Produce, I hereby promise, that whoever shall send me a little Essay on +some moral or other Subject, that is fit for publick View in this +Manner, (and not basely borrow'd from any other Author,) I shall receive +it with Candour, and take care to place it to the best Advantage. It +will be hard if we cannot muster up in the whole Country a sufficient +Stock of Sense to supply the _Busy-Body_ at least for a Twelvemonth. + +For my own Part, I have already profess'd, that I have the Good of my +Country wholly at Heart in this Design, without the least sinister View; +my chief Purpose being to inculcate the noble Principles of Virtue, and +depreciate Vice of every kind. But, as I know the Mob hate Instruction, +and the Generality would never read beyond the first Line of my +Lectures, if they were actually fill'd with nothing but wholesome +Precepts and Advice, I must therefore sometimes humor them in their own +Way. There are a Set of Great Names in the Province, who are the common +Objects of Popular Dislike. If I can now and then overcome my +Reluctance, and prevail with myself to satyrize a little one of these +Gentlemen, the Expectation of meeting with such a Gratification will +induce many to read me through, who would otherwise proceed immediately +to the Foreign News. As I am very well assured the greatest Men among us +have a sincere Love for their Country, notwithstanding its Ingratitude, +and the Insinuations of the Envious and Malicious to the contrary, so I +doubt not but they will chearfully tolerate me in the Liberty I design +to take for the End above mentioned. + +As yet I have but few Correspondents, tho' they begin now to increase. +The following Letter, left for me at the Printer's, is one of the first +I have receiv'd, which I regard the more for that it comes from one of +the Fair Sex, and because I have myself oftentimes suffer'd under the +Grievance therein complain'd of. + + "TO THE BUSY-BODY + + "_Sir_, + + "You having set yourself up for a _Censuror Morum_, (as I + think you call it), which is said to mean a Reformer of + _Manners_, I know no Person more proper to be apply'd to for + Redress in all the Grievances we suffer from Want of + _Manners_, in some People. You must know I am a single Woman, + and keep a Shop in this Town for a Livelyhood. There is a + certain Neighbour of mine, who is really agreeable Company + enough, and with whom I have had an Intimacy of some Time + standing; but of late she makes her visits so excessively + often, and stays so very long every Visit, that I am tir'd + out of all Patience. I have no Manner of Time at all to + myself; and you, who seem to be a wise Man, must needs be + sensible that every Person has little Secrets and Privacies, + that are not proper to be expos'd even to the nearest Friend. + Now I cannot do the least Thing in the World, but she must + know all about it; and it is a Wonder I have found an + Opportunity to write you this Letter. My Misfortune is, that + I respect her very well, and know not how to disoblige her so + much as to tell her I should be glad to have less other + Company; for if I should once hint such a Thing, I am afraid + she would resent it so as never to darken my Door again. + + "But alas, Sir, I have not yet told you half my Affliction. + She has two Children, that are just big enough to run about + and do pretty Mischief; these are continually along with + Mamma, either in my Room or Shop, if I have ever so many + Customers or People with me about Business. Sometimes they + pull the Goods off my low Shelves down to the Ground, and + perhaps where one of them has just been making Water. My + Friend takes up the Stuff, and cries, 'Eh! thou little wicked + mischievous Rogue! But, however, it has done no great + Damage; 'tis only wet a little;' and so puts it up upon the + Shelf again. Sometimes they get to my Cask of Nails behind + the Counter, and divert themselves, to my great Vexation, + with mixing my Ten-penny, and Eight-penny, and Four-penny, + together. I endeavour to conceal my Uneasiness as much as + possible, and with a grave Look go to Sorting them out. She + cries, 'Don't thee trouble thyself, Neighbour: Let them play + a little; I'll put all to rights myself before I go.' But + Things are never so put to rights, but that I find a great + deal of Work to do after they are gone. Thus, Sir, I have all + the Trouble and Pesterment of Children, without the Pleasure + of--calling them my own; and they are now so us'd to being + here, that they will be content nowhere else. If she would + have been so kind as to have moderated her Visits to ten + times a Day, and stay'd but half an hour at a Time, I should + have been contented, and I believe never have given you this + Trouble. But this very Morning they have so tormented me, + that I could bear no longer; for, while the Mother was asking + me twenty impertinent Questions, the youngest got to my + Nails, and with great Delight rattled them by handfuls all + over the Floor; and the other, at the same Time, made such a + terrible Din upon my Counter with a Hammer, that I grew half + distracted. I was just then about to make myself a new Suit + of Pinners; but in the Fret and Confusion I cut it quite out + of all Manner of Shape, and utterly spoil'd a Piece of the + first Muslin. + + "Pray, Sir, tell me what I shall do; and talk a little + against such unreasonable Visiting in your next Paper; tho' I + would not have her affronted with me for a great Deal, for + sincerely I love her and her Children, as well, I think, as a + Neighbour can, and she buys a great many Things in a Year at + my Shop. But I would beg her to consider, that she uses me + unmercifully, Tho' I believe it is only for want of Thought. + But I have twenty Things more to tell you besides all this: + There is a handsome Gentleman, that has a Mind (I don't + question) to make love to me, but he can't get the least + Opportunity to--O dear! here she comes again; I must + conclude, yours, &c. + + "PATIENCE." + +Indeed, 'tis well enough, as it happens, that she is come to shorten +this Complaint, which I think is full long enough already, and probably +would otherwise have been as long again. However, I must confess, I +cannot help pitying my Correspondent's Case; and, in her Behalf, exhort +the Visitor to remember and consider the Words of the Wise Man, +"Withdraw thy Foot from the House of thy Neighbour, lest he grow weary +of thee, and so hate thee." It is, I believe, a nice thing, and very +difficult, to regulate our Visits in such a Manner, as never to give +Offence by coming too seldom, or too often, or departing too abruptly, +or staying too long. However, in my Opinion, it is safest for most +People in a general way, who are unwilling to disoblige, to visit +seldom, and tarry but a little while in a Place, notwithstanding +pressing invitations, which are many times insincere. And tho' more of +your Company should be really desir'd, yet in this Case, too much +Reservedness is a Fault more easily excus'd than the Contrary. + +Men are subjected to various Inconveniences meerly through lack of a +small Share of Courage, which is a Quality very necessary in the common +Occurrences of Life, as well as in a Battle. How many Impertinences do +we daily suffer with great Uneasiness, because we have not Courage +enough to discover our Dislike? And why may not a Man use the Boldness +and Freedom of telling his Friends, that their long Visits sometimes +incommode him? On this Occasion, it may be entertaining to some of my +Readers, if I acquaint them with the _Turkish_ Manner of entertaining +Visitors, which I have from an Author of unquestionable Veracity; who +assures us, that even the Turks are not so ignorant of Civility and the +Arts of Endearment, but that they can practise them with as much +Exactness as any other Nation, whenever they have a Mind to shew +themselves obliging. + + "When you visit a Person of Quality," (says he) "and have + talk'd over your Business, or the Complements, or whatever + Concern brought you thither, he makes a Sign to have Things + serv'd in for the Entertainment, which is generally, a + little Sweetmeat, a Dish of Sherbet, and another of Coffee; + all which are immediately brought in by the Servants, and + tender'd to all the Guests in Order, with the greatest Care + and Awfulness imaginable. At last comes the finishing Part + of your Entertainment, which is, Perfuming the Beards of the + Company; a Ceremony which is perform'd in this Manner. They + have for the Purpose a small Silver Chaffing-Dish, cover'd + with a Lid full of Holes, and fixed upon a handsome Plate. + In this they put some fresh Coals, and upon them a piece of + _Lignum Aloes_, and shutting it up, the smoak immediately + ascends with a grateful Odour thro' the Holes of the Cover. + This smoak is held under every one's Chin, and offer'd as it + were a Sacrifice to his Beard. The bristly Idol soon + receives the Reverence done to it, and so greedily takes in + and incorporates the gummy Steam, that it retains the Savour + of it, and may serve for a Nosegay a good while after. + + "This Ceremony may perhaps seem ridiculous at first hearing, + but it passes among the _Turks_ for a high Gratification. + And I will say this in its Vindication, that its Design is + very wise and useful. For it is understood to give a civil + Dismission to the Visitants, intimating to them, that the + Master of the House has Business to do, or some other + Avocation, that permits them to go away as soon as they + please, and the sooner after this Ceremony the better. By + this Means you may, at any Time, without Offence, deliver + yourself from being detain'd from your Affairs by tedious + and unseasonable Visits; and from being constrain'd to use + that Piece of Hypocrisy, so common in the World, of pressing + those to stay longer with you, whom perhaps in your Heart + you wish a great Way off for having troubled you so long + already." + +Thus far my Author. For my own Part, I have taken such a Fancy to this +Turkish Custom, that for the future I shall put something like it in +Practice. I have provided a Bottle of right French Brandy for the Men, +and Citron-Water for the Ladies. After I have treated with a Dram, and +presented a Pinch of my best Snuff, I expect all Company will retire, +and leave me to pursue my Studies for the Good of the Publick. + + # # # # # + +ADVERTISEMENT + +I give Notice, that I am now actually compiling, and design to publish +in a short Time, the true History of the Rise, Growth, and Progress of +the renowned Tiff-Club. All Persons who are acquainted with any Facts, +Circumstances, Characters, Transactions, &c. which will be requisite to +the Perfecting and Embellishment of the said Work, are desired to +communicate the same to the Author, and direct their Letters to be left +with the Printer hereof. + +The Letter, sign'd "_Would-be-Something_," is come to hand. + + + +PREFACE TO THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE + +October 2, 1729 + +The Pennsylvania Gazette being now to be carry'd on by other Hands, the +Reader may expect some Account of the Method we design to proceed +in.[23] + +Upon a view of Chambers's great Dictionaries, from whence were taken the +Materials of the _Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences_, which +usually made the First Part of this Paper, we find that besides their +containing many Things abstruse or insignificant to us, it will probably +be fifty Years before the Whole can be gone thro' in this Manner of +Publication. There are likewise in those Books continual References from +Things under one Letter of the Alphabet to those under another, which +relate to the same Subject, and are necessary to explain and compleat +it; these taken in their Turn may perhaps be Ten Years distant; and +since it is likely that they who desire to acquaint themselves with any +particular Art or Science, would gladly have the whole before them in +much less time, we believe our Readers will not think such a Method of +communicating Knowledge to be a proper One. + +However, tho' we do not intend to continue the Publication of those +Dictionaries in a regular Alphabetical Method, as has hitherto been +done; yet as several Things exhibited from them in the Course of these +Papers, have been entertaining to such of the Curious, who never had and +cannot have the Advantage of good Libraries; and as there are many +Things still behind, which being in this Manner made generally known, +may perhaps become of considerable Use, by giving such Hints to the +excellent natural Genius's of our Country, as may contribute either to +the Improvement of our present Manufactures, or towards the Invention of +new Ones; we propose from Time to Time to communicate such particular +Parts as appear to be of the most general Consequence. + +As to the "Religious Courtship," Part of which has been retal'd to the +Publick in these Papers, the Reader may be inform'd, that the whole Book +will probably in a little Time be printed and bound up by itself; and +those who approve of it, will doubtless be better pleas'd to have it +entire, than in this broken interrupted Manner. + +There are many who have long desired to see a good News-Paper in +Pennsylvania; and we hope those Gentlemen who are able, will contribute +towards the making This such. We ask Assistance, because we are fully +sensible, that to publish a good News-Paper is not so easy an +Undertaking as many People imagine it to be. The Author of a Gazette (in +the Opinion of the Learned) ought to be qualified with an extensive +Acquaintance with Languages, a great Easiness and Command of Writing and +Relating Things clearly and intelligibly, and in few Words; he should be +able to speak of War both by Land and Sea; be well acquainted with +Geography, with the History of the Time, with the several Interests of +Princes and States, the Secrets of Courts, and the Manners and Customs +of all Nations. Men thus accomplish'd are very rare in this remote Part +of the World; and it would be well if the Writer of these Papers could +make up among his Friends what is wanting in himself. + +Upon the Whole, we may assure the Publick, that as far as the +Encouragement we meet with will enable us, no Care and Pains shall be +omitted, that may make the Pennsylvania Gazette as agreeable and useful +an Entertainment as the Nature of the Thing will allow. + + + +A DIALOGUE BETWEEN PHILOCLES AND HORATIO, MEETING ACCIDENTALLY IN THE +FIELDS, CONCERNING VIRTUE AND PLEASURE + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 23, 1730.][24] + +_Philocles._ My friend _Horatio_! I am very glad to see you; prithee, +how came such a Man as you alone? and musing too? What Misfortune in +your Pleasures has sent you to Philosophy for Relief? + +_Horatio._ You guess very right, my dear _Philocles_! We +Pleasure-hunters are never without 'em; and yet, so enchanting is the +Game! we can't quit the Chace. How calm and undisturbed is your Life! +How free from present Embarrassments and future Cares! I know you love +me, and look with Compassion upon my Conduct; Shew me then the Path +which leads up to that constant and invariable Good, which I have heard +you so beautifully describe, and which you seem so fully to possess. + +_Phil._ There are few Men in the World I value more than you, _Horatio_! +for amidst all your Foibles and painful Pursuits of Pleasure, I have oft +observed in you an honest Heart, and a Mind strongly bent towards +Virtue. I wish, from my Soul, I could assist you in acting steadily the +Part of a reasonable Creature; for, if you would not think it a Paradox, +I should tell you I love you better than you do yourself. + +_Hor._ A Paradox indeed! Better than I do myself! When I love my dear +self so well, that I love every Thing else for my own sake. + +_Phil._ He only loves himself well, who rightly and judiciously loves +himself. + +_Hor._ What do you mean by that, _Philocles_! You Men of Reason and +Virtue are always dealing in Mysteries, tho' you laugh at 'em when the +Church makes 'em. I think he loves himself very well and very +judiciously too, as you call it, who allows himself to do whatever he +pleases. + +_Phil._ What, though it be to the Ruin and Destruction of that very Self +which he loves so well! That Man alone loves himself rightly, who +procures the greatest possible Good to himself thro' the whole of his +Existence; and so pursues Pleasure as not to give for it more than 'tis +worth. + +_Hor._ That depends all upon Opinion. Who shall judge what the Pleasure +is worth? Supposing a pleasing Form of the fair Kind strikes me so much, +that I can enjoy nothing without the Enjoyment of that one Object. Or, +that Pleasure in general is so favorite a Mistress, that I will take her +as Men do their Wives, for better, for worse; mind no Consequences, nor +regarding what's to come. Why should I not do it? + +_Phil._ Suppose, _Horatio_, that a Friend of yours entred into the World +about Two-and-Twenty, with a healthful vigorous Body, and a fair +plentiful Estate of about Five Hundred Pounds a Year; and yet, before he +had reached Thirty, should, by following his Pleasures, and not, as you +say, duly regarding Consequences, have run out of his Estate, and +disabled his Body to that Degree, that he had neither the Means nor +Capacity of Enjoyment left, nor any Thing else to do but wisely shoot +himself through the Head to be at rest; what would you say to this +unfortunate Man's Conduct? Is it wrong by Opinion or Fancy only? Or is +there really a Right and Wrong in the Case? Is not one Opinion of Life +and Action juster than another? Or, one Sort of Conduct preferable to +another? Or, does that miserable Son of Pleasure appear as reasonable +and lovely a Being in your Eyes, as a Man who, by prudently and rightly +gratifying his natural Passions, had preserved his Body in full Health, +and his Estate entire, and enjoy'd both to a good old Age, and then died +with a thankful Heart for the good Things he had received, and with an +entire Submission to the Will of Him who first called him into Being? +Say, _Horatio_! are these Men equally wise and happy? And is every Thing +to be measured by mere Fancy and Opinion, without considering whether +that Fancy or Opinion be right? + +_Hor._ Hardly so neither, I think; yet sure the wise and good Author of +Nature could never make us to plague us. He could never give us +Passions, on purpose to subdue and conquer 'em; nor produce this Self of +mine, or any other self, only that it may be denied; for that is denying +the Works of the great Creator himself. Self-denial, then, which is what +I suppose you mean by Prudence, seems to me not only absurd, but very +dishonourable to that Supreme Wisdom and Goodness, which is supposed to +make so ridiculous and Contradictious a Creature, that must be always +fighting with himself in order to be at rest, and undergo voluntary +Hardships in order to be happy: Are we created sick, only to be +commanded to be Sound? Are we born under one Law, our Passions, and yet +bound to another, that of Reason? Answer me, _Philocles_, for I am +warmly concerned for the Honour of Nature, the Mother of us all. + +_Phil._ I find, Horatio, my two Characters have affrighted you; so that +you decline the Trial of what is Good, by reason: And had rather make a +bold Attack upon Providence; the usual Way of you Gentlemen of Fashion, +who, when by living in Defiance of the eternal Rules of Reason, you have +plunged yourselves into a thousand Difficulties, endeavour to make +yourselves easy by throwing the Burden upon Nature. You are, _Horatio_, +in a very miserable Condition indeed; for you say you can't be happy if +you controul your Passions; and you feel yourself miserable by an +unrestrained Gratification of 'em; so that here's Evil, irremediable +Evil, either way. + +_Hor._ That is very true, at least it appears so to me: Pray, what have +you to say, _Philocles_! in Honour of Nature or Providence; methinks I'm +in Pain for her: How do you rescue her? poor Lady! + +_Phil._ This, my dear _Horatio_, I have to say; that what you find Fault +with and clamour against, as the most terrible Evil in the World, +Self-denial; is really the greatest Good, and the highest +Self-gratification: If indeed, you use the Word in the Sense of some +weak sour Moralists, and much weaker Divines, you'll have just Reason to +laugh at it; but if you take it, as understood by Philosophers and Men +of Sense, you will presently see her Charms, and fly to her Embraces, +notwithstanding her demure Looks, as absolutely necessary to produce +even your own darling sole Good, Pleasure: For, Self-denial is never a +Duty, or a reasonable Action, but as 'tis a natural Means of procuring +more Pleasure than you can taste without it so that this grave, +Saint-like Guide to Happiness, as rough and dreadful as she has been +made to appear, is in truth the kindest and most beautiful Mistress in +the World. + +_Hor._ Prithee, _Philocles_! do not wrap yourself in Allegory and +Metaphor. Why do you teaze me thus? I long to be satisfied, what this +Philosophical Self-denial is, the Necessity and Reason of it; I'm +impatient, and all on Fire; explain, therefore, in your beautiful, +natural easy Way of Reasoning, what I'm to understand by this grave Lady +of yours, with so forbidding, downcast Looks, and yet so absolutely +necessary to my Pleasures. I stand ready to embrace her; for you know, +Pleasure I court under all Shapes and Forms. + +_Phil._ Attend then, and you'll see the Reason of this Philosophical +Self-denial. There can be no absolute Perfection in any Creature; +because every Creature is derived, and dependent: No created Being can +be All-wise, All-good, and All-powerful, because his Powers and +Capacities are finite and limited; consequently whatever is created +must, in its own Nature, be subject to Error, Irregularity, Excess, and +Disorder. All intelligent, rational Agents find in themselves a Power of +judging what kind of Beings they are; what Actions are proper to +preserve 'em, and what Consequences will generally attend them, what +Pleasures they are form'd for, and to what Degree their Natures are +capable of receiving them. All we have to do then, _Horatio_, is to +consider, when we are surpriz'd with a new Object, and passionately +desire to enjoy it, whether the gratifying that Passion be consistent +with the gratifying other Passions and Appetites, equal if not more +necessary to us. And whether it consists with our Happiness To-morrow, +next Week, or next Year; for, as we all wish to live, we are obliged by +Reason to take as much Care for our future, as our present Happiness, +and not build one upon the Ruins of t'other. But, if thro' the Strength +and Power of a present Passion, and thro' want of attending to +Consequences, we have err'd and exceeded the Bounds which Nature or +Reason have set us; we are then, for our own Sakes, to refrain, or deny +ourselves a present momentary Pleasure for a future, constant and +durable one: So that this Philosophical Self-denial is only refusing to +do an Action which you strongly desire; because 'tis inconsistent with +your Health, Fortunes, or Circumstances in the World; or, in other +Words, because 'twould cost you more than 'twas worth. You would lose by +it, as a Man of Pleasure. Thus you see, _Horatio_! that Self-denial is +not only the most reasonable, but the most pleasant Thing in the World. + +_Hor._ We are just coming into Town, so that we can't pursue this +Argument any farther at present; you have said a great deal for Nature, +Providence, and Reason: Happy are they who can follow such divine +Guides. + +_Phil._ _Horatio!_ good Night; I wish you wise in your Pleasures. + +_Hor._ I wish, _Philocles_! I could be as wise in my Pleasures as you +are pleasantly Wise; your Wisdom is agreeable, your Virtue is amiable, +and your Philosophy the highest Luxury. Adieu! thou enchanting Reasoner! + + + +A SECOND DIALOGUE BETWEEN PHILOCLES AND HORATIO, CONCERNING VIRTUE AND +PLEASURE + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 9, 1730.] + +_Philocles._ Dear _Horatio_! where hast thou been these three or four +Months? What new Adventures have you fallen upon since I met you in +these delightful, all-inspiring Fields, and wondred how such a +Pleasure-hunter as you could bear being alone? + +_Horatio._ O _Philocles_, thou best of Friends, because a Friend to +Reason and Virtue, I am very glad to see you. Don't you remember, I told +you then, that some Misfortunes in my Pleasures had sent me to +Philosophy for Relief? But now I do assure you, I can, without a Sigh, +leave other Pleasures for those of Philosophy; I can hear the Word +_Reason_ mentioned, and Virtue praised, without Laughing. Don't I bid +fair for Conversion, think you? + +_Phil._ Very fair, _Horatio_! for I remember the Time when Reason, +Virtue, and Pleasure, were the same Thing with you: When you counted +nothing Good but what pleas'd, nor any thing Reasonable but what you got +by; When you made a Jest of a Mind, and the Pleasures of Reflection, and +elegantly plac'd your sole Happiness, like the rest of the Animal +Creation, in the Gratifications of Sense. + +_Hor._ I did so: But in our last Conversation, when walking upon the +Brow of this Hill, and looking down on that broad, rapid River, and yon +widely-extended beautifully-varied Plain, you taught me another +Doctrine: You shewed me, that Self-denial, which above all Things I +abhorred, was really the greatest Good, and the highest +Self-gratification, and absolutely necessary to produce even my own +darling sole Good, Pleasure. + +_Phil._ True: I told you that Self-denial was never a Duty but when it +was a natural Means of procuring more Pleasure than we could taste +without it: That as we all strongly desire to live, and to live only to +enjoy, we should take as much Care about our future as our present +Happiness; and not build one upon the Ruins of 'tother: That we should +look to the End, and regard Consequences: and if, thro' want of +Attention we had err'd, and exceeded the Bounds which Nature had set us, +we were then obliged, for our own Sakes, to refrain or deny ourselves a +present momentary Pleasure for a future, constant, and durable Good. + +_Hor._ You have shewn, _Philocles_, that Self-denial, which weak or +interested Men have rendred the most forbidding, is really the most +delightful and amiable, the most reasonable and pleasant Thing in the +World. In a Word, if I understand you aright, Self-denial is, in Truth, +Self-recognising, Self-acknowledging, or Self-owning. But now, my +Friend! you are to perform another Promise; and shew me the Path which +leads up to that constant, durable, and invariable Good, which I have +heard you so beautifully describe, and which you seem so fully to +possess: Is not this Good of yours a mere Chimera? Can any Thing be +constant in a World which is eternally changing! and which appears to +exist by an everlasting Revolution of one Thing into another, and where +every Thing without us, and every Thing within us, is in perpetual +Motion? What is this constant, durable Good, then, of yours? Prithee, +satisfy my Soul, for I'm all on Fire, and impatient to enjoy her. +Produce this eternal blooming Goddess with never-fading Charms, and see, +whether I won't embrace her with as much Eagerness and Rapture as you. + +_Phil._ You seem enthusiastically warm, _Horatio_; I will wait till you +are cool enough to attend to the sober, dispassionate Voice of Reason. + +_Hor._ You mistake me, my dear _Philocles_! my Warmth is not so great as +to run away with my Reason: it is only just raised enough to open my +Faculties, and fit them to receive those eternal Truths, and that +durable Good, which you so triumphantly boasted of. Begin, then; I'm +prepared. + +_Phil._ I will. I believe, _Horatio_! with all your Skepticism about +you, you will allow that Good to be constant which is never absent from +you, and that to be durable, which never Ends but with your Being. + +_Hor._ Yes, go on. + +_Phil._ That can never be the Good of a Creature, which when present, +the Creature may be miserable, and when absent, is certainly so. + +_Hor._ I think not; but pray explain what you mean; for I am not much +used to this abstract Way of Reasoning. + +_Phil._ I mean all the Pleasures of Sense. The Good of Man cannot +consist in the mere Pleasures of Sense; because, when any one of those +Objects which you love is absent, or can't be come at, you are certainly +miserable: and if the Faculty be impair'd, though the Object be present, +you can't enjoy it. So that this sensual Good depends upon a thousand +Things without and within you, and all out of your Power. Can this then +be the Good of Man? Say, _Horatio_! what think you, Is not this a +chequer'd, fleeting, fantastical Good? Can that, in any propriety of +Speech, be called the Good of Man which even, while he is tasting, he +may be miserable; and which when he cannot taste, he is necessarily so? +Can that be our Good, which costs us a great deal of Pains to obtain; +which cloys in possessing; for which we must wait the Return of Appetite +before we can enjoy again? Or, is that our Good, which we can come at +without Difficulty; which is heightened by Possession, which never ends +in Weariness and Disappointment; and which, the more we enjoy, the +better qualified we are to enjoy on? + +_Hor._ The latter, I think; but why do you torment me thus? _Philocles_! +shew me this Good immediately. + +_Phil._ I have shewed you what 'tis not; it is not sensual, but 'tis +rational and moral Good. It is doing all the Good we can to others, by +Acts of Humanity, Friendship, Generosity, and Benevolence: This is that +constant and durable Good, which will afford Contentment and +Satisfaction always alike, without Variation or Diminution. I speak to +your Experience now, _Horatio_! Did you ever find yourself weary of +relieving the Miserable? or of raising the Distressed into Life or +Happiness? Or rather, don't you find the Pleasure grow upon you by +Repetition, and that 'tis greater in the Reflection than in the Act +itself? Is there a Pleasure upon Earth to be compared with that which +arises from the Sense of making others happy? Can this Pleasure ever be +absent, or ever end but with your Being? Does it not always accompany +you? Doth not it lie down and rise with you? live as long as you live? +give you Consolation in the Article of Death, and remain with you in +that gloomy Hour, when all other Things are going to forsake you, or you +them? + +_Hor._ How glowingly you paint, _Philocles_! Methinks _Horatio_ is +amongst the Enthusiasts. I feel the Passion: I am enchantingly +convinced; but I don't know why: Overborn by something stronger than +Reason. Sure some Divinity speaks within me; but prithee, _Philocles_, +give me cooly the Cause, why this rational and moral Good so infinitely +excels the meer natural or sensual. + +_Phil._ I think, _Horatio_! that I have clearly shewn you the Difference +between merely natural or sensual Good, and rational or moral Good. +Natural or sensual Pleasure continues no longer than the Action itself; +but this divine or moral Pleasure continues when the Action is over, +and swells and grows upon your Hand by Reflection: The one is +inconstant, unsatisfying, of short Duration, and attended with +numberless Ills; the other is constant, yields full Satisfaction, is +durable, and no Evils preceding, accompanying, or following it. But, if +you enquire farther into the Cause of this Difference, and would know +why the moral Pleasures are greater than the sensual; perhaps the Reason +is the same as in all other Creatures, That their Happiness or chief +Good consists in acting up to their chief Faculty, or that Faculty which +distinguishes them from all Creatures of a different Species. The chief +Faculty in a Man is his Reason; and consequently his chief Good; or that +which may be justly called his Good, consists not merely in Action, but +in reasonable Action. By reasonable Actions, we understand those Actions +which are preservative of the human Kind, and naturally tend to produce +real and unmixed Happiness; and these Actions, by way of Distinction, we +call Actions morally Good. + +_Hor._ You speak very clearly, _Philocles_! but, that no Difficulty may +remain upon my Mind, pray tell me what is the real Difference between +natural Good and Ill, and moral Good and Ill? for I know several People +who use the Terms without Ideas. + +_Phil._ That may be: The Difference lies only in this; that natural Good +and Ill is Pleasure and Pain: Moral Good and Ill is Pleasure or Pain +produced with Intention and Design; for 'tis the Intention only that +makes the Agent morally Good or Bad. + +_Hor._ But may not a Man, with a very good Intention, do an ill Action? + +_Phil._ Yes, but, then he errs in his Judgment, tho' his Design be good. +If his Error is inevitable, or such as, all Things considered, he could +not help, he is inculpable: But if it arose through want of Diligence in +forming his Judgment about the Nature of human Actions, he is immoral +and culpable. + +_Hor._ I find, then, that in order to please ourselves rightly, or to do +good to others morally, we should take great Care of our Opinions. + +_Phil._ Nothing concerns you more; for, as the Happiness or real Good of +Men consists in right Action, and right Action cannot be produced +without right Opinion, it behoves us, above all Things in this World, to +take Care that our Opinions of Things be according to the Nature of +Things. The Foundation of all Virtue and Happiness is Thinking rightly. +He who sees an Action is right, that is, naturally tending to Good, and +does it because of that Tendency, he only is a moral Man; and he alone +is capable of that constant, durable, and invariable Good, which has +been the Subject of this Conversation. + +_Hor._ How, my dear philosophical Guide, shall I be able to know, and +determine certainly, what is Right and Wrong in Life? + +_Phil._ As easily as you distinguish a Circle from a Square, or Light +from Darkness. Look, _Horatio_, into the sacred Book of Nature; read +your own Nature, and view the Relation which other Men stand in to you, +and you to them; and you'll immediately see what constitutes human +Happiness, and consequently what is Right. + +_Hor._ We are just coming into Town, and can say no more at present. You +are my good Genius, _Philocles_. You have shewed me what is good. You +have redeemed me from the Slavery and Misery of Folly and Vice, and made +me a free and happy Being. + +_Phil._ Then I am the happiest Man in the World. Be steady, _Horatio_! +Never depart from Reason and Virtue. + +_Hor._ Sooner will I lose my Existence. Good Night, _Philocles_. + +_Phil._ Adieu! dear _Horatio_! + + + +A WITCH TRIAL AT MOUNT HOLLY + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, Oct. 22, 1730.] + +"Saturday last, at Mount-Holly, about 8 Miles from this Place +[Burlington, N. J.] near 300 People were gathered together to see an +Experiment or two tried on some Persons accused of Witchcraft. It seems +the Accused had been charged with making their Neighbours' Sheep dance +in an uncommon Manner, and with causing Hogs to speak and sing Psalms, +etc., to the great Terror and Amazement of the king's good and +peaceable Subjects in this Province; and the Accusers, being very +positive that if the Accused were weighed in Scales against a Bible, the +Bible would prove too heavy for them; or that, if they were bound and +put into the River they would swim; the said Accused, desirous to make +Innocence appear, voluntarily offered to undergo the said Trials if 2 of +the most violent of their Accusers would be tried with them. Accordingly +the Time and Place was agreed on and advertised about the Country; The +Accusers were 1 Man and 1 Woman: and the Accused the same. The Parties +being met and the People got together, a grand Consultation was held, +before they proceeded to Trial; in which it was agreed to use the Scales +first; and a Committee of Men were appointed to search the Men, and a +Committee of Women to search the Women, to see if they had any Thing of +Weight about them, particularly Pins. After the Scrutiny was over a huge +great Bible belonging to the Justice of the Place was provided, and a +Lane through the Populace was made from the Justice's House to the +Scales, which were fixed on a Gallows erected for that Purpose opposite +to the House, that the Justice's Wife and the rest of the Ladies might +see the Trial without coming amongst the Mob, and after the Manner of +Moorfields a large Ring was also made. Then came out of the House a +grave, tall Man carrying the Holy Writ before the supposed Wizard etc., +(as solemnly as the Sword-bearer of London before the Lord Mayor) the +Wizard was first put in the Scale, and over him was read a Chapter out +of the Books of Moses, and then the Bible was put in the other Scale, +(which, being kept down before) was immediately let go; but, to the +great Surprize of the Spectators, Flesh and Bones came down plump, and +outweighed that great good Book by abundance.[25] After the same Manner +the others were served, and their Lumps of Mortality severally were too +heavy for Moses and all the Prophets and Apostles. This being over, the +Accusers and the rest of the Mob, not satisfied with this Experiment, +would have the Trial by Water. Accordingly a most solemn Procession was +made to the Millpond, where both Accused and Accusers being stripped +(saving only to the Women their Shifts) were bound Hand and Foot and +severally placed in the Water, lengthways, from the Side of a Barge or +Flat, having for Security only a Rope about the Middle of each, which +was held by some in the Flat. The accused man being thin and spare with +some Difficulty began to sink at last; but the rest, every one of them, +swam very light upon the Water. A Sailor in the Flat jump'd out upon the +Back of the Man accused thinking to drive him down to the Bottom; but +the Person bound, without any Help, came up some time before the other. +The Woman Accuser being told that she did not sink, would be duck'd a +second Time; when she swam again as light as before. Upon which she +declared, That she believed the Accused had bewitched her to make her so +light, and that she would be duck'd again a Hundred Times but she would +duck the Devil out of her. The Accused Man, being surpriz'd at his own +Swimming, was not so confident of his Innocence as before, but said, 'If +I am a Witch, it is more than I know.' The more thinking Part of the +Spectators were of Opinion that any Person so bound and placed in the +Water (unless they were mere Skin and Bones) would swim, till their +Breath was gone, and their Lungs fill'd with Water. But it being the +general Belief of the Populace that the Women's shifts and the Garters +with which they were bound help'd to support them, it is said they are +to be tried again the next warm Weather, naked." + + + +AN APOLOGY FOR PRINTERS + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 10, 1731.] + +Being frequently censur'd and condemn'd by different Persons for +printing Things which they say ought not to be printed, I have sometimes +thought it might be necessary to make a standing Apology for my self, +and publish it once a Year, to be read upon all Occasions of that +Nature. Much Business has hitherto hindered the execution of this +Design; but having very lately given extraordinary Offence by printing +an Advertisement with a certain N. B. at the End of it, I find an +Apology more particularly requisite at this Juncture, tho' it happens +when I have not yet Leisure to write such a Thing in the proper Form, +and can only in a loose manner throw those Considerations together which +should have been the Substance of it. + +I request all who are angry with me on the Account of printing things +they don't like, calmly to consider these following Particulars. + +1. That the Opinions of Men are almost as various as their Faces; an +Observation general enough to become a common Proverb, _So many Men so +many Minds._ + +2. That the Business of Printing has chiefly to do with Mens Opinions; +most things that are printed tending to promote some, or oppose others. + +3. That hence arises the peculiar Unhappiness of that Business, which +other Callings are no way liable to; they who follow Printing being +scarce able to do any thing in their way of getting a Living, which +shall not probably give Offence to some, and perhaps to many; whereas +the Smith, the Shoemaker, the Carpenter, or the Man of any other Trade, +may work indifferently for People of all Persuasions, without offending +any of them: and the Merchant may buy and sell with Jews, Turks, +Hereticks and Infidels of all sorts, and get Money by every one of them, +without giving Offence to the most orthodox, of any sort; or suffering +the least Censure or Ill will on the Account from any Man whatever. + +4. That it is as unreasonable in any one Man or Set of Men to expect to +be pleas'd with every thing that is printed, as to think that nobody +ought to be pleas'd but themselves. + +5. Printers are educated in the Belief, that when Men differ in Opinion, +both Sides ought equally to have the Advantage of being heard by the +Publick; and that when Truth and Error have fair Play, the former is +always an overmatch for the latter: Hence they chearfully serve all +contending Writers that pay them well, without regarding on which side +they are of the Question in Dispute. + +6. Being thus continually employ'd in serving both Parties, Printers +naturally acquire a vast Unconcernedness as to the right or wrong +Opinions contain'd in what they print; regarding it only as the Matter +of their daily labour: They print things full of Spleen and Animosity, +with the utmost Calmness and Indifference, and without the least +Ill-will to the Persons reflected on; who nevertheless unjustly think +the Printer as much their Enemy as the Author, and join both together in +their Resentment. + +7. That it is unreasonable to imagine Printers approve of every thing +they print, and to censure them on any particular thing accordingly; +since in the way of their Business they print such great variety of +things opposite and contradictory. It is likewise as unreasonable what +some assert, "That Printers ought not to print any Thing but what they +approve;" since if all of that Business should make such a Resolution, +and abide by it, an End would thereby be put to Free Writing, and the +World would afterwards have nothing to read but what happen'd to be the +Opinions of Printers. + +8. That if all Printers were determin'd not to print any thing till they +were sure it would offend no body, there would be very little printed. + +9. That if they sometimes print vicious or silly things not worth +reading, it may not be because they approve such things themselves, but +because the People are so viciously and corruptly educated that good +things are not encouraged. I have known a very numerous Impression of +Robin Hood's Songs go off in this Province at 2s. per Book, in less than +a Twelvemonth; when a small Quantity of David's Psalms (an excellent +Version) have lain upon my Hands above twice the Time. + +10. That notwithstanding what might be urg'd in behalf of a Man's being +allow'd to do in the Way of his Business whatever he is paid for, yet +Printers do continually discourage the Printing of great Numbers of bad +things, and stifle them in the Birth. I my self have constantly refused +to print anything that might countenance Vice, or promote Immorality; +tho' by complying in such Cases with the corrupt Taste of the Majority I +might have got much Money. I have also always refus'd to print such +things as might do real Injury to any Person, how much soever I have +been solicited, and tempted with Offers of Great Pay; and how much +soever I have by refusing got the Ill-will of those who would have +employ'd me. I have hitherto fallen under the Resentment of large Bodies +of Men, for refusing absolutely to print any of their Party or Personal +Reflections. In this Manner I have made my self many Enemies, and the +constant Fatigue of denying is almost insupportable. But the Publick +being unacquainted with all this, whenever the poor Printer happens +either through Ignorance or much Persuasion, to do any thing that is +generally thought worthy of Blame, he meets with no more Friendship or +Favour on the above Account, than if there were no Merit in't at all. +Thus, as Waller says, + + Poets lose half the Praise they would have got + Were it but known what they discreetly blot; + +Yet are censur'd for every bad Line found in their Works with the utmost +Severity. + +I come now to the Particular Case of the N. B. above mention'd, about +which there has been more Clamour against me, than ever before on any +other Account.--In the Hurry of other Business an Advertisement was +brought to me to be printed; it signified that such a Ship lying at such +a Wharff, would sail for Barbadoes in such a Time, and that Freighters +and Passengers might agree with the Captain at such a Place; so far is +what's common: But at the Bottom this odd Thing was added, "N. B. No Sea +Hens nor Black Gowns will be admitted on any Terms." I printed it, and +receiv'd my Money; and the Advertisement was stuck up round the Town as +usual. I had not so much Curiosity at that time as to enquire the +Meaning of it, nor did I in the least imagine it would give so much +Offence. Several good Men are very angry with me on this Occasion; they +are pleas'd to say I have too much Sense to do such things ignorantly; +that if they were Printers they would not have done such a thing on any +Consideration; that it could proceed from nothing but my abundant Malice +against Religion and the Clergy. They therefore declare they will not +take any more of my Papers, nor have any farther Dealings with me; but +will hinder me of all the Custom they can. All this is very hard! + +I believe it had been better if I had refused to print the said +Advertisement. However, 'tis done, and cannot be revok'd. I have only +the following few Particulars to offer, some of them in my behalf, by +way of Mitigation, and some not much to the Purpose; but I desire none +of them may be read when the Reader is not in a very good Humour. + +1. That I really did it without the least Malice, and imagin'd the N. B. +was plac'd there only to make the Advertisement star'd at, and more +generally read. + +2. That I never saw the Word Sea-Hens before in my Life; nor have I yet +ask'd the meaning of it; and tho' I had certainly known that Black Gowns +in that place signified the Clergy of the Church of England, yet I have +that confidence in the generous good Temper of such of them as I know, +as to be well satisfied such a trifling mention of their Habit gives +them no Disturbance. + +3. That most of the Clergy in this and the neighbouring Provinces, are +my Customers, and some of them my very good Friends; and I must be very +malicious indeed, or very stupid, to print this thing for a small +Profit, if I had thought it would have given them just Cause of Offence. + +4. That if I had much Malice against the Clergy, and withal much Sense; +'tis strange I never write or talk against the Clergy myself. Some have +observed that 'tis a fruitful Topic, and the easiest to be witty upon of +all others; yet I appeal to the Publick that I am never guilty this way, +and to all my Acquaintances as to my Conversation. + +5. That if a Man of Sense had Malice enough to desire to injure the +Clergy, this is the foolishest Thing he could possibly contrive for that +Purpose. + +6. That I got Five Shillings by it. + +7. That none who are angry with me would have given me so much to let it +alone. + +8. That if all the People of different Opinions in this Province would +engage to give me as much for not printing things they don't like, as I +can get by printing them, I should probably live a very easy Life; and +if all Printers were everywhere so dealt by, there would be very little +printed. + +9. That I am oblig'd to all who take my Paper, and am willing to think +they do it out of meer Friendship. I only desire they would think the +same when I deal with them. I thank those who leave off, that they have +taken it so long. But I beg they would not endeavour to dissuade others, +for that will look like Malice. + +10. That 'tis impossible any Man should know what he would do if he was +a Printer. + +11. That notwithstanding the Rashness and Inexperience of Youth, which +is most likely to be prevail'd with to do things that ought not to be +done; yet I have avoided printing such Things as usually give Offence +either to Church or State, more than any Printer that has followed the +Business in this Province before. + +12. And lastly, That I have printed above a Thousand Advertisements +which made not the least mention of _Sea-Hens_ or _Black Gowns_, and +this being the first Offence, I have the more Reason to expect +Forgiveness. + +I take leave to conclude with an old Fable, which some of my Readers +have heard before, and some have not. + + "A certain well-meaning Man and his Son, were travelling + towards a Market Town, with an Ass which they had to sell. + The Road was bad; and the old Man therefore rid, but the Son + went a-foot. The first Passenger they met, asked the Father + if he was not ashamed to ride by himself, and suffer the + poor Lad to wade along thro' the Mire; this induced him to + take up his Son behind him: He had not travelled far, when + he met others, who said, they are two unmerciful Lubbers to + get both on the Back of that poor Ass, in such a deep Road. + Upon this the old Man gets off, and let his Son ride alone. + The next they met called the Lad a graceless, rascally young + Jackanapes, to ride in that Manner thro' the Dirt, while his + aged Father trudged along on Foot; and they said the old Man + was a Fool, for suffering it. He then bid his Son come down, + and walk with him, and they travell'd on leading the Ass by + the Halter; 'till they met another Company, who called them + a Couple of senseless Blockheads, for going both on Foot in + such a dirty Way, when they had an empty Ass with them, + which they might ride upon. The old Man could bear no + longer; My Son, said he, it grieves me much that we cannot + please all these People. Let me throw the Ass over the next + Bridge, and be no further troubled with him." + +Had the old Man been seen acting this last Resolution, he would probably +have been called a Fool for troubling himself about the different +Opinions of all that were pleas'd to find Fault with him: Therefore, +tho' I have a Temper almost as complying as his, I intend not to imitate +him in this last Particular. I consider the Variety of Humors among Men, +and despair of pleasing every Body; yet I shall not therefore leave off +Printing. I shall continue my Business. I shall not burn my Press and +melt my Letters. + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1733 + +COURTEOUS READER, + +I might in this place attempt to gain thy Favour, by declaring that I +write Almanacks with no other View than that of the publick Good; but in +this I should not be sincere; and Men are now adays too wise to be +deceiv'd by Pretences how specious soever. The plain Truth of the Matter +is, I am excessive poor, and my Wife, good Woman, is, I tell her, +excessive proud; she cannot bear, she says, to sit spinning in her Shift +of Tow, while I do nothing but gaze at the Stars; and has threatned more +than once to burn all my Books and Rattling-Traps (as she calls my +Instruments) if I do not make some profitable Use of them for the Good +of my Family. The Printer has offer'd me some considerable share of the +Profits, and I have thus begun to comply with my Dame's Desire. + +Indeed this Motive would have had Force enough to have made me publish +an Almanack many Years since, had it not been overpowered by my Regard +for my good Friend and Fellow Student Mr. _Titan Leeds_, whose Interest +I was extreamly unwilling to hurt: But this Obstacle (I am far from +speaking it with Pleasure) is soon to be removed, since inexorable +Death, who was never known to respect Merit, has already prepared the +mortal Dart, the fatal Sister has already extended her destroying +Shears, and that ingenious Man must soon be taken from us. He dies, by +my Calculation made at his Request, on Oct. 17. 1733. 3 h. 29 m. P. M. +at the very instant of the ☌ of ☉ and ☿: By his own Calculation he will +survive till the 26th of the same Month.[26] This small Difference +between us we have disputed whenever we have met these 9 Years past; but +at length he is inclinable to agree with my Judgment: Which of us is +most exact, a little Time will now determine. As therefore these +Provinces may not longer expect to see any of his Performances after +this Year, I think my self free to take up the Task, and request a share +of the publick Encouragement; which I am the more apt to hope for on +this Account, that the Buyer of my Almanack may consider himself, not +only as purchasing an useful Utensil, but as performing an Act of +Charity, to his poor _Friend and Servant_ + + R. SAUNDERS. + + + +A MEDITATION ON A QUART MUGG[27] + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 19, 1733.] + +Wretched, miserable, and unhappy Mug! I pity thy luckless Lot, I +commiserate thy Misfortunes, thy Griefs fill me with Compassion, and +because of thee are Tears made frequently to burst from my Eyes. + +How often have I seen him compell'd to hold up his Handle at the Bar, +for no other Crime than that of being empty; then snatch'd away by a +surly Officer, and plung'd suddenly into a Tub of cold Water: Sad +Spectacle, and Emblem of human Penury, oppress'd by arbitrary Power! How +often is he hurry'd down into a dismal Vault, sent up fully laden in a +cold Sweat, and by a rude Hand thrust into the Fire! How often have I +seen it obliged to undergo the Indignities of a dirty Wench; to have +melting Candles dropt on its naked Sides, and sometimes in its Mouth, to +risque being broken into a thousand Pieces, for Actions which itself was +not guilty of! How often is he forced into the Company of boisterous +Sots, who lay all their nonsence, Noise, profane Swearing, Cursing, and +Quarreling, on the harmless Mug, which speaks not a Word! They overset +him, maim him, and sometimes turn him to Arms offensive or defensive, as +they please; when of himself he would not be of either Party, but would +as willingly stand still. Alas! what Power, or Place, is provided, where +this poor Mug, this unpitied Slave, can have Redress of his Wrongs and +Sufferings? Or where shall he have a Word of Praise bestow'd on him for +his Well doings, and faithful Services? If he prove of a large size, his +Owner curses him, and says he will devour more than he'll earn: If his +Size be small, those whom his Master appoints him to serve will curse +him as much, and perhaps threaten him with the Inquisition of the +Standard. Poor Mug, unfortunate is thy Condition! Of thy self thou +wouldst do no Harm, but much Harm is done with thee! Thou art accused of +many Mischiefs; thou art said to administer Drunkenness, Poison, and +broken Heads: But none praise thee for the good Things thou yieldest! +Shouldest thou produce double Beer, nappy Ale, stallcop Cyder, or Cyder +mull'd, fine Punch, or cordial Tiff; yet for all these shouldst thou not +be prais'd, but the rich Liquors themselves, which tho' within thee, +will be said to be foreign to thee! And yet, so unhappy is thy Destiny, +thou must bear all their Faults and Abominations! Hast thou been +industriously serving thy Employers with Tiff or Punch, and instantly +they dispatch thee for Cyder, then must thou be abused for smelling of +Rum. Hast thou been steaming their Noses gratefully, with mull'd Cyder +or butter'd Ale, and then offerest to refresh their Palates with the +best of Beer, they will curse thee for thy Greasiness. And how, alas! +can thy Service be rendered more tolerable to thee? If thou submittest +thyself to a Scouring in the Kitchen, what must thou undergo from sharp +Sand, hot Ashes, and a coarse Dishclout; besides the Danger of having +thy Lips rudely torn, thy Countenance disfigured, thy Arms dismantled, +and thy whole Frame shatter'd, with violent Concussions in an Iron Pot +or Brass Kettle! And yet, O Mug! if these Dangers thou escapest, with +little Injury, thou must at last untimely fall, be broken to Pieces, and +cast away, never more to be recollected and form'd into a Quart Mug. +Whether by the Fire, or in a Battle, or choak'd with a Dishclout, or by +a Stroke against a Stone, thy Dissolution happens; 'tis all alike to thy +avaritious Owner; he grieves not for thee, but for the Shilling with +which he purchased thee! If thy Bottom Part should chance to survive, it +may be preserv'd to hold bits of Candles, or Blacking for Shoes, or +Salve for kibed Heels; but all thy other Members will be for ever buried +in some miry Hole; or less carefully disposed of, so that little +Children, who have not yet arrived to Acts of Cruelty, may gather them +up to furnish out their Baby Houses: Or, being cast upon the Dunghill, +they will therewith be carted into Meadow Grounds; where, being spread +abroad and discovered, they must be thrown to the Heap of Stones, Bones +and Rubbish; or being left until the Mower finds them with his Scythe, +they will with bitter Curses be tossed over the Hedge; and so serve for +unlucky Boys to throw at Birds and Dogs; until by Length of Time and +numerous Casualties, they shall be press'd into their Mother Earth, and +be converted to their original Principles. + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1734 + +COURTEOUS READERS, + +Your kind and charitable Assistance last Year, in purchasing so large an +Impression of my Almanacks, has made my Circumstances much more easy in +the World, and requires my grateful Acknowledgment. My Wife has been +enabled to get a Pot of her own, and is no longer oblig'd to borrow one +from a Neighbour; nor have we ever since been without something of our +own to put in it. She has also got a pair of Shoes, two new Shifts, and +a new warm Petticoat; and for my part, I have bought a second-hand Coat, +so good, that I am now not asham'd to go to Town or be seen there. These +Things have render'd her Temper so much more pacifick than it us'd to +be, that I may say, I have slept more, and more quietly within this last +Year, than in the three foregoing Years put together. Accept my hearty +Thanks therefor, and my sincere Wishes for your Health and Prosperity. + +In the Preface to my last Almanack, I foretold the Death of my dear old +Friend and Fellow-Student, the learned and ingenious Mr. _Titan Leeds_, +which was to be on the 17th of _October_, 1733, 3 h. 29 m. P. M. at the +very Instant of the ☌ of ☉ and ☿. By his own Calculation he was to +survive till the 26th of the same Month, and expire in the Time of the +Eclipse, near 11 o'clock A. M. At which of these Times he died, or +whether he be really yet dead, I cannot at this present Writing +positively assure my Readers; forasmuch as a Disorder in my own Family +demanded my Presence, and would not permit me as I had intended, to be +with him in his last Moments, to receive his last Embrace, to close his +Eyes, and do the Duty of a Friend in performing the last Offices to the +Departed. Therefore it is that I cannot positively affirm whether he be +dead or not; for the Stars only show to the Skilful, what will happen in +the natural and universal Chain of Causes and Effects; but 'tis well +known, that the Events which would otherwise certainly happen at certain +Times in the Course of Nature are sometimes set aside or postpon'd for +wise and good Reasons by the immediate particular Dispositions of +Providence; which particular Dispositions the Stars can by no Means +discover or foreshow. There is however (and I cannot speak it without +Sorrow) there is the strongest Probability that my dear Friend is _no +more_; for there appears in his Name, as I am assured, an Almanack for +the Year 1734, in which I am treated in a very gross and unhandsome +Manner; in which I am called _a false Predicter_, _an Ignorant_, _a +conceited Scribler_, _a Fool_, _and a Lyar_. Mr. _Leeds_ was too well bred +to use any Man so indecently and so scurrilously, and moreover his +Esteem and Affection for me was extraordinary: So that it is to be +feared that Pamphlet may be only a Contrivance of somebody or other, who +hopes perhaps to sell two or three Year's Almanacks still, by the sole +Force and Virtue of Mr. _Leeds's_ Name; but certainly, to put Words +into the Mouth of a Gentleman and a Man of Letters, against his Friend, +which the meanest and most scandalous of the People might be asham'd to +utter even in a drunken Quarrel, is an unpardonable Injury to his +Memory, and an Imposition upon the Publick. + +Mr. _Leeds_ was not only profoundly skilful in the useful Science he +profess'd, but he was a Man of _exemplary Sobriety_, a most _sincere +Friend_, and an _exact Performer of his Word_. These valuable +Qualifications, with many others so much endear'd him to me, that +although it should be so, that, contrary to all Probability, contrary to +my Prediction and his own, he might possibly be yet alive, yet my Loss +of Honour as a Prognosticator, cannot afford me so much Mortification, +as his Life, Health and Safety would give me Joy and Satisfaction. + +I am, _Courteous and Kind Reader + + Your poor Friend and Servant,_ +Octob. 30. 1733. R. SAUNDERS. + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1735 + +COURTEOUS READER, + +This is the third Time of my appearing in print, hitherto very much to +my own Satisfaction, and, I have reason to hope, to the Satisfaction of +the Publick also; for the Publick is generous, and has been very +charitable and good to me. I should be ungrateful then, if I did not +take every Opportunity of expressing my Gratitude; for _ingratum si +dixeris, omnia dixeris_: I therefore return the Publick my most humble +and hearty Thanks. + +Whatever may be the Musick of the Spheres, how great soever the Harmony +of the Stars, 'tis certain there is no Harmony among the Stargazers; but +they are perpetually growling and snarling at one another like strange +Curs, or like some Men at their Wives: I had resolved to keep the Peace +on my own part, and affront none of them; and I shall persist in that +Resolution: But having receiv'd much Abuse from _Titan Leeds_ deceas'd +(_Titan Leeds_ when living would not have us'd me so!) I say, having +receiv'd much Abuse from the Ghost of _Titan Leeds_, who pretends to be +still living, and to write Almanacks in Spight of me and my Predictions, +I cannot help saying, that tho' I take it patiently, I take it very +unkindly. And whatever he may pretend, 'tis undoubtedly true that he is +really defunct and dead. First because the Stars are seldom +disappointed, never but in the Case of wise Men, _sapiens dominabitur +astris_, and they foreshow'd his Death at the Time I predicted it. +Secondly, 'Twas requisite and necessary he should die punctually at that +Time, for the Honour of Astrology, the Art professed both by him and his +Father before him. Thirdly, 'Tis plain to every one that reads his last +two Almanacks (for 1734 and 35) that they are not written with that +_Life_ his Performances use to be written with; the Wit is low and flat, +the little Hints dull and spiritless, nothing smart in them but +_Hudibras's_ Verses against Astrology at the Heads of the Months in the +last, which no Astrologer but a _dead one_ would have inserted, and no +Man _living_ would or could write such Stuff as the rest. But lastly I +convince him in his own Words, that he is dead (_ex ore suo condemnatus +est_) for in his Preface to his Almanack for 1734, he says "_Saunders +adds another_ GROSS FALSHOOD _in his Almanack, viz. that by my own +Calculation I shall survive until the 26th of the said Month October +1733, which is as untrue as the former_." Now if it be, as Leeds says, +_untrue_ and a _gross Falshood_ that he surviv'd till the 26th of +October 1733, then it is certainly _true_ that he died _before_ that +Time: And if he died before that Time, he is dead now, to all Intents +and Purposes, any thing he may say to the contrary notwithstanding. And +at what Time before the 26th is it so likely he should die, as at the +Time by me predicted, _viz._ the 17th of October aforesaid? But if some +People will walk and be troublesome after Death, it may perhaps be born +with a little, because it cannot well be avoided unless one would be at +the Pains and Expence of laying them in the _Red Sea_; however, they +should not presume too much upon the Liberty allow'd them; I know +Confinement must needs be mighty irksome to the free Spirit of an +Astronomer, and I am too compassionate to proceed suddenly to +Extremities with it; nevertheless, tho' I resolve with Reluctance, I +shall not long defer, if it does not speedily learn to treat its living +Friends with better Manners, + +I am, _Courteous Reader, your obliged Friend and Servant_ + +Octob. 30. 1734 R. SAUNDERS. + + + +HINTS FOR THOSE THAT WOULD BE RICH + +[October, 1736--From _Poor Richard_, 1737] + +The Use of Money is all the Advantage there is in having Money. + +For £6 a Year you may have the Use of £100 if you are a Man of known +Prudence and Honesty. + +He that spends a Groat a day idly, spends idly above £6 a year, which is +the Price of using £100. + +He that wastes idly a Groat's worth of his Time per Day, one Day with +another, wastes the Privilege of using £100 each Day. + +He that idly loses 5s. worth of time, loses 5s. and might as prudently +throw 5s. in the River. + +He that loses 5s. not only loses that Sum, but all the Advantage that +might be made by turning it in Dealing, which, by the time that a young +Man becomes old, amounts to a comfortable Bag of Money. + +_Again_, He that sells upon Credit, asks a Price for what he sells +equivalent to the Principal and Interest of his Money for the Time he is +like to be kept out of it: therefore He that buys upon Credit, pays +Interest for what he buys. And he that pays ready Money, might let that +Money out to Use; so that He that possesses any Thing he has bought, +pays Interest for the Use of it. + +_Consider then_ when you are tempted to buy any unnecessary +Householdstuff, or any superfluous thing, whether you will be willing to +pay _Interest, and Interest upon Interest_ for it as long as you live; +and more if it grows worse by using. + +_Yet, in buying goods, 'tis best to pay Ready Money, because_, He that +sells upon Credit, expects to lose _5 per Cent_ by bad Debts; therefore +he charges, on all he sells upon Credit, an Advance that shall make up +for that Deficiency. + +Those who pay for what they buy upon Credit, pay their Share of this +Advance. + +He that pays ready Money, escapes or may escape that Charge. + + A Penny sav'd is Twopence clear, + A Pin a Day is a Groat a Year. + + + +TO JOSIAH FRANKLIN[28] + + Philadelphia, April 13, 1738. + +HONOURED FATHER, + +I have your favours of the 21st of March, in which you both seem +concerned lest I have imbibed some erroneous opinions. Doubtless I have +my share; and when the natural weakness and imperfection of human +understanding is considered, the unavoidable influence of education, +custom, books, and company upon our ways of thinking, I imagine a man +must have a good deal of vanity who believes, and a good deal of +boldness who affirms, that all the doctrines he holds are true, and all +he rejects are false. And perhaps the same may be justly said of every +sect, church, and society of men, when they assume to themselves that +infallibility, which they deny to the Pope and councils. + +I think opinions should be judged of by their influences and effects; +and, if a man holds none that tend to make him less virtuous or more +vicious, it may be concluded he holds none that are dangerous; which I +hope is the case with me. + +I am sorry you should have any uneasiness on my account; and if it were +a thing possible for one to alter his opinions in order to please +another, I know none whom I ought more willingly to oblige in that +respect than yourselves. But, since it is no more in a man's power to +_think_ than to _look_ like another, methinks all that should be +expected from me is to keep my mind open to conviction, to hear +patiently and examine attentively, whatever is offered me for that end; +and, if after all I continue in the same errors, I believe your usual +charity will induce you to rather pity and excuse, than blame me. In the +mean time your care and concern for me is what I am very thankful for. + +My mother grieves, that one of her sons is an Arian, another an +Arminian. What an Arminian or an Arian is, I cannot say that I very well +know. The truth is, I make such distinctions very little my study. I +think vital religion has always suffered, when orthodoxy is more +regarded than virtue; and the Scriptures assure me, that at the last day +we shall not be examined what we _thought_, but what we _did_; and our +recommendation will not be, that we said, _Lord! Lord!_ but that we did +good to our fellow creatures. See Matt. xxv. + +As to the freemasons, I know no way of giving my mother a better account +of them than she seems to have at present, since it is not allowed that +women should be admitted into that secret society. She has, I must +confess, on that account some reason to be displeased with it; but for +any thing else, I must entreat her to suspend her judgment till she is +better informed, unless she will believe me, when I assure her that they +are in general a very harmless sort of people, and have no principles or +practices that are inconsistent with religion and good manners. + +We have had great rains here lately, which, with the thawing of snow on +the mountains back of our country, have made vast floods in our rivers, +and, by carrying away bridges, boats, &c., made travelling almost +impracticable for a week past; so that our post has entirely missed +making one trip. + +I hear nothing of Dr. Crook, nor can I learn any such person has ever +been here. + +I hope my sister Jenny's child is by this time recovered. I am your +dutiful son. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1739 + +KIND READER, + +Encouraged by thy former Generosity, I once more present thee with an +Almanack, which is the 7th of my Publication. While thou art putting +Pence in my Pocket, and furnishing my Cottage with necessaries, _Poor +Dick_ is not unmindful to do something for thy Benefit. The Stars are +watch'd as narrowly as old _Bess_ watch'd her Daughter, that thou mayst +be acquainted with their Motions, and told a Tale of their Influences +and Effects, which may do thee more good than a Dream of last Year's +Snow. + +Ignorant Men wonder how we Astrologers foretell the Weather so exactly, +unless we deal with the old black Devil. Alas! 'tis as easy as ****** +For Instance; The Stargazer peeps at the Heavens thro' a long Glass: He +sees perhaps TAURUS, or the great Bull, in a mighty Chafe, stamping on +the Floor of his House, swinging his Tail about, stretching out his +Neck, and opening wide his Mouth. 'Tis natural from these Appearances to +judge that this furious Bull is puffing, blowing and roaring. Distance +being consider'd and Time allow'd for all this to come down, there you +have Wind and Thunder. He spies perhaps VIRGO (or the Virgin;) she turns +her Head round as it were to see if any body observ'd her; then +crouching down gently, with her Hands on her Knees, she looks wistfully +for a while right forward. He judges rightly what she's about: And +having calculated the Distance and allow'd Time for its Falling, finds +that next Spring we shall have a fine _April_ shower. What can be more +natural and easy than this? I might instance the like in many other +particulars; but this may be sufficient to prevent our being taken for +Conjurors. O the wonderful Knowledge to be found in the Stars! Even the +smallest Things are written there, if you had but Skill to read: When my +Brother J-m-n erected a Scheme to know which was best for his sick +Horse, to sup a new-laid Egg, or a little Broth, he found that the Stars +plainly gave their Verdict for Broth, and the Horse having sup'd his +Broth;--Now, what do you think became of that Horse? You shall know in +my next. + +Besides the usual Things expected in an Almanack, I hope the profess'd +Teachers of Mankind will excuse my scattering here and there some +instructive Hints in Matters of Morality and Religion. And be not thou +disturbed, O grave and sober Reader, if among the many serious Sentences +in my Book, thou findest me trifling now and then, and talking idly. In +all the Dishes I have hitherto cook'd for thee, there is solid Meat +enough for thy Money. There are Scraps from the Table of Wisdom, that +will if well digested, yield strong Nourishment to thy Mind. But +squeamish Stomachs cannot eat without Pickles; which, 'tis true are good +for nothing else, but they provoke an Appetite. The Vain Youth that +reads my Almanack for the sake of an idle Joke, will perhaps meet with a +serious Reflection, that he may ever after be the better for. + +Some People observing the great Yearly Demand for my Almanack, imagine I +must by this Time have become rich, and consequently ought to call +myself _Poor Dick_ no longer. But, the Case is this, + +When I first begun to publish, the Printer made a fair Agreement with me +for my Copies, by Virtue of which he runs away with the greatest Part of +the Profit.--However, much good may't do him; I do not grudge it him; he +is a Man I have a great Regard for, and I wish his Profit ten times +greater than it is. For I am, dear Reader, his, as well as thy + + _Affectionate Friend_ + R. SAUNDERS. + + + +A PROPOSAL + +FOR PROMOTING USEFUL KNOWLEDGE AMONG THE BRITISH PLANTATIONS IN AMERICA + + Philadelphia, May 14, 1743. + +The English are possessed of a long tract of continent, from Nova Scotia +to Georgia, extending north and south through different climates, having +different soils, producing different plants, mines, and minerals, and +capable of different improvements, manufactures, &c. + +The first drudgery of settling new colonies, which confines the +attention of people to mere necessaries, is now pretty well over; and +there are many in every province in circumstances that set them at ease, +and afford leisure to cultivate the finer arts and improve the common +stock of knowledge. To such of these who are men of speculation, many +hints must from time to time arise, many observations occur, which if +well examined, pursued, and improved, might produce discoveries to the +advantage of some or all of the British plantations, or to the benefit +of mankind in general. + +But as from the extent of the country such persons are widely separated, +and seldom can see and converse or be acquainted with each other, so +that many useful particulars remain uncommunicated, die with the +discoverers, and are lost to mankind; it is, to remedy this +inconvenience for the future, proposed, + + That one society be formed of _virtuosi_ or ingenious men, + residing in the several colonies, to be called _The American + Philosophical Society_, who are to maintain a constant + correspondence. + + That Philadelphia, being the city nearest the centre of the + continent colonies, communicating with all of them northward + and southward by post, and with all the islands by sea, and + having the advantage of a good growing library, be the centre + of the Society. + + That at Philadelphia there be always at least seven members, + viz. a physician, a botanist, a mathematician, a chemist, a + mechanician, a geographer, and a general natural philosopher, + besides a president, treasurer, and secretary. + + That these members meet once a month, or oftener, at their + own expense, to communicate to each other their observations + and experiments, to receive, read, and consider such letters, + communications, or queries as shall be sent from distant + members; to direct the dispersing of copies of such + communications as are valuable, to other distant members, in + order to procure their sentiments thereupon. + + That the subjects of the correspondence be: all + new-discovered plants, herbs, trees, roots, their virtues, + uses, &c.; methods of propagating them, and making such as + are useful, but particular to some plantations, more general; + improvements of vegetable juices, as ciders, wines, &c.; new + methods of curing or preventing diseases; all new-discovered + fossils in different countries, as mines, minerals, and + quarries; new and useful improvements in any branch of + mathematics; new discoveries in chemistry, such as + improvements in distillation, brewing, and assaying of ores; + new mechanical inventions for saving labour, as mills and + carriages, and for raising and conveying of water, draining + of meadows, &c.; all new arts, trades, and manufactures, that + may be proposed or thought of; surveys, maps, and charts of + particular parts of the sea-coasts or inland countries; + course and junction of rivers and great roads, situation of + lakes and mountains, nature of the soil and productions; new + methods of improving the breed of useful animals; introducing + other sorts from foreign countries; new improvements in + planting, gardening, and clearing land; and all philosophical + experiments that let light into the nature of things, tend to + increase the power of man over matter, and multiply the + conveniences or pleasures of life. + + That a correspondence, already begun by some intended + members, shall be kept up by this Society with the ROYAL + SOCIETY of London, and with the DUBLIN SOCIETY. + + That every member shall have abstracts sent him quarterly, of + every thing valuable communicated to the Society's Secretary + at Philadelphia; free of all charge except the yearly payment + hereafter mentioned. + + That, by permission of the postmaster-general, such + communications pass between the Secretary of the Society and + the members, postage-free. + + That, for defraying the expense of such experiments as the + Society shall judge proper to cause to be made, and other + contingent charges for the common good, every member send a + piece of eight per annum to the treasurer, at Philadelphia, + to form a common stock, to be disbursed by order of the + President with the consent of the majority of the members + that can conveniently be consulted thereupon, to such persons + and places where and by whom the experiments are to be made, + and otherwise as there shall be occasion; of which + disbursements an exact account shall be kept, and + communicated yearly to every member. + + That, at the first meetings of the members at Philadelphia, + such rules be formed for regulating their meetings and + transactions for the general benefit, as shall be convenient + and necessary; to be afterwards changed and improved as there + shall be occasion, wherein due regard is to be had to the + advice of distant members. + + That, at the end of every year, collections be made and + printed, of such experiments, discoveries, and improvements, + as may be thought of public advantage; and that every member + have a copy sent him. + + That the business and duty of the Secretary be to receive all + letters intended for the Society, and lay them before the + President and members at their meetings; to abstract, + correct, and methodize such papers as require it, and as he + shall be directed to do by the President, after they have + been considered, debated, and digested in the Society; to + enter copies thereof in the Society's books, and make out + copies for distant members; to answer their letters by + direction of the President, and keep records of all material + transactions of the Society. + +Benjamin Franklin, the writer of this Proposal, offers himself to serve +the Society as their secretary, till they shall be provided with one +more capable. + + + +SHAVERS AND TRIMMERS + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 23, 1743.] + +Alexander Miller, Peruke-maker, in _Second-street, Philadelphia_, takes +Opportunity to acquaint his Customers, that he intends to leave off the +Shaving Business after the 22d of _August_ next. + + +TO MR. FRANKLIN + +_Sir_, + +It is a common Observation among the People of _Great Britain_ and +_Ireland_, that the Barbers are reverenced by the lower Classes of the +Inhabitants of those Kingdoms, and in the more remote Parts of those +Dominions, as the sole Oracles of Wisdom and Politicks. This at first +View seems to be owing to the odd Bent of Mind and peculiar Humour of +the People of those Nations: But if we carry this Observation into other +Parts, we shall find the same Passion equally prevalent throughout the +whole civilized World; and discover in every little Market-Town and +Village the 'Squire, the Exciseman, and even the Parson himself, +listening with as much Attention to a Barber's News, as they would to +the profound Revelations of a Chancellor of the Exchequer, or principal +Secretary of State. + +Antiquity likewise will furnish us with many Confirmations of the Truth +of what I have here asserted. Among the old _Romans_ the Barbers were +understood to be exactly of the same Complection I have here described. +I shall not trouble your Readers with a Multitude of Examples taken from +Antiquity. I shall only quote one Passage in _Horace_, which may serve +to illustrate the Whole, and is as follows. + + Strenuus et fortis, causisq; Philippus agendis + Clarus, ab officiis octavam circiter horam + Dum redit: atq; foro nimium distare carinas + Jam grandis natu queritur, conspexit, ut aiunt, + Adrasum quendam vacuâ tonsoris in umbrâ. + Cultello proprios purgantem leniter ungues. + Hor. Epist. Lib. I. 7. + +By which we may understand, that the _Tonsoris Umbra, or_ Barber's Shop, +was the common Rendezvous of every idle Fellow, who had no more to do +than to pair his Nails, talk Politicks, and see, and to be seen. + +But to return to the Point in Question. If we would know why the Barbers +are so eminent for their Skill in Politicks, it will be necessary to lay +aside the Appellation of Barber, and confine ourselves to that of Shaver +and Trimmer, which will naturally lead us to consider the near Relation +which subsists between Shaving, Trimming and Politicks, from whence we +shall discover that Shaving and Trimming is not the Province of the +Mechanic alone, but that there are their several Shavers and Trimmers at +Court, the Bar, in Church and State. + +And first, Shaving or Trimming, in a strict mechanical Sense of the +Word, signifies a cutting, sheering, lopping off, and fleecing us of +those Excrescencies of Hair, Nails, Flesh, &c., which burthen and +disguise our natural Endowments. And is not the same practised over the +whole World, by Men of every Rank and Station? Does not the corrupt +Minister lop off our Privileges and fleece us of our Money? Do not the +Gentlemen of the long Robe find means to cut off those Excrescencies of +the Nation, Highwaymen, Thieves and Robbers? And to look into the +Church, who has been more notorious for shaving and fleecing, than that +Apostle of Apostles, that Preacher of Preachers, the Rev. Mr. G. W.?[29] +But I forbear making farther mention of this spiritual Shaver and +Trimmer, lest I should affect the Minds of my Readers as deeply as his +Preaching has affected their Pockets. + +The second Species of Shavers and Trimmers are those who, according to +the _English_ Phrase, _make the best of a bad Market_: Such as cover +(what is called by an eminent Preacher) _their poor Dust_ in tinsel +Cloaths and gaudy Plumes of Feathers. A Star, and Garter, for Instance, +adds Grace, Dignity and Lustre to a gross corpulent Body; and a +competent Share of religious Horror thrown into the Countenance, with +proper Distortions of the Face, and the Addition of a lank Head of Hair, +or a long Wig and Band, commands a most profound Respect to Insolence +and Ignorance. The Pageantry of the Church of _Rome_ is too well known +for me to instance: It will not however be amiss to observe, that his +Holiness the Pope, when he has a Mind to fleece his Flock of a good +round Sum, sets off the Matter with Briefs, Pardons, Indulgencies, &c. +&c. &c. + +The Third and last Kind of Shavers and Trimmers are those who (in +Scripture Language) are carried away with every Wind of Doctrine. The +Vicars of Bray, and those who exchange their Principles with the Times, +may justly be referred to this Class. But the most odious Shavers and +Trimmers of this Kind, are a certain set of Females, called (by the +polite World) JILTS. I cannot give my Readers a more perfect Idea of +these than by quoting the following Lines of the Poet: + + Fatally fair they are, and in their Smiles + The Graces, little Loves, and young Desires inhabit: + But they are false luxurious in their Appetites, + And all the Heav'n they hope for, is Variety. + One Lover to another still succeeds, + Another and another after that, + And the last Fool is welcome as the former; + 'Till having lov'd his Hour out, he gives his Place, + And mingles with the Herd that went before him. + _Rowe's Fair Penitent._ + +Lastly, I cannot but congratulate my Neighbours on the little Favour +which is shown to Shavers and Trimmers by the People of this Province. +The Business is at so low an Ebb, that the worthy Gentleman whose +Advertisement I have chosen for the Motto of my Paper, acquaints us he +will leave it off after the 22d of _August_ next. I am of Opinion that +all possible Encouragement ought to be given to Examples of this Kind, +since it is owing to this that so perfect an Understanding is cultivated +among ourselves, and the Chain of Friendship is brightened and +perpetuated with our good Allies, the _Indians_. The Antipathy which +these sage Naturalists bear to Shaving and Trimming, is well known. + + _I am, Yours, &c._ + + + +TO THE PUBLICK + + * * * Causis Philippus agendis + Clarus, * * * + S. P. D. + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 30, 1743.] + +My Paper on Shavers and Trimmers, in the last _Gazette_, being generally +condemn'd, I at first imputed it to the Want of Taste and Relish for +Pieces of that Force and Beauty, which none but University-bred +Gentlemen can _produce_: But upon Advice of Friends, whose Judgment I +could depend on, I examined _myself_ and to my Shame must confess, that +I found myself to be an uncircumcised Jew, whose Excrescencies of Hair, +Nails, Flesh, &c. did burthen and disguise my Natural Endowments; but +having my Hair and Nails since lopp'd off and shorn, and my fleshly +Excrescencies circumcised, I now appear in my wonted Lustre, and expect +a speedy Admission among the _Levites_, which I have already the Honour +of among the Poets and Natural Philosophers. I have one Thing more to +add, which is, That I had no real Animosity against the Person whose +Advertisement I made the Motto of my Paper; but (as may appear to all +who have been Big with Pieces of this Kind) what I had long on my Mind, +I at last unburden'd myself of. O! these JILTS still run in my Mind. + +N. B. The Publick perhaps may suppose this Confession forced upon me; +but if they _repair_ to the P---- Pe in Second-street, they may see Me, +or the Original hereof under my own Hand, and be convinced that this is +genuine. + + + +PREFACE TO LOGAN'S TRANSLATION OF "CATO MAJOR"[30] + +The Printer to the Reader + +This Version of Cicero's Tract _de Senectute_, was made Ten Years since, +by the Honourable and Learned Mr. Logan, of this City; undertaken partly +for his own Amusement, (being then in his 60th Year, which is said to be +nearly the Age of the Author when he wrote it) but principally for the +Entertainment of a Neighbour then in his grand Climacteric; and the +Notes were drawn up solely on that Neighbour's Account, who was not so +well acquainted as himself with the Roman History and Language: Some +other Friends, however, (among whom I had the Honour to be ranked) +obtained Copies of it in MS. And, as I believed it to be in itself equal +at least, if not far preferable to any other Translation of the same +Piece extant in our Language, besides the Advantage it has of so many +valuable Notes, which at the same time they clear up the Text, are +highly instructive and entertaining; I resolved to give it an +Impression, being confident that the Publick would not unfavourably +receive it. + +A certain Freed-man of _Cicero's_ is reported to have said of a +medicinal Well, discovered in his Time, wonderful for the Virtue of its +Waters in restoring Sight to the Aged, That it was a Gift of the +bountiful Gods to Men, to the end that all might now have the Pleasure +of reading his Master's Works. As that Well, if still in being, is at +too great a Distance for our Use, I have, _Gentle Reader_, as thou +seest, printed this Piece of _Cicero's_ in a large and fair Character, +that those who begin to think on the Subject of Old Age, (which seldom +happens till their Sight is somewhat impair'd by its Approaches) may +not, in Reading, by the _Pain_ small Letters give the Eyes, feel the +_Pleasure_ of the Mind in the least allayed. + +I shall add to these few Lines my hearty Wish, that this first +Translation of a _Classic_ in this _Western World_, may be followed with +many others, performed with equal Judgment and Success; and be a happy +Omen, that _Philadelphia_ shall become the Seat of the _American_ Muses. + + Philadelphia, Febr. 29. 1743/4. + + + +TO JOHN FRANKLIN, AT BOSTON[31] + + Philadelphia [March 10], 1745. + +--Our people are extremely impatient to hear of your success at Cape +Breton. My shop is filled with thirty inquirers at the coming in of +every post. Some wonder the place is not yet taken. I tell them I shall +be glad to hear that news three months hence. Fortified towns are hard +nuts to crack; and your teeth have not been accustomed to it. Taking +strong places is a particular trade, which you have taken up without +serving an apprenticeship to it. Armies and veterans need skilful +engineers to direct them in their attack. Have you any? But some seem +to think forts are as easy taken as snuff. Father Moody's prayers look +tolerably modest. You have a fast and prayer day for that purpose; in +which I compute five hundred thousand petitions were offered up to the +same effect in New England, which added to the petitions of every family +morning and evening, multiplied by the number of days since January +25th, make forty-five millions of prayers; which, set against the +prayers of a few priests in the garrison, to the Virgin Mary, give a +vast balance in your favour. + +If you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indifferent opinion of +Presbyterian prayers in such cases, as long as I live. Indeed, in +attacking strong towns I should have more dependence on _works_, than on +_faith_; for, like the kingdom of heaven, they are to be taken by force +and violence; and in a French garrison I suppose there are devils of +that kind, that they are not to be cast out by prayers and fasting, +unless it be by their own fasting for want of provisions. I believe +there is Scripture in what I have wrote, but I cannot adorn the margin +with quotations, having a bad memory, and no Concordance at hand; +besides no more time than to subscribe myself, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1746 + + Who is _Poor Richard_? People oft enquire, + Where lives? What is he? never yet the nigher. + Somewhat to ease your Curiositee, + Take these slight Sketches of my Dame and me. + Thanks to kind Readers and a careful Wife, + With plenty bless'd, I lead an easy Life; + My business Writing; less to drain the Mead, + Or crown the barren Hill with useful Shade; + In the smooth Glebe to see the Plowshare worn, + And fill the Granary with needful Corn. + Press nectareous Cyder from my loaded Trees, + Print the sweet Butter, turn the Drying Cheese. + Some Books we read, tho' few there are that hit + The happy Point where Wisdom joins with Wit; + That set fair Virtue naked to our View, + And teach us what is _decent_, what is _true_. + The Friend sincere, and honest Man, with Joy + Treating or treated oft our Time employ. + Our Table next, Meals temperate; and our Door + Op'ning spontaneous to the bashful Poor. + Free from the bitter Rage of Party Zeal, + All those we love who seek the publick Weal. + Nor blindly follow Superstitious Love, + Which cheats deluded Mankind o'er and o'er, + Not over righteous, quite beyond the Rule, + Conscience perplext by every canting Tool. + Nor yet when Folly hides the dubious Line, + When Good and Bad the blended Colours join: + Rush indiscreetly down the dangerous Steep, + And plunge uncertain in the darksome Deep. + Cautious, if right; if wrong resolv'd to part + The Inmate Snake that folds about the Heart. + Observe the _Mean_, the _Motive_, and the _End_, + Mending ourselves, or striving still to mend. + Our Souls sincere, our Purpose fair and free, + Without Vain Glory or Hypocrisy: + Thankful if well; if ill, we kiss the Rod; + Resign with Hope, and put our Trust in God. + + + +THE SPEECH OF POLLY BAKER[32] + +[Printed in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, April, 1747.] + +The Speech of Miss Polly Baker before a Court of Judicature, at +Connecticut near Boston in New England; where she was prosecuted the +fifth time, for having a Bastard Child: Which influenced the Court to +dispense with her Punishment, and which induced one of her Judges to +marry her the next Day--by whom she had fifteen Children. + + "May it please the honourable bench to indulge me in a few + words: I am a poor, unhappy woman, who have no money to fee + lawyers to plead for me, being hard put to it to get a + living. I shall not trouble your honours with long speeches; + for I have not the presumption to expect that you may, by any + means, be prevailed on to deviate in your Sentence from the + law, in my favour. All I humbly hope is, that your honours + would charitably move the governor's goodness on my behalf, + that my fine may be remitted. This is the fifth time, + gentlemen, that I have been dragg'd before your court on the + same account; twice I have paid heavy fines, and twice have + been brought to publick punishment, for want of money to pay + those fines. This may have been agreeable to the laws, and I + don't dispute it; but since laws are sometimes unreasonable + in themselves, and therefore repealed; and others bear too + hard on the subject in particular circumstances, and + therefore there is left a power somewhere to dispense with + the execution of them; I take the liberty to say, that I + think this law, by which I am punished, both unreasonable in + itself, and particularly severe with regard to me, who have + always lived an inoffensive life in the neighbourhood where I + was born, and defy my enemies (if I have any) to say I ever + wrong'd any man, woman, or child. Abstracted from the law, I + cannot conceive (may it please your honours) what the nature + of my offense is. I have brought five fine children into the + world, at the risque of my life; I have maintain'd them well + by my own industry, without burthening the township, and + would have done it better, if it had not been for the heavy + charges and fines I have paid. Can it be a crime (in the + nature of things, I mean) to add to the king's subjects, in a + new country, that really wants people? I own it, I should + think it rather a praiseworthy than a punishable action. I + have debauched no other woman's husband, nor enticed any + other youth; these things I never was charg'd with; nor has + any one the least cause of complaint against me, unless, + perhaps, the ministers of justice, because I have had + children without being married, by which they have missed a + wedding fee. But can this be a fault of mine? I appeal to + your honours. You are pleased to allow I don't want sense; + but I must be stupified to the last degree, not to prefer + the honourable state of wedlock to the condition I have lived + in. I always was, and still am willing to enter into it; and + doubt not my behaving well in it, having all the industry, + frugality, fertility, and skill in economy appertaining to a + good wife's character. I defy any one to say I ever refused + an offer of that sort: on the contrary, I readily consented + to the only proposal of marriage that ever was made me, which + was when I was a virgin, but too easily confiding in the + person's sincerity that made it, I unhappily lost my honour + by trusting to his; for he got me with child, and then + forsook me. + + "That very person, you all know, he is now become a + magistrate of this country; and I had hopes he would have + appeared this day on the bench, and have endeavoured to + moderate the Court in my favour; then I should have scorn'd + to have mentioned it; but I must now complain of it, as + unjust and unequal, that my betrayer and undoer, the first + cause of all my faults and miscarriages (if they must be + deemed such), should be advanced to honour and power in this + government that punishes my misfortunes with stripes and + infamy. I should be told, 'tis like, that were there no act + of Assembly in the case, the precepts of religion are + violated by my transgressions. If mine is a religious + offense, leave it to religious punishments. You have already + excluded me from the comforts of your church communion. Is + not that sufficient? You believe I have offended heaven, and + must suffer eternal fire: Will not that be sufficient? What + need is there then of your additional fines and whipping? I + own I do not think as you do, for, if I thought what you call + a sin was really such, I could not presumptuously commit it. + But, how can it be believed that heaven is angry at my having + children, when to the little done by me towards it, God has + been pleased to add his divine skill and admirable + workmanship in the formation of their bodies, and crowned the + whole by furnishing them with rational and immortal souls? + + "Forgive me, gentlemen, if I talk a little extravagantly on + these matters; I am no divine, but if you, gentlemen, must be + making laws, do not turn natural and useful actions into + crimes by your prohibitions. But take into your wise + consideration the great and growing number of batchelors in + the country, many of whom, from the mean fear of the expences + of a family, have never sincerely and honourably courted a + woman in their lives; and by their manner of living leave + unproduced (which is little better than murder) hundreds of + their posterity to the thousandth generation. Is not this a + greater offense against the publick good than mine? Compel + them, then, by law, either to marriage, or to pay double the + fine of fornication every year. What must poor young women + do, whom customs and nature forbid to solicit the men, and + who cannot force themselves upon husbands, when the laws take + no care to provide them any, and yet severely punish them if + they do their duty without them; the duty of the first and + great command of nature and nature's God, _encrease and + multiply_; a duty, from the steady performance of which + nothing has been able to deter me, but for its sake I have + hazarded the loss of the publick esteem, and have frequently + endured publick disgrace and punishment; and therefore ought, + in my humble opinion, instead of a whipping, to have a statue + erected to my memory." + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, 1747 + +COURTEOUS READER, + +This is the 15th Time I have entertain'd thee with my annual +Productions; I hope to thy Profit as well as mine. For besides the +astronomical Calculations, and other Things usually contain'd in +Almanacks, which have their daily Use indeed while the Year continues, +but then become of no Value, I have constantly interspers'd _moral_ +Sentences, _prudent_ Maxims, and _wise_ Sayings, many of them containing +_much good Sense_ in _very few_ Words, and therefore apt to leave +_strong_ and _lasting_ Impressions on the Memory of young Persons, +whereby they may receive Benefit as long as they live, when both +Almanack and Almanack-maker have been long thrown by and forgotten. If I +now and then insert a Joke or two, that seem to have little in them, my +Apology _is_ that such may have their Use, since perhaps for their Sake +light airy Minds peruse the rest, and so are struck by somewhat of more +Weight and Moment. The Verses on the Heads of the Months are also +generally design'd to have the same Tendency. I need not tell thee that +not many of them are of my own Making. If thou hast any Judgment in +Poetry, thou wilt easily discern the Workman from the Bungler. I know as +well as thee, that I am no _Poet born_; and it is a Trade I never +learnt, nor indeed could learn. _If I make Verses, 'tis in Spight--of +Nature and my Stars, I write._ Why then should I give my Readers _bad +Lines_ of my own, when _good Ones_ of other People's are so plenty? 'Tis +methinks a poor Excuse for the bad Entertainment of Guests, that the +Food we set before them, tho' coarse and ordinary, _is of one's own +Raising, off one's own Plantation_, &c. when there is Plenty of what is +ten times better, to be had in the Market.--On the contrary, I assure +ye, my Friends, that I have procur'd the best I could for ye, and _much +Good may't do ye...._ + + _I am thy poor Friend, to serve thee,_ + R. SAUNDERS. + + + +TO PETER COLLINSON + + Philad^a Aug^t 14, 1747. + +SIR + +I have lately written two long Letters to you on the Subject of +Electricity, one by the Governor's Vessel, the other per Mesnard. On +some further Experiments since I have observ'd a Phenomenon or two, that +I cannot at present account for on the Principle laid down in those +Letters, and am therefore become a little diffident of my Hypothesis, +and asham'd that I have express'd myself in so positive a manner. In +going on with these Experiments how many pretty Systems do we build +which we soon find ourselves oblig'd to destroy! If there is no other +Use discover'd of Electricity this however is something considerable, +that it may _help to make a vain man humble_. + +I must now request that you would not Expose those Letters; or if you +communicate them to any Friends you would at least conceal my Name. I +have not Time to add but that I am, Sir, + + Your obliged and most hum^e Serv^t + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD IMPROVED, 1748 + +KIND READER + +The favourable Reception my annual Labours have met with from the +Publick these 15 Years past, has engaged me in Gratitude to endeavour +some Improvements of my Almanack. And since my Friend _Taylor_ is no +more, whose _Ephemerides_ so long and so agreeably serv'd and +entertain'd these Provinces, I have taken the Liberty to imitate his +well-known Method, and give two Pages for each Month; which affords me +Room for several valuable Additions, as will best appear on Inspection +and Comparison with former Almanacks. Yet I have not so far follow'd his +Method, as not to continue my own when I thought it preferable; and thus +my Book is increas'd to a Size beyond his, and contains much more +Matter. + + Hail Night serene! thro' Thee where'er we turn + Our wond'ring Eyes, Heav'n's Lamps profusely burn; + And Stars unnumber'd all the Sky adorn. + But lo!--what's that I see appear? + It seems far off a pointed flame; + From Earthwards too the shining Meteor came: + How swift it climbs th' etherial Space! + And now it traverses each Sphere, + And seems some knowing Mind, familiar to the Place, + Dame, hand my Glass, the longest, strait prepare; + 'Tis He--'tis TAYLOR'S Soul, that travels there. + O stay! thou happy Spirit, stay, + And lead me on thro' all th' unbeaten Wilds of Day; + Where Planets in pure Streams of Ether driven, + Swim thro' the blue Expanse of Heav'n. + There let me, thy Companion, stray + From Orb to Orb, and now behold + Unnumber'd Suns, all Seas of molten Gold, + And trace each Comet's wandring Way.-- + +Souse down into Prose again, my Muse; for Poetry's no more thy Element, +than Air is that of the Flying-Fish; whose Flights, like thine, are +therefore always short and heavy.-- + + + +ADVICE TO A YOUNG TRADESMAN + +[1748] + +TO MY FRIEND, A. B.: + +As you have desired it of me, I write the following hints, which have +been of service to me, and may, if observed, be so to you. + +Remember, that _time_ is money. He that can earn ten shillings a day by +his labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle, one half of that day, though +he spends but sixpence during his diversion or idleness, ought not to +reckon _that_ the only expense; he has really spent, or rather thrown +away, five shillings besides. + +Remember, that _credit_ is money. If a man lets his money lie in my +hands after it is due, he gives me the interest, or so much as I can +make of it during that time. This amounts to a considerable sum where a +man has good and large credit, and makes good use of it. + +Remember, that money is of the prolific, generating nature. Money can +beget money, and its offspring can beget more, and so on. Five shillings +turned is six, turned again it is seven and three-pence, and so on till +it becomes an hundred pounds. The more there is of it, the more it +produces every turning, so that the profits rise quicker and quicker. He +that kills a breeding sow, destroys all her offspring to the thousandth +generation. He that murders a crown, destroys all that it might have +produced, even scores of pounds. + +Remember, that six pounds a year is but a groat a day. For this little +sum (which may be daily wasted either in time or expense unperceived) a +man of credit may, on his own security, have the constant possession and +use of an hundred pounds. So much in stock, briskly turned by an +industrious man, produces great advantage. + +Remember this saying, _The good paymaster is lord of another man's +purse_. He that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the time he +promises, may at any time, and on any occasion, raise all the money his +friends can spare. This is sometimes of great use. After industry and +frugality, nothing contributes more to the raising of a young man in the +world than punctuality and justice in all his dealings; therefore never +keep borrowed money an hour beyond the time you promised, lest a +disappointment shut up your friend's purse for ever. + +The most trifling actions that affect a man's credit are to be regarded. +The sound of your hammer at five in the morning, or nine at night, heard +by a creditor, makes him easy six months longer; but, if he sees you at +a billiard-table, or hears your voice at a tavern, when you should be at +work, he sends for his money the next day; demands it, before he can +receive it, in a lump. + +It shows, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you +appear a careful as well as an honest man, and that still increases your +credit. + +Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living +accordingly. It is a mistake that many people who have credit fall into. +To prevent this, keep an exact account for some time, both of your +expenses and your income. If you take the pains at first to mention +particulars, it will have this good effect: you will discover how +wonderfully small, trifling expenses mount up to large sums, and will +discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved, without +occasioning any great inconvenience. + +In short, the way to wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as the way to +market. It depends chiefly on two words, _industry_ and _frugality_; +that is, waste neither _time_ nor _money_, but make the best use of +both. Without industry and frugality nothing will do, and with them +every thing. He that gets all he can honestly, and saves all he gets +(necessary expenses excepted), will certainly become _rich_, if that +Being who governs the world, to whom all should look for a blessing on +their honest endeavours, doth not, in his wise providence, otherwise +determine. + + AN OLD TRADESMAN. + + + +TO GEORGE WHITEFIELD + + Philadelphia, July 6, 1749. + +DEAR SIR + +Since your being in England, I have received two of your favours and a +box of books to be disposed of. It gives me great pleasure to hear of +your welfare and that you purpose soon to return to America. + +We have no news here worth writing to you. The affair of the building +remains in _statu quo_, there having been no new application to the +Assembly about it, or anything done in consequence of the former. + +I have received no money on your account from Mr. Thanklin, or from +Boston. Mrs. Read and your other friends here, in general, are well, and +will rejoice to see you again. + +I am glad to hear that you have frequent opportunities of preaching +among the great. If you can gain them to a good and exemplary life, +wonderful changes will follow in the manners of the lower ranks; for _ad +exemplum regis_, etc. On this principle, Confucius, the famous Eastern +reformer, proceeded. When he saw his country sunk in vice, and +wickedness of all kinds triumphant, he applied himself first to the +grandees; and having, by his doctrine, won _them_ to the cause of +virtue, the commons followed in multitudes. The mode has a wonderful +influence on mankind; and there are numbers who, perhaps, fear less the +being in hell, than out of the fashion. Our most western reformations +began with the ignorant mob; and when numbers of them were gained, +interest and party views drew in the wise and great. Where both methods +can be used, reformations are likely to be more speedy. O that some +method could be found to make them lasting! He who discovers that will, +in my opinion, deserve more, ten thousand times, than the inventor of +the longitude. + +My wife and family join in the most cordial salutations to you and good +Mrs. Whitefield. + +I am, dear Sir, your very affectionate friend, and most obliged humble +Servant + + BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. + + + +PROPOSALS RELATING TO THE EDUCATION OF YOUTH IN PENSILVANIA + +PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED IN THE YEAR, MDCCXLIX[33] + + "Advertisement to the Reader. + + "It has long been regretted as a Misfortune to the Youth of + this Province, that we have no ACADEMY, in which they might + receive the Accomplishments of a regular Education. The + following Paper of Hints towards forming a Plan for that + Purpose, is so far approv'd by some publick-spirited + Gentlemen, to whom it has been privately communicated, that + they have directed a Number of Copies to be made by the Press, + and properly distributed, in order to obtain the Sentiments + and Advice of Men of Learning, Understanding, and Experience + in these Matters; and have determined to use their Interest + and best Endeavours, to have the Scheme, when compleated, + carried gradually into Execution; in which they have Reason to + believe they shall have the hearty Concurrence and Assistance + of many who are Wellwishers to their Country. Those who + incline to favour the Design with their Advice, either as to + the Parts of Learning to be taught, the Order of Study, the + Method of Teaching, the Œconomy of the School, or any other + Matter of Importance to the Success of the Undertaking, are + desired to communicate their Sentiments as soon as may be, by + Letter directed to B. FRANKLIN, _Printer_, in PHILADELPHIA." + + +PROPOSALS + +The good Education of Youth has been esteemed by wise Men in all Ages, +as the surest Foundation of the Happiness both of private Families and +of Commonwealths. Almost all Governments have therefore made it a +principal Object of their Attention, to establish and endow with proper +Revenues, such Seminaries of Learning, as might supply the succeeding +Age with Men qualified to serve the Publick with Honour to themselves, +and to their Country. + +Many of the first Settlers of these Provinces were Men who had received +a good Education in _Europe_, and to their Wisdom and good Management we +owe much of our present Prosperity. But their Hands were full, and they +could not do all Things. The present Race are not thought to be +generally of equal Ability: For though the _American_ Youth are allow'd +not to want Capacity; yet the best Capacities require Cultivation, it +being truly with them, as with the best Ground, which unless well tilled +and sowed with profitable Seed, produces only ranker Weeds. + +That we may obtain the Advantages arising from an Increase of Knowledge, +and prevent as much as may be the mischievous Consequences that would +attend a general Ignorance among us, the following _Hints_ are offered +towards forming a Plan for the Education of the Youth of _Pennsylvania_, +viz. + +It is propos'd, + +That some Persons of Leisure and publick Spirit apply for a CHARTER, by +which they may be incorporated, with Power to erect an ACADEMY for the +Education of Youth, to govern the same, provide Masters, make Rules, +receive Donations, purchase Lands, etc., and to add to their Number, +from Time to Time such other Persons as they shall judge suitable. + +That the Members of the Corporation make it their Pleasure, and in some +Degree their Business, to visit the Academy often, encourage and +countenance the Youth, countenance and assist the Masters, and by all +Means in their Power advance the Usefulness and Reputation of the +Design; that they look on the Students as in some Sort their Children, +treat them with Familiarity and Affection, and, when they have behav'd +well, and gone through their Studies, and are to enter the World, +zealously unite, and make all the Interest that can be made to establish +them, whether in Business, Offices, Marriages, or any other Thing for +their Advantage, preferably to all other Persons whatsoever even of +equal Merit. + +And if Men may, and frequently do, catch such a Taste for cultivating +Flowers, for Planting, Grafting, Inoculating, and the like, as to +despise all other Amusements for their Sake, why may not we expect they +should acquire a Relish for that _more useful_ Culture of young Minds. +_Thompson_ says, + + "'Tis Joy to see the human Blossoms blow, + When infant Reason grows apace, and calls + For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care. + Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought, + To teach the young Idea how to shoot; + To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind, + To breathe th' enliv'ning Spirit, and to fix + The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast." + +That a House be provided for the ACADEMY, if not in the Town, not many +Miles from it; the Situation high and dry, and if it may be, not far +from a River, having a Garden, Orchard, Meadow, and a Field or two. + +That the House be furnished with a Library (if in the Country, if in the +Town, the Town Libraries may serve) with Maps of all Countries, Globes, +some mathematical Instruments, an Apparatus for Experiments in Natural +Philosophy, and for Mechanics; Prints, of all Kinds, Prospects, +Buildings, Machines, &c. + +That the Rector be a Man of good Understanding, good Morals, diligent +and patient, learn'd in the Languages and Sciences, and a correct pure +Speaker and Writer of the _English_ Tongue; to have such Tutors under +him as shall be necessary. + +That the boarding Scholars diet together, plainly, temperately, and +frugally. + +That, to keep them in Health, and to strengthen and render active their +Bodies, they be frequently exercis'd in Running, Leaping, Wrestling, and +Swimming, &c. + +That they have peculiar Habits to distinguish them from other Youth, if +the Academy be in or near the Town; for this, among other Reasons, that +their Behaviour may be the better observed. + +As to their STUDIES, it would be well if they could be taught _every +Thing_ that is useful, and _every Thing_ that is ornamental: But Art is +long, and their Time is short. It is therefore propos'd that they learn +those Things that are likely to be _most useful_ and _most ornamental_. +Regard being had to the several Professions for which they are intended. + +All should be taught to write a _fair Hand_, and swift, as that is +useful to All. And with it may be learnt something of _Drawing_, by +Imitation of Prints, and some of the first Principles of Perspective. + +_Arithmetick_, _Accounts_, and some of the first Principles of +_Geometry_ and _Astronomy_. + +The _English_ Language might be taught by Grammar; in which some of our +best Writers, as _Tillotson_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Algernoon Sidney_, +_Cato's Letters_, &c; should be Classicks: the _Stiles_ principally to +be cultivated, being the _clear_ and the _concise_. Reading should also +be taught, and pronouncing, properly, distinctly, emphatically; not with +an even Tone, which _under-does_, nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ +Nature. + +To form their Stile they should be put on Writing Letters to each other, +making Abstracts of what they read; or writing the same Things in their +own Words; telling or writing Stories lately read, in their own +Expressions. All to be revis'd and corrected by the Tutor, who should +give his Reasons, and explain the Force and Import of Words, &c. + +To form their Pronunciation, they may be put on making Declamations, +repeating Speeches, delivering Orations, &c.; The Tutor assisting at the +Rehearsals, teaching, advising, correcting their Accent, &c. + +But if History be made a constant Part of their Reading, such as the +Translations of the _Greek_ and _Roman_ Historians, and the modern +Histories of ancient _Greece_ and _Rome_, &c. may not almost all Kinds +of useful Knowledge be that Way introduc'd to Advantage, and with +Pleasure to the Student? As + +GEOGRAPHY, by reading with Maps, and being required to point out the +Places _where_ the greatest Actions were done, to give their old and new +Names, with the Bounds, Situation, Extent of the Countries concern'd, +&c. + +CHRONOLOGY, by the Help of _Helvicus_ or some other Writer of the Kind, +who will enable them to tell _when_ those Events happened; what Princes +were Cotemporaries, what States or famous Men flourish'd about that +Time, &c. The several principal Epochas to be first well fix'd in their +Memories. + +ANTIENT CUSTOMS, religious and civil, being frequently mentioned in +History, will give Occasion for explaining them; in which the Prints of +Medals, Basso-Relievos, and antient Monuments will greatly assist. + +MORALITY, by descanting and making continual Observations on the Causes +of the Rise or Fall of any Man's Character, Fortune, Power &c. mention'd +in History; the Advantages of Temperance, Order, Frugality, Industry, +Perseverance &c., &c. Indeed the general natural Tendency of Reading +good History must be, to fix in the Minds of Youth deep Impressions of +the Beauty and Usefulness of Virtue of all Kinds, Publick Spirit, +Fortitude, &c. + +_History_ will show the wonderful Effects of ORATORY, in governing, +turning and leading great Bodies of Mankind, Armies, Cities, Nations. +When the Minds of Youth are struck with Admiration at this, then is the +Time to give them the Principles of that Art, which they will study with +Taste and Application. Then they may be made acquainted with the best +Models among the antients, their Beauties being particularly pointed out +to them. Modern Political Oratory being chiefly performed by the Pen and +Press, its Advantages over the Antient in some Respects are to be shown; +as that its Effects are more extensive, more lasting, &c. + +_History_ will also afford frequent Opportunities of showing the +Necessity of a _Publick Religion_, from its Usefulness to the Publick; +the Advantage of a Religious Character among private Persons; the +Mischiefs of Superstition, &c. and the Excellency of the CHRISTIAN +RELIGION above all others antient or modern. + +_History_ will also give Occasion to expatiate on the Advantage of Civil +Orders and Constitutions; how Men and their Properties are protected by +joining in Societies and establishing Government; their Industry +encouraged and rewarded, Arts invented, and Life made more comfortable: +The Advantages of _Liberty_, Mischiefs of _Licentiousness_, Benefits +arising from good Laws and a due Execution of Justice, &c. Thus may the +first Principles of sound _Politicks_ be fix'd in the Minds of Youth. + +On _Historical_ Occasions, Questions of Right and Wrong, Justice and +Injustice, will naturally arise, and may be put to Youth, which they may +debate in Conversation and in Writing. When they ardently desire +Victory, for the Sake of the Praise attending it, they will begin to +feel the Want, and be sensible of the Use of _Logic_, or the Art of +Reasoning to _discover_ Truth, and of Arguing to _defend_ it, and +_convince_ Adversaries. This would be the Time to acquaint them with the +Principles of that Art. Grotius, Puffendorff, and some other Writers of +the same Kind, may be used on these Occasions to decide their Disputes. +Publick Disputes warm the Imagination, whet the Industry, and strengthen +the natural Abilities. + +When Youth are told, that the Great Men whose Lives and Actions they +read in History, spoke two of the best Languages that ever were, the +most expressive, copious, beautiful; and that the finest Writings, the +most correct Compositions, the most perfect Productions of human Wit and +Wisdom, are in those Languages, which have endured Ages, and will endure +while there are Men; that no Translation can do them Justice, or give +the Pleasure found in Reading the Originals; that those Languages +contain all Science; that one of them is become almost universal, being +the Language of Learned Men in all Countries; that to understand them is +a distinguishing Ornament, &c. they may be thereby made desirous of +learning those Languages, and their Industry sharpen'd in the +Acquisition of them. All intended for Divinity, should be taught the +_Latin_ and _Greek_; for Physick, the _Latin_, _Greek_, and _French_; +for Law, the _Latin_ and _French_; Merchants, the _French_, _German_, +and _Spanish_: And though all should not be compell'd to learn _Latin_, +_Greek_, or the modern foreign Languages; yet none that have an ardent +Desire to learn them should be refused; their _English_, Arithmetick and +other Studies absolutely necessary, being at the same Time not neglected. + +If the new _Universal History_ were also read, it would give a +_connected_ Idea of human Affairs, so far as it goes, which should be +follow'd by the best modern Histories, particularly of our Mother +Country; then of these Colonies; which should be accompanied with +Observations on their Rise, Encrease, Use to _Great Britain_, +Encouragements, Discouragements, etc. the Means to make them flourish, +secure their Liberties, &c. + +With the History of Men, Times, and Nations, should be read at proper +Hours or Days, some of the best _Histories of Nature_, which would not +only be delightful to Youth, and furnish them with Matter for their +Letters, &c. as well as other History; but afterwards of great Use to +them, whether they are Merchants, Handicrafts, or Divines; enabling the +first the better to understand many Commodities, Drugs, &c; the second +to improve his Trade or Handicraft by new Mixtures, Materials, &c., and +the last to adorn his Discourses by beautiful Comparisons, and +strengthen them by new Proofs of Divine Providence. The Conversation of +all will be improved by it, as Occasions frequently occur of making +Natural Observations, which are instructive, agreeable, and entertaining +in almost all Companies. _Natural History_ will also afford +Opportunities of introducing many Observations, relating to the +Preservation of Health, which may be afterwards of great Use. +_Arbuthnot_ on Air and _Aliment_, _Sanctorius_ on Perspiration, _Lemery_ +on Foods, and some others, may now be read, and a very little +Explanation will make them sufficiently intelligible to Youth. + +While they are reading Natural History, might not a little _Gardening_, +_Planting_, _Grafting_, _Inoculating_, etc., be taught and practised; +and now and then Excursions made to the neighbouring Plantations of the +best Farmers, their Methods observ'd and reason'd upon for the +Information of Youth? The Improvement of Agriculture being useful to +all, and Skill in it no Disparagement to any. + +The History of _Commerce_, of the Invention of Arts, Rise of +Manufactures, Progress of Trade, Change of its Seats, with the Reasons, +Causes, &c., may also be made entertaining to Youth, and will be useful +to all. And this, with the Accounts in other History of the prodigious +Force and Effect of Engines and Machines used in War, will naturally +introduce a Desire to be instructed in _Mechanicks_, and to be inform'd +of the Principles of that Art by which weak Men perform such Wonders, +Labour is sav'd, Manufactures expedited, &c. This will be the Time to +show them Prints of antient and modern Machines, to explain them, to let +them be copied, and to give Lectures in Mechanical Philosophy. + +With the whole should be constantly inculcated and cultivated, that +_Benignity of Mind_, which shows itself in _searching for_ and _seizing_ +every Opportunity _to serve_ and _to oblige_; and is the Foundation of +what is called GOOD BREEDING; highly useful to the Possessor, and most +agreeable to all. + +The Idea of what is _true Merit_ should also be often presented to +Youth, explain'd and impress'd on their _Minds_, as consisting in an +_Inclination_ join'd with an _Ability_ to serve Mankind, one's Country, +Friends and Family; which _Ability_ is (with the Blessing of God) to be +acquir'd or greatly encreas'd by _true Learning_; and should indeed be +the great _Aim_ and _End_ of all Learning. + + + +IDEA OF THE ENGLISH SCHOOL + +Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the Trustees of the Philadelphia +Academy [1751][34] + +It is expected that every Scholar to be admitted into this School, be at +least able to pronounce and divide the Syllables in Reading, and to +write a legible Hand. None to be receiv'd that are under ---- Years of +Age. + + +FIRST OR LOWEST CLASS + +Let the first Class learn the _English Grammar_ Rules, and at the same +time let particular Care be taken to improve them in _Orthography_. +Perhaps the latter is best done by _Pairing_ the Scholars, two of those +nearest equal in their Spelling to be put together; let these strive for +Victory, each propounding Ten Words every Day to the other to be spelt. +He that spells truly most of the other's Words, is Victor for that Day; +he that is Victor most Days in a Month, to obtain a Prize, a pretty neat +Book of some Kind useful in their future Studies. This Method fixes the +Attention of Children extreamly to the Orthography of Words, and makes +them good Spellers very early. 'Tis a Shame for a Man to be so ignorant +of this little Art, in his own Language, as to be perpetually +confounding Words of like Sound and different Significations; the +Consciousness of which Defect, makes some Men, otherwise of good +Learning and Understanding, averse to Writing even a common Letter. + +Let the Pieces read by the Scholars in this Class be short, such as +_Croxall's_ Fables,[35] and little Stories. In giving the Lesson, let it +be read to them; let the Meaning of the difficult Words in it be +explained to them, and let them con it over by themselves before they +are called to read to the Master, or Usher; who is to take particular +Care that they do not read too fast, and that they duly observe the +Stops and Pauses. A Vocabulary of the most usual difficult Words might +be formed for their Use, with Explanations; and they might daily get a +few of those Words and Explanations by Heart, which would a little +exercise their Memories; or at least they might write a Number of them +in a small Book for the Purpose, which would help to fix the Meaning of +those Words in their Minds, and at the same Time furnish every one with +a little Dictionary for his future Use. + + +THE SECOND CLASS + +to be taught Reading with Attention, and with proper Modulations of the +Voice, according to the Sentiments and Subject. + +Some short Pieces, not exceeding the Length of a _Spectator_, to be +given this Class as Lessons (and some of the easier _Spectators_ would +be very suitable for the Purpose.) These Lessons might be given over +Night as Tasks, the Scholars to study them against the Morning. Let it +then be required of them to give an Account, first of the Parts of +Speech, and Construction of one or two Sentences; this will oblige them +to recur frequently to their Grammar, and fix its principal Rules in +their Memory. Next of the _Intention_ of the Writer, or the _Scope_ of +the Piece; the Meaning of each Sentence, and of every uncommon Word. +This would early acquaint them with the Meaning and Force of Words, and +give them that most necessary Habit, of Reading with Attention. + +The Master then to read the Piece with the proper Modulations of Voice, +due Emphasis, and suitable Action, where Action is required; and put the +Youth on imitating his Manner. + +Where the Author has us'd an Expression not the best, let it be pointed +out; and let his Beauties be particularly remarked to the Youth. + +Let the Lessons for Reading be varied, that the Youth may be made +acquainted with good Stiles of all Kinds in Prose and Verse, and the +proper Manner of reading each Kind. Sometimes a well-told Story, a Piece +of a Sermon, a General's Speech to his Soldiers, a Speech in a Tragedy, +some Part of a Comedy, an Ode, a Satyr, a Letter, Blank Verse, +Hudibrastick, Heroic, etc. But let such Lessons for Reading be chosen, +as contain some useful Instruction, whereby the Understandings or Morals +of the Youth, may at the same Time be improv'd. + +It is requir'd that they should first study and understand the Lessons, +before they are put upon reading them properly, to which End each Boy +should have an _English_ Dictionary, to help him over Difficulties. When +our Boys read _English_ to us, we are apt to imagine _they_ understand +what _they_ read, because _we_ do, and because 'tis their Mother Tongue. +But they often read as Parrots speak, knowing little or nothing of the +Meaning. And it is impossible a Reader should give the due Modulation to +his Voice, and pronounce properly, unless his Understanding goes before +his Tongue, and makes him Master of the Sentiment. Accustoming Boys to +read aloud what they do not first understand, is the Cause of those even +set Tones so common among Readers, which when they have once got a Habit +of using, they find so difficult to correct: By which Means, among Fifty +Readers, we scarcely find a good One. For want of good Reading, Pieces +publish'd with a View to influence the Minds of Men for their own or the +publick Benefit, lose Half their Force. Were there but one good Reader +in a Neighbourhood, a publick Orator might be heard throughout a Nation +with the same Advantages, and have the same Effect on his Audience, as +if they stood within the Reach of his Voice. + + +THE THIRD CLASS + +to be taught Speaking properly and gracefully, which is near of Kin to +good Reading, and naturally follows it in the Studies of Youth. Let the +Scholars of this Class begin with learning the Elements of Rhetoric from +some short System, so as to be able to give an Account of the most usual +Tropes and Figures. Let all their bad Habits of Speaking, all Offences +against good Grammar, all corrupt or foreign Accents, and all improper +Phrases, be pointed out to them. Short Speeches from the _Roman_, or +other History, or from our _Parliamentary Debates_, might be got by +heart, and deliver'd with the proper Action, &c. Speeches and Scenes in +our best Tragedies and Comedies (avoiding every Thing that could injure +the Morals of Youth) might likewise be got by Rote, and the Boys +exercis'd in delivering or acting them; great Care being taken to form +their Manner after the truest Models. + +For their farther Improvement, and a little to vary their Studies, let +them now begin to read _History_, after having got by Heart a short +Table of the principal Epochas in Chronology. They may begin with +_Rollin's Antient and Roman Histories_, and proceed at proper Hours as +they go thro' the subsequent Classes, with the best Histories of our own +Nation and Colonies. Let Emulation be excited among the Boys by giving, +Weekly, little Prizes, or other small Encouragements to those who are +able to give the best Account of what they have read, as to Times, +Places, Names of Persons, &c. This will make them read with Attention, +and imprint the History well in their Memories. In remarking on the +History, the Master will have fine Opportunities of instilling +Instruction of various Kinds, and improving the Morals as well as the +Understandings of Youth. + +The Natural and Mechanic History contain'd in the _Spectacle de la +Nature_, might also be begun in this Class, and continued thro' the +subsequent Classes by other Books of the same Kind: For next to the +Knowledge of _Duty_, this Kind of Knowledge is certainly the most +useful, as well as the most entertaining. The Merchant may thereby be +enabled better to understand many Commodities in Trade; the +Handicraftsman to improve his Business by new Instruments, Mixtures and +Materials; and frequently Hints are given of new Manufactures, or new +Methods of improving Land, that may be set on foot greatly to the +Advantage of a Country. + + +THE FOURTH CLASS + +to be taught Composition. Writing one's own Language well, is the next +necessary Accomplishment after good Speaking. 'Tis the Writing-Master's +Business to take Care that the Boys make fair Characters, and place them +straight and even in the Lines: But to _form their Stile_, and even to +take Care that the Stops and Capitals are properly disposed, is the Part +of the _English_ Master. The Boys should be put on Writing Letters to +each other on any common Occurrences, and on various Subjects, imaginary +Business, &c., containing little Stories, Accounts of their late +Reading, what Parts of Authors please them, and why; Letters of +Congratulation, of Compliment, of Request, of Thanks, of Recommendation, +of Admonition, of Consolation, of Expostulation, Excuse, &c. In these +they should be taught to express themselves clearly, concisely, and +naturally, without affected Words or high-flown Phrases. All their +Letters to pass through the Master's Hand, who is to point out the +Faults, advise the Corrections, and commend what he finds right. Some of +the best Letters published in our own Language, as _Sir William +Temple's_, those of _Pope_, and his Friends, and some others, might be +set before the Youth as Models, their Beauties pointed out and explained +by the Master, the Letters themselves transcrib'd by the Scholar. + +Dr. Johnson's _Ethices Elementa_,[36] or First Principles of Morality, +may now be read by the Scholars, and explain'd by the Master, to lay a +solid Foundation of Virtue and Piety in their Minds. And as this Class +continues the Reading of History, let them now at proper Hours receive +some farther Instruction in Chronology, and in that Part of Geography +(from the Mathematical Master), which is necessary to understand the +Maps and Globes. They should also be acquainted with the modern Names of +the Places they find mention'd in antient Writers. The Exercises of good +Reading, and proper Speaking, still continued at suitable Times. + + +FIFTH CLASS + +To improve the Youth in _Composition_, they may now, besides continuing +to write Letters, begin to write little Essays in Prose, and sometimes +in Verse, not to make them Poets, but for this Reason, that nothing +acquaints a Lad so speedily with Variety of Expression, as the Necessity +of finding such Words and Phrases as will suit with the Measure, Sound, +and Rhime of Verse, and at the same time well express the Sentiment. +These Essays should all pass under the Master's Eye, who will point out +their Faults, and put the Writer on correcting them. Where the Judgment +is not ripe enough for forming new Essays, let the Sentiments of a +_Spectator_ be given, and requir'd to be cloath'd in a Scholar's own +Words; or the Circumstances of some good Story, the Scholar to find +Expression. Let them be put sometimes on abridging a Paragraph of a +diffuse Author, sometimes on dilating or amplifying what is wrote more +closely. And now let Dr. Johnson's _Noetica_, or First Principles of +Human Knowledge, containing a Logic, or Art of Reasoning, &c. be read by +the Youth, and the Difficulties that may occur to them be explained by +the Master. The Reading of History, and the Exercises of good Reading +and just Speaking, still continued. + + +SIXTH CLASS + +In this Class, besides continuing the Studies of the preceding, in +History, Rhetoric, Logic, Moral and Natural Philosophy, the best +_English_ Authors may be read and explain'd; as _Tillotson_, _Milton_, +_Locke_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Swift_, the higher Papers in the +_Spectator_ and _Guardian_, the best Translations of _Homer_, _Virgil_, +and _Horace_, of _Telemachus_, _Travels of Cyrus_, &c.[37] + +Once a Year let there be publick Exercises in the Hall, the Trustees and +Citizens present. Then let fine gilt Books be given as Prizes to such +Boys as distinguish themselves and excel the others in any Branch of +Learning, making three Degrees of Comparison; giving the best Prize to +him that performs best; a less valuable One to him that comes up next to +the best; and another to the third. Commendations, Encouragement and +Advice to the rest; keeping up their Hopes, that by Industry they may +excel another Time. The Names of those that obtain the Prizes to be +yearly printed in a List. + +The Hours of each Day are to be divided and dispos'd in such a Manner, +as that some Classes may be with the Writing-Master, improving their +Hands, others with the Mathematical Master, learning Arithmetick, +Accompts, Geography, Use of the Globes, Drawing, Mechanicks, &c.; while +the rest are in the _English_ School, under the _English_ Master's Care. + +Thus instructed, Youth will come out of this School fitted for learning +any Business, Calling or Profession, except such wherein Languages are +required; and tho' unacquainted with any antient or foreign Tongue, they +will be Masters of their own, which is of more immediate and general +Use; and withal will have attain'd many other valuable Accomplishments; +the Time usually spent in acquiring those Languages, often without +Success, being here employ'd in laying such a Foundation of Knowledge +and Ability, as, properly improv'd, may qualify them to pass thro' and +execute the several Offices of civil Life, with Advantage and Reputation +to themselves and Country. + + B.F. + + + +TO C[ADWALLADER] C[OLDEN] ESQ. AT NEW YORK + +Communicated to Mr. Collinson + + [Philadelphia] 1751. + +SIR, + +I inclose you answers, such as my present hurry of business will permit +me to make, to the principal queries contained in yours of the 28th +instant, and beg leave to refer you to the latter piece in the printed +collection of my papers, for farther explanation of the difference +between what are called _electrics per se_, and _non-electrics_. When +you have had time to read and consider these papers, I will endeavour to +make any new experiments you shall propose, that you think may afford +farther light or satisfaction to either of us; and shall be much obliged +to you for such remarks, objections, &c., as may occur to you. + +I forget whether I wrote you that I have melted brass pins and steel +needles, inverted the poles of the magnetic needle, given a magnetism +and polarity to needles that had none, and fired dry gunpowder by the +electric spark. I have five bottles that contain 8 or 9 gallons each, +two of which charg'd, are sufficient for those purposes: but I can +charge and discharge them altogether. There are no bounds (but what +expence and labour give) to the force man may raise and use in the +electrical way: for bottle may be added to bottle _in infinitum_, and +all united and discharged together as one, the force and effect +proportioned to their number and size. The greatest known effects of +common lightning may, I think, without much difficulty, be exceeded in +this way, which a few years since could not have been believed, and even +now may seem to many a little extravagant to suppose. So we are got +beyond the skill of _Rabelais's_ devils of two years old, who, he +humorously says, had only learnt to thunder and lighten a little round +the head of a cabbage.[38] + + I am, with sincere respect, + Your most obliged humble servant, + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +EXPORTING OF FELONS TO THE COLONIES + +[From the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 9, 1751.] + +TO THE PRINTERS OF THE GAZETTE + +By a Passage in one of your late Papers, I understand that the +Government at home will not suffer our mistaken Assemblies to make any +Law for preventing or discouraging the Importation of Convicts from +Great Britain, for this kind Reason, '_That such Laws are against the +Publick Utility, as they tend to prevent the_ IMPROVEMENT _and_ WELL +PEOPLING _of the Colonies_.' + +Such a tender _parental_ Concern in our _Mother Country_ for the +_Welfare_ of her _Children_, calls aloud for the highest _Returns_ of +Gratitude and Duty. This every one must be sensible of: But 'tis said, +that in our present Circumstances it is absolutely impossible for us to +make _such_ as are adequate to the Favour. I own it; but nevertheless +let us do our Endeavour. 'Tis something to show a grateful Disposition. + +In some of the uninhabited Parts of these Provinces, there are Numbers +of these venomous Reptiles we call RATTLE-SNAKES; Felons-convict from +the Beginning of the World: These, whenever we meet with them, we put to +Death, by Virtue of an old Law, _Thou shalt bruise his Head_. But as +this is a sanguinary Law, and may seem too cruel; and as however +mischievous those Creatures are with us, they may possibly change their +Natures, if they were to change the Climate; I would humbly propose, +that this general Sentence of _Death_ be changed for _Transportation_. + +In the Spring of the Year, when they first creep out of their Holes, +they are feeble, heavy, slow, and easily taken; and if a small Bounty +were allow'd _per_ Head, some Thousands might be collected annually, and +_transported_ to _Britain_. There I would propose to have them carefully +distributed in _St. James's Park_, in the _Spring-Gardens_ and other +Places of Pleasure about _London_; in the Gardens of all the Nobility +and Gentry throughout the Nation; but particularly in the Gardens of +the _Prime Ministers_, the _Lords of Trade_ and _Members of Parliament_; +for to them we are _most particularly_ obliged. + +There is no human Scheme so perfect, but some Inconveniencies may be +objected to it: Yet when the Conveniencies far exceed, the Scheme is +judg'd rational, and fit to be executed. Thus Inconveniencies have been +objected to that _good_ and _wise_ Act of Parliament, by virtue of which +all the _Newgates_ and _Dungeons_ in _Britain_ are emptied into the +Colonies. It has been said, that these Thieves and Villains introduc'd +among us, spoil the Morals of Youth in the Neighbourhoods that entertain +them, and perpetrate many horrid Crimes: But let not _private Interests_ +obstruct _publick_ Utility. Our _Mother_ knows what is best for us. What +is a little _Housebreaking_, _Shoplifting_, or _Highway Robbing_; what +is a _Son_ now and then _corrupted_ and _hang'd_, a Daughter _debauch'd_ +and _pox'd_, a Wife _stabb'd_, a Husband's _Throat cut_, or a Child's +_Brains beat out_ with an Axe, compar'd with this 'IMPROVEMENT and WELL +PEOPLING of the Colonies!' + +Thus it may perhaps be objected to my Scheme, that the _Rattle-Snake_ is +a mischievous Creature, and that his changing his Nature with the Clime +is a mere Supposition, not yet confirm'd by sufficient Facts. What then? +Is not Example more prevalent than Precept? And may not the honest rough +British Gentry, by a Familiarity with these Reptiles, learn to _creep_, +and to _insinuate_, and to _slaver_, and to _wriggle_ into Place (and +perhaps to _poison_ such as stand in their Way) Qualities of no small +Advantage to Courtiers! In comparison of which 'IMPROVEMENT and PUBLICK +UTILITY,' what is a _Child_ now and then kill'd by their venomous Bite, +... or even a favourite _Lap Dog_? + +I would only add, that this exporting of Felons to the Colonies, may be +consider'd as a _Trade_, as well as in the Light of a _Favour_. Now all +Commerce implies Returns: Justice requires them: There can be no Trade +without them. And _Rattle-Snakes_ seem the most _suitable Returns_ for +the _Human Serpents_ sent us by our _Mother_ Country. In this, however, +as in every other Branch of Trade, she will have the Advantage of us. +She will reap _equal_ Benefits without equal Risque of the +Inconveniencies and Dangers. For the _Rattle-Snake_ gives Warning +before he attempts his Mischief; which the Convict does not. I am + + _Yours_, &c. + AMERICANUS. + + + +OBSERVATIONS + +CONCERNING THE INCREASE OF MANKIND, PEOPLING OF COUNTRIES, ETC. + +Written in Pensilvania, 1751[39] + +1. Tables of the Proportion of Marriages to Births, of Deaths to Births, +of Marriages to the Numbers of Inhabitants, &c., form'd on Observaions +[_sic_] made upon the Bills of Mortality, Christnings, &c., of populous +Cities, will not suit Countries; nor will Tables form'd on Observations +made on full-settled old Countries, as _Europe_, suit new Countries, as +_America_. + +2. For People increase in Proportion to the Number of Marriages, and +that is greater in Proportion to the Ease and Convenience of supporting +a Family. When families can be easily supported, more Persons marry, and +earlier in Life. + +3. In Cities, where all Trades, Occupations, and Offices are full, many +delay marrying till they can see how to bear the Charges of a Family; +which Charges are greater in Cities, as Luxury is more common: many live +single during Life, and continue Servants to Families, Journeymen to +Trades; &c. hence Cities do not by natural Generation supply themselves +with Inhabitants; the Deaths are more than the Births. + +4. In Countries full settled, the Case must be nearly the same; all +Lands being occupied and improved to the Heighth; those who cannot get +Land, must Labour for others that have it; when Labourers are plenty, +their Wages will be low; by low Wages a family is supported with +Difficulty; this Difficulty deters many from Marriage, who therefore +long continue Servants and single. Only as the Cities take Supplies of +People from the Country, and thereby make a little more Room in the +Country; Marriage is a little more encourag'd there, and the Births +exceed the Deaths. + +5. _Europe_ is generally full settled with Husbandmen, Manufacturers, +&c., and therefore cannot now much increase in People: _America_ is +chiefly occupied by Indians, who subsist mostly by Hunting. But as the +Hunter, of all Men, requires the greatest Quantity of Land from whence +to draw his Subsistence, (the Husbandman subsisting on much less, the +Gardner on still less, and the Manufacturer requiring least of all), the +_Europeans_ found _America_ as fully settled as it well could be by +Hunters; yet these, having large Tracks, were easily prevail'd on to +part with Portions of Territory to the new Comers, who did not much +interfere with the Natives in Hunting, and furnish'd them with many +Things they wanted. + +6. Land being thus plenty in _America_, and so cheap as that a labouring +man, that understands Husbandry, can in a short Time save Money enough +to purchase a Piece of new Land sufficient for a Plantation, whereon he +may subsist a Family, such are not afraid to marry; for, if they even +look far enough forward to consider how their Children, when grown up, +are to be provided for, they see that more Land is to be had at rates +equally easy, all Circumstances considered. + +7. Hence Marriages in _America_ are more general, and more generally +early, than in _Europe_. And if it is reckoned there, that there is but +one Marriage per Annum among 100 persons, perhaps we may here reckon +two; and if in _Europe_ they have but 4 Births to a Marriage (many of +their Marriages being late), we may here reckon 8, of which if one half +grow up, and our Marriages are made, reckoning one with another at 20 +Years of Age, our People must at least be doubled every 20 Years. + +8. But notwithstanding this Increase, so vast is the Territory of _North +America_, that it will require many Ages to settle it fully; and, till +it is fully settled, Labour will never be cheap here, where no Man +continues long a Labourer for others, but gets a Plantation of his own, +no Man continues long a Journeyman to a Trade, but goes among those new +Settlers, and sets up for himself, &c. Hence Labour is no cheaper now in +_Pennsylvania_, than it was 30 Years ago, tho' so many Thousand +labouring People have been imported. + +9. The Danger therefore of these Colonies interfering with their Mother +Country in Trades that depend on Labour, Manufactures, &c., is too +remote to require the attention of _Great Britain_. + +10. But in Proportion to the Increase of the Colonies, a vast Demand is +growing for British Manufactures, a glorious Market wholly in the Power +of _Britain_, in which Foreigners cannot interfere, which will increase +in a short Time even beyond her Power of supplying, tho' her whole Trade +should be to her Colonies: Therefore _Britain_ should not too much +restrain Manufactures in her Colonies. A wise and good Mother will not +do it. To distress, is to weaken, and weakening the Children weakens the +whole Family. + +11. Besides if the Manufactures of _Britain_ (by reason of the +_American_ Demands) should rise too high in Price, Foreigners who can +sell cheaper will drive her Merchants out of Foreign Markets; Foreign +Manufactures will thereby be encouraged and increased, and consequently +foreign Nations, perhaps her Rivals in Power, grow more populous and +more powerful; while her own Colonies, kept too low, are unable to +assist her, or add to her Strength. + +12. 'Tis an ill-grounded Opinion that by the Labour of slaves, _America_ +may possibly vie in Cheapness of Manufactures with _Britain_. The Labour +of Slaves can never be so cheap here as the Labour of working Men is in +_Britain_. Any one may compute it. Interest of Money is in the Colonies +from 6 to 10 per Cent. Slaves one with another cost 30£ Sterling per +Head. Reckon then the Interest of the first Purchase of a Slave, the +Insurance or Risque on his Life, his Cloathing and Diet, Expences in his +Sickness and Loss of Time, Loss by his Neglect of Business (Neglect is +natural to the Man who is not to be benefited by his own Care or +Diligence), Expence of a Driver to keep him at Work, and his Pilfering +from Time to Time, almost every Slave being _by Nature_ a Thief, and +compare the whole Amount with the Wages of a Manufacturer of Iron or +Wood in _England_, you will see that Labour is much cheaper there than +it ever can be by Negroes here. Why then will _Americans_ purchase +Slaves? Because Slaves may be kept as long as a _Man_ pleases, or has +Occasion for their Labour; while hired Men are continually leaving their +masters (often in the midst of his Business,) and setting up for +themselves.--Sec. 8. + +13. As the Increase of People depends on the Encouragement of Marriages, +the following Things must diminish a Nation, viz. 1. _The being +conquered_; for the Conquerors will engross as many Offices, and exact +as much Tribute or Profit on the Labour of the conquered, as will +maintain them in their new Establishment, and this diminishing the +Subsistence of the Natives, discourages their Marriages, and so +gradually diminishes them, while the foreigners increase. 2. _Loss of +Territory._ Thus, the _Britons_ being driven into _Wales_, and crowded +together in a barren Country insufficient to support such great Numbers, +diminished 'till the People bore a Proportion to the Produce, while the +_Saxons_ increas'd on their abandoned lands; till the Island became full +of _English_. And, were the _English_ now driven into _Wales_ by some +foreign Nation, there would in a few Years, be no more Englishmen in +_Britain_, than there are now people in _Wales_. 3. _Loss of Trade._ +Manufactures exported, draw Subsistence from Foreign Countries for +Numbers; who are thereby enabled to marry and raise Families. If the +Nation be deprived of any Branch of Trade, and no new Employment is +found for the People occupy'd in that Branch, it will also be soon +deprived of so many People. 4. _Loss of Food._ Suppose a Nation has a +Fishery, which not only employs great Numbers, but makes the Food and +Subsistence of the People cheaper. If another Nation becomes Master of +the Seas, and prevents the Fishery, the People will diminish in +Proportion as the Loss of Employ and Dearness of Provision, makes it +more difficult to subsist a Family. 5. _Bad Government and insecure +Property._ People not only leave such a Country, and settling Abroad +incorporate with other Nations, lose their native Language, and become +Foreigners, but, the Industry of those that remain being discourag'd, +the Quantity of Subsistence in the Country is lessen'd, and the Support +of a Family becomes more difficult. So heavy Taxes tend to diminish a +People. 6. _The Introduction of Slaves._ The Negroes brought into the +_English_ Sugar _Islands_ have greatly diminish'd the Whites there; the +Poor are by this Means deprived of Employment, while a few Families +acquire vast Estates; which they spend on Foreign Luxuries, and +educating their Children in the Habit of those Luxuries; the same Income +is needed for the Support of one that might have maintain'd 100. The +Whites who have Slaves, not labouring, are enfeebled, and therefore not +so generally prolific; the Slaves being work'd too hard, and ill fed, +their Constitutions are broken, and the Deaths among them are more than +the Births; so that a continual Supply is needed from _Africa_. The +Northern Colonies, having few Slaves, increase in Whites. Slaves also +pejorate[40] the Families that use them; the white Children become +proud, disgusted with Labour, and being educated in Idleness, are +rendered unfit to get a Living by Industry. + +14. Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds it vacant, +or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the Legislator that +makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade, increasing Employment, +improving Land by more or better Tillage, providing more Food by +Fisheries; securing Property, &c. and the Man that invents new Trades, +Arts, or Manufactures, or new Improvements in Husbandry, may be properly +called _Fathers_ of their Nation, as they are the Cause of the +Generation of Multitudes, by the Encouragement they afford to Marriage. + +15. As to Privileges granted to the married, (such as the _Jus trium +Liberorum_ among the _Romans_,) they may hasten the filling of a Country +that has been thinned by War or Pestilence, or that has otherwise vacant +Territory; but cannot increase a People beyond the Means provided for +their Subsistence. + +16. Foreign Luxuries and needless Manufactures, imported and used in a +Nation, do, by the same Reasoning, increase the People of the Nation +that furnishes them, and diminish the People of the Nation that uses +them. Laws, therefore, that prevent such Importations, and on the +contrary promote the Exportation of Manufactures to be consumed in +Foreign Countries, may be called (with Respect to the People that make +them) _generative Laws_, as, by increasing Subsistence they encourage +Marriage. Such Laws likewise strengthen a Country, doubly, by increasing +its own People and diminishing its Neighbours. + +17. Some _European_ Nations prudently refuse to consume the Manufactures +of _East-India_:--They should likewise forbid them to their Colonies; +for the Gain to the Merchant is not to be compar'd with the Loss, by +this Means, of People to the Nation. + +18. Home Luxury in the Great increases the Nation's Manufacturers +employ'd by it, who are many, and only tends to diminish the Families +that indulge in it, who are few. The greater the common fashionable +Expence of any Rank of People, the more cautious they are of Marriage. +Therefore Luxury should never be suffer'd to become common. + +19. The great Increase of Offspring in particular Families is not always +owing to greater Fecundity of Nature, but sometimes to Examples of +Industry in the Heads, and industrious Education; by which the Children +are enabled to provide better for themselves, and their marrying early +is encouraged from the Prospect of good Subsistence. + +20. If there be a Sect, therefore, in our Nation, that regard Frugality +and Industry as religious Duties, and educate their Children therein, +more than others commonly do; such Sect must consequently increase more +by natural Generation, than any other sect in _Britain_. + +21. The Importation of Foreigners into a Country, that has as many +Inhabitants as the present Employments and Provisions for Subsistence +will bear, will be in the End no Increase of People; unless the New +Comers have more Industry and Frugality than the Natives, and then they +will provide more Subsistence, and increase in the Country; but they +will gradually eat the Natives out. Nor is it necessary to bring in +Foreigners to fill up any occasional Vacancy in a Country; for such +Vacancy (if the Laws are good, sec. 14, 16,) will soon be filled by +natural Generation. Who can now find the Vacancy made in _Sweden_, +_France_, or other Warlike Nations, by the Plague of Heroism, 40 years +ago; in _France_, by the Expulsion of the Protestants, in _England_, by +the Settlement of her Colonies; or in _Guinea_, by 100 Years Exportation +of Slaves, that has blacken'd half _America_? The thinness of +Inhabitants in _Spain_ is owing to National Pride and Idleness, and +other Causes, rather than to the Expulsion of the Moors, or to the +making of new Settlements. + +22. There is, in short, no Bound to the prolific Nature of Plants or +Animals, but what is made by their crowding and interfering with each +other's means of Subsistence. Was the Face of the Earth vacant of other +Plants, it might be gradually sowed and overspread with one Kind only; +as, for Instance, with Fennel; and were it empty of other Inhabitants, +it might in a few Ages be replenish'd from one Nation only; as, for +Instance, with _Englishmen_. Thus there are suppos'd to be now upwards +of One Million _English_ Souls in _North-America_, (tho' 'tis thought +scarce 80,000 have been brought over Sea,) and yet perhaps there is not +one the fewer in _Britain_, but rather many more, on Account of the +Employment the Colonies afford to Manufacturers at Home. This Million +doubling, suppose but once in 25 Years, will, in another Century, be +more than the People of _England_, and the greatest Number of +_Englishmen_ will be on this Side the Water. What an Accession of Power +to the _British_ Empire by Sea as well as Land! What Increase of Trade +and Navigation! What Numbers of Ships and Seamen! We have been here but +little more than 100 years, and yet the Force of our Privateers in the +late War, united, was greater, both in Men and Guns, than that of the +whole _British_ Navy in Queen _Elizabeth's_ Time. How important an +Affair then to _Britain_ is the present Treaty for settling the Bounds +between her Colonies and the _French_, and how careful should she be to +secure Room enough, since on the Room depends so much the Increase of +her People. + +23. In fine, a Nation well regulated is like a Polypus; take away a +Limb, its Place is soon supply'd; cut it in two, and each deficient Part +shall speedily grow out of the Part remaining. Thus if you have Room and +Subsistence enough, as you may by dividing, make ten Polypes out of one, +you may of one make ten Nations, equally populous and powerful; or +rather increase a Nation ten fold in Numbers and Strength.[41] + +And since Detachments of _English_ from _Britain_, sent to _America_, +will have their Places at Home so soon supply'd and increase so largely +here; why should the _Palatine Boors_ be suffered to swarm into our +Settlements and, by herding together, establish their Language and +Manners, to the Exclusion of ours? Why should _Pennsylvania_, founded by +the _English_, become a Colony of _Aliens_, who will shortly be so +numerous as to Germanize us instead of our Anglifying them, and will +never adopt our Language or Customs any more than they can acquire our +Complexion? + +24. Which leads me to add one Remark, that the Number of purely white +People in the World is proportionably very small. All _Africa_ is black +or tawny; _Asia_ chiefly tawny; _America_ (exclusive of the new Comers) +wholly so. And in _Europe_, the _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _French_, +_Russians_, and _Swedes_, are generally of what we call a swarthy +Complexion; as are the _Germans_ also, the _Saxons_ only excepted, who, +with the _English_, make the principal Body of White People on the Face +of the Earth. I could wish their Numbers were increased. And while we +are, as I may call it, _Scouring_ our Planet, by _clearing America_ of +Woods, and so making this Side of our Globe reflect a brighter Light to +the Eyes of Inhabitants in _Mars_ or _Venus_, why should we, in the +Sight of Superior Beings, darken its People? Why increase the Sons of +_Africa_, by planting them in _America_, where we have so fair an +Opportunity, by excluding all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the +lovely White and Red? But perhaps I am partial to the Complexion of my +Country, for such Kind of Partiality is natural to Mankind. + + + +TO PETER COLLINSON[42] + +Electrical Kite + + [Philadelphia] Oct. 19, 1752. + +SIR, + +As frequent mention is made in public papers from _Europe_ of the +success of the _Philadelphia_ experiment for drawing the electric fire +from clouds by means of pointed rods of iron erected on high buildings, +&c., it may be agreeable to the curious to be informed, that the same +experiment has succeeded in _Philadelphia_, though made in a different +and more easy manner, which is as follows: + +Make a small cross of two light strips of cedar, the arms so long as to +reach to the four corners of a large thin silk handkerchief when +extended; tie the corners of the handkerchief to the extremities of the +cross, so you have the body of a kite; which being properly accommodated +with a tail, loop, and string, will rise in the air, like those made of +paper; but this being of silk, is fitter to bear the wet and wind of a +thunder-gust without tearing. To the top of the upright stick of the +cross is to be fixed a very sharp-pointed wire, rising a foot or more +above the wood. To the end of the twine, next the hand, is to be tied a +silk ribbon, and where the silk and twine join, a key may be fastened. +This kite is to be raised when a thunder-gust appears to be coming on, +and the person who holds the string must stand within a door or window, +or under some cover, so that the silk ribbon may not be wet; and care +must be taken that the twine does not touch the frame of the door or +window. As soon as any of the thunder-clouds come over the kite, the +pointed wire will draw the electric fire from them, and the kite, with +all the twine, will be electrified, and the loose filaments of the twine +will stand out every way, and be attracted by an approaching finger. And +when the rain has wet the kite and twine, so that it can conduct the +electric fire freely, you will find it stream out plentifully from the +key on the approach of your knuckle. At this key the phial may be +charged; and from electric fire thus obtained, spirits may be kindled, +and all the other electric experiments be performed, which are usually +done by the help of a rubbed glass globe or tube, and thereby the +sameness of the electric matter with that of lightning completely +demonstrated. + + B. FRANKLIN. + +[NOTE.--The _Almanack_ for 1753 which follows is an exact facsimile of +the copy in the W. S. Mason Collection, here reproduced through the +kindness of Mr. Mason. See note [43].] + + + + * * * * * + +Transcriber's Notes: (For "Poor Richard Improved" only) + +As this section is intended to be a facsimile representation of the +original Poor Richards Almanack of 1753; + +1. Inconsistencies in capitalization, column header names, punctuation, + typography and incomplete words have all been retained. + +2. Black line page borders have been omitted, page breaks are indicated + for the reader as *(page break)*. A long ellipses line "--" + indicates a horizontal line across a single page dividing it into + sections. + +3. Where the "Hymn" and "Article" texts "skip" pages, the first word + of the continued text has been retained for reference and placed + in [square brackets], excepting that words originally split between + pages have been joined and the next word selected as the marker word. + +4. The use of planet and aspect smybols occasionally affects the + alignment of table columns, therefore this section is best viewed + using a monospace font such as "Courier New" or another with the + word "mono" in it's title. + +5. Where Sun and Moon data tables were too wide to fit in this e-text + format, the table has been divided into "pieces". An arrow --> + indicates that the table or text immediately BELOW originally + appeared to the right. + + * * * * * + + + + Poor =RICHARD= improved: + ---------------------- + =BEING AN= + =ALMANACK= + =AND= + =_EPHEMERIS_= + =OF THE= + MOTIONS of the =SUN= and =MOON=; + =THE TRUE= + PLACES and ASPECTS of the PLANETS; + =THE= + =_RISING_= and =_SETTING_= of the =_SUN_=; + =AND THE= + Rising, Setting _and_ Southing _of the_ Moon, + =FOR THE= + YEAR of our =LORD= 1753: + Being the First after LEAP-YEAR. + Containing also, + The Lunations, Conjunctions, Eclipses, Judgment of the + Weather, Rising and Setting of the Planets, Length of + Days and Nights, Fairs, Courts, Roads, &c. Together + with useful Tables, chronological Observations, and + entertaining Remarks. + ---------------------- + Fitted to the Latitude of Forty Degrees, and a Meridian + of near fire Hours West from _London_; but may, without + sensible Error, serve all the NORTHERN COLONIES. + ---------------------- + By =_RICHARD SAUNDERS_=, Philom. + ---------------------- + ---------------------- + =_PHILADELPHIA_=: + Printed and Sold by =B. FRANKLIN=, and =D. HALL=. + + + *(page break)* + + + The Anatomy of Man's Body as govern'd by the + Twelve Constellations. + ---------------------- + + ♈ The Head and Face. + ♊ ♉ + Arms Neck + + ♌ ♋ + Heart Breast + [Illustration] + ♎ ♍ + Reins Bowels + + ♐ ♏ + Thighs Secrets + + ♒ ♑ + Legs Knees + ♓ The Feet. + + _To know where the Sign is._ + + First Find the Day of the Month, and against the Day + you have the Sign or Place of the Moon in the 5th Column. + Then finding the Sign here, it shews the Part of the + Body it governs. + ---------------------- + + _The Names and Characters of the Seven Planets._ + + ☉ Sol, ♄ Saturn, ♃ Jupiter, ♂ Mars, ♀ Venus, + ☿ Mercury, ☽ Luna, ☊ Dragons Head and ☋ Tail. + ---------------------- + + _The Five Aspects._ + + ☌ Conjunction, ☍ Opposition, ✱ Sextile, + △ Trine, □ Quartile. + ---------------------- + + _Common Notes for the Year 1753. N. S._ + + Golden Number 6 } { Dominical Letter G + Epact 25 } { Cycle of the Sun 26 + + + *(page break)* + + + COURTEOUS READER, + + =This= is the twentieth Time of my addressing thee in this + Manner, and I have reason to flatter myself my Labours have + not been unacceptable to the Publick. I am particularly + pleas'd to understand that my _Predictions of the Weather_ + give such general Satisfaction; and indeed, such Care is taken + in the Calculations, on which those Predictions are founded, + that I could almost venture to say, there's not a single One + of them, promising _Snow_, _Rain_, _Hail_, _Heat_, _Frost_, + _Fogs_, _Wind_, or _Thunder_, but what comes to pass + _punctually_ and _precisely_ on the very Day, in some Place or + other on this little _diminutive_ Globe of ours; (and when you + consider the vast Distance of the Stars from whence we take + our Aim, you must allow it no small Degree of Exactness to hit + any Part of it) I say on this Globe; for tho' in other Matters + I confine the Usefulness of my _Ephemeris_ to the _Northern + Colonies_, yet in that important Matter of the Weather, which + is of such _general Concern_, I would have it more extensively + useful, and therefore take in both Hemispheres, and all + Latitudes from _Hudson's Bay_ to _Cape Horn_. + + You will find this Almanack in my former Method, only + conformable to the _New-Stile_ established by the Act of + Parliament, which I gave you in my last at length; the new Act + since made for Amendment of that first Act, not affecting us + in the least, being intended only to regulate some Corporation + Matters in _England_, before unprovided for. I have only added + a Column in the second Page of each Month, containing the Days + of the _Old Stile_ opposite to their corresponding Days in the + _New_, which may, in many Cases, be of Use; and so conclude + (believing you will excuse a short Preface, when it is to make + Room for something better) + + _Thy Friend and Servant_, + =R. SAUNDERS.= + ---------------------- + + =HYMN= _to the_ CREATOR, _from_ Psalm CIV. + + =Awake=, my Soul! with Joy thy God adore; + Declare his Greatness; celebrate his Pow'r; + Who, cloath'd with Honour, and with Glory crown'd, + Shines forth, and cheers his Universe around. + Who with a radiant Veil of heavenly Light + Himself conceals from all created Sight. + Who rais'd the spacious Firmament on high, + And spread the azure Curtain of the Sky. + Whose awful Throne Heav'n's starry Arch sustains, + Whose Presence not Heav'n's vast Expanse restrains. + Whose Ways unsearchable no Eye can find, + The Clouds his Chariot, and his Wings the Wind + Whom Hosts of mighty Angels own their Lord, + And flaming Seraphim fulfil his Word. + Whose Pow'r of old the solid Earth did found, + Self-pois'd, self-center'd, and with Strength girt round; + + + *(page break)* + + + From her appointed Sphere forbid to fly, + Or rush unbalanc'd thro' the trackless Sky. + To reas'ning Man the sov'reign Rule assign'd, + His Delegate o'er each inferior Kind; + Too soon to fall from that distinguish'd Place, + His Honours stain'd with Guilt and foul Disgrace. + He saw the Pride of Earth's aspiring Lord, + And in his Fury gave the dreadful Word: + Straight o'er her peopled Plains his Floods were pour'd, + And o'er the Mountains the proud Billows roar'd. + Athwart the Face of Earth the Deluge sweeps, + And whelms the impious Nations in the Deeps: + Again God spake----and at his pow'rful Call + The raging Floods asswage, the Waters fall, + The Tempests hear his Voice, and straight obey, + And at his Thunder's Roar they haste away: + From off the lofty Mountains they subside, + And gently thro' the winding Vallies glide, + Till in the spacious Caverns of the Deep + They sink together, and in Silence sleep. + There he hath stretch'd abroad their liquid Plains, + And there Omnipotence their Rage restrains, + That Earth no more her Ruins may deplore, + And guilty Mortals dread their Wrath no more. + He bids the living Fountains burst the Ground, + And bounteous spread their Silver Streams around: + Down from the Hills they draw their shining Train, + Diffusing Health and Beauty o'er the Plain. + There the fair Flocks allay the Summer's Rage, + And panting Savages their Flame asswage. + On their sweet winding Banks th' aerial Race + In artless Numbers warble forth his Praise, + Or chant the harmless Raptures of their Loves, + And cheer the Plains, and wake the vocal Groves. + Forth from his Treasures in the Skies he pours + His precious Blessings in refreshing Show'rs. + Each dying Plant with Joy new Life receives, + And thankful Nature smiles, and Earth revives. + The fruitful Fields with Verdure he bespreads, + The Table of the Race that haunts the Meads, + And bids each Forest, and each flow'ry Plain + Send forth their native Physic for the Swain. + + + *(page break)* + + + Thus doth the various Bounty of the Earth + Support each Species crowding into Birth. + In purple Streams she bids her Vintage flow, + And Olives on her Hills luxuriant grow, + One with its generous Juice to cheer the Heart, + And one illustrious Beauty to impart; + And Bread of all Heav'n's precious Gifts the chief + From desolating Want the sure Relief. + Which with new Life the feeble Limbs inspires, + And all the Man with Health and Courage fires. + The Cloud-topt Hills with waving Woods are crown'd, + Which wide extend their sacred Shades around, + There _Lebanon_'s proud Cedars nod their Heads; + There _Bashan_'s lofty Oaks extend their Shades: + The pointed Firs rise tow'ring to the Clouds, + And Life and warbling Numbers fill the Woods. + Nor gentle Shades alone, nor verdant Plains, + Nor fair enamell'd Meads, nor flow'ry Lawns, + But e'en rude Rocks and dreary Desarts yield + Retreats for the wild Wand'rers of the Field. + Thy Pow'r with Life and Sense all Nature fills, + Each Element with varied Being swells, + Race after Race arising view the Light, + Then silent pass away, and sink in Night. + The Gift of Life thus boundlesly bestow'd, + Proclaims th' exhaustless Hand, the Hand of God. + Nor less thy Glory in the etherial Spheres, + Nor less thy ruling Providence appears. + There from on high the gentle Moon by Night + In solemn Silence sheds her Silver Light, + And thence the glorious Sun pours forth his Beams, + Thence copious spreads around his quick'ning Streams. + Each various Orb enjoys the golden Day, + And Worlds of Life hang on his chearful Ray. + Thus Light and Darkness their fix'd Course maintain, + And still the kind Vicissitudes remain: + For when pale Night her sable Curtain spreads, + And wraps all Nature in her awful Shades, + Soft Slumbers gently seal each mortal Eye, + Stretch'd at their Ease the weary Lab'rers lie. + The restless Soul 'midst Life's vain Tumults tost, + Forgets her Woes, and ev'ry Care is lost. + + + *(page break)* + + + =JANUARY.= _I Month._ + + Then from their Dens the rav'nous Monsters creep, + Whilst in their Folds the harmless Bestial sleep. + The furious Lion roams in quest of Prey, + To gorge his Hunger till the Dawn of Day; + His hideous Roar with Terror shakes the Wood, + As from his Maker's Hand he asks his Food. + Again the Sun his Morning Beams displays, + And fires the eastern Mountain with his Rays. + [Before] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ri.|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|2|=CIRCUMCISION.= |7 24 |4 36 |♐ 11 | ☽ with ♂ + | 2|3| _Clouds and_ |7 24 |4 36 | 23 | ☽ with ♄ + | 3|4| _cold, with_ |7 23 |4 37 |♑ 5 | ♃ rise 4 23 + | 4|5| _snow;_ |7 23 |4 37 | 17 | _Tis against_ + | 5|6|Days inc. 4 m. |7 23 |4 37 | 29 | ☽ with ☿ _some_ + | 6|7|=EPIPHANY.= |7 22 |4 38 |♒ 10 | ♂ rise 4 44 + | 7|G|1 p. Epiph. |7 22 |4 38 | 22 | ☽ w. ♀ _Mens_ + | 8|2| _wind and_ |7 21 |4 39 |♓ 4 | _Principle to pay_ + | 9|3| _falling_ |7 21 |4 39 | 16 | _Interest, and_ + |10|4|Days inc. 10 m. |7 20 |4 40 | 28 | _seems against_ + |11|5| _weather,_ |7 19 |4 41 |♈ 10 | ♃ s. 11 6 _others_ + |12|6| _then_ |7 18 |4 42 | 23 | ♄ rise 5 42 + |13|7| _very cold,_ |7 17 |4 43 |♉ 6 | Sirius so. 10 52 + |14|G|2 p. Epiph. |7 16 |4 44 | 19 | ✱ ♄ ♀ _Interest_ + |15|2|Day incr. 18 m. |7 16 |4 44 |♊ 2 | 7 *s so. 7 42 + |16|3| _wintry_ |7 15 |4 45 | 16 | ♃ so. 10 39 + |17|4| _weather;_ |7 14 |4 46 |♋ 0 | ♂ rise 4 36 + |18|5| _but grows more_ |7 13 |4 47 | 15 | ☽ with ♃ to + |19|6|Day 9 36 long. |7 12 |4 48 |♌ 1 | ☉ in ♒ _pay_ + |20|7| _moderate,_ |7 12 |4 48 | 17 | △ ♃ ♀ _the_ + |21|G|3 p. Epiph. |7 11 |4 49 |♍ 3 | _Principal._ + |22|2| _followed by_ |7 10 |4 50 | 18 | ♀ sets 8 2 + |23|3| _clouds, wind_ |7 9 |4 51 |♎ 2 | _Philosophy as_ + |24|4| _and_ |7 8 |4 52 | 15 | _well as Foppery_ + |25|5|Conv. St. =PAUL.= |7 7 |4 53 | 28 | ✱ ♂ ☿ _often_ + |26|6|Day incr. 38 m. |7 6 |4 54 |♏ 11 | _changes Fashion._ + |27|7| _cold, with_ |7 5 |4 55 | 24 | ♄ rise 4 48 + |28|G|4 p. Epiph. |7 4 |4 56 |♐ 7 | 7 *s sou. 6 47 + |29|2| _snow or_ |7 3 |4 57 | 19 | Sirius sou. 9 44 + |30|3|K. Char. behead. |7 2 |4 58 |♑ 1 | ☽ with ♄ & ♂ + |31|4| _rain._ |7 1 |4 59 | 13 | ☽ with ☿ + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =JANUARY= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + New ☽ 4 8 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + First Q. 12 at noon. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Full ● 19 10 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Last Q. 26 4 mor. | | ♑ | ♐ | ♋ | ♐ | ♒ | ♑ | + | 1| 12 | 29 | 11 | 7 | 15 | 26 | N. 2 + {12 ♏ 12 Deg. | 6| 17 | 30 | 10 | 11 | 21 | 24 | 5 + ☊ {22 11 |12| 23 | ♑ 0 | 9 | 15 | 29 | 19 | 2 + {31 10 |17| 28 | 1 | 8 | 19 | ♓ 5 | 14 | S. 4 + |22| ♒ 3 | 1 | 8 | 22 | 11 | 13 | 4 + |27| 8 | 2 | 7 | 26 | 17 | 15 | N. 1 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | O S | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+ l t | + | 1| 4 39 | 9 M 41 | 12 | d i | + | 2| 5 33 | 10 30 | 1 | l | + | 3| Moon | 11 19 | 2 | e.| + | 4| sets. | 12 6 | 3 | 24 | + | 5| A. | A. 53 | 3 | 25 | + | 6| 7 0 | 1 36 | 4 | 26 | + | 7| 8 0 | 2 18 | 5 | 27 | + | 8| 8 54 | 3 0 | 6 | 28 | + | 9| 9 50 | 3 43 | 6 | 29 | + |10| 10 47 | 4 27 | 7 | 30 | + |11| 11 46 | 5 10 | 8 | 31 | + |12| 12 50 | 5 55 | 8 | Jan. | + |13| M. 50 | 6 44 | 9 | | + |14| 1 51 | 7 34 | 10 | 3 | + |15| 2 52 | 8 28 | 11 | 4 | + |16| 3 56 | 9 23 | 12 | 5 | + |17| 4 57 | 10 22 | 1 | 6 | + |18| Moon | 11 21 | 2 | 7 | + |19| rises | 12 25 | 3 | 8 | + |20| A. | Morn. | 3 | 9 | + |21| 7 56 | 1 30 | 4 | 10 | + |22| 9 11 | 2 26 | 5 | 11 | + |23| 10 18 | 3 16 | 6 | 12 | + |24| 11 19 | 4 5 | 7 | 13 | + |25| 12 22 | 4 54 | 7 | 14 | + |26| M 22 | 5 43 | 8 | 15 | + |27| 1 17 | 6 34 | 9 | 16 | + |28| 2 21 | 7 26 | 10 | 17 | + |29| 3 16 | 8 14 | 11 | 18 | + |30| 4 3 | 9 3 | 12 | 19 | + |31| 4 44 | 9 51 | 12 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + =The= Greatness of that Power, which has been exerted in the + Creation, though every Object in Nature shews it, will best + appear by considering a little the =GREAT= Works, properly so + called, of Nature; the Sun, and Planets, and the fixed Stars. + The Sun and Moon, the most conspicuous to us of all the + celestial Bodies, are the only ones mentioned in the sacred + Text: But the Invention of that noblest of Instruments the + Telescope, and the Sagacity of the Astronomers of later Ages, + whose Observations have improved and corrected those of the + foregoing, afford us a very different Idea of the Solar + System, from what the single Consideration of those two most + conspicuous Bodies gives us. As this may probably fall into + the Hands of some, who have not Leisure or Opportunities of + reading Books of Astronomy, the following brief View of our + System, and of the Immensity of the Creation, according to + the Theory of the Moderns, may not be unacceptable. + + It is proper, in the first Place, just to mention, That the + real Magnitudes, Distances, Orbits, and other Affections of + the Bodies of our System are determined by what Astronomers + call their Parallaxes, and by their Elongations from the Sun, + and their apparent Magnitudes, and other analogical Methods, + which would take up by far too much Time to explain here; by + which it is possible to determine + [their] + + + *(page break)* + + + =FEBRUARY.= _II Month._ + + Before him fly the Horrors of the Night; + He looks upon the World--and all is Light. + Then the lone Wand'rers of the dreary Waste + Affrighted to their Holds return in Haste, + To Man give up the World, his native Reign, + Who then resumes his Pow'r, and rules the Plain. + How various are thy Works, Creator wise! + How to the Sight Beauties on Beauties rise! + [Where] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|5|Days 10 h. long. |7 0 |5 0 |♑ 25 | ♃ sou. 9 28 + | 2|6|Purification _V. M._ |6 59 |5 1 |♒ 7 | ♂ rise 4 20 + | 3|7| _Clouds_ |6 58 |5 2 | 19 | _Setting too good_ + | 4|G|5 p. Epiph. |6 56 |5 4 |♓ 1 | _an Example_ + | 5|2| _and wind,_ |6 55 |5 5 | 13 | ☿ rise 5 34 + | 6|3| _with_ |6 54 |5 6 | 25 | ☌ ☽ ♀ ☌ ♄ ♂ + | 7|4| _falling_ |6 53 |5 7 |♈ 7 | ♀ sets 8 2 _is a_ + | 8|5|Days incr. 1 6 |6 52 |5 8 | 20 | _Kind of Slander_ + | 9|6| _weather,_ |6 51 |5 9 |♉ 3 | _seldom forgiven;_ + |10|7| _then fair_ |6 50 |5 10 | 16 | _'tis_ Scandalum + |11|G|6 p. Epiph. |6 48 |5 12 | 29 | Magnatum. + |12|2| _and cold;_ |6 47 |5 13 |♊ 13 | □ ♃ ♀ _A great_ + |13|3| _changeable_ |6 46 |5 14 | 27 | ♄ rise 3 49 + |14|4|=VALENTINE.= |6 45 |5 15 |♋ 12 | ☽ W. ♃ _Talker_ + |15|5|Days inc. 1 22 |6 43 |5 17 | 27 | □ ♂ ♀ _may be_ + |16|6| _and like for_ |6 42 |5 18 |♌ 12 | 7 *s sets 1 0 + |17|7| _rain, or snow,_ |6 41 |5 19 | 27 | ♃ sou. 8 21 + |18|G|Septuagesima. |6 40 |5 20 |♏ 12 | ☉ in ♓ _no Fool,_ + |19|2| _then follows_ |6 38 |5 22 | 26 | Sirius sou. 8 21 + |20|3|Day 10 46 long. |6 37 |5 23 |♎ 10 | ♂ rise 4 5 + |21|4| _clear and cold_ |6 36 |5 24 | 24 | ♀ sets 9 0 + |22|5| _weather; but_ |6 35 |5 25 |♏ 8 | ✱ ☉ ♄ _but he_ + |23|6| _soon changes to_ |6 33 |5 27 | 21 | _is one that_ + |24|7|St. Matthias. |6 32 |5 28 |♐ 3 | △ ☉ ♃ _relies_ + |25|G|Sexagesima. |6 31 |5 29 | 15 | _on him._ + |26|2| _snow_ |6 30 |5 30 | 27 | ♄ rises 3 0 + |27|3| _or cold rain._ |6 28 |5 32 |♑ 9 | ☽ with ♄ + |28|4|Day inc. 1 56 m. |6 27 |5 33 | 21 | ☽ with ♂ + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =FEBRUARY= hath XXVIII Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + New ☽ 3 3 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + First Q. 10 12 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Full ● 17 3 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Last Q. 24 7 aft. | | ♒ | ♑ | ♋ | ♑ | ♓ | ♑ | + | 1| 13 | 2 | 7 | 0 | 23 | 19 | N. 5 + {12 ♏ 9 Deg. | 6| 18 | 3 | 7 | 3 | 29 | 24 | 4 + ☊ {22 8 |12| 24 | 3 | 6 | 7 | ♈ 6 | ♒ 0 | S. 3 + {28 7 |17| 29 | 4 | 6 | 11 | 12 | 7 | 5 + |22| ♓ 4 | 4 | 6 | 14 | 17 | 14 | 0 + |27| 19 | 4 | 6 | 18 | 23 | 22 | N. 4 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+ | + | 1| 5 29 | 10 39 | 1 | 21 | + | 2| Moon | 12 24 | 2 | 22 | + | 3| sets | A. 9 | 3 | 23 | + | 4| A. | 12 52 | 3 | 24 | + | 5| 7 45 | 1 35 | 4 | 25 | + | 6| 8 39 | 2 18 | 5 | 26 | + | 7| 9 39 | 3 1 | 6 | 27 | + | 8| 10 41 | 3 50 | 6 | 28 | + | 9| 11 44 | 4 38 | 7 | 29 | + |10| 12 47 | 5 29 | 8 | 30 | + |11| M. 47 | 6 19 | 9 | 31 | + |12| 1 43 | 7 18 | 10 | Feb. | + |13| 2 46 | 8 17 | 11 | | + |14| 3 41 | 9 16 | 12 | 3 | + |15| 4 34 | 10 15 | 1 | 4 | + |16| Moon | 11 14 | 2 | 5 | + |17| rises | 12 10 | 3 | 6 | + |18| A. | Morn | 3 | 7 | + |19| 7 53 | 1 6 | 4 | 8 | + |20| 9 2 | 1 57 | 4 | 9 | + |21| 10 9 | 2 48 | 5 | 10 | + |22| 11 19 | 3 40 | 6 | 11 | + |23| 12 17 | 4 32 | 7 | 12 | + |24| M. 17 | 5 20 | 8 | 13 | + |25| 1 8 | 6 8 | 9 | 14 | + |26| 2 0 | 6 58 | 9 | 15 | + |27| 2 48 | 7 47 | 10 | 16 | + |28| 3 27 | 8 34 | 11 | 17 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + their Magnitudes and Distances, when those Distances are + not too great to yield a Parallax. Astronomers, for Example, + know certainly the Distance of the Moon from the Earth, + _viz._ 240 thousand Miles, because the Moon yields a very + sensible Parallax; and they know, that the Sun's Distance + from the Earth is very probably, at least, ten thousand Times + the Diameter or Thickness of the Earth, which is about eight + thousand Miles, and brings the whole Distance to about eighty + Millions of Miles. It is, I say, hardly to be doubted, that + the Distance from the Sun to the Earth is, at least, eighty + Millions of Miles; but it is not certainly known, whether it + is not a great deal more. In the Year 1761, the Distance of + all the Planets from the Sun will be determined to a great + Degree of Exactness by Observations on a Transit of the + Planet _Venus_ over the Face of the Sun, which is to happen + the 6th of _May_, O.S. in that Year. But, according to the + present Theory, the Sun, to appear of the Magnitude he does + to our Eyes at the Distance of eighty Millions of Miles, must + be a Body a great many hundred thousand Times larger than the + Earth, so that if his Centre were placed where that of the + Earth is, his outward Surface would extend one hundred and + forty thousand Miles higher than the Orbit of the Moon, his + Diameter or Thickness being seven hundred and sixty thousand + Miles, whereas that of the Earth is but about eight thousand. + This amazing World + [of] + + + *(page break)* + + + =MARCH.= _III Month._ + + Where Goodness worthy of a God bestows + His Gifts on all, and without Bounds o'erflows; + Where Wisdom bright appears, and Pow'r divine, + And where Infinitude itself doth shine; + Where Excellence invisible's exprest, + And in his glorious Works the God appears confest. + With Life thy Hand hath stock'd this earthly Plain, + Nor less the spacious Empire of the Main. + [There] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|5|St. =DAVID.= |6 26 |5 34 |♒ 3 | ✱ ♀ ☿ _When_ + | 2|6| _Cool and_ |6 24 |5 36 | 15 | 7 *s set 12 0 + | 3|7| _windy,_ |6 23 |5 37 | 27 | ☽ w. ☿ _Reason_ + | 4|G|Shrove Sunday. |6 22 |5 38 |♓ 9 | ♃ sou. 7 25 + | 5|2| _then snow_ |6 20 |5 40 | 21 | ♀ sets 9 28 + | 6|3|Shrove Tuesday. |6 19 |5 41 |♈ 4 | _preaches, if you_ + | 7|4|Ash Wednesday. |6 18 |5 42 | 17 | ✱ ♄ ☿ _won't_ + | 8|5|Days 11 28 long |6 16 |5 44 |♉ 0 | ☽ w. ♀ _hear her_ + | 9|6| _follow'd by sharp_|6 15 |5 45 | 13 | ♂ ri. 3 50 _she'll_ + |10|7| _nipping weather;_ |6 14 |5 46 | 26 | △ ♄ ♀ _box your_ + |11|G|1st in Lent. |6 12 |5 48 |♊ 9 | Sirius so. 7 6. + |12|2|Day inc. 2 28 m. |6 11 |5 49 | 23 | ☍ ♄ ♃ _Ears._ + |13|3| _now fine and_ |6 10 |5 50 |♋ 7 | ☽ with ♃ + |14|4|Ember Week. |6 8 |5 52 | 21 | ♄ rise 2 4 + |15|5| _pleasant for_ |6 7 |5 53 |♌ 6 | ♃ set 2 9 + |16|6| _the season;_ |6 6 |5 54 | 21 | Sirius set 11 51 + |17|7|St. =PATRICK.= |6 4 |5 56 |♍ 6 | ♂ rise 3 43 + |18|G|2d in Lent. |6 3 |5 57 | 21 | 7 *s set 11 4 + |19|2| _then_ |6 2 |5 58 |♎ 5 | ☌ ☉ ☿ Equal + |20|3|Days 12 long. |6 0 |6 0 | 19 | ☉ in ♈ Day and + |21|4| _clouds_ |5 59 |6 1 |♏ 3 | □ ♄ ☿ Night. + |22|5| _and_ |5 58 |6 2 | 17 | ✱ ♂ ☿ _It is not_ + |23|6| _high winds_ |5 56 |6 4 |♐ 0 | □ ♃ ☿ _Leisure_ + |24|7|Days inc. 3 h. |5 55 |6 5 | 12 | ♀ sets 9 57 + |25|G|Annunciation. |5 54 |6 6 | 24 | □ ☉ ♄ _that is_ + |26|2| _with rain and_ |5 52 |6 8 |♑ 6 | ☽ with ♄ _not_ + |27|3| _cold, but_ |5 51 |6 9 | 18 | □ ☉ ♃ _used._ + |28|4| _grows_ |5 50 |6 10 |♒ 0 | ♄ rise 1 17 + |29|5| _more_ |5 48 |6 12 | 12 | ☽ with ♂ + |30|6| _moderate._ |5 47 |6 13 | 24 | Sirius set 11 0 + |31|7|Day 12 30 long. |5 45 |6 15 |♓ 6 | ♃ sets 1 15 + +--+--+----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =MARCH= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + New ☽ 4 11 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + First Q. 12 10 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Full ● 19 1 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Last Q. 26 at noon. | | ♓ | ♑ | ♋ | ♑ | ♈ | ♓ | + | 4| 14 | 5 | 6 | 22 | 29 | 0 | N. 4 + {12 ♏ 7 Deg. | 9| 19 | 5 | 6 | 26 | ♉ 4 | 9 | S. 1 + ☊ {22 6 |12| 22 | 5 | 6 | 28 | 7 | 15 | 4 + {31 6 |17| 27 | 5 | 6 | ♒ 2 | 12 | 25 | 4 + |22| ♈ 2 | 5 | 7 | 6 | 17 | ♈ 6 | N. 1 + |27| 7 | 6 | 7 | 19 | 23 | 16 | 5 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+ | + | 1| 4 4 | 9 M 21 | 12 | 18 | + | 2| 4 44 | 10 6 | 1 | 19 | + | 3| Moon | 10 50 | 1 | 20 | + | 4| sets. | 11 34 | 2 | 21 | + | 5| A. | A. 17 | 3 | 22 | + | 6| 7 35 | 1 4 | 4 | 23 | + | 7| 8 35 | 1 51 | 4 | 24 | + | 8| 9 40 | 2 41 | 5 | 25 | + | 9| 10 39 | 3 30 | 6 | 26 | + |10| 11 44 | 4 22 | 7 | 27 | + |11| 12 43 | 5 15 | 8 | 28 | + |12| M. 43 | 6 13 | 9 | Mar. | + |13| 1 36 | 7 10 | 10 | | + |14| 2 27 | 8 7 | 11 | 3 | + |15| 3 19 | 9 4 | 12 | 4 | + |16| 4 2 | 10 1 | 1 | 5 | + |17| 4 42 | 10 58 | 1 | 6 | + |18| Moon | 11 54 | 2 | 7 | + |19| rises | 12 44 | 3 | 8 | + |20| A. | M. 44 | 3 | 9 | + |21| 9 3 | 1 37 | 4 | 10 | + |22| 10 12 | 2 30 | 5 | 11 | + |23| 11 15 | 3 24 | 6 | 12 | + |24| 12 4 | 4 12 | 7 | 13 | + |25| M. 4 | 5 0 | 8 | 14 | + |26| 0 43 | 5 49 | 8 | 15 | + |27| 1 29 | 6 38 | 9 | 16 | + |28| 2 12 | 7 24 | 10 | 17 | + |29| 2 47 | 8 10 | 11 | 18 | + |30| 3 21 | 8 54 | 11 | 19 | + |31| 3 50 | 9 38 | 12 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+-----------+ + + of Fire turns once round in about twenty-five Days. This is + known by a Number of dusky Spots, which appear upon the Sun's + Face, so as to be seen sometimes with the naked Eye, when he + shines through a thin Cloud or Mist; but are always + observable with the Help of a Telescope, with a dark Glass + for the Security of the Eye. These Spots could not be visible + at the Distance of the Sun, if they were not as large as the + whole Earth; but such of them as appear of a considerable + Breadth, as they often do, must be still vastly larger. They + never continue long to make the same Appearance; but are + always rising and vanishing again. They are probably + Exhalations floating in the Sun's Atmosphere at some Distance + from his Body, or Masses of Cynder fallen from that + Atmosphere upon his Surface. + + This glorious Luminary, the Centre of our System, has six + opaque Globes, commonly called the Planets, going round him + at different Distances, and in different Periods, but all + from West to East, as follows. + + 1. _Mercury_, a Body considerably inferior in Size to the + Earth, performs his Course in about three Months, which is + his Year, at the Distance of thirty Millions of Miles from + the Sun. The Heat of the Sun in _Mercury_ (if there be no + Provision made for mitigating it) must be such, as, if it + were the same on the Earth, would keep all the Waters upon it + constantly boiling; And the Brightness of the + [Sun's] + + + *(page break)* + + + =APRIL.= _IV Month._ + + There the tall Ships the rolling Billows sweep, + And bound triumphant o'er th' unfathom'd Deep. + There great Leviathan in regal Pride, + The scaly Nations crouding by his Side, + Far in the dark Recesses of the Main + O'er Nature's Wastes extends his boundless Reign. + Round the dark Bottoms of the Mountains roves, + The hoary Deep swells dreadful as he moves. + [Now] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|G|4th in Lent. |5 44 |6 16 |♓ 18 | ♂ rise 3 22 + | 2|2| _Rain, and_ |5 43 |6 17 |♈ 0 | _The Good-will_ + | 3|3| _mild_ |5 42 |6 18 | 13 | _of the Governed_ + | 4|4| _weather,_ |5 40 |6 20 | 26 | ☽ w. ☿ _will be_ + | 5|5|Days inc. 3 32 m. |5 39 |6 21 |♉ 19 | ✱ ☉ ♂ _starv'd,_ + | 6|6| _grows windy_ |5 38 |6 22 | 22 | ♀ sets 10 26 _if_ + | 7|7| _and cool, then_ |5 37 |6 23 |♊ 6 | ☽ w. ♀ _not fed_ + | 8|G|5th in Lent. |5 35 |6 25 | 20 | 7 *s sets 9 50 _by_ + | 9|2| _warm and_ |5 34 |6 26 |♋ 4 | ☽ with ♃ _the_ + |10|3| _springing,_ |5 33 |6 27 | 18 | _good Deeds of_ + |11|4|Days 12 56 long. |5 32 |6 28 |♌ 2 | _the Governors._ + |12|5| _follow'd_ |5 30 |6 30 | 16 | ♄ rise 12 21 + |13|6| _by clouds_ |5 29 |6 31 |♍ 1 | 7 *s sets 9 30 + |14|7| _and rain,_ |5 28 |6 32 | 15 | ♃ set 12 26 + |15|G|Palm Sunday. |5 26 |6 34 | 29 | Sirius set 10 2 + |16|2| _then fair and_ |5 25 |6 35 |♎ 13 | ♂ rise 2 55 + |17|3| _pleasant again;_ |5 24 |6 36 | 27 | ♀ sets 10 37 + |18|4|Days 13 16 long. |5 23 |6 37 |♏ 10 | _Paintings and_ + |19|5|Maund. Thursday |5 22 |6 38 | 23 | ☉ in ♉ _Fightings_ + |20|6|Good Friday. |5 20 |6 40 |♐ 6 | _are best_ + |21|7| _now rain_ |5 19 |6 41 | 19 |7 *s set 9 0 + |22|G|Easter-day. |5 18 |6 42 |♑ 2 | ☽ with ♄ + |23|2|St. George. |5 17 |6 43 | 14 | Sirius sets 9 33 + |24|3| _and cool,_ |5 16 |6 44 | 26 | _seen at a_ + |25|4|St. Mark. |5 15 |6 45 |♒ 8 | △ ☉ ♄ + |26|5|Pr. Will. b. 1721 |5 13 |6 47 | 20 | _distance._ + |27|6| _then clouds_ |5 12 |6 48 |♓ 2 | ☽ with ♂ + |28|7|Day 13 38 long. |5 11 |6 49 | 14 | ♄ rise 11 20 + |29|G|1 past Easter. |5 10 |6 50 | 26 | ✱ ☉ ♃ + |30|2| _and wind._ |5 8 |6 52 |♈ 9 | ♃ sets 11 37 + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =APRIL= hath XXX Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + New ☽ 3 2 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + First Q. 10 5 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Full ● 17 2 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Last Q. 25 8 mor. | | ♈ | ♑ | ♋ | ♒ | ♉ | ♈ | + | 1| 12 | 6 | 7 | 13 | 28 | 26 | N. 4 + {12 ♏ 6 Deg. | 6| 17 | 6 | 8 | 16 | ♊ 3 | ♉ 4 | S. 1 + ☊ {22 6 |12| 23 | 6 | 8 | 21 | 8 | 12 | 5 + {30 6 |17| 28 | 6 | 9 | 24 | 12 | 17 | 1 + |22| ♉ 3 | 6 | 9 | 28 | 15 | 19 | N. 4 + |27| 8 | 6 | 10 | ♓ 1 | 18 | 19 | 4 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> + +--+---------+-----------+----+ | + | 1| 4 19 | 10 21 | 1 | 21 | + | 2| Moon | 11 4 | 2 | 22 | + | 3| sets. | 11 53 | 2 | 23 | + | 4| A. | A. 41 | 3 | 24 | + | 5| 8 38 | 1 32 | 4 | 25 | + | 6| 9 41 | 2 22 | 5 | 26 | + | 7| 10 48 | 3 19 | 6 | 27 | + | 8| 11 51 | 4 16 | 7 | 28 | + | 9| 12 40 | 5 14 | 8 | 29 | + |10| M. 40 | 6 11 | 9 | 30 | + |11| 1 25 | 7 6 | 10 | 31 | + |12| 2 6 | 8 0 | 11 | Apr. | + |13| 2 46 | 8 53 | 11 | | + |14| 3 25 | 9 46 | 12 | 3 | + |15| 4 0 | 10 38 | 1 | 4 | + |16| Moon | 11 29 | 2 | 5 | + |17| rises | 12 21 | 3 | 6 | + |18| A. | M. 21 | 3 | 7 | + |19| 8 52 | 1 12 | 4 | 8 | + |20| 9 56 | 2 6 | 5 | 9 | + |21| 10 53 | 3 0 | 6 | 10 | + |22| 11 39 | 3 49 | 6 | 11 | + |23| 12 17 | 4 37 | 7 | 12 | + |24| M. 17 | 5 28 | 8 | 13 | + |25| 0 49 | 6 20 | 9 | 14 | + |26| 1 23 | 7 0 | 10 | 15 | + |27| 1 58 | 7 40 | 10 | 16 | + |28| 2 30 | 8 23 | 11 | 17 | + |29| 3 1 | 9 6 | 12 | 18 | + |30| 3 28 | 9 55 | 12 | 19 | + +--+----------+----------+-----------+ + + Sun's Light must be such as would be quite intolerable to + Eyes like ours. But it does not follow, that _Mercury_ is + therefore uninhabitable; since it can be no Difficulty for + the Divine Power and Wisdom to accommodate the Inhabitants to + the Place they are to inhabit; as the Cold we see Frogs and + Fishes bear very well, would soon deprive any of our Species + of Life. To an Eye such as ours, the Sun, seen from this + Planet, would appear seven times as large as he does to us. + He is always so near the Sun, that we have no Opportunity of + discovering whether he turns round upon his own Axis, or not, + and consequently cannot determine what Length the Days and + Nights in _Mercury_ are. He is seen sometimes with Telescopes + horned like the Moon, and sometimes like a Half moon, but + never fully illuminated, because that Side of the Planet, on + which the Sun shines, is never turned full towards us, except + when he is so near the Sun, as to be lost in the Brightness + of his Beams. His enlightned Side is always towards the Sun, + which shews, that he only shines with the borrowed Light of + the Sun. That this Planet revolves round the Sun in an Orbit + nearer to him, than that of the Earth, is plain, because he + is never seen opposite to the Sun, but always in the West, + when he is seen at Sun-setting, and in the East, when he is + seen at Sun-rising; and that never beyond the Distance of + twenty-eight degrees from the Sun (a Degree is about + [twice] + + + *(page break)* + + + =MAY.= _V Month._ + + Now views the awful Throne of antient Night, + Then mounts exulting to the Realms of Light; + Now launches to the Deep, now stems the Shore, + An Ocean scarce contains the wild Uproar. + Whate'er of Life replenishes the Flood, + Or walks the Earth, or warbles thro' the Wood, + In Nature's various Wants to thee complains, + The Hand, which gave the Life, the Life sustains. + [To] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|3|=PHILIP & JACOB.= |5 7 |6 53 |♈ 22 | ♂ rise 2 30 + | 2|4| _Rain and_ |5 6 |6 54 |♉ 5 | ♀ set 10 28 + | 3|5|Day inc. 4 40 |5 5 |6 55 | 18 | ☽ w ☿ ✱ ♄ ♂ + | 4|6| _gusts_ |5 3 |6 57 |♊ 2 | _If you would_ + | 5|7| _in some_ |5 2 |6 58 | 16 | ☽ with ♀ _reap_ + | 6|G|2 past Easter. |5 1 |6 59 |♋ 0 | ☌ ☉ ☿ _Praise_ + | 7|2| _places, with_ |5 0 |7 0 | 14 | ☽ with ♃ _you_ + | 8|3| _thunder,_ |4 59 |7 1 | 28 | 7 *s set 7 56 + | 9|4|Day 14 4 long. |4 58 |7 2 |♌ 13 | _must sow the_ + |10|5| _then fine_ |4 57 |7 3 | 27 | Sirius set 8 27 + |11|6| _growing_ |4 56 |7 4 |♍ 11 | ✱ ♂ ☿ _Seeds,_ + |12|7| _weather,_ |4 56 |7 4 | 25 | ♄ rise 10 28 + |13|G|3 past Easter. |4 55 |7 5 |♎ 9 | ✱ ♃ ☿ _Gentle_ + |14|2| _pleasant,_ |4 54 |7 6 | 23 | ♃ set 10 49 + |15|3| _with_ |4 53 |7 7 |♏ 6 | ♂ rise 2 3 + |16|4|Day inc. 5 6 |4 52 |7 8 | 19 | _Words and_ + |17|5| _wind and_ |4 51 |7 9 |♐ 2 | ♀ set 9 46 + |18|6| _flying_ |4 50 |7 10 | 15 | _useful Deeds._ + |19|7| _clouds,_ |4 49 |7 11 | 28 | _Ignorance leads_ + |20|G|4 past Easter. |4 48 |7 12 |♑ 10 | ☉ in ♊ ☌ ☽ ♄ + |21|2| _follow'd_ |4 47 |7 13 | 22 | _Men into a_ + |22|3|Days 14 28 long. |4 46 |7 14 |♒ 4 | _Party, and_ + |23|4| _by heat,_ |4 45 |7 15 | 16 | _Shame keeps_ + |24|5| _then_ |4 44 |7 16 | 28 | _them from getting_ + |25|6| _rain and_ |4 44 |7 16 |♓ 10 | _out again._ + |26|7| _thunder,_ |4 43 |7 17 | 22 | ☽ with ♂ + |27|G|Rogation Sunday |4 42 |7 18 |♈ 4 | ♄ rise 9 26 + |28|2|Day inc. 5 26 |4 42 |7 18 | 17 | ♃ set 10 6 + |29|3|K. Cha. resto. |4 41 |7 19 |♉ 0 | ♂ rise 1 32 + |30|4| _pleasant._ |4 41 |7 19 | 13 | ☽ with ☿ _Haste_ + |31|5|Ascension Day. |4 40 |7 20 | 27 | _makes Waste._ + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =MAY= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + New ☽ 3 2 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + First Q. 9 10 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Full ● 17 2 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Last Q. 24 12 aft. | | ♉ | ♑ | ♋ | ♓ | ♊ | ♉ | + | 2| 12 | 6 | 10 | 5 | 21 | 17 | N. 0 + {12 ♏ 6 Deg. | 7| 17 | 6 | 11 | 9 | 23 | 14 | S. 5 + ☊ {22 6 |12| 22 | 6 | 11 | 13 | 25 | 12 | 3 + {31 5 |17| 27 | 5 | 12 | 17 | 27 | 11 | N. 2 + |22| ♊ 2 | 5 | 14 | 20 | 26 | 11 | 5 + |27| 6 | 5 | 15 | 24 | 25 | 14 | 3 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ rise | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+ | + | 1| 4 0 | 10 44 | 1 | 20 | + | 2| Moon | 11 31 | 2 | 21 | + | 3| sets. | A. 21 | 3 | 22 | + | 4| A. | 1 17 | 4 | 23 | + | 5| 9 43 | 2 14 | 5 | 24 | + | 6| 10 40 | 3 12 | 6 | 25 | + | 7| 11 29 | 4 10 | 7 | 26 | + | 8| 12 3 | 5 6 | 8 | 27 | + | 9| M. 3 | 6 2 | 9 | 28 | + |10| 0 48 | 6 54 | 9 | 29 | + |11| 1 23 | 7 45 | 10 | 30 | + |12| 2 2 | 8 37 | 11 | May | + |13| 2 36 | 9 29 | 12 | | + |14| 3 12 | 10 20 | 1 | 3 | + |15| 3 45 | 11 8 | 2 | 4 | + |16| Moon | 11 56 | 2 | 5 | + |17| rises | 12 48 | 3 | 6 | + |18| A. | M. 48 | 3 | 7 | + |19| 9 31 | 1 42 | 4 | 8 | + |20| 10 14 | 2 30 | 5 | 9 | + |21| 10 51 | 3 19 | 6 | 10 | + |22| 11 29 | 4 6 | 7 | 11 | + |23| 12 0 | 4 53 | 7 | 12 | + |24| Morn | 5 36 | 8 | 13 | + |25| 0 27 | 6 19 | 9 | 14 | + |26| 0 56 | 7 2 | 10 | 15 | + |27| 1 27 | 7 45 | 10 | 16 | + |28| 1 58 | 8 32 | 11 | 17 | + |29| 2 30 | 9 20 | 12 | 18 | + |30| 3 8 | 10 13 | 1 | 19 | + |31| Moon | 11 6 | 2 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+-----------+ + + twice the apparent Breadth of the Moon.) The same + Considerations prove, that the next Planet, _viz._ + + 2. _Venus_ revolves round the Sun in an Orbit including that + of _Mercury_ within it: For she is always seen in the + Neighbourhood of the Sun, and never appears in the West when + the Sun is in the East, nor contrariwise; nor ever removes + above forty-eight Degrees from him. When she is on one Side + of her Orbit, she it our Morning- and on the other, our + Evening Star. This Planet turns round upon its own Axis in + twenty-three Hours, as the Earth does in twenty-four. _Venus_ + performs her annual Revolution round the Sun in two hundred + twenty-four Days, at the Distance of about fifty-nine + Millions of Miles from the Sun. She is nearly of the Size of + the Earth. She appears through a Telescope exactly as the + Moon does to the naked Eye, partly enlightened, and partly + dark, and with the same Inequalities on her Face as on that + of the Moon. Some Astronomers fancy they have seen a + Satellite or Moon near _Venus_, like that belonging to the + Earth: But it is not yet certain whether they have deceived + themselves or not. + + 3. The Earth, which we inhabit, possesses the next Place in + the Solar System, and, at the Distance of about eighty + Millions of Miles, as above, performs her yearly Revolution + round the Sun in about three hundred sixty-five Days, and at + the same time, as a Bowl upon a + [Bowling-] + + + *(page break)* + + + =JUNE= _VI Month._ + + To each th' appointed Sustenance bestows, + To each the noxious and the healthful shows. + Thou spread'st thy Bounty--meagre Famine flies: + Thou hid'st thy Face--their vital Vigour dies. + Thy pow'ful Word again restores their Breath; + Renew'd Creation triumphs over Death. + Th' Almighty o'er his Works casts down his Eye, + And views their various Excellence with joy; + [His] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | |Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|6| _Clouds and_ |4 40 |7 20 |♊ 11 | ♀ set 8 17 + | 2|7| _like for_ |4 39 |7 21 | 25 | ☽ with ♀ _Many_ + | 3|G|6 past Easter. |4 39 |7 21 |♋ 9 | ☽ with ♃ _have_ + | 4|2| _rain, with_ |4 39 |7 21 | 24 | _quarrel'd about_ + | 5|3|Day 14 44 long. |4 38 |7 22 |♌ 9 | _Religion, that_ + | 6|4| _wind and_ |4 38 |7 22 | 23 | ☿ rise 3 28 + | 7|5| _thunder;_ |4 38 |7 22 |♍ 7 | _never practis'd_ + | 8|6|Days inc 5 36 |4 37 |7 23 | 21 | ☌ ☉ ♀ _it._ + | 9|7| _flying_ |4 37 |7 23 |♎ 5 | Sudden Power + |10|G|Whitsunday. |4 37 |7 23 | 19 | □ ♄ ♂ _is apt to_ + |11|2|St. =BARNABAS.= |4 36 |7 24 |♏ 2 | _be insolent_, Sudden + |12|6| _clouds, warm_ |4 36 |7 24 | 15 | ♄ ri. 8 13 + |13|4|Ember Week. |4 36 |7 24 | 28 | ♃ set 9 8 + |14|5|Days 14 50 |4 35 |7 25 |♐ 11 | ♂ rise 12 52 + |15|6| _and inclin'd_ |4 35 |7 25 | 24 | Liberty _saucy;_ + |16|7| _to rain,_ |4 35 |7 25 |♑ 6 | ☌ ☽ ♄ ✱ ♂ ☿ + |17|G|Trinity Sunday |4 35 |7 25 | 18 | _that behaves best_ + |18|2|Days inc. 5 40 |4 35 |7 25 |♒ 0 | ☌ ♀ ☿ _which_ + |19|3| _with wind_ |4 35 |7 25 | 12 | _has grown gradually._ + |20|4| _and_ |4 35 |7 25 | 24 | ✱ ♂ ♀ + |21|5|Corp Christ. |4 35 |7 25 |♓ 6 | ☉ in ♋ + |22|6|K. Geo. Acces. |4 35 |7 25 | 18 | _He that best_ + |23|7| _thunder,_ |4 35 |7 25 |♈ 0 | _understands the_ + |24|G|St. =JOHN.= |4 35 |7 25 | 12 | ☌ ☽ ♂ ☍ ☉ ♄ + |25|2| Baptist. _then_ |4 35 |7 25 | 25 | _World, least_ + |26|3| _cooler,_ |4 35 |7 25 |♉ 8 | ♃ set 8 32 _likes_ + |27|4| _but soon_ |4 35 |7 25 | 21 | ♄ rise 7 8 _it._ + |28|5|Days 14 50 |4 35 |7 25 |♊ 5 | ☌ ☽ ♀ ☍ ♄ ☿ + |29|6| _grows hot again._ |4 36 |7 24 | 19 | ♂ rise 12 14 + |30|7|St. =PETER.= |4 36 |7 24 |♋ 4 | ☽ with ☿ + |King =GEORGE='s 27th Year begins the 22d Day + +----+-----------------------+-----+-----+------------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =JUNE= hath XXX Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + New ☽ 1 at noon. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + First Q. 8 6 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Full ● 15 at noon. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Last Q. 23 4 aft. | | ♊ | ♑ | ♋ | ♓ | ♊ | ♉ | + New ☽ 30 9 aft. | 1| 11 | 5 | 16 | 27 | 23 | 18 | S. 3 + | 6| 16 | 4 | 18 | ♈ 1 | 20 | 23 | 5 + {12 ♏ 5 Deg. |12| 22 | 4 | 19 | 5 | 15 | ♊ 1 | N. 1 + ☊ {22 4 |17| 26 | 4 | 20 | 9 | 13 | 10 | 5 + {30 3 |22| ♋ 1 | 3 | 21 | 13 | 11 | 20 | 4 + |27| 6 | 3 | 22 | 16 | 10 | ♋ 1 | S. 1 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ Set. | ☽ sou: | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+ | + | 1| sets. | A. 3 | 3 | 21 | + | 2| A. | 1 0 | 4 | 22 | + | 3| 9 15 | 1 58 | 4 | 23 | + | 4| 10 7 | 2 56 | 5 | 24 | + | 5| 10 49 | 3 52 | 6 | 25 | + | 6| 11 25 | 4 47 | 7 | 26 | + | 7| 12 0 | 5 38 | 8 | 27 | + | 8| Morn | 6 28 | 9 | 28 | + | 9| 0 34 | 7 20 | 10 | 29 | + |10| 1 8 | 8 11 | 11 | 30 | + |11| 1 42 | 8 58 | 11 | 31 | + |12| 2 16 | 9 46 | 12 | June | + |13| 2 57 | 10 38 | 1 | | + |14| Moon | 11 29 | 2 | 3 | + |15| rises | 12 23 | 3 | 4 | + |16| A. | M. 23 | 3 | 5 | + |17| 8 51 | 1 9 | 4 | 6 | + |18| 9 26 | 1 55 | 4 | 7 | + |19| 10 0 | 2 40 | 5 | 8 | + |20| 10 27 | 3 24 | 6 | 9 | + |21| 10 53 | 4 8 | 7 | 10 | + |22| 11 23 | 4 50 | 7 | 11 | + |23| 11 51 | 5 32 | 8 | 12 | + |24| 12 22 | 6 18 | 9 | 13 | + |25| M 22 | 7 4 | 10 | 14 | + |26| 0 55 | 7 53 | 10 | 15 | + |27| 1 32 | 8 42 | 11 | 16 | + |28| 2 14 | 9 39 | 12 | 17 | + |29| Moon | 10 36 | 1 | 18 | + |30| sets | 11 37 | 2 | 19 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + Bowling-green not only proceeds forward, but likewise turns + round upon its own Axis, so does the Earth turn once round + upon its Axis as it goes along, every twenty-four Hours. It + is astonishing, and even frightful to think, that this vast + and cumbrous Globe of Earth and Sea, which is almost + twenty-five thousand Miles in Circumference, has received + such an Impulse from the Almighty Arm, as has carried it + constantly for above these five thousand Years, that we know + of, round the Sun at the Rate of at least fifty thousand + Miles every Hour, which it must absolutely do, to go round + the Sun in a Year at the Distance of eighty Millions of Miles + from him. So that, if an Angel were to come from some other + World, and to place himself near the Earth's Way, he would + see it pass by him with a Swiftness, to which that of a + Cannon Ball is but as one to one hundred, and would be left + behind by it no less than the above Number of Miles in the + Space of one Hour. There is no more Reason to doubt, that the + Earth goes in this Manner round the Sun, than there would be + for a Passenger in a Ship on smooth Water, who saw the + Objects upon Land continually passing by, to doubt whether + the Vessel he was in, or the Shore, was in Motion. We see the + Sun continually changes his Place with respect to the fixed + Stars, and must own it to be highly improbable that this + Change of Place is owing to any Change in the whole Heavens, + [which,] + + + *(page break)* + + + =JULY.= _VII Month._ + + His Works with Rev'rence own his pow'rful Hand, + And humble Nature waits his dread Command, + He looks upon the Earth--her Pillars shake, + And from her Centre her Foundations quake. + The Hills he touches--Clouds of Smoke arise, + And sulph'rous Streams mount heavy to the Skies. + Whilst Life informs this Frame, that Life shall be + (O First and Greatest!) sacred all to Thee. + [Thy] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|G|2 past Trin. |4 30 |7 24 |♋ 19 | ☽ with ♃ + | 2|2|Days dec. 2 m. |4 36 |7 24 |♌ 4 | ☌ ☉ ☿ Anger + | 3|3| _Clouds_ |4 37 |7 23 | 19 | _is never without_ + | 4|4| _and_ |4 37 |7 23 |♍ 4 | _a Reason, but_ + | 5|5| _wind,_ |4 37 |7 23 | 19 | _seldom with a_ + | 6|6| _then hot, |4 38 |7 22 |♎ 2 | _good One._ + | 7|7|Days dec. 6 m. |4 38 |7 22 | 16 | ♀ rise 2 27 + | 8|G|3 past Trin. |4 39 |7 21 | 29 | _He that is of_ + | 9|2| _follow'd by_ |4 39 |7 21 |♏ 12 | □ ♃ ♂ ☌ ♃ ☿ + |10|3| _rain and_ |4 40 |7 20 | 25 | _Opinion Money_ + |11|4| _thunder-gusts_ |4 40 |7 20 |♐ 8 | _will do every_ + |12|5| |4 41 |7 19 | 20 | ♄ sou. 10 42 + |13|6| _in many_ |4 41 |7 19 |♑ 2 | ☽ w. ♄ _Thing,_ + |14|7|Days dec. 14 m. |4 42 |7 18 | 14 | ♂ rise 11 38 + |15|G|4 past Trin. |4 43 |7 17 | 26 | _may well be_ + |16|2| _places, then_ |4 43 |7 17 |♒ 8 | _suspected of_ + |17|3| _more_ |4 44 |7 16 | 20 | ♀ rise 2 3 + |18|4| _settled and_ |4 45 |7 15 |♓ 2 | ☌ ☉ ♃ _doing_ + |19|5|Days dec 20 m. |4 45 |7 15 | 14 | ✱ ♀ ☿ _every_ + |20|6| _somewhat_ |4 46 |7 14 | 26 | 7 *s rise 12 6 + |21|7| _cooler; but_ |4 47 |7 13 |♈ 8 | △ ♄ ♂ _Thing_ + |22|G|5 past Trin. |4 48 |7 12 | 21 | ☉ in ♌ _for_ + |23|2| _grows hot_ |4 49 |7 11 |♉ 4 | ☽ w. ♂ _Money._ + |24|3|Dog Days begin |4 50 |7 10 | 17 | _An ill Wound,_ + |25|4|St. =JAMES.= |4 50 |7 10 |♊ 0 | _but not an ill_ + |26|5| _again, and_ |4 51 |7 9 | 14 | ☽ w. ♀ _Name,_ + |27|6|Day 14 16 long. |4 52 |7 8 | 28 | □ ☉ ♂ _may be_ + |28|7| _thunder_ |4 53 |7 7 |♋ 13 | ♄ sou. 9 30 + |29|G|6 past Trin. |4 54 |7 6 | 28 | ☽ w. ♃ _healed._ + |30|2| _follows with_ |4 55 |7 5 |♌ 13 | ♂ rise 10 58 + |31|3| _rain._ |4 56 |7 4 | 28 | ☽ with ☿ + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =JULY= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. | + First Q. 7 at noon. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Full ● 15 6 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Last Q. 23 6 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + New ☽ 30 1 mor. | | ♋ | ♑ | ♋ | ♈ | ♊ | ♋ | + | 2| 11 | 3 | 23 | 20 | 10 | 11 | S. 5 + {12 ♏ 2 Deg. | 7| 16 | 2 | 24 | 23 | 11 | 21 | 1 + ☊ {22 1 |12| 20 | 2 | 25 | 26 | 12 | ♌ 1 | N. 4 + {31 0 |17| 25 | 2 | 26 | 29 | 14 | 11 | 5 + |22| ♌ 0 | 1 | 27 | ♉ 2 | 17 | 20 | 1 + |27| 5 | 1 | 29 | 5 | 20 | 28 | S. 4 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> + +--+----------+---------+----+------+ + | 1| A. | A. 38 | 3 | 20 | + | 2| 8 38 | 1 35 | 4 | 21 | + | 3| 9 19 | 2 32 | 5 | 22 | + | 4| 9 57 | 3 27 | 6 | 23 | + | 5| 10 30 | 4 19 | 7 | 24 | + | 6| 11 5 | 5 9 | 8 | 25 | + | 7| 11 37 | 5 59 | 8 | 26 | + | 8| 12 13 | 6 48 | 9 | 27 | + | 9| M. 13 | 7 37 | 10 | 28 | + |10| 0 53 | 8 29 | 11 | 29 | + |11| 1 33 | 9 19 | 12 | 30 | + |12| 2 24 | 10 12 | 1 | July | + |13| 3 15 | 10 59 | 1 | | + |14| Moon | 11 45 | 2 | 3 | + |15| rise | 12 34 | 3 | 4 | + |16| A. | M. 34 | 3 | 5 | + |17| 8 21 | 1 12 | 4 | 6 | + |18| 8 50 | 1 55 | 4 | 7 | + |19| 9 20 | 2 38 | 5 | 8 | + |20| 9 49 | 3 22 | 6 | 9 | + |21| 10 18 | 4 6 | 7 | 10 | + |22| 10 50 | 4 54 | 7 | 11 | + |23| 11 26 | 5 42 | 8 | 12 | + |24| 12 7 | 6 30 | 9 | 13 | + |25| M. 7 | 7 23 | 10 | 14 | + |26| 0 50 | 8 20 | 11 | 15 | + |27| 1 45 | 9 18 | 12 | 16 | + |28| 2 47 | 10 18 | 1 | 17 | + |29| 4 0 | 11 18 | 2 | 18 | + |30| Moon | A. 16 | 3 | 19 | + |31| sets | 1 15 | 4 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + which, considering the Distance of the starry Heavens, would + require a Motion infinitely more rapid than that above + ascribed to the Earth. As for the common Objection against + the Earth's Motion, that we are not sensible of it, and that + a Stone thrown up from the Earth ought not to fall down upon + the same Place again; it is answered at once by the above + Comparison of a Ship, from which (as has been often found by + Experiment) a Ball fired directly up in the Air, does not + fall behind the Ship, let her Motion be ever so swift, but, + partaking of the Ship's Motion, is carried forward in the + Air, and falls down again upon the Deck. And as to the + Objections taken from some Scripture Expressions, which seem + to contradict the Theory of the Earth's Motion, it is plain, + from innumerable Instances, that Revelation was not given to + Mankind to make them Philosophers or deep Reasoners, but to + improve them in Virtue and Piety; and that it was therefore + proper it should be expressed in a Manner accommodated to + common Capacities and popular Opinions in all Points merely + speculative, and which were not to have any direct Influence + upon the Hearts and Lives of Men. The Truth of the Matter is, + that the Demonstrations given by the incomparable Sir _Isaac + Newton_, have established the Doctrine of the Motion of the + Earth and other Planets, and the Comets round the Sun, and of + the + [secondary] + + + *(page break)* + + + =AUGUST.= _VIII Month._ + + Thy Praise my Morning Song, my daily Theme, + My Ev'ning Subject, and my Midnight Dream, + When Grief oppresses, and when Pain assails; + When all the Man, and all the Stoic fails; + When fierce Tentation's stormy Billows roll; + When Guilt and Horror overwhelm my Soul; + With outward Ills contending Passions join'd, + To shake frail Virtue, and unhinge the Mind; + [When] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|4|Lammas Day. |4 57 |7 3 |♍ 13 | ♀ rise 1 40 + | 2|5| _More temperate_ |4 58 |7 2 | 27 | _When out of Favour,_ + | 3|6|Days dec. 46 m. |4 58 |7 2 |♎ 11 | _none know_ + | 4|7| _then_ |4 59 |7 1 | 25 | _thee; when in,_ + | 5|G|7 past Trin. |5 0 |7 0 |♏ 9 | _thou dost not_ + | 6|2| _clouds, with_ |5 1 |6 59 | 22 | △ ♂ ☿ _know_ + | 7|3| _rain_ |5 2 |6 58 |♐ 5 | 7 *s rise 10 55 + | 8|4|Day 13 54 long. |5 3 |6 57 | 17 | _thyself._ + | 9|5| _and_ |5 4 |6 56 | 29 | ☽ with ♄ + |10|6|St. Lawrence. |5 5 |6 55 |♑ 11 | _A lean Award_ + |11|7| _thunder;_ |5 6 |6 54 | 23 | ☿ sets 7 54 + |12|G|8 past Trin. |5 8 |6 52 |♒ 5 | ♄ sou. 8 30 + |13|2| _sultry weather,_ |5 9 |6 51 | 17 | ♃ rises 3 32 + |14|3| _clouds, and_ |5 10 |6 50 | 29 | ♂ rise 10 25 + |15|4|Assum. V. =MARY.= |5 11 |6 49 |♓ 11 | 7 *s rise 10 25 + |16|5| _rain;_ |5 13 |6 47 | 23 | _is better than a_ + |17|6|Days dec. 1 18 |5 14 |6 46 |♈ 5 | ♀ rise 1 37 + |18|7| _then more_ |5 15 |6 45 | 17 | _fat Judgment._ + |19|G|9 past Trin. |5 16 |6 44 | 29 | _God, Parents,_ + |20|2|Day 13 26 long. |5 17 |6 43 |♉ 12 | _and Instructors,_ + |21|3| _temperate,_ |5 18 |6 42 | 25 | ☽ with ♂ _can_ + |22|4| _clear_ |5 20 |6 40 |♊ 8 | ☉ in ♍ △ ☉ ♄ + |23|5| _and fair;_ |5 21 |6 39 | 22 | _never be_ + |24|6|St. =BARTHOL.= |5 22 |6 38 |♋ 6 | 7 *s rise 9 52 + |25|7| _flying_ |5 24 |6 36 | 21 | ☽ with ♀ _requited._ + |26|G|10 past Trin. |5 25 |6 35 |♌ 6 | ☽ w. ♃ + |27|2|Days dec. 1 42 |5 26 |6 34 | 21 | ♄ sou. 7 36 + |28|3| _clouds and_ |5 27 |6 33 |♍ 6 | ♃ rise 2 54 + |29|4| _perhaps_ |5 28 |6 32 | 21 | ☽ with ☿ + |30|5|Day 13 h. long |5 30 |6 30 |♎ 6 | △ ♂ ☿ + |31|6| _rain._ |5 31 |6 29 | 21 | ♂ rise 9 54 + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =AUGUST= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + First Q. 5 8 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Full ● 13 9 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Last Q. 21 9 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + New ☽ 28 10 mor. | | ♌ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♊ | ♍ | + | 1| 9 | 1 | 0 | 8 | 24 | 5 | S. 4 + {12 ♎ 29 Deg. | 6| 14 | 1 | 1 | 11 | 28 | 11 | N. 2 + ☊ {22 29 |12| 20 | 0 | 2 | 15 | ♋ 4 | 17 | 5 + {31 28 |17| 25 | 0 | 3 | 17 | 9 | 22 | 2 + |22| ♍ 0 | 0 | 4 | 20 | 14 | 24 | S. 3 + |27| 4 | 0 | 5 | 23 | 19 | 25 | 5 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + | 1| 8 A. 25 | 2 A. 9 | 5 | 21 | + | 2| 9 3 | 3 1 | 6 | 22 | + | 3| 9 37 | 3 53 | 6 | 23 | + | 4| 10 12 | 4 44 | 7 | 24 | + | 5| 10 56 | 5 36 | 8 | 25 | + | 6| 11 37 | 6 28 | 9 | 26 | + | 7| 12 22 | 7 18 | 10 | 27 | + | 8| M. 22 | 8 18 | 11 | 28 | + | 9| 1 12 | 8 57 | 11 | 29 | + |10| 2 2 | 9 45 | 12 | 30 | + |11| 2 52 | 10 33 | 1 | 31 | + |12| Moon | 11 18 | 2 | Aug. | + |13| rises | 12 3 | 2 | | + |14| A. | M. 3 | 3 | 3 | + |15| 7 25 | 0 36 | 3 | 4 | + |16| 7 43 | 1 20 | 4 | 5 | + |17| 8 22 | 2 4 | 5 | 6 | + |18| 8 51 | 2 49 | 5 | 7 | + |19| 9 25 | 3 33 | 6 | 8 | + |20| 10 3 | 4 23 | 7 | 9 | + |21| 10 47 | 5 13 | 8 | 10 | + |22| 11 42 | 6 10 | 9 | 11 | + |23| 12 37 | 7 6 | 10 | 12 | + |24| M. 37 | 8 6 | 11 | 13 | + |25| 1 39 | 9 6 | 12 | 14 | + |26| 2 51 | 10 4 | 1 | 15 | + |27| 4 5 | 11 1 | 2 | 16 | + |28| Moon | 11 58 | 2 | 17 | + |29| sets. | A. 55 | 3 | 18 | + |30| 7 A. 46 | 1 50 | 4 | 19 | + |31| 8 23 | 2 45 | 5 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + secondary Planets or Satellites round their Primaries, in + such a Manner, as leaves no Room for any, but such as do not + understand them, to hesitate about it. The Sun's apparent + Rising and Setting is therefore owing to the Earth's turning + round upon its own Axis; and his apparent Change of Place + among the fixed Stars, to our real Change of Situation round + the Sun. The different Seasons of the Year, with all their + delightful Varieties, are owing to the most simple + Contrivance that can be imagined, _viz._ The Inclination of + the Earth's Axis to the Plane of the Ecliptic. Any Person who + has not an Opportunity of seeing an Orrery, may easily + represent this by an Apple or any other round Body with a + Wire thrust through the Middle of it, and carried round a + Table having a Candle placed on the Middle; if the lower End + of the Wire be made to touch the Table all the Way round, and + to lean a little, the upper End still pointing towards the + same Side of the Room, by turning the Skewer round, as it is + carried along, it will be easy to understand how the Earth's + Turning once round upon her own Axis, makes a Day and a + Night; and by carrying the Apple round the Table, it will be + easy to shew how the Sun (represented by the Candle) must + seem to change Place with regard to the fixed Stars; and by + observing how differently the Light of the Candle enlightens + the different Parts of the Apple as the Wire points toward + [it] + + + *(page break)* + + + =SEPTEMBER.= _IX Month._ + + When Nature sinks; when Death's dark Shades arise, + And this World's Glories vanish from these Eyes; + Then may the Thought of Thee be ever near, + To calm the Tumult, and compose the Fear. + In all my Woes thy Favour my Defence; + Safe in thy Mercy, not my Innocence, + And through what future Scenes thy Hand may guide + My wond'ring Soul, and thro' what States untry'd, + [What] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|7|Dog Days end |5 32 |6 28 |♏ 5 | ✱ ♀ ☿ _He that_ + | 2|G|11 past Trin. |5 33 |6 27 | 18 | ✱ ♂ ♀ _builds_ + | 3|2| _Clouds_ |5 34 |6 26 |♐ 1 | ♀ rises 1 51 + | 4|3| _and_ |5 35 |6 25 | 14 | _before he counts_ + | 5|4|Days dec. 22 |5 36 |6 24 | 27 | ☽ with ♄ _the_ + | 6|5| _like for_ |5 38 |6 22 |♑ 9 | _Cost, acts foolishly;_ + | 7|6| _rain; then_ |5 39 |6 21 | 21 | 7 *s rise 9 0 + | 8|7|Nativ. V. =MARY.= |5 40 |6 20 |♒ 3 | _and he_ + | 9|G|12 past Trin |5 41 |6 19 | 15 | _that counts before_ + |10|2| _wind,_ |5 43 |6 17 | 27 | _he builds,_ + |11|3|Days 12 32 long. |5 44 |6 16 |♓ 8 | _finds he did not_ + |12|4|Days dec. 2 22 |5 46 |6 14 | 20 | ♄ set 11 16 + |13|5| _fair and_ |5 47 |6 13 |♈ 2 | 7 *s rise 8 40 + |14|6|Holy Rood. |5 49 |6 11 | 14 | ♃ ri. 2 11 _count_ + |15|7| _pleasant_ |5 50 |6 10 | 26 | ☌ ♃ ♀ _wisely_. + |16|G|13 past Trin. |5 51 |6 9 |♉ 9 | ♂ rise 9 11 + |17|2|Days 12 16 long. |5 53 |6 7 | 22 | ♀ rise 2 14 + |18|3| _for some_ |5 54 |6 6 |♊ 5 | ☽ with ♂ + |19|4|Ember Week. |5 56 |6 4 | 18 | Patience _in_ + |20|5| _days;_ |5 57 |6 3 |♋ 2 | _Market, is_ + |21|6|St. =MATTHEW.= |5 58 |6 2 | 16 | _worth Pounds_ + |22|7| _then clouds_ |6 0 |6 0 |♌ 0 | ☉ in ♎ □ ☉ ♄ + |23|G|14 past Trin. |6 1 |5 59 | 14 | ☽ w. ♃ & ♀ _in a_ + |24|2| _with wind_ |6 3 |5 57 | 29 | △ ☉ _Year._ + |25|3| _and_ |6 4 |5 56 |♍ 14 | ☽ w. ☿ _Danger_ + |26|4| _rain_ |6 5 |5 55 | 29 | 7 *s rise 7 52 _is_ + |27|5|Days decr. 3 h. |6 7 |5 53 |♎ 14 | ♄ set 10 21 + |28|6| _towards the end._ |6 9 |5 51 | 28 | ♃ rise 1 30 + |29|7|St. =MICHAEL.= |6 9 |5 51 |♏ 12 | ♂ r. 8 32 _Sauce_ + |30|G|Day 13 h. long |5 30 |6 30 | 26 | _for Prayers._ + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =SEPTEMBER= hath XXX Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + First Q. 4 8 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Full ● 12 at noon. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Last Q. 20 4 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + New ☽ 26 9 aft. | | ♍ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♋ | ♍ | + | 1| 9 | 0 | 6 | 25 | 24 | 24 | N. 1 + {12 ♎ 28 Deg. | 6| 14 | 0 | 7 | 27 | 29 | 20 | 5 + ☊ {22 28 |12| 20 | 0 | 9 | 29 | ♌ 6 | 14 | 3 + {30 28 |17| 25 | 0 | 9 | ♊ 0 | 11 | 12 | S. 2 + |22| ♎ 0 | 0 | 10 | 2 | 17 | 13 | 5 + |27| 5 | 0 | 11 | 2 | 23 | 17 | 1 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + +[Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + | 1| 9 1 | 3 36 | 6 | 21 | + | 2| 9 41 | 4 27 | 7 | 22 | + | 3| 10 23 | 5 17 | 8 | 23 | + | 4| 11 16 | 6 6 | 9 | 24 | + | 5| 12 10 | 7 1 | 10 | 25 | + | 6| M. 10 | 7 56 | 10 | 26 | + | 7| 0 54 | 8 41 | 8 | 26 | + | 8| 1 50 | 9 26 | 12 | 28 | + | 9| 2 48 | 10 11 | 1 | 29 | + |10| 3 48 | 10 57 | 1 | 30 | + |11| 4 37 | 11 37 | 2 | 31 | + |12| Moon | 12 22 | 3 |Sept. | + |13| rises. | M. 22 | 3 | | + |14| 7 A. 7 | 0 57 | 4 | 3 | + |15| 7 39 | 1 43 | 4 | 4 | + |16| 8 14 | 2 30 | 5 | 5 | + |17| 8 57 | 3 22 | 6 | 6 | + |18| 9 43 | 4 14 | 7 | 7 | + |19| 10 37 | 5 8 | 8 | 8 | + |20| 11 39 | 6 2 | 9 | 9 | + |21| 12 41 | 6 59 | 9 | 10 | + |22| M. 41 | 7 55 | 10 | 11 | + |23| 1 44 | 8 52 | 11 | 12 | + |24| 2 53 | 9 48 | 12 | 13 | + |25| Moon | 10 43 | 1 | 14 | + |26| sets | 11 37 | 2 | 15 | + |27| A. | A. 31 | 3 | 16 | + |28| 7 0 | 1 25 | 4 | 17 | + |29| 7 39 | 2 19 | 5 | 18 | + |30| 8 23 | 3 13 | 6 | 19 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + it, or from it, the Cause of the Difference of the Seasons, + of the Length of the Days and Nights, of the Sun's shining + more directly or more obliquely upon different Parts of the + Earth, and of the Heat of Summer, and Cold of Winter, may be + made plain to any Capacity. That the Earth is of a round, or + nearly round Figure, is plain from the Shadow it casts upon + the Face of the Moon in a partial Eclipse of the Moon, which + is always round, and never of any other Figure. It is also + manifest from what it always observed at Sea, _viz._ That a + Ship, as it approaches, first shews its Masts and Sails, and + by Degrees its lower Parts, till it becomes all visible; and, + as it goes off, its Hulk is first lost, and then its Sails + and upper Parts, till it be quite hid by the Convexity or + Roundness of the Surface of the Ocean. + + As the Earth is carried round the Sun once in a Year, so is + the Moon carried round the Earth once in about twenty-seven + Days, accompanying her in her whole Revolution, at the + above-mentioned Distance of two hundred and forty thousand + Miles, and keeping always the same Face towards the Earth. + That the Moon goes round the Earth, as her Centre, is evident + to the Eye. For, when she is between the Sun and the Earth, + she is invisible to us, her dark Side being turned toward us. + When she goes a little Way forward in her Revolution, so as + to come from between + [us] + + + *(page break)* + + + =OCTOBER.= _X Month._ + + What distant Seats soe'er I may explore, + When frail Mortality shall be no more; + If aught of meek or contrite in thy Sight + Shall fit me for the Realms of Bliss and Light, + Be this the Bliss of all my future Days, + To view thy Glories, and to sing thy Praise. + When the dread Hour, ordain'd of old, shall come, + Which brings on stubborn Guilt its righteous Doom, + [When] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|2| _Moderate_ |6 12 |5 48 |♐ 10 | _If you have_ + | 2|3| _and pleasant,_ |6 13 |5 47 | 23 | ♀ rise 3 45 + | 3|4|Days 11 32 long. |6 14 |5 46 |♑ 5 | ☽ with ♄ _no_ + | 4|5| but_ |6 15 |5 45 | 17 | _Honey in your_ + | 5|6| _soon turns_ |6 16 |5 44 | 29 | 7 *s rise 7 20 + | 6|7|Days dec. 3 26 |6 18 |5 42 |♒ 11 | ✱ ☉ ♃ □ ♂ ♀ + | 7|G|16 past Trin. |6 19 |5 41 | 23 | □ ♄ ☿ _Pot,_ + | 8|2| _to rain,_ |6 20 |5 40 |♓ 5 | △ ♂ ☿ _have_ + | 9|3| _with high_ |6 21 |5 39 | 17 | _some in your_ + |10|4| _wind, and_ |6 22 |5 38 | 29 | _Mouth._ + |11|5| _cool,_ |6 23 |5 37 |♈ 11 | _A Pair of_ + |12|6|Days dec. 3 40 |6 25 |5 35 | 23 | ♄ sets 9 33 + |13|7| _then more_ |6 26 |5 34 |♉ 6 | ✱ ♃ ☿ _good_ + |14|G|17 past Trin. |6 27 |5 33 | 19 | 7 *s rise 6 46 + |15|2| _settled_ |6 29 |5 31 |♊ 2 | ☽ with ♂ _Ears_ + |16|3|Day 11 h. long. |6 30 |5 30 | 15 | ♃ rises 12 42 + |17|4| _and fair,_ |6 31 |5 29 | 29 | Sirius ri. 12 0 + |18|5|=St. LUKE.= |6 32 |5 28 |♋ 13 | ♂ rises 7 20 + |19|6| _warm,_ |6 34 |5 26 | 27 | ♀ rises 3 23 + |20|7|Day dec. 4 h. |6 35 |5 25 |♌ 11 | ☽ with ♃ _will_ + |21|G|18 past Trin. |6 37 |5 23 | 25 | _drain dry an_ + |22|2|K Geo. II. cro. |6 38 |5 22 |♍ 9 | ☌ ☉ ☿ _hundred_ + |23|3| _and flying_ |6 39 |5 21 | 24 | ☉ in ♏ ☌ ☽ ♀ + |24|4| _clouds,_ |6 40 |5 20 |♎ 9 | ✱ ♄ ☿ + |25|5|Crispin. |6 41 |5 19 | 23 | ✱ ☉ ♄ _Tongues._ + |26|6| _then_ |6 43 |5 17 |♏ 7 | ☽ with ☿ + |27|7|Days 10 32 long. |6 44 |5 16 | 21 | ♄ set 8 40 + |28|G|=SIMON= and =JUDE.= |6 45 |5 15 |♐ 4 | Sirius ri. 11 20 + |29|2| _cold_ |6 46 |5 14 | 17 | △ ♂ ♀ + |30|3| _rain, and wind._ |6 48 |5 12 |♑ 0 | ☌ ☽ ♄ □ ♄ ♀ + |31|4| _rain._ |6 49 |5 11 | 13 | ♃ rise 11 55 + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =OCTOBER= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + First Q. 3 11 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Full ● 12 4 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^s L. + Last Q. 19 10 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + New ☽ 26 5 mor. | | ♎ | ♑ | ♌ | ♊ | ♌ | ♍ | + | 2| 9 | 1 | 12 | 3 | 28 | 24 | N. 4 + {12 ♎ 28 Deg. | 7| 14 | 1 | 13 | 3 | ♍ 4 | ♎ 2 | 5 + ☊ {22 28 |12| 19 | 1 | 14 | 4 | 10 | 11 | 0 + {31 28 |17| 24 | 1 | 14 | 3 | 16 | 20 | S. 4 + |22| 29 | 2 | 15 | 2 | 22 | 29 | 4 + |27| ♏ 4 | 2 | 15 | 1 | 28 | ♏ 7 | N. 2 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + +[Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + | 1| 9 18 | 4 A. 10 | 7 | 20 | + | 2| 10 9 | 5 7 | 8 | 21 | + | 3| 11 2 | 5 56 | 8 | 22 | + | 4| 11 58 | 6 44 | 9 | 23 | + | 5| 12 54 | 7 31 | 10 | 24 | + | 6| M. 54 | 8 17 | 11 | 25 | + | 7| 1 46 | 9 1 | 12 | 26 | + | 8| 2 42 | 9 45 | 12 | 27 | + | 9| 3 42 | 10 30 | 1 | 28 | + |10| 4 36 | 11 14 | 2 | 29 | + |11| Moon | 11 57 | 2 | 30 | + |12| rises | 12 41 | 3 | Oct. | + |13| 6 A. 24 | M. 41 | 3 | | + |14| 7 5 | 1 25 | 4 | 3 | + |15| 7 48 | 2 19 | 5 | 4 | + |16| 8 37 | 3 13 | 6 | 5 | + |17| 9 38 | 4 11 | 7 | 6 | + |18| 10 46 | 5 9 | 8 | 7 | + |19| 11 55 | 6 5 | 9 | 8 | + |20| Morn. | 7 0 | 10 | 9 | + |21| 1 0 | 7 50 | 10 | 10 | + |22| 2 4 | 8 40 | 11 | 11 | + |23| 3 14 | 9 36 | 12 | 12 | + |24| 4 27 | 10 31 | 1 | 13 | + |25| Moon | 11 24 | 2 | 14 | + |26| sets | A. 17 | 3 | 15 | + |27| A. | 1 10 | 4 | 16 | + |28| 7 9 | 2 3 | 5 | 17 | + |29| 8 0 | 2 56 | 5 | 18 | + |30| 8 56 | 3 48 | 6 | 19 | + |31| 9 42 | 4 39 | 7 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + us and the Sun, we see a small Part of her Body enlightned, + and so on still more and more, till she comes to be in + Opposition to the Sun, and then we see all that Side of her + which the Sun shines upon, when we say she is full; though + the Sun does not, in Reality, enlighten any more of her Body + at Full than at new Moon; only her enlightened Side is turned + towards us in the one Case, and from us in the other. This + whole Matter may be made very plain to any Capacity in the + same Manner as is above directed with regard to the Earth's + Revolution round the Sun, by carrying a smaller Apple or Ball + to represent the Moon round the first, which represents the + Earth, and observing how the Light of the Candle shining upon + the little Ball must appear to a Fly or other Insect placed + upon the large one. Whenever the Moon happens to come exactly + between the Earth and the Sun, she stops the Light of the + Sun, and then we say, the Sun is eclipsed; and according as + the Moon happens to cover a Part or the Whole of the Sun's + Face, we call the Eclipse partial or total. Sometimes a total + Eclipse of the Sun happens when the Moon is at her greatest + Distance from the Earth (for she does not go round the Earth + in an exact Circle, as neither do any of the rest of the + primary or secondary Planets round their Centers) and then, + as all Objects appear smaller according to their Distance, + she does not cover the whole Face of the Sun, but a part + [of] + + + *(page break)* + + + =NOVEMBER.= _XI Month._ + + When Storms of Fire on Sinners shall be pour'd, + And all th' Obdurate in thy Wrath devour'd; + May I then hope to find a lowly Place + To stand the meanest or th' etherial Race; + Swift at thy Word to wing the liquid Sky, + And on thy humblest Messages to fly. + Howe'er thy blissful Sight may raise my Soul, + While vast Eternity's long Ages roll, + [Perfection] + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|5|All Saints. |6 50 |5 10 |♑ 25 | ♂ rise 6 13 + | 2|6|Days dec. 4 32 |6 51 |5 9 |♒ 7 | _Serving God is_ + | 3|7| _Clouds_ |6 52 |5 8 | 19 | _Doing Good to_ + | 4|G|20 past Trin. |6 53 |5 7 |♓ 1 | _Man, but Praying_ + | 5|2|Powder Plot. |6 54 |5 6 | 13 | _is thought_ + | 6|3|Day 10 10 long. |6 55 |5 5 | 25 | ♀ rise 4 2 _an_ + | 7|4| _and threatens_|6 56 |5 4 |♈ 7 | _easier Service,_ + | 8|5| _cold_ |6 58 |5 2 | 19 | □ ☉ ♃ _and_ + | 9|6| _rain or snow._|6 59 |5 1 |♉ 2 | _therefore more_ + |10|7|K.Geo.II. b.1683 |7 0 |5 0 | 15 | Sirius ri. 10 27 + |11|G|21 past Trin. |7 1 |4 59 | 28 | ☽ with ♂ _generally_ + |12|2| _then_ |7 3 |4 57 |♊ 11 | ✱ ♃ ♀ + |13|3| _pleasant_ |7 4 |4 56 | 25 | ♄ sets 7 35 _chosen._ + |14|4|Days dec. 5 h. |7 5 |4 55 |♋ 9 | ♃ ri. 11 4 + |15|5| _and suita-_ |7 6 |4 54 | 23 | 7 *s sou. 12 4 + |16|6| _to the_ |7 7 |4 53 |♌ 7 | ☍ ☉ ♂ _Nothing_ + |17|7| _season,_ |7 8 |4 52 | 21 | ☽ w ♃ _humbler_ + |18|G|22 past Trin. |7 9 |4 51 |♍ 5 | ♂ sou. 11 51 + |19|2| _but follow'd_|7 10 |4 50 | 19 | Sirius rises 9 51 + |20|3|Day 9 38 long. |7 11 |4 49 |♎ 3 | ♀ rise 4 29 + |21|4| _by cold_ |7 12 |4 48 | 17 | ☉ in ♐ _than_ + |22|5| _cloudy,_ |7 12 |4 48 |♏ 1 | ☌ ☽ ♀ △ ♃ ☿ + |23|6|Days dec. 5 16 |7 13 |4 47 | 15 | Ambition, _when_ + |24|7| _weather,_ |7 14 |4 46 | 29 | _it is about to_ + |25|G|23 past Trin. |7 15 |4 45 |♐ 12 | 7 *s sou. 11 26 + |26|2| _with snow_ |7 16 |4 44 | 25 | ☌ ☽ ☿ ✱ ♄ ♀ + |27|3| _or rain_ |7 16 |4 44 |♑ 8 | ☽ with ♄ + |28|4|Days dec. 5 24 |7 17 |4 43 | 21 | ♄ sets 6 37 + |29|5| _and wind._ |7 18 |4 42 |♒ 3 | ♃ rises 9 57 + |30|6| St. =ANDREW.= |7 18 |4 42 | 15 | _climb._ + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =NOVEMBER= hath XXX Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places. + First Q. 2 6 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + Full ● 10 8 aft. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL + Last Q. 17 7 aft. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + New ☽ 24 8 aft. | | ♏ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♎ | ♏ | + | 1| 9 | 2 | 16 | 0 | 4 | 15 | N. 5 + { 12 ♎ 27 Deg | 6| 14 | 3 | 16 | 28 | 10 | 23 | 3 + ☊ { 22 27 |12| 20 | 3 | 17 | 26 | 17 | ♐ 2 | S. 3 + { 30 26 |17| 25 | 4 | 17 | 24 | 23 | 10 | 5 + |22| ♐ 1 | 4 | 17 | 22 | 0 | 17 | 0 + |27| 6 | 5 | 17 | 21 | ♏ 6 | 24 | N. 5 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> + |--+----------+----------+----+------+ + | 1| 10 45 | 5 29 | 8 | 21 | + | 2| 11 44 | 6 15 | 9 | 22 | + | 3| 12 40 | 7 0 | 10 | 23 | + | 4| M. 40 | 7 44 | 10 | 24 | + | 5| 1 35 | 8 27 | 11 | 25 | + | 6| 2 30 | 9 10 | 12 | 26 | + | 7| 3 21 | 9 53 | 12 | 28 | + | 9| Moon | 11 25 | 2 | 29 | + |10| rises | 12 14 | 3 | 30 | + |11| A. | M. 14 | 3 | 31 | + |12| 6 37 | 1 6 | 4 | Nov. | + |13| 7 32 | 2 4 | 5 | | + |14| 8 33 | 3 1 | 6 | 3 | + |15| 9 39 | 3 56 | 6 | 4 | + |16| 10 48 | 4 51 | 7 | 5 | + |17| 11 58 | 5 43 | 8 | 6 | + |18| Morn. | 6 35 | 9 | 7 | + |19| 1 4 | 7 26 | 10 | 8 | + |20| 2 6 | 8 16 | 11 | 9 | + |21| 3 15 | 9 8 | 12 | 10 | + |22| 4 25 | 10 0 | 1 | 11 | + |23| Moon | 10 55 | 1 | 12 | + |24| sets | 11 50 | 2 | 13 | + |25| A | A. 42 | 3 | 14 | + |26| 6 34 | 1 34 | 4 | 15 | + |27| 7 31 | 2 27 | 5 | 16 | + |28| 8 23 | 3 19 | 6 | 17 | + |29| 9 25 | 4 4 | 7 | 18 | + |30| 10 20 | 4 49 | 7 | 19 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + of his Body is seen round the Moon like a shining Ring. But, + if the Moon happens to come between the Earth and Sun, when + she is at her least Distance from the Earth, she appears then + so large as to cover the whole Face of the Sun, and makes, + for some Minutes, a Darkness equal to that of Twilight. When + the Earth comes exactly between the Sun and the Moon, she + darkens a Part of the Whole of the Moon's Face, and makes an + Eclipse of the Moon. The Earth being a Body about thirty or + forty Times larger than the Moon, casts a Shadow large enough + to eclipse the Moon, if her Diameter were three Times greater + than it is, whereas the Shadow of the Moon can never eclipse + the whole Face of the Earth together. If the Moon revolved + round the Earth in the same Plane as the Earth goes round the + Sun, there would be constantly an Eclipse of the Sun every + New, and of the Moon every full Moon. But to prevent this + Inconvenience, the Author of Nature has ordered Matters so, + that the Course of the Moon round the Earth is sometimes + above and sometimes below that of the Earth round the Sun, so + that their Shadows generally miss one another. These Motions + are so exactly regulated, that Astronomers can foretel + Eclipses to Minutes at an hundred Years Distance, than which + there is not a more remarkable Instance either of human + Sagacity, or of the Truth of that Expression of + [Scripture] + + + *(page break)* + + + =DECEMBER.= _XII Month._ + + Perfection on Perfection tow'ring high, + Glory on Glory rais'd, and Joy on Joy, + Each Pow'r improving in the bright'ning Mind, + To humble Virtues, lofty Knowledge join'd; + Be this my highest Aim, howe'er I soar, + Before thy Footstool prostrate to adore, + My brightest Crown before thy Feet to lay, + My Pride to serve, my Glory to obey. + =_END_= + + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | | | Remark. days, &c. |☉ ris|☉ set|☽ pl.| Aspects, &c. + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + | 1|7|Day 9 24 long. |7 19 |4 41 |♒ 27 | _The discontented_ + | 2|G|Advent Sunday. |7 19 |4 41 |♓ 9 | ♂ sou. 10 32 + | 3|2| _Cold and_ |7 20 |4 40 | 21 | _Man finds no_ + | 4|3|Days dec. 5 30. |7 20 |4 40 |♈ 3 | _easy Chair._ + | 5|4| _raw, then_ |7 21 |4 39 | 15 | Sirius rise 8 41 + | 6|5|Days 9 18 long. |7 22 |4 38 | 27 | ☌ ♄ ☿ □ ♃ ♀ + | 7|6| _more pleasant,_ |7 22 |4 38 |♉ 10 | ♀ rises 5 0 + | 8|7|Concep. V. M. |7 23 |4 37 | 23 | ☌ ☽ ♂ △ ☉ ♃ + | 9|G|2d in Advent. |7 23 |4 37 |♊ 7 | 7 *s sou. 10 28 + |10|2| |7 24 |4 36 | 21 | _Virtue and a_ + |11|3|Days 9 12 long. |7 24 |4 36 |♋ 5 | _Trade, are_ + |12|4| _frost and_ |7 24 |4 36 | 19 | ♃ rise 9 1 + |13|5|St. Lucy. |7 24 |4 36 |♌ 3 | Sirius rise 8 7 + |14|6|Days decr. 5 40 |7 25 |4 35 | 17 | ☽ with ♃ _a_ + |15|7| _flying clouds,_|7 25 |4 35 |♍ 2 | □ ♃ ♂ _Child's_ + |16|G|3d in Advent. |7 25 |4 35 | 16 | 7 *s sou. 9 56 + |17|2| _then more_ |7 25 |4 35 |♎ 0 | ♂ sou. 9 14 + |18|3| _moderate_ |7 25 |4 35 | 14 | ♀ rises 5 23 + |19|4|Ember Week. |7 25 |4 35 | 28 | _best Portion._ + |20|5| _and clear,_ |7 25 |4 35 |♏ 12 | _Gifts much_ + |21|6|St. =THOMAS.= |7 25 |4 35 | 25 | ☉ in ♑ Shor. D + |22|7|Days 9 10 long. |7 25 |4 35 |♐ 8 | ☌ ☽ ♀ ☌ ♄ ☿ + |23|G|4th in Advent. |7 25 |4 35 | 21 | Sirius rises 7 23 + |24|2| _but windy,_ |7 25 |4 35 |♑ 4 | ☽ with ♄ & ☿ + |25|3|=CHRIST= born. |7 25 |4 35 | 17 | ☌ ☉ ☿ _expected,_ + |26|4|St. =STEPHEN.= |7 25 |4 35 | 29 | _are paid,_ + |27|5|St. =JOHN.= |7 25 |4 35 |♒ 11 | ♃ rise 7 51 + |28|6|=INNOCENTS.= |7 25 |4 35 | 23 | 7 *s sou. 9 0 + |29|7|Days 9 10 long. |7 25 |4 35 |♓ 5 | ☌ ☉ ♄ _not_ + |30|G| _cold and cloudy._|7 24 |4 36 | 17 | △ ♃ ♀ _given._ + |31|2|Silvester. |7 24 |4 36 | 29 | Sirius rise 6 48 + +--+-+-----------------------+-----+-----+-----+------------------------+ + + + *(page break)* + + + =DECEMBER= hath XXXI Days. + + +----------------------------------------------+ + D. H. | Planets Places + First Q. 2 4 aft. +----------------+-----------+---------+-------+ + Full ● 10 8 mor. |D.| ☉ | ♄ | ♃ | ♂ | ♀ | ☿ | ☽ ^sL. + Last Q. 17 5 mor. +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + New ☽ 24 10 mor. | | ♐ | ♑ | ♌ | ♉ | ♏ | | + | 2| 11 | 5 | 17 | 20 | 12 | 1 | N. 4 + {12 ♎ 25 Deg | 7| 16 | 6 | 17 | 19 | 18 | 7 | S. 1 + ☊ {22 24 |12| 21 | 6 | 17 | 18 | 25 | 11 | 5 + {31 23 |17| 26 | 7 | 17 | 17 | ♐ 1 | 12 | 2 + |22| ♑ 1 | 8 | 16 | 18 | 7 | 8 | N. 3 + |27| 6 | 8 | 16 | 18 | 13 | 1 | 5 + +--+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-------+ + + [Illustration] + + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + |D.| ☽ sets | ☽ sou. | T. | | --> + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + | 1| 11 20 | 5 30 | 8 | 20 | + | 2| 12 14 | 6 10 | 9 | 21 | + | 3| M. 14 | 6 54 | 9 | 22 | + | 4| 1 7 | 7 38 | 10 | 23 | + | 5| 2 6 | 8 21 | 11 | 24 | + | 6| 3 0 | 9 4 | 12 | 25 | + | 7| 4 0 | 9 54 | 12 | 26 | + | 8| 5 0 | 10 43 | 1 | 27 | + | 9| Moon | 11 40 | 2 | 28 | + |10| rises | 12 36 | 3 | 29 | + |11| A. | M. 36 | 3 | 30 | + |12| 7 17 | 1 36 | 4 | Dec. | + |13| 8 20 | 2 30 | 5 | | + |14| 9 30 | 3 24 | 6 | 3 | + |15| 10 50 | 4 18 | 7 | 4 | + |16| 11 53 | 5 11 | 8 | 5 | + |17| 12 55 | 6 2 | 9 | 6 | + |18| M. 55 | 6 53 | 9 | 7 | + |19| 1 59 | 7 44 | 10 | 8 | + |20| 3 8 | 8 36 | 11 | 9 | + |21| 4 12 | 9 28 | 12 | 10 | + |22| 5 10 | 10 20 | 1 | 11 | + |23| Moon | 11 12 | 2 | 12 | + |24| sets | A. 4 | 3 | 13 | + |25| A. | 12 53 | 3 | 14 | + |26| 6 59 | 1 42 | 4 | 15 | + |27| 7 58 | 2 27 | 5 | 16 | + |28| 8 53 | 3 11 | 6 | 17 | + |29| 9 52 | 3 55 | 6 | 18 | + |30| 10 49 | 4 39 | 7 | 19 | + |31| 11 45 | 5 21 | 8 | 20 | + +--+----------+----------+----+------+ + + Scripture, "That the Works of God are all made in Number, + Weight and Measure." It is certain, by Observations made with + good Telescopes, that, though the Face of the Moon is covered + with innumerable Inequalities like the Mountains upon the + Earth, there is no great Collection of Waters upon it, like + our Oceans; nor is there any Reason, from her Appearance + through those Instruments, to suppose she has any such + Appendage belonging to her as our Atmosphere of Air. If the + Moon is inhabited (as she may for any Thing we know) those + who live on one Side or Hemisphere never can see our World, + and those who live on the other can never lose Sight of it, + except when the Earth comes between them and the Sun, as she + keeps always one Side turned towards us. Those who live about + the middle Parts of the Hemisphere that looks towards the + Earth, must see it always directly over their Heads with much + the same Appearances as the Moon makes to us, sometimes + horned, sometimes half, and sometimes wholly illuminated, but + of a vastly greater Bulk than the Moon appears to us. It + seems highly probable, that the Attraction of the Moon acting + more strongly upon the Fluid than the solid Parts of our + Terraqueous Globe is the Cause of our Tides, as they answer + so exactly to her Motions and Distances from us, and other + Circumstances. To enter upon that Theory, however, would be + beside my present Purpose. + [_Remainder in our next._] + + + *(page break)* + + + =ECLIPSES=, 1753. + + This Year there will be four Eclipses, two of the _Sun_, and + two of the _Moon_. + + The First Eclipse will be of the _Moon_, on _Tuesday_, the + 17th Day of _April_, about Two a Clock in the Afternoon, and + therefore it cannot be seen here; but in _London_ the Moon + will rise five Digits eclipsed. + + The Second will be of the _Sun_, on _Thursday_, the 3d of + _May_, about Two a Clock in the Morning, therefore invisible. + + The Third Eclipse will be of the _Moon_, on _Friday_, the + 12th Day of _October_, in the Morning, when, if the Air be + clear, the Moon will be seen eclipsed almost six Digits; it + begins at 26 min. after Two, and ends at 56 min. past Four, + so that the whole Duration is two Hours and thirty Minutes. + + The =TYPE=. + + North. + + East. [Illustration] West. + + South. + + The Fourth is a _Solar_ Eclipse on _Friday_, the 26th of + _October_, about Five a Clock in the Morning, invisible here. + + + *(page break)* + + + On _Sunday_, the 6th Day of _May_, in the Morning, the Planet + _Mercury_ may be seen to make a black Spot in the _Sun_'s + Body, according to the following Calculation. + + D. h. m. + Middle Time of the true ☌ 1753, _May_ 5 15 43 P. M + Equation of Time, add 4 + Apparent Time of the true ☌ 5 15 47 + Mean Anomaly of the _Sun_, 10 6 21 + Mean Anomaly of _Mercury_, 10 19 47 + Dist. of the ☉ from the ⊖ Log. 5,004518 + ☿ from the ☉ 4,656557 + ☿ from the ⊖ 4,745839 + Geocentrick Longitude ☉ and ☿ ♉ 15° 53' 0" + Geocentrick Latitude, 3 19 + Anomaly of Commutation, 6 0 0 + Inclination, or Heliocentrick Lat. of ☿ S.A. 4 3 + Elongation to fix Hours before the true ☌ 23 24 + Difference of Latitude in fix Hours, 4 18 + Angle of the visible Way, 10 25 + Nearest Approach of their Centers, 3 15 + Motion from the Middle to the true ☌ 35 + Latitude of ☿ at the Middle, 3 4 + Motion of Half the visible Way, 15 24 + Motion of Half Duration, 15 9 + Diff. of Lat. between the Mid. Begin. & End, 2 47 + Geocentrick Latitude at the Beginning, S. A. 0 17 + Geocentrick Latitude at the End, S. A. 5 51 + Time from the true ☌ to the Middle, 9 4 + Time of Half Duration, 3 53 + The Arch of the ☉'s Perimeter at the Begin. 1 2 + The Arch of the ☉'s Perimeter at the End, 21 48 + Apparent Semidiameter of the _Sun_, 15 45 + Apparent Semidiameter of ☿ 0 6 + _Mercury_ enters the Sun's Disk, _May_ 5, 11 44 P. M. + Middle or nearest Approach of the Centers, 15 37 + True Conjunction, 15 46 + _Mercury_ emerges out of the Disk, 19 31 + Total Duration of this Eclipse, 7 47 + + The astronomical Time when _Mercury_ goes off the _Sun_'s + Disk, being reduced to common Time, is _May_ the 6th, at 31 + min. after Seven in the Morning. The _Sun_ rises at 1 min. + past Five, and if you get up betimes, and put on your + Spectacles, you will see _Mercury_ rise in the _Sun_, and + will appear like a small black Patch in a Lady's Face. + + + *(page break)* + + + The =TYPE= of this Eclipse at Sun-rising. + + North. + + East. [Illustration: SUN, West. + Ecliptick, ☿ + Orb of _Mercury_.] + + South. + + Dr. _Halley_ puts this Conjunction an Hour forwarder than by + this Calculation. + + ---------------------- + + This is to give Notice to all Persons that shall have + Occasion of transporting themselves, Goods, Wares, or + Merchandize from Philadelphia to New-York, or from the latter + to the former, That by =JOSEPH BORDEN=, junior, there is a + Stage-boat, well fitted and kept for that Purpose, Nicholas + George, Master, and, if Wind and Weather permit, will attend + at the Crooked Billet Wharff, in Philadelphia, every Monday + and Tuesday in every Week, and proceed up to Borden-Town (not + Burlington) on Wednesday, and on Thursday Morning a + Stage-waggon, with a choice good Awning, kept by Joseph + Richards, will be ready to receive them, and proceed directly + to John Cluck's, opposite the City of Perth-Amboy, who keeps + a House of good Entertainment; and on Friday a Stage-boat, + with a large commodious Cabbin, kept by Daniel Obryant, will + be ready to receive them, and proceed directly to New-York, + and give her Attendance at the Whitehall Slip, near the Half + Moon Battery. If People be ready at the Stage Days and + Places, 'tis believed they may pass quicker by Twenty-four + Hours than any other Way as our Land Carriage is ten Miles + shorter than by Way of Burlington, and our Waggon does not + fail to go thro' in a Day. We expect to give better + Satisfaction this Year than last, by reason we are more + acquainted with the Nature of the Business, and have more + convenient Boats, Waggons and Stages, and will endeavour to + use People in the best Manner we are capable of; and hope all + good People will give it the Encouragement it deserves, and + us, as the Promoters of such a publick Good. =JOSEPH BORDEN=, + junior, =JOSEPH RICHARDS=, and =DANIEL OBRYANT=. + + N. B. Joseph Borden's Shallop, Charles Vandyke, Master, will + also be at Philadelphia every Friday and Saturday in every + Week; enquire for him at the Queen's Head; he proceeds to + Borden-Town (not Burlington) on Sunday, and the Stage-waggon + also proceeds to Amboy every Monday in every Week. + + + *(page break)* + + + _Mayor's Courts for the City_ + + Are held quarterly at _Annapolis_, viz. The last tuesday in + _January_, _April_, _July_ and _October_. + + ---------------------- + + _How to secure Houses_, &c. _from_ =LIGHTNING=. + + It has pleased God in his Goodness to Mankind, at length to + discover to them the Means of securing their Habitations and + other Buildings from Mischief by Thunder and Lightning. The + Method is this: Provide a small Iron Rod (it may be made of + the Rod-iron used by the Nailers) but of such a Length, that + one End being three or four Feet in the moist Ground, the + other may be six or eight Feet above the highest Part of the + Building. To the upper End of the Rod fasten about a Foot of + Brass Wire, the Size of a common Knitting-needle, sharpened + to a fine Point; the Rod may be secured to the House by a few + small Staples. If the House or Barn be long, there may be a + Rod and Point at each End, and a middling Wire along the + Ridge from one to the other. A House thus furnished will not + be damaged by Lightning, it being attracted by the Points, + and passing thro the Metal into the Ground without hurting + any Thing. Vessels also, having a sharp pointed Rod fix'd on + the Top of their Masts, with a Wire from the Foot of the Rod + reaching down, round one of the Shrouds, to the Water, will + not be hurt by Lightning. + + ---------------------- + + =QUAKERS= _General Meetings are kept_, + + At Philadelphia, the 3d Sunday in March. At Chester-River, + the 2d Sunday in April. At Duck-Creek, the 3d Sunday in + April. At Salem, the 4th Sunday in April. At West River on + Whitsunday. At Little Egg-Harbour, the 3d Sunday in May. At + Flushing, the last Sunday in May, and last in Nov. At + Setacket, the 1st Sunday in June. At New-town, (Long-Island) + the last Sunday in June. At Newport, the 2d Friday in June. + At Westbury, the last Sunday in August, and last in February. + At Philadelphia, the 3d Sunday in September. At Nottingham, + the last Monday in September. At Cecil, the 1st Saturday in + October. At Choptank the 2d Saturday in October. At + Little-Creek, the 3d Sunday in October. At Shrewsbury the 4th + Sunday in October. At Matinicok the last Sunday in October. + + ---------------------- + + =_FAIRS= are kept_, + + At Noxonton April 29, and October 21. Cohansie May 5, and + October 27. Wilmington May 9, and November 4. Salem May 12, + and October 31. Newcastle May 14, and Nov. 14. Chester May + 16, and Oct. 16. Bristol May 19, and Nov. 9. Burlington May + 21, and Nov. 12. Philadelphia May 27, and November 27. + Lancaster June 12, and Nov. 12. Marcus-Hook Oct. 10. + Annapolis May 12, and Oct. 10. Charlestown May 3, and Oct. + 29. + + + *(page break)* + + + _Supreme_ COURTS _in_ Pennsylvania, _are held_, + + At _Philadelphia_, the tenth Day of _April_, and the + twenty-fourth Day of _September_. + + _Courts of Quarter Sessions, are held_, + + At _Philadelphia_, the 1st Monday in _March_, _June_, + _September_ and _December_. At _Newtown_, for _Bucks_ County, + on the 11th Day following (inclusive) in every of the Months + aforesaid. At _Chester_, the last Tuesday in _May_, _August_, + _November_ and _February_. At _Lancaster_, the 1st Tuesday in + each. At York, the last Tuesday in April, July, October and + January. At Cumberland, the Tuesdays preceding York Courts. + At _Reading_, for _Berks_ County, the Tuesd. next after + _Lancaster_ Co. At _Easton_, for _Northampton_ County, the + Tuesd. next aft. _Bucks_ Co. + + _Courts of Common Pleas, are held_, + + At _Philadelphia_, the 1st Wednesday after the + Quarter-Sessions in _March_, _June_, _Sept._ and _Decem._ At + _Newtown_, the 9th Day following (inclusive) in every of the + Months aforesaid. At _Chester_, the last Tuesday in _May_ + _August_, _Novem._ and _Febr._ At _Lancaster_, the 1st Tuesd. + in the Months aforesaid. At _Sussex_, the 1st, at _Kent_, the + 2d, and at _Newcastle_, the 3d Tuesday in the same Months. + + _Mayor's Courts in_ Philadelphia, _are held_, + + The first Tuesday in _January_, _April_, _July_, and the last + Tuesday in _October_. + + _Supreme Courts in_ New-Jersey, _are held_, + + At _Amboy_, the 3d tuesday in _March_, and the 2d tuesday in + _August_. At _Burlington_, the 2d tuesday in _May_, and the + 1st tuesday in _November_. + + _Courts for Trial of Causes brought to issue in + the Supreme Court, are held_, + + For _Salem_ and _Cape May_ Counties the 3d, for _Gloucester_ + the 4th tuesday in _April_. For _Hunterdon_, the 1st tuesday + in _May_. For _Somerset_ the 2d, For _Bergen_ the 4th tuesday + in _October_. For _Essex_, the next tuesd. following. For + _Monmouth_, the next tuesday after that. + + + *(page break)* + + + _General Sessions and County Courts, are held_, + + In _Bergen_ County, the 1st tuesday in _January_ and + _October_, and the 2d tuesday in _June_. In _Essex_ the 2d + tuesday in _January_ and _May_, the 3d tuesday in _June_, and + 4th in _September_. In _Middlesex_ the 3d tuesdays in + _January_, _April_ and _July_, and the 2d tuesday in + _October_. In _Somerset_, the first tuesdays in _January_, + _April_ and _October_, and the 2d tuesdays in _June_. In + _Monmouth_, the 4th tuesdays in _January_, _April_ and + _July_, and 3d in _October_. In _Hunterdon_, the first + tuesdays in _February_ and _August_, the 3d in _May_, and 4th + in _October_. In _Burlington_, the 1st tuesdays in _May_ and + _November_, and the 2d in _February_ and _August_. In + _Gloucester_, the 2d tuesday in _June_, 3d in _September_, + and 4th in _December_ and _March_. In _Salem_, the 1st + tuesday in _June_, 3d in _February_ and _August_, and 4th in + _November_. In _Cape-May_, the 1st tuesday in _February_ and + _August_, the 3d in _May_, and the 4th tuesday in _October_. + For the Borough-town of _Trenton_, the 1st tuesday in + _March_, 1st in _June_, 1st in _September_, and the 1st in + _December_. + + _Supreme Courts in_ New-York, _are held_, + + At _New-York_, the 3d tuesday in _April_, last in _July_, and + 3d in _October_ and _January_. At _Richmond_, the 2d tuesday + in _April_. At _Orange_, 1st tuesday in _June_. At + _Dutchess_, the 2d tuesday in _June_. At _Ulster_, the + thursday following. At _Albany_, the 4th tuesday in _June_. + At _Queen's_ County the 1st, at _Suffolk_ the 2d, at _King's_ + County the 3d, and at _West Chester_ the 4th tuesday in + _September_. + + _Courts of Sessions and Common Pleas_, + + At _New-York_, the 1st tuesday in _May_, _August_, _November_ + and _February_. At _Albany_ the 1st tuesday in _June_ and + _October_, and 3d tuesday in _January_. At _West Chester_, + the 4th tuesday in _May_ and _October_. In _Ulster_, the 1st + tuesdays in _May_, and 3d in _Sept._ In _Richmond_, the 3d + tuesday in _March_, and 4th in _September_. In _King's_, the + 3d tuesday in _April_ and _October_. In _Queen's_, the 3d + tuesday in _May_ and _September_. In _Suffolk_, the last + tuesday in _March_, and first in _October_. In _Orange_, the + last tuesday in _April_ and _October_. In _Dutchess_ County, + the 3d tuesday in _May_ and _October_. + + _Provincial Courts in_ Maryland, + + Two in a Year held at _Annapolis_, viz. The 2d tuesday in + _April_ and _September_. + + County Courts. At _Talbot_, _Baltimore_, _Worcester_, and + _St. Mary's_, the 1st tuesday in _March_, _June_, _August_ + and _November_. At _Dorchester_, _Cæcil_, _Ann-Arundel_, and + _Charles_ Counties, the 2d tuesday in the same Months; at + _Kent_, _Calvert_, _Frederick_, and _Somerset_, the 3d + tuesday in the same Months; at _Queen Anne_'s and _Prince + George_'s the 4th tuesday in the same Months. + + + *(page break)* + + + =ROADS= Northeastward. + + From _Philadelphia_ to _Bristol_ 20, to _Trenton_ 10, to + _Prince-Town_ 12, to _Kingston_ 3, to _Brunswick_ 12, to + _Amboy_ 12, to the _Narrows_ 18, to _Flat-Bush_ 5, to + _New-York_ 5, to _Kingsbridge_ 18, to _East-Chester_ 6, to + _Newrochell_ 4, to _Rye_ 4, to _Horseneck_ 7, to _Stanford_ + 7, to _Norwalk_ 10, to _Fairfield_ 12, to _Stratford_ 8, to + _Milford_ 4, to _Newhaven_ 10, to _Branford_ 10, to _Gilford_ + 12, to _Killingsworth_ 10, to _Seabrook_ 10, to _New-London_ + 18, to _Stonington_ 15, to _Pemberton_ 10, to _Darby_ 3, to + _Frenchtown_ 24, to _Providence_ 20, to _Woodcock's_ 15, to + _Billend's_ 10, to _White's_ 7, to _Dedham_ 6, to _Boston_ + 10, to _Lyn_ 9, to _Salem_ 8, to _Ipswich_ 14, to _Newberry_ + 11, to _Hampton_ 9, to _Portsmouth_ 13, to _York_ 9, to + _Wells_ 14, to _Kennebunk_ 6, to _Biddeford_ 14, to + _Scarborough_ 7, to _Falmouth_ 13, to _Yarmouth_ 10, to + _Brunswick_ 15, to _Richmond_ 16, to _Taconick_ _Falls_ 33, + to _Norridgewock_ 31. In all 600 Miles. + + =ROADS= Southwestward. + + From _Philadelphia_ to _Darby_ 7, to _Chester_ 9, to + _Brandewyne_ 14, to _Newcastle_ 6, to _Elk River_ 17, to _N. + East_ 7, to _Sasquehanna_ 9, to _Gunpowder Ferry_ 25, to + _Petapsco Ferry_ 20, to _Annapolis_ 30, to _Queen Ann's + Ferry_ 13, to _Upper Marlborough_ 9, to _Port Tobacco_ 30, to + _Hoe's Ferry_ 10, to _Southern's Ferry_ 30, to _Arnold's + Ferry_ 36, to _Clayborn's Ferry_ 22, to _Freneaux_ 12, to + _Williamsburg_ 16, to _Hog-Island_ 7, to _Isle of Wight + Court-House_ 18, to _Nansemond Court-House_ 20, to _Bennet's + Creek-Bridge_ 30, to _Edenton_ 30, over the _Sound to Bell's + Ferry_ 8, to _Bath-Town_, on _Pamlico-River_ 45, to _Grave's + Ferry_, on _Neu's River_ 32, to _Whitlock River_ 20, to + _New-River Ferry_ 30, to _Newtown_, on _Cape-Fear River_, 45, + to _Lockwood's Folly_ 15, to _Shallot River_ 8, to the + Eastern End of _Long-Bay_ 22, to the Western End of + _Long-Bay_ 25, to _George-Town_, _Wynyaw_, 30, to _Santee + Ferry_ 12, to _Jonah Collins's_ 18, to _Hobcaw Ferry_, + against _Charles Town_, 30. In all 767 Miles. + + ---------------------- + + Bibles, Common-Prayers, Testaments, Spelling-books, Psalters, + Primmers, Copy-books for Children, and all Sorts of + Stationary, to be sold by =DAVID HALL=, at the + _New-Printing-Office_, in _Market-street, Philadelphia_. + + + *(page break)* + + + +TO JOSEPH HUEY + + Philadelphia, June 6, 1753. + +SIR, + +I received your kind Letter of the 2d inst., and am glad to hear that +you increase in Strength; I hope you will continue mending, 'till you +recover your former Health and firmness. Let me know whether you still +use the Cold Bath, and what Effect it has. + +As to the Kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of more +Service to you. But if it had, the only Thanks I should desire is, that +you would always be equally ready to serve any other Person that may +need your Assistance, and so let good Offices go round, for Mankind are +all of a Family. + +For my own Part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not look +upon myself as conferring Favours, but as paying Debts. In my Travels, +and since my Settlement, I have received much Kindness from Men, to whom +I shall never have any Opportunity of making the least direct Return. +And numberless Mercies from God, who is infinitely above being benefited +by our Services. Those Kindnesses from Men, I can therefore only Return +on their Fellow Men; and I can only shew my Gratitude for these mercies +from God, by a readiness to help his other Children and my Brethren. For +I do not think that Thanks and Compliments, tho' repeated weekly, can +discharge our real Obligations to each other, and much less those to our +Creator. You will see in this my Notion of good Works, that I am far +from expecting [(as you suppose) that I shall ever][44] to merit Heaven +by them. By Heaven we understand a State of Happiness, infinite in +Degree, and eternal in Duration: I can do nothing to deserve such +rewards: He that for giving a Draught of Water to a thirsty Person, +should expect to be paid with a good Plantation, would be modest in his +Demands, compar'd with those who think they deserve Heaven for the +little good they do on Earth. Even the mix'd imperfect Pleasures we +enjoy in this World, are rather from God's Goodness than our Merit; how +much more such Happiness of Heaven. For my own part I have not the +Vanity to think I deserve it, the Folly to expect it, nor the Ambition +to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the Will and Disposal +of that God who made me, who has hitherto preserv'd and bless'd me, and +in whose Fatherly Goodness I may well confide, that he will never make +me miserable, and that even the Afflictions I may at any time suffer +shall tend to my Benefit. + +The Faith you mention has doubtless its use in the World. I do not +desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any +Man. But I wish it were more productive of good Works, than I have +generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness, Charity, +Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping, Sermon-Reading or +Hearing; performing Church Ceremonies, or making long Prayers, filled +with Flatteries and Compliments, despis'd even by wise Men, and much +less capable of pleasing the Deity. The worship of God is a Duty; the +hearing and reading of Sermons may be useful; but, if Men rest in +Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is as if a Tree should Value +itself on being water'd and putting forth Leaves, tho' it never produc'd +any Fruit. + +Your great Master tho't much less of these outward Appearances and +Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer'd the _Doers_ +of the Word, to the meer _Hearers_; the Son that seemingly refus'd to +obey his Father, and yet perform'd his Commands; to him that profess'd +his Readiness, but neglected the Work; the heretical but charitable +Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho' orthodox Priest and sanctified +Levite; & those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to the Thirsty, +Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and Relief to the +Sick, tho' they never heard of his Name, he declares shall in the last +Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord! Lord! who value themselves on +their Faith, tho' great enough to perform Miracles, but have neglected +good Works, shall be rejected. He profess'd, that he came not to call +the Righteous but Sinners to repentance; which imply'd his modest +Opinion, that there were some in his Time so good, that they need not +hear even him for Improvement; but now-a-days we have scarce a little +Parson, that does not think it the Duty of every Man within his Reach to +sit under his petty Ministrations; and that whoever omits them [offends +God. I wish to such more humility, and to you health and happiness, +being your friend and servant,] + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +THREE LETTERS TO GOVERNOR SHIRLEY[45] + + +LETTER I + +Concerning the Voice of the People in Choosing the Rulers by Whom Taxes +are Imposed + + Tuesday Morning [December 17, 1754]. + +SIR, + +I return you the loose sheets of the plan, with thanks to your +Excellency for communicating them. + +I apprehend, that excluding the _people_ of the colonies from all share +in the choice of the grand council will give extreme dissatisfaction, as +well as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no +representative. It is very possible, that this general government might +be as well and faithfully administered without the people, as with them; +but where heavy burthens have been laid on them, it has been found +useful to make it, as much as possible, their own act; for they bear +better when they have, or think they have some share in the direction; +and when any public measures are generally grievous, or even distasteful +to the people, the wheels of government move more heavily. + + +LETTER II + +On the Imposition of Direct Taxes upon the Colonies without Their +Consent + + Wednesday Morning [December 18, 1754]. + +SIR, + +I mentioned it yesterday to your Excellency as my opinion, that +excluding the _people_ of the colonies from all share in the choice of +the grand council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well +as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no +representative. In matters of general concern to the people, and +especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to +consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they +ought to think; I shall therefore, as your Excellency requires it of me, +briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion. + +First they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the +people in the colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the +present constitution, and reigning family, as any subjects in the king's +dominions. + +That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the +representatives they may choose, to grant from time to time such +supplies for the defence of the country, as shall be judged necessary, +so far as their abilities will allow. + +That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs +of invasion and conquest by an enemy in the loss of their estates, lives +and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces +necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported, +and of their own abilities to bear the expence, than the parliament of +England at so great a distance. + +That governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes, with +which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best +abilities or integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any +natural connexions with us, that should make them heartily concerned for +our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more +forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to +make provision for their friends and dependants. + +That the counsellors in most of the colonies being appointed by the +crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often of small estates, +frequently dependant on the governors for offices, and therefore too +much under influence. + +That there is therefore great reason to be jealous of a power in such +governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge +necessary, by draft on the lords of the treasury, to be afterwards laid +on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since +they might abuse it by projecting useless expeditions, harassing the +people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects, +merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependants, +and divide profits. + +That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be +misinformed and misled by such Governors and Councils, whose united +interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint +from hence. + +That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed +but by their own consent given through their representatives. + +That the colonies have no representatives in parliament. + +That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty +of choosing a representative council, to meet in the colonies, and +consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum, +shews suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard for +their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they +have not deserved. + +That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would +be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing +of Englishmen for their own public benefit. + +That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true +British subjects. + +That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might easily be +lessened as the occasions should lessen, but being once laid by +parliament under the influence of the representations made by Governors, +would probably be kept up and continued for the benefit of Governors, to +the grievous burthen and discouragement of the colonies, and prevention +of their growth and increase. + +That a power in Governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the +British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least +1500 square miles, without the approbation or the consent of their +representatives first obtained, such expeditions might be grievous and +ruinous to the people, and would put them on footing with the subjects +of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their +Governor, who for two years past has harassed them with long and +destructive marches to Ohio. + +That if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and +councils appointed by the crown, without representatives, particular +colonies may as well or better be so governed; a tax may be laid upon +them all by act of parliament for support of government, and their +assemblies may be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution. + +That the powers proposed by the Albany Plan of Union, to be vested in a +grand council representative of the people, even with regard to military +matters, are not so great as those the colonies of Rhode Island and +Connecticut are entrusted with by their charters, and have never abused; +for by this plan, the president-general is appointed by the crown, and +controls all by his negative; but in those governments, the people +choose the Governor, and yet allow him no negative. + +That the British colonies bordering on the French are properly frontiers +of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly +defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire: +It would now be thought hard by act of parliament to oblige the Cinque +Ports or seacoasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they +are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them at the same time +a vote in choosing members of the parliament; and if the frontiers in +America bear the expence of their own defence, it seems hard to allow +them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or +advising the measures. + +That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the +colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother-country unnoticed: For +taxes paid in Britain by the land-holder or artificer, must enter into +and increase the price of the produce of land and of manufactures made +of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who +thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes. + +We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations, and where we could +be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the +same dearer from Britain; the difference of price is a clear tax to +Britain. + +We are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to Britain; +and where the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it +sells for less than it would in foreign markets; the difference is a tax +paid to Britain. + +Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them +of British merchants; the whole price is a tax paid to Britain. + +By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British +manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; the +advantage is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to +pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is clear tax to +Britain. + +In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the +importation and consumption of British superfluities (as Britain can the +consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centers finally +amongst the merchants and inhabitants of Britain, and if we make them +richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same +as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown. + +These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we +have no share in the laying, or disposing of them; but to pay immediate +heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we +have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary, as +grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive, +that by hazarding their lives and fortunes, in subduing and settling new +countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the +mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which +they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to such merit, if +they had been before in a state of slavery. + +These, and such kind of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought +and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan +should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and +councils so appointed, not having any representative body of the people +to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the +people to them, will probably become suspected and odious; dangerous +animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed; and +every thing go into confusion. + +Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but having freely given my +opinion and reasons, your Excellency can judge better than I whether +there be any weight in them, and the shortness of the time allowed me, +will, I hope, in some degree excuse the imperfections of this scrawl. + +With the greatest respect, and fidelity, I have the honour to be, + +Your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + +LETTER III + +On the Subject of Uniting the Colonies More Intimately with Great +Britain, by Allowing Them Representatives in Parliament + + Boston, Dec. 22, 1754. + +SIR, + +Since the conversation your Excellency was pleased to honour me with, on +the subject of _uniting the colonies_ more intimately with Great +Britain, by allowing them _representatives in parliament_, I have +something further considered that matter, and am of opinion, that such a +union would be very acceptable to the colonies, provided they had a +reasonable number of representatives allowed them; and that all the old +acts of Parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of +the colonies be at the same time repealed, and the British subjects _on +this side the water_ put, in those respects, on the same footing with +those in Great Britain, till the new Parliament, representing the whole, +shall think it for the interest of the whole to reënact some or all of +them. It is not that I imagine so many representatives will be allowed +the colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers; but I think +there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more +impartially considered, and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty +corporation, or of any particular set of artificers or traders in +England, who heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more +regarded than all the colonies, or than was consistent with the general +interest, or best national good. I think too, that the government of the +colonies by a parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would be +vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to +be introduced by royal instructions, as well as more agreeable to the +nature of an English constitution, and to English liberty; and that such +laws as now seem to bear hard on the colonies, would (when judged by +such a Parliament for the best interest of the whole) be more cheerfully +submitted to, and more easily executed. + +I should hope too, that by such a union, the people of Great Britain, +and the people of the colonies, would learn to consider themselves, as +not belonging to a different community with different interests, but to +one community with one interest; which I imagine would contribute to +strengthen the whole, and greatly lessen the danger of future +separations. + +It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any state, that +its people be numerous and rich; men enough to fight in its defence, and +enough to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these +circumstances tend to the security of the state, and its protection from +foreign power: But it seems not of so much importance, whether the +fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or +Charles. The iron manufacture employs and enriches British subjects, but +is it of any importance to the state, whether the manufacturers live at +Birmingham, or Sheffield, or both, since they are still within its +bounds, and their wealth and persons still at its command? Could the +Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land equal to a large country +thereby gained to England, and presently filled with English +inhabitants, would it be right to deprive such inhabitants of the common +privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the right of vending their +produce in the same ports, or of making their own shoes, because a +merchant or a shoemaker, living on the old land, might fancy it more for +his advantage to trade or make shoes for them? Would this be right, even +if the land were gained at the expence of the state? And would it not +seem less right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional +territory to Britain had been borne by the settlers themselves? And +would not the hardship appear yet greater, if the people of the new +country should be allowed no representatives in the parliament enacting +such impositions? + +Now I look on the colonies as so many counties gained to Great Britain, +and more advantageous to it than if they had been gained out of the seas +around its coasts, and joined to its land: For being in different +climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and being separated by +the ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen; and since +they are all included in the British empire, which has only extended +itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts are the +strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general state, +whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New +England? And if, through increase of people, two smiths are wanted for +one employed before, why may not the _new_ smith be allowed to live and +thrive in the _new_ country, as well as the _old_ one in the _old_? In +fine, why should the countenance of a state be _partially_ afforded to +its people, unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit? +And if there be any difference, those who have most contributed to +enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increase her strength, her +wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risk of their own lives +and private fortunes in new and strange countries, methinks ought rather +to expect some preference. With the greatest respect and esteem, I have +the honour to be + +Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO MISS CATHERINE RAY[46] [AT BLOCK ISLAND] + + Philadelphia, March 4, 1755. + +DEAR KATY:-- + +Your kind letter of January 20th is but just come to hand, and I take +this first opportunity of acknowledging the favour. It gives me great +pleasure to hear, that you got home safe and well that day. I thought +too much was hazarded, when I saw you put off to sea in that very little +skiff, tossed by every wave. But the call was strong and just, a sick +parent. I stood on the shore, and looked after you, till I could no +longer distinguish you, even with my glass; then returned to your +sister's, praying for your safe passage. Towards evening all agreed that +you must certainly be arrived before that time, the weather having been +so favourable; which made me more easy and cheerful, for I had been +truly concerned for you. + +I left New England slowly, and with great reluctance.[47] Short day's +journeys, and loitering visits on the road, for three or four weeks, +manifested my unwillingness to quit a country, in which I drew my first +breath, spent my earliest and most pleasant days, and had now received +so many fresh marks of the people's goodness and benevolence, in the +kind and affectionate treatment I had everywhere met with. I almost +forgot I had a _home_, till I was more than halfway towards it; till I +had, one by one, parted with all my New England friends, and was got +into the western borders of Connecticut, among mere strangers. Then, +like an old man, who, having buried all he loved in this world, begins +to think of heaven, I began to think of and wish for home; and, as I +drew nearer, I found the attraction stronger and stronger. My diligence +and speed increased with my impatience. I drove on violently, and made +such long stretches, that a very few days brought me to my own house, +and to the arms of my good old wife and children, where I remain, thanks +to God, at present well and happy. + +Persons subject to the _hyp_ complain of the northeast wind, as +increasing their malady. But since you promised to send me kisses in +that wind, and I find you as good as your word, it is to me the gayest +wind that blows, and gives me the best spirits. I write this during a +northeast storm of snow, the greatest we have had this winter. Your +favours come mixed with the snowy fleeces, which are pure as your virgin +innocence, white as your lovely bosom, and--as cold. But let it warm +towards some worthy young man, and may Heaven bless you both with every +kind of happiness. + +I desired Miss Anna Ward[48] to send you over a little book I left with +her, for your amusement in that lonely island. My respects to your good +father, and mother, and sister. Let me often hear of your welfare, since +it is not likely I shall ever again have the pleasure of seeing you. +Accept mine, and my wife's sincere thanks for the many civilities I +receive from you and your relations; and do me the justice to believe +me, dear girl, your affectionate, faithful friend, and humble servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. My respectful compliments to your good brother Ward, and sister; +and to the agreeable family of the Wards at Newport, when you see them. +Adieu. + + + +TO PETER COLLINSON + + Philadelphia, Aug. 25, 1755. + +DEAR SIR,-- + +As you have my former papers on Whirlwinds, &c., I now send you an +account of one which I had lately an opportunity of seeing and examining +myself. + +Being in _Maryland_, riding with Colonel _Tasker_, and some other +gentlemen to his country-seat, where I and my son were entertained by +that amiable and worthy man with great hospitality and kindness, we saw +in the vale below us, a small whirlwind beginning in the road, and +shewing itself by the dust it raised and contained. It appeared in the +form of a sugar-loaf, spinning on its point, moving up the hill towards +us, and enlarging as it came forward. When it passed by us, its smaller +part near the ground, appeared no bigger than a common barrel, but +widening upwards, it seemed, at 40 or 50 feet high, to be 20 or 30 feet +in diameter. The rest of the company stood looking after it, but my +curiosity being stronger, I followed it, riding close by its side, and +observed its licking up, in its progress, all the dust that was under +its smaller part. As it is a common opinion that a shot, fired through a +water-spout, will break it, I tried to break this little whirlwind, by +striking my whip frequently through it, but without any effect. Soon +after, it quitted the road and took into the woods, growing every +moment larger and stronger, raising, instead of dust, the old dry leaves +with which the ground was thick covered, and making a great noise with +them and the branches of the trees, bending some tall trees round in a +circle swiftly and very surprizingly, though the progressive motion of +the whirl was not so swift but that a man on foot might have kept pace +with it; but the circular motion was amazingly rapid. By the leaves it +was now filled with, I could plainly perceive that the current of air +they were driven by, moved upwards in a spiral line; and when I saw the +trunks and bodies of large trees invelop'd in the passing whirl, which +continued intire after it had left them I no longer wondered that my +whip had no effect on it in its smaller state. I accompanied it about +three quarters of a mile, till some limbs of dead trees, broken off by +the whirl, flying about and falling near me, made me more apprehensive +of danger; and then I stopped, looking at the top of it as it went on, +which was visible, by means of the leaves contained in it, for a very +great height above the trees. Many of the leaves, as they got loose from +the upper and widest part, were scattered in the wind; but so great was +their height in the air, that they appeared no bigger than flies. My +son, who was by this time come up with me, followed the whirlwind till +it left the woods, and crossed an old tobacco-field, where, finding +neither dust nor leaves to take up, it gradually became invisible below +as it went away over that field. The course of the general wind then +blowing was along with us as we travelled, and the progressive motion of +the whirlwind was in a direction nearly opposite, though it did not keep +a strait line, nor was its progressive motion uniform, it making little +sallies on either hand as it went, proceeding sometimes faster and +sometimes slower, and seeming sometimes for a few seconds almost +stationary, then starting forward pretty fast again. When we rejoined +the company, they were admiring the vast height of the leaves now +brought by the common wind, over our heads. These leaves accompanied us +as we travelled, some falling now and then round about us, and some not +reaching the ground till we had gone near three miles from the place +where we first saw the whirlwind begin. Upon my asking Colonel _Tasker_ +if such whirlwinds were common in _Maryland_, he answered pleasantly, +"No, not at all common; but we got this on purpose to treat Mr. +Franklin." And a very high treat it was, to + + Dear Sir, + Your affectionate friend and humble servant, + B. F[RANKLIN]. + + + +TO MISS CATHERINE RAY + + Philadelphia, Sept. 11, 1755. + +Begone, business, for an hour, at least, and let me chat a little with +my Katy. + +I have now before me, my dear girl, three of your favours, viz. of March +the 3d, March the 30th, and May the 1st. The first I received just +before I set out on a long journey, and the others while I was on that +journey, which held me near six weeks. Since my return, I have been in +such a perpetual hurry of public affairs of various kinds, as renders it +impracticable for me to keep up my private correspondences, even those +that afforded me the greatest pleasure. + +You ask in your last, how I do, and what I am doing, and whether +everybody loves me yet, and why I make them do so. + +In regard to the first, I can say, thanks to God, that I do not remember +I was ever better. I still relish all the pleasures of life, that a +temperate man can in reason desire, and through favour I have them all +in my power. This happy situation shall continue as long as God pleases, +who knows what is best for his creatures, and I hope will enable me to +bear with patience and dutiful submission any change he may think fit to +make that is less agreeable. As to the second question, I must confess +(but don't you be jealous), that many more people love me now, than ever +did before; for since I saw you I have been enabled to do some general +services to the country, and to the army, for which both have thanked +and praised me, and say they love me. They say so, as you used to do; +and if I were to ask any favours of them, they would, perhaps, as +readily refuse me; so that I find little real advantage in being +beloved, but it pleases my humour. + +Now it is near four months since I have been favoured with a single line +from you; but I will not be angry with you, because it is my fault. I +ran in debt to you three or four letters; and as I did not pay, you +would not trust me any more, and you had some reason. But, believe me, I +am honest; and, tho' I should never make equal returns, you shall see I +will keep fair accounts. Equal returns I can never make, tho' I should +write to you by every post; for the pleasure I receive from one of yours +is more than you can have from two of mine. The small news, the domestic +occurrences among our friends, the natural pictures you draw of persons, +the sensible observations and reflections you make, and the easy, chatty +manner in which you express every thing, all contribute to heighten the +pleasure; and the more as they remind me of those hours and miles, that +we talked away so agreeably, even in a winter journey, a wrong road, and +a soaking shower. + +I long to hear whether you have continued ever since in that monastery +[Block Island]; or have broke into the world again, doing pretty +mischief; how the lady Wards do, and how many of them are married, or +about it; what is become of Mr. B-- and Mr. L--, and what the state of +your heart is at this instant? But that, perhaps, I ought not to know; +and, therefore, I will not conjure, as you sometimes say I do. If I +could conjure, it should be to know what was that _oddest question about +me that ever was thought of_, which you tell me a lady had just sent to +ask you. + +I commend your prudent resolutions, in the article of granting favours +to lovers. But, if I were courting you, I could not hardly approve such +conduct. I should even be malicious enough to say you were too +_knowing_, and tell you the old story of the Girl and the Miller. I +enclose you the songs you write for, and with them your Spanish letter +with a translation. I honour that honest Spaniard for loving you. It +showed the goodness of his taste and judgement. But you must forget him, +and bless some worthy young Englishman. + +You have spun a long thread, five thousand and twenty-two yards. It +will reach almost from Rhode Island hither. I wish I had hold of one end +of it, to pull you to me. But you would break it rather than come. The +cords of love and friendship are longer and stronger, and in times past +have drawn me farther; even back from England to Philadelphia. I guess +that some of the same kind will one day draw you out of that Island. + +I was extremely pleased with the turf you sent me. The Irish people, who +have seen it, say it is the right sort; but I cannot learn that we have +any thing like it here. The cheeses, particularly one of them, were +excellent. All our friends have tasted it, and all agree that it exceeds +any English cheese they ever tasted. Mrs. Franklin was very proud, that +a young lady should have so much regard for her old husband, as to send +him such a present. We talk of you every time it comes to table. She is +sure you are a sensible girl, and a notable housewife, and talks of +bequeathing me to you as a legacy; but I ought to wish you a better, and +hope she will live these hundred years; for we are grown old together, +and if she has any faults, I am so used to 'em that I don't perceive +'em; as the song says, + + "Some faults we have all, and so has my Joan, + But then they're exceedingly small; + And, now I am used, they are like my own, + I scarcely can see 'em at all, + My dear friends, + I scarcely can see 'em at all." + +Indeed, I begin to think she has none, as I think of you. And since she +is willing I should love you, as much as you are willing to be loved by +me, let us join in wishing the old lady a long life and a happy. + +With her respectful compliments to you, to your good mother and sisters, +present mine, though unknown; and believe me to be, dear girl, your +affectionate friend and humble servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. Sally[49] says, "Papa, my love to Miss Katy."--If it was not quite +unreasonable, I should desire you to write to me every post, whether you +hear from me or not. As to your spelling, don't let those laughing +girls put you out of conceit with it. It is the best in the world, for +every letter of it stands for something. + + + +TO MISS CATHERINE RAY + + Philadelphia, Oct. 16, 1755. + +DEAR KATY + +Your Favour of the 28th of June came to hand but the 28th of September, +just 3 Months after it was written. I had, two Weeks before, wrote you a +long Chat, and sent it to the Care of your Brother Ward. I hear you are +now in Boston, gay and lovely as usual. Let me give you some fatherly +Advice. Kill no more Pigeons than you can eat--Be a good Girl and dont +forget your Catechism.--Go constantly to Meeting--or church--till you +get a good Husband,--then stay at home, & nurse the Children, and live +like a Christian--Spend your spare Hours, in sober Whisk, Prayers, or +learning to cypher--You must practise _addition_ to your Husband's +Estate, by Industry and Frugality; _subtraction_ of all unnecessary +Expenses; _Multiplication_ (I would gladly have taught you that myself, +but you thought it was time enough, & wou'dn't learn) he will soon make +you a Mistress of it. As to _Division_, I say with Brother Paul, _Let +there be no Division among ye_. But as your good Sister Hubbard (my love +to her) is well acquainted with _The Rule of Two_, I hope you will +become an expert in the _Rule of Three_; that when I have again the +pleasure of seeing you, I may find you like my Grape Vine, surrounded +with Clusters, plump, juicy, blushing, pretty little rogues, like their +Mama. Adieu. The Bell rings, and I must go among the Grave ones, and +talk Politicks. + + Your affectionate Friend + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. The Plums came safe, and were so sweet from the Cause you +mentioned, that I could scarce taste the Sugar. + + + +TO MRS. JANE MECOM + + Philadelphia, February 12, 1756. + +DEAR SISTER, + +I condole with you on the loss of our dear brother.[50] As our number +grows less, let us love one another proportionably more. + +I am just returned from my military expedition, and now my time is taken +up in the Assembly. Providence seems to require various duties of me. I +know not what will be next; but I find, the more I seek for leisure and +retirement from business, the more I am engaged in it. Benny, I +understand, inclines to leave Antigua. He may be in the right. I have no +objections. My love to brother and to your children. I am, dearest +sister, your affectionate brother, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO MISS E. HUBBARD[51] + + Philadelphia, February 23, 1756. + +--I condole with you. We have lost a most dear and valuable relation. +But it is the will of God and nature, that these mortal bodies be laid +aside, when the soul is to enter into real life. This is rather an +embryo state, a preparation for living. A man is not completely born +until he be dead. Why then should we grieve, that a new child is born +among the immortals, a new member added to their happy society? + +We are spirits. That bodies should be lent us, while they can afford us +pleasure, assist us in acquiring knowledge, or in doing good to our +fellow creatures, is a kind and benevolent act of God. When they become +unfit for these purposes, and afford us pain instead of pleasure, +instead of an aid become an incumbrance, and answer none of the +intentions for which they were given, it is equally kind and benevolent, +that a way is provided by which we may get rid of them. Death is that +way. We ourselves, in some cases, prudently choose a partial death. A +mangled painful limb, which cannot be restored, we willingly cut off. +He who plucks out a tooth, parts with it freely, since the pain goes +with it; and he, who quits the whole body, parts at once with all pains +and possibilities of pains and diseases which it was liable to, or +capable of making him suffer. + +Our friend and we were invited abroad on a party of pleasure, which is +to last for ever. His chair was ready first, and he is gone before us. +We could not all conveniently start together; and why should you and I +be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and know where to find +him? + + Adieu. B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD + + New York, July 2, 1756. + +DEAR SIR: + +I received your Favour of the 24th of February with great Pleasure, as +it inform'd me of your Welfare, and express'd your continu'd Regard for +me. I thank you for the Pamphlet you enclos'd to me. As we had just +observ'd a Provincial Fast on the same Occasion, I thought it very +seasonable to be publish'd in Pennsylvania, and accordingly reprinted it +immediately. + +You mention your frequent wish that you were a Chaplain to an American +Army. I sometimes wish that you and I were jointly employ'd by the +Crown, to settle a Colony on the Ohio. I imagine we could do it +effectually, and without putting the Nation to much expence. But I fear +we shall never be called upon for such a Service. What a glorious Thing +it would be, to settle in that fine Country a large strong Body of +Religious and Industrious People! What a Security to the other Colonies; +and Advantage to Britain, by Increasing her People, Territory, Strength +and Commerce. Might it not greatly facilitate the Introduction of pure +Religion among the Heathen, if we could, by such a Colony, show them a +better Sample of Christians than they commonly see in our Indian +Traders, the most vicious and abandoned Wretches of our Nation?... Life, +like a dramatic Piece, should not only be conducted with Regularity, but +methinks it should finish handsomely. Being now in the last Act, I +begin to cast about for something fit to end with. Or if mine be more +properly compar'd to an Epigram, as some of its few Lines are but barely +tolerable, I am very desirous of concluding with a bright Point. In such +an Enterprise I could spend the Remainder of Life with Pleasure; and I +firmly believe God would bless us with Success, if we undertook it with +a sincere Regard to his Honour, the Service of our gracious King, and +(which is the same thing) the Publick Good. + +I thank you cordially for your generous Benefaction to the German +School. They go on pretty well, and will do better, when Mr. Smith,[52] +who has at present the principal Care of them, shall learn to mind +Party-writing and Party Politicks less, and his proper Business more; +which I hope time will bring about. + +I thank you for your good Wishes and Prayers, and am, with the greatest +Esteem and Affection, Dear Sir + + Your most obedient humble Servant + +My best Respects to } B. FRANKLIN. + Mrs. Whitefield } + + + +THE WAY TO WEALTH + +Preface to _Poor Richard Improved_: 1758.[53] + +COURTEOUS READER, + +I have heard that nothing gives an Author so great Pleasure, as to find +his Works respectfully quoted by other learned Authors. This Pleasure I +have seldom enjoyed; for tho' I have been, if I may say it without +Vanity, an _eminent Author_ of Almanacks annually now a full Quarter of +a Century, my Brother Authors in the same Way, for what Reason I know +not, have ever been very sparing in their Applauses; and no other Author +has taken the least Notice of me, so that did not my Writings produce me +some solid _Pudding_, the great Deficiency of _Praise_ would have quite +discouraged me. + +I concluded at length, that the People were the best Judges of my Merit; +for they buy my Works; and besides, in my Rambles, where I am not +personally known, I have frequently heard one or other of my Adages +repeated, with, _as Poor Richard says_, at the End on't; this gave me +some Satisfaction, as it showed not only that my Instructions were +regarded, but discovered likewise some Respect for my Authority; and I +own, that to encourage the Practice of remembering and repeating those +wise Sentences, I have sometimes _quoted myself_ with great Gravity. + +Judge then how much I must have been gratified by an Incident I am going +to relate to you. I stopt my Horse lately where a great Number of People +were collected at a Vendue of Merchant Goods. The Hour of Sale not being +come, they were conversing on the Badness of the Times, and one of the +Company call'd to a plain clean old Man, with white Locks, _Pray, +Father_ Abraham, _what think you of the Times? Won't these heavy Taxes +quite ruin the Country? How shall we ever be able to pay them? What +would you advise us to?_----Father _Abraham_ stood up, and reply'd, If +you'd have my Advice, I'll give it you in short, for a _Word to the Wise +is enough_, and _many Words won't fill a Bushel_, as _Poor Richard +says_. They join'd in desiring him to speak his Mind, and gathering +round him, he proceeded as follows; + + "Friends, says he, and Neighbours, the Taxes are indeed very + heavy, and if those laid on by the Government were the only + Ones we had to pay, we might more easily discharge them; but + we have many others, and much more grievous to some of us. We + are taxed twice as much by our _Idleness_, three times as + much by our _Pride_, and four times as much by our _Folly_, + and from these Taxes the Commissioners cannot ease or deliver + us by allowing an Abatement. However let us hearken to good + Advice, and something may be done for us; _God helps them + that help themselves_, as _Poor Richard_ says, in his + Almanack of 1733. + + It would be thought a hard Government that should tax its + People one tenth Part of their _Time_, to be employed in its + Service. But _Idleness_ taxes many of us much more, if we + reckon all that is spent in absolute _Sloth_, or doing of + nothing, with that which is spent in idle Employments or + Amusements, that amount to nothing. _Sloth_, by bringing on + Diseases, absolutely shortens Life. _Sloth, like Rust, + consumes faster than Labour wears, while the used Key is + always bright_, as _Poor Richard_ says. But _dost thou love + Life, then do not squander Time, for that's the Stuff Life is + made of_, as _Poor Richard_ says.--How much more than is + necessary do we spend in Sleep! forgetting that _The sleeping + Fox catches no Poultry_, and that _there will be sleeping + enough in the Grave_, as _Poor Richard_ says. If Time be of + all Things the most precious, _wasting Time_ must be, as + _Poor Richard_ says, _the greatest Prodigality_, since, as he + elsewhere tells us, _Lost Time is never found again_; and + what we call _Time-enough, always proves little enough_: Let + us then up and be doing, and doing to the Purpose; so by + Diligence shall we do more with less Perplexity. _Sloth makes + all Things difficult, but Industry all easy_, as _Poor + Richard_ says; and _He that riseth late, must trot all Day, + and shall scarce overtake his Business at Night_. While + _Laziness travels so slowly, that Poverty soon overtakes + him_, as we read in _Poor Richard_, who adds, _Drive thy + Business, let not that drive thee_; and _Early to Bed, and + early to rise, makes a Man healthy, wealthy and wise_. + + So what signifies _wishing_ and _hoping_ for better Times. We + may make these Times better if we bestir ourselves. _Industry + need not wish_, as _Poor Richard_ says, and _He that lives + upon Hope will die fasting_. _There are no Gains, without + Pains_; then _Help Hands, for I have no Lands_, or if I have, + they are smartly taxed. And, as _Poor Richard_ likewise + observes, _He that hath a Trade hath an Estate_, and _He that + hath a Calling, hath an Office of Profit and Honour_; but + then the _Trade_ must be worked at, and the _Calling_ well + followed, or neither the _Estate_, nor the _Office_, will + enable us to pay our Taxes.--If we are industrious we shall + never starve; for, as _Poor Richard_ says, _At the working + Man's House_ Hunger _looks in, but dares not enter_. Nor will + the Bailiff or the Constable enter, for _Industry pays Debts, + while Despair encreaseth them_, says _Poor Richard_.--What + though you have found no Treasure, nor has any rich Relation + left you a Legacy, _Diligence is the Mother of Good luck_, as + _Poor Richard_ says, _and God gives all Things to Industry_. + Then _plough deep, while Sluggards sleep, and you shall have + Corn to sell and to keep_, says _Poor Dick_. Work while it is + called To-day, for you know not how much you may be hindered + To-morrow, which makes _Poor Richard_ say, _One To-day is + worth two To-morrows_; and farther, _Have you somewhat to do + To-morrow, do it To-day_. If you were a Servant, would you + not be ashamed that a good Master should catch you idle? Are + you then your own Master, _be ashamed to catch yourself + idle_, as _Poor Dick_ says. When there is so much to be done + for yourself, your Family, your Country, and your gracious + King, be up by Peep of Day; _Let not the Sun look down and + say, Inglorious here he lies_. Handle your Tools without + Mittens; remember that _the Cat in Gloves catches no Mice_, + as _Poor Richard_ says. 'Tis true there is much to be done, + and perhaps you are weak handed, but stick to it steadily, + and you will see great Effects, for _constant Dropping wears + away Stones_, and by _Diligence and Patience the Mouse ate in + two the Cable_; and _little Strokes fell great Oaks_, as + _Poor Richard_ says in his Almanack, the Year I cannot just + now remember. + + Methinks I hear some of you say, _Must a Man afford himself + no Leisure?_--I will tell thee, my Friend, what _Poor + Richard_ says, _Employ thy Time well if thou meanest to gain + Leisure_; and _since thou art not sure of a Minute, throw not + away an Hour_. Leisure, is Time for doing something useful; + this Leisure the diligent Man will obtain, but the lazy Man + never; so that, as _Poor Richard_ says, a _Life of Leisure + and a Life of Laziness are two Things_. Do you imagine that + Sloth will afford you more Comfort than Labour? No, for as + _Poor Richard_ says, _Trouble springs from Idleness, and + grievous Toil from needless Ease_. _Many without Labour, would + live by their_ WITS _only, but they break for want of Stock._ + Whereas Industry gives Comfort, and Plenty, and Respect: _Fly + Pleasures, and they'll follow you_. _The diligent Spinner has + a large Shift_; and _now I have a Sheep and a Cow, every Body + bids me Good morrow_; all which is well said by _Poor + Richard_. + + But with our Industry, we must likewise be _steady_, + _settled_ and _careful_, and oversee our own Affairs _with + our own Eyes_, and not trust too much to others; for, as + _Poor Richard_ says, + + _I never saw an oft removed Tree, + Nor yet an oft removed Family, + That throve so well as those that settled be._ + + And again, _Three Removes is as bad as a Fire_; and again, + _Keep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee_; and again, _If + you would have your Business done, go; If not, send_. And + again, + + _He that by the Plough would thrive, + Himself must either hold or drive._ + + And again, _The Eye of a Master will do more Work than both + his Hands_; and again, _Want of Care does us more Damage than + Want of Knowledge_; and again, _Not to oversee Workmen, is to + leave them your Purse open_. Trusting too much to others Care + is the Ruin of many; for, as the _Almanack_ says, _In the + Affairs of this World, Men are saved, not by Faith, but by + the Want of it_; but a Man's own Care is profitable; for, + saith _Poor Dick_, _Learning is to the Studious_, and _Riches + to the Careful_, as well as _Power to the Bold_, and _Heaven + to the Virtuous_. And farther, _If you would have a faithful + Servant, and one that you like, serve yourself_. And again, + he adviseth to Circumspection and Care, even in the smallest + Matters, because sometimes _a little Neglect may breed great + Mischief_; adding, _For want of a Nail the Shoe was lost; for + want of a Shoe the Horse was lost; and for want of a Horse + the Rider was lost_, being overtaken and slain by the Enemy, + all for want of Care about a Horse shoe Nail. + + So much for Industry, my Friends, and Attention to one's own + Business; but to these we must add _Frugality_, if we would + make our _Industry_ more certainly successful. A Man may, if + he knows not how to save as he gets, _keep his Nose all his + Life to the Grindstone_, and die not worth a _Groat_ at last. + _A fat Kitchen makes a lean Will_, as _Poor Richard_ says; + and, + + _Many Estates are spent in the Getting, + Since Women for Tea forsook Spinning and Knitting, + And Men for Punch forsook Hewing and Splitting._ + + _If you would be wealthy_, says he, in another Almanack, + _think of Saving as well as of Getting_: _The_ Indies _have + not made_ pain _rich, because her_ Outgoes _are greater than + her_ Incomes. Away then with your expensive Follies, and you + will not have so much Cause to complain of hard Times, heavy + Taxes, and chargeable Families; for, as _Poor Dick_ says, + + _Women and Wine, Game and Deceit, + Make the Wealth small, and the Wants great._ + + And farther, _What maintains one Vice, would bring up two + Children_. You may think perhaps, That a _little_ Tea, or a + _little_ Punch now and then, Diet a _little_ more costly, + Clothes a _little_ finer, and a _little_ Entertainment now + and then, can be no _great_ Matter; but remember what _Poor + Richard_ says, _Many_ a Little _makes a Mickle_; and farther, + _Beware of_ little _Expences_; _a small Leak will sink a great + Ship_; and again, _Who Dainties love, shall Beggars prove_; + and moreover, _Fools make Feasts, and wise Men eat them_. + + Here you are all got together at this Vendue of _Fineries_ + and _Knicknacks_. You call them _Goods_, but if you do not + take Care, they will prove _Evils_ to some of you. You expect + they will be sold _cheap_, and perhaps they may for less than + they cost; but if you have no Occasion for them, they must be + _dear_ to you. Remember what _Poor Richard_ says, _Buy what + thou hast no Need of, and ere long thou shalt sell thy + Necessaries_. And again, _At a great Pennyworth pause a + while_: He means, that perhaps the Cheapness is _apparent_ + only, and not _real_; or the Bargain, by straitning thee in + thy Business, may do thee more Harm than Good. For in another + Place he says, _Many have been ruined by buying good + Pennyworths_. Again, _Poor Richard_ says, _'Tis foolish to + lay out Money in a Purchase of Repentance_; and yet this + Folly is practised every Day at Vendues, for want of minding + the Almanack. _Wise Men_, as _Poor Dick_ says, _learn by + others Harms, Fools scarcely by their own_; but _Felix quem + faciunt aliena Pericula cautum_. Many a one, for the Sake of + Finery on the Back, have gone with a hungry Belly, and half + starved their Families; _Silks and Sattins, Scarlet and + Velvets_, as _Poor Richard_ says, _put out the Kitchen Fire_. + These are not the _Necessaries_ of Life; they can scarcely be + called the _Conveniencies_, and yet only because they look + pretty, how many _want_ to _have_ them. The _artificial_ + Wants of Mankind thus become more numerous than the + _natural_; and, as _Poor Dick_ says, _For one_ poor _Person, + there are an hundred_ indigent. By these, and other + Extravagancies, the Genteel are reduced to Poverty, and + forced to borrow of those whom they formerly despised, but + who through _Industry_ and _Frugality_ have maintained their + Standing; in which Case it appears plainly, that a _Ploughman + on his Legs is higher than a Gentleman on his Knees_, as + _Poor Richard_ says. Perhaps they have had a small Estate + left them which they knew not the Getting of; they think + _'tis Day, and will never be Night_; that a little to be + spent out of _so much_, is not worth minding; (_a Child and a + Fool_, as _Poor Richard_ says, _imagine_ Twenty Shillings _and + Twenty Years can never be spent_) but, _always taking out of, + the Meal-tub, and never putting in, soon comes to the + Bottom_; then, as _Poor Dick_ says, _When the Well's dry, + they know the Worth of Water_. But this they might have known + before, if they had taken his Advice; _If you would know the + Value of Money, go and try to borrow some_; for, _he that + goes a borrowing goes a sorrowing_; and indeed so does he + that lends to such People, when he goes _to get it in + again_.--_Poor Dick_ farther advises, and says, + + _Fond_ Pride of Dress _is sure a very Curse; + E'er_ Fancy _you consult, consult your Purse._ + + And again, _Pride is as loud a Beggar as Want, and a great + deal more saucy_. When you have bought one fine Thing you + must buy ten more, that your Appearance may be all of a + Piece; but _Poor Dick_ says, _'Tis easier to_ suppress _the + first Desire, than to_ satisfy _all that follow it_. And 'tis + as truly Folly for the Poor to ape the Rich, as for the Frog + to swell, in order to equal the Ox. + + _Great Estates may venture more, + But little Boats should keep near Shore._ + + 'Tis however a Folly soon punished; for _Pride that dines on + Vanity sups on Contempt_, as _Poor Richard_ says. And in + another Place, _Pride breakfasted with Plenty, dined with + Poverty, and supped with Infamy_. And after all, of what Use + is this _Pride of Appearance_, for which so much is risked, + so much is suffered? It cannot promote Health, or ease Pain; + it makes no Increase of Merit in the Person, it creates Envy, + it hastens Misfortune. + + _What is a Butterfly? At best + He's but a Caterpillar drest. + The gaudy Fop's his Picture just,_ + + as _Poor Richard_ says. + + But what Madness must it be to _run in Debt_ for these + Superfluities! We are offered, by the Terms of this Vendue, + _Six Months Credit_; and that perhaps has induced some of us + to attend it, because we cannot spare the ready Money, and + hope now to be fine without it. But, ah, think what you do + when you run in Debt; _You give to another, Power over your + Liberty_. If you cannot pay at the Time, you will be ashamed + to see your Creditor; you will be in Fear when you speak to + him; you will make poor pitiful sneaking Excuses, and by + Degrees come to lose your Veracity, and sink into base + downright lying; for, as _Poor Richard_ says, _The second + Vice is Lying, the first is running in Debt_. And again, to + the same Purpose, _Lying rides upon Debt's Back_. Whereas a + freeborn _Englishman_ ought not to be ashamed or afraid to + see or speak to any Man living. But Poverty often deprives a + Man of all Spirit and Virtue: _'Tis hard for an empty Bag to + stand upright_, as _Poor Richard_ truly says. What would you + think of that Prince, or that Government, who should issue an + Edict forbidding you to dress like a Gentleman or a + Gentlewoman, on Pain of Imprisonment or Servitude? Would you + not say, that you are free, have a Right to dress as you + please, and that such an Edict would be a Breach of your + Privileges, and such a Government tyrannical? And yet you are + about to put yourself under that Tyranny when you run in Debt + for such Dress! Your Creditor has Authority at his Pleasure + to deprive you of your Liberty, by confining you in Goal + [_sic_] for Life, or to sell you for a Servant, if you should + not be able to pay him! When you have got your Bargain, you + may, perhaps, think little of Payment; but _Creditors_, _Poor + Richard_ tells us, _have better Memories than Debtors_; and + in another Place says, _Creditors are a superstitious Sect, + great Observers of set Days and Times_. The Day comes round + before you are aware, and the Demand is made before you are + prepared to satisfy it. Or if you bear your Debt in Mind, the + Term which at first seemed so long, will, as it lessens, + appear extreamly short. _Time_ will seem to have added Wings + to his Heels as well as Shoulders. _Those have a short Lent_, + saith _Poor Richard_, _who owe Money to be paid at Easter_. + Then since, as he says, _The Borrower is a Slave to the + Lender, and the Debtor to the Creditor_, disdain the Chain, + preserve your Freedom; and maintain your Independency: Be + _industrious_ and _free_; be _frugal_ and _free_. At present, + perhaps, you may think yourself in thriving Circumstances, + and that you can bear a little Extravangance [_sic_] without + Injury; but, + + _For Age and Want, save while you may; + No Morning Sun lasts a whole Day,_ + + as _Poor Richard_ says--Gain may be temporary and uncertain, + but ever while you live, Expence is constant and certain; and + _'tis easier to build two Chimnies than to keep one in Fuel_, + as _Poor Richard_ says. So _rather go to Bed supperless than + rise in Debt_. + + _Get what you can, and what you get hold; + 'Tis the Stone that will turn all your Lead into Gold,_ + + as _Poor Richard_ says. And when you have got the + Philosopher's Stone, sure you will no longer complain of bad + Times, or the Difficulty of paying Taxes. + + This Doctrine, my Friends, is _Reason_ and _Wisdom_; but + after all, do not depend too much upon your own _Industry_, + and _Frugality_, and _Prudence_, though excellent Things, for + they may all be blasted without the Blessing of Heaven; and + therefore ask that Blessing humbly, and be not uncharitable + to those that at present seem to want it, but comfort and + help them. Remember _Job_ suffered, and was afterwards + prosperous. + + And now to conclude, _Experience keeps a dear School, but + Fools will learn in no other, and scarce in that_; for it is + true, _we may give Advice, but we cannot give Conduct_, as + _Poor Richard_ says: However, remember this, _They that won't + be counselled, can't be helped_, as _Poor Richard_ says: And + farther, That _if you will not hear Reason, she'll surely rap + your Knuckles_." + +Thus the old Gentleman ended his Harangue. The People heard it, and +approved the Doctrine and immediately practised the contrary, just as if +it had been a common Sermon; for the Vendue opened, and they began to +buy extravagantly, notwithstanding all his Cautions, and their own Fear +of Taxes.--I found the good Man had thoroughly studied my Almanacks, +and digested all I had dropt on those Topicks during the Course of +Five-and-twenty Years. The frequent Mention he made of me must have +tired any one else, but my Vanity was wonderfully delighted with it, +though I was conscious that not a tenth Part of the Wisdom was my own +which he ascribed to me, but rather the _Gleanings_ I had made of the +Sense of all Ages and Nations. However, I resolved to be the better for +the Echo of it; and though I had at first determined to buy Stuff for a +new Coat, I went away resolved to wear my old One a little longer. +_Reader_, if thou wilt do the same, thy Profit will be as great as mine. + + _I am, as ever, + Thine to serve thee,_ +_July 7, 1757._ RICHARD SAUNDERS. + + + +TO HUGH ROBERTS + + London, September 16, 1758. + +DEAR FRIEND, + +Your kind letter of June 1st gave me great pleasure. I thank you for the +concern you express about my health, which at present seems tolerably +confirmed by my late journey into different parts of the kingdom, that +have been highly entertaining as well as useful to me. Your visits to my +little family in my absence are very obliging, and I hope you will be so +good as to continue them. Your remark on the thistle and the Scotch +motto made us very merry, as well as your string of puns. You will allow +me to claim a little merit or demerit in the last, as having had some +hand in making you a punster; but the wit of the first is keen, and all +your own. + +Two of the former members of the Junto you tell me are departed this +life, Potts and Parsons.[54] Odd characters both of them. Parsons a wise +man, that often acted foolishly; Potts a wit, that seldom acted wisely. +If _enough_ were the means to make a man happy, one had always the +_means_ of happiness, without ever enjoying the _thing_; the other had +always the _thing_, without ever possessing the _means_. Parsons, even +in his prosperity, always fretting; Potts, in the midst of his poverty, +ever laughing. It seems, then, that happiness in this life rather +depends on internals than externals; and that, besides the natural +effects of wisdom and virtue, vice and folly, there is such a thing as a +happy or an unhappy constitution. They were both our friends, and loved +us. So, peace to their shades. They had their virtues as well as their +foibles; they were both honest men, and that alone, as the world goes, +is one of the greatest of characters. They were old acquaintances, in +whose company I formerly enjoyed a great deal of pleasure, and I cannot +think of losing them, without concern and regret. + +I shall, as you suppose, look on every opportunity you give me of doing +you service, as a favour, because it will afford me pleasure. I know how +to make you ample returns for such favours, by giving you the pleasure +of building me a house. You may do it without losing any of your own +time; it will only take some part of that you now spend in other folks' +business. It is only jumping out of their waters into mine. + +I am grieved for our friend Syng's loss. You and I, who esteem him, and +have valuable sons ourselves, can sympathize with him sincerely. I hope +yours is perfectly recovered, for your sake as well as for his own. I +wish he may be, in every respect, as good and as useful as his father. I +need not wish him more; and can only add, that I am, with great esteem, +dear friend, yours affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. I rejoice to hear of the prosperity of the Hospital, and send the +wafers. I do not quite like your absenting yourself from that good old +club, the Junto. Your more frequent presence might be a means of keeping +them from being all engaged in measures not the best for public welfare. +I exhort you, therefore, to return to your duty; and, as the Indians +say, to confirm my words, I send you a Birmingham tile. I thought the +neatness of the figures would please you. + + + +TO MRS. JANE MECOM + + London, September 16, 1758. + +DEAR SISTER, + +I received your favour of June 17. I wonder you have had no letter from +me since my being in England. I have wrote you at least two, and I think +a third before this, and what was next to waiting on you in person, sent +you my picture. In June last I sent Benny a trunk of books, and wrote to +him; I hope they are come to hand, and that he meets with encouragement +in his business. I congratulate you on the conquest of Cape Breton, and +hope as your people took it by praying, the first time, you will now +pray that it may never be given up again, which you then forgot. Billy +is well, but in the country. I left him at Tunbridge Wells, where we +spent a fortnight, and he is now gone with some company to see +Portsmouth. We have been together over a great part of England this +summer, and among other places, visited the town our father was born in, +and found some relations in that part of the country still living. + +Our cousin Jane Franklin, daughter of our uncle John, died about a year +ago. We saw her husband, Robert Page, who gave us some old letters to +his wife, from uncle Benjamin. In one of them, dated Boston, July 4, +1723, he writes that your uncle Josiah has a daughter Jane, about twelve +years old, a good-humoured child. So keep up to your character, and +don't be angry when you have no letters. In a little book he sent her, +called "None but Christ," he wrote an acrostick on her name, which for +namesake's sake, as well as the good advice it contains, I transcribe +and send you, viz. + + "Illuminated from on high, + And shining brightly in your sphere, + Ne'er faint, but keep a steady eye, + Expecting endless pleasures there. + + "Flee vice as you'd a serpent flee; + Raise _faith_ and _hope_ three stories higher, + And let Christ's endless love to thee + Ne'er cease to make thy love aspire. + Kindness of heart by words express, + Let your obedience be sincere, + In prayer and praise your God address, + Nor cease, till he can cease to hear." + +After professing truly that I had a great esteem and veneration for the +pious author, permit me a little to play the commentator and critic on +these lines. The meaning of _three stories higher_ seems somewhat +obscure. You are to understand, then, that _faith_, _hope_, and +_charity_ have been called the three steps of Jacob's ladder, reaching +from earth to heaven; our author calls them _stories_, likening religion +to a building, and these are the three stories of the Christian edifice. +Thus improvement in religion is called _building up_ and _edification_. +_Faith_ is then the ground floor, _hope_ is up one pair of stairs. My +dear beloved Jenny, don't delight so much to dwell in those lower rooms, +but get as fast as you can into the garret, for in truth the best room +in the house is _charity_. For my part, I wish the house was turned +upside down; 'tis so difficult (when one is fat) to go up stairs; and +not only so, but I imagine _hope_ and _faith_ may be more firmly built +upon _charity_, than _charity_ upon _faith_ and _hope_. However that may +be, I think it the better reading to say-- + + "Raise faith and hope one story higher." + +Correct it boldly, and I'll support the alteration; for, when you are up +two stories already, if you raise your building three stories higher you +will make five in all, which is two more than there should be, you +expose your upper rooms more to the winds and storms; and, besides, I am +afraid the foundation will hardly bear them, unless indeed you build +with such light stuff as straw and stubble, and that, you know, won't +stand fire. Again, where the author says, + + "Kindness of heart by words express," + +strike out _words_, and put in _deeds_. The world is too full of +compliments already. They are the rank growth of every soil, and choak +the good plants of benevolence, and beneficence; nor do I pretend to be +the first in this comparison of words and actions to plants; you may +remember an ancient poet, whose works we have all studied and copied at +school long ago. + + "A man of words and not of deeds + Is like a garden full of weeds." + +'Tis a pity that good works, among some sorts of people, are so little +valued, and good words admired in their stead: I mean seemingly pious +discourses, instead of humane benevolent actions. Those they almost put +out of countenance, by calling morality _rotten morality_, righteousness +_ragged righteousness_, and even filthy rags--and when you mention +virtue, pucker up their noses as if they smelt a stink; at the same time +that they eagerly snuff up an empty canting harangue, as if it was a +posey of the choicest flowers: So they have inverted the good old verse, +and say now + + "A man of deeds and not of words + Is like a garden full of ----" + +I have forgot the rhyme, but remember 'tis something the very reverse of +perfume. So much by way of commentary. + +My wife will let you see my letter, containing an account of our +travels, which I would have you read to sister Dowse, and give my love +to her. I have no thoughts of returning till next year, and then may +possibly have the pleasure of seeing you and yours; taking Boston in my +way home. My love to brother and all your children, concludes at this +time from, dear Jenny, your affectionate brother, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO LORD KAMES[55] + + London, May 3, 1760. + +MY DEAR LORD, + +I have endeavoured to comply with your request in writing something on +the present situation of our affairs in America, in order to give more +correct notions of the British interest with regard to the colonies, +than those I found many sensible men possessed of. Inclosed you have +the production, such as it is. I wish it may in any degree be of service +to the public. I shall at least hope this from it, for my own part, that +you will consider it as a letter from me to you, and take its length as +some excuse for being so long a-coming.[56] + +I am now reading with great pleasure and improvement your excellent +work, _The Principles of Equity_. It will be of the greatest advantage +to the Judges in our colonies, not only in those which have Courts of +Chancery, but also in those which, having no such courts, are obliged to +mix equity with the common law. It will be of more service to the colony +Judges, as few of them have been bred to the law. I have sent a book to +a particular friend, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court in +Pennsylvania. + +I will shortly send you a copy of the Chapter you are pleased to mention +in so obliging a manner; and shall be extremely obliged in receiving a +copy of the collection of _Maxims for the Conduct of Life_, which you +are preparing for the use of your children. I purpose likewise a little +work for the benefit of youth, to be called _The Art of Virtue_.[57] +From the title I think you will hardly conjecture what the nature of +such a book may be. I must therefore explain it a little. Many people +lead bad lives that would gladly lead good ones, but know not _how_ to +make the change. They have frequently _resolved_ and _endeavoured_ it; +but in vain, because their endeavours have not been properly conducted. +To expect people to be good, to be just, to be temperate, &c., without +_shewing_ them _how_ they should _become_ so, seems like the ineffectual +charity mentioned by the Apostle, which consisted in saying to the +hungry, the cold, and the naked, "Be ye fed, be ye warmed, be ye +clothed," without shewing them how they should get food, fire, or +clothing. + +Most people have naturally _some_ virtues, but none have naturally _all_ +the virtues. To _acquire_ those that are wanting, and secure what we +acquire, as well as those we have naturally, is the subject of _an art_. +It is as properly an art as painting, navigation, or architecture. If a +man would become a painter, navigator, or architect, it is not enough +that he is _advised_ to be one, that he is _convinced_ by the arguments +of his adviser, that it would be for his advantage to be one, and that +he resolves to be one, but he must also be taught the principles of the +art, be shewn all the methods of working, and how to acquire the habits +of using properly all the instruments; and thus regularly and gradually +he arrives, by practice, at some perfection in the art. If he does not +proceed thus, he is apt to meet with difficulties that discourage him, +and make him drop the pursuit. + +My _Art of Virtue_ has also its instruments, and teaches the manner of +using them. Christians are directed to have faith in Christ, as the +effectual means of obtaining the change they desire. It may, when +sufficiently strong, be effectual with many: for a full opinion, that a +Teacher is infinitely wise, good, and powerful, and that he will +certainly reward and punish the obedient and disobedient, must give +great weight to his precepts, and make them much more attended to by his +disciples. But many have this faith in so weak a degree, that it does +not produce the effect. Our _Art of Virtue_ may, therefore, be of great +service to those whose faith is unhappily not so strong, and may come in +aid of its weakness. Such as are naturally well disposed, and have been +so carefully educated, as that good habits have been early established, +and bad ones prevented, have less need of this art; but all may be more +or less benefited by it. It is, in short, to be adapted for universal +use. I imagine what I have now been writing will seem to savour of great +presumption: I must therefore speedily finish my little piece, and +communicate the manuscript to you, that you may judge whether it is +possible to make good such pretensions. I shall at the same time hope +for the benefit of your corrections. I am, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + +TO MISS MARY STEVENSON[58] + + Craven Street, June 11, 1760. + +DEAR POLLY: + +'Tis a very sensible Question you ask, how the Air can affect the +Barometer, when its Opening appears covered with Wood? If indeed it was +so closely covered as to admit of no Communication of the outward Air to +the Surface of the Mercury, the Change of Weight in the Air could not +possibly affect it. But the least Crevice is sufficient for the Purpose; +a Pinhole will do the Business. And if you could look behind the Frame +to which your Barometer is fixed, you would certainly find some small +Opening. + +There are indeed some Barometers in which the Body of Mercury at the +lower End is contain'd in a close Leather Bag, and so the Air cannot +come into immediate Contact with the Mercury; yet the same Effect is +produc'd. For, the Leather being flexible, when the Bag is press'd by +any additional Weight of Air, it contracts, and the Mercury is forced up +into the Tube; when the Air becomes lighter, and its Pressure less, the +Weight of the Mercury prevails, and it descends again into the Bag. + +Your Observation on what you have lately read concerning Insects is very +just and solid. Superficial Minds are apt to despise those who make that +Part of the Creation their Study, as mere Triflers; but certainly the +World has been much oblig'd to them. Under the Care and Management of +Man, the Labours of the little Silkworm afford Employment and +Subsistence to Thousands of Families, and become an immense Article of +Commerce. The Bee, too, yields us its delicious Honey, and its Wax +useful to a Multitude of Purposes. Another Insect, it is said, produces +the Cochineal, from whence we have our rich Scarlet Dye. The Usefulness +of the Cantharides, or Spanish Flies, in Medicine, is known to all, and +Thousands owe their Lives to that Knowledge. By human Industry and +Observation, other Properties of other Insects may possibly be hereafter +discovered, and of equal Utility. A thorough Acquaintance with the +Nature of these little Creatures may also enable Mankind to prevent the +Increase of such as are noxious, or secure us against the Mischiefs they +occasion. These Things doubtless your Books make mention of: I can only +add a particular late Instance which I had from a Swedish Gentleman of +good Credit. In the green Timber, intended for Ship-building at the +King's Yards in that Country, a kind of Worms were found, which every +year became more numerous and more pernicious, so that the Ships were +greatly damag'd before they came into Use. The King sent Linnæus, the +great Naturalist, from Stockholm, to enquire into the Affair, and see if +the Mischief was capable of any Remedy. He found, on Examination, that +the Worm was produced from a small Egg, deposited in the little +Roughnesses on the Surface of the Wood, by a particular kind of Fly or +Beetle; from whence the Worm, as soon as it was hatched, began to eat +into the Substance of the Wood, and after some time came out again a Fly +of the Parent kind, and so the Species increased. The season in which +this Fly laid its Eggs, Linnæus knew to be about a Fortnight (I think) +in the Month of May, and at no other time of the Year. He therefore +advis'd, that, some Days before that Season, all the green Timber should +be thrown into the Water, and kept under Water till the Season was over. +Which being done by the King's Order, the Flies missing their usual +Nest, could not increase; and the Species was either destroy'd or went +elsewhere; and the Wood was effectually preserved; for, after the first +Year, it became too dry and hard for their purpose. + +There is, however, a prudent Moderation to be used in Studies of this +kind. The Knowledge of Nature may be ornamental, and it may be useful; +but if, to attain an Eminence in that, we neglect the Knowledge and +Practice of essential Duties, we deserve Reprehension. For there is no +Rank in Natural Knowledge of equal Dignity and Importance with that of +being a good Parent, a good Child, a good Husband or Wife, a good +Neighbour or Friend, a good Subject or Citizen, that is, in short, a +good Christian. Nicholas Gimcrack, therefore, who neglected the Care of +his Family, to pursue Butterflies, was a just Object of Ridicule, and we +must give him up as fair Game to the satyrist. + +Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever + Yours affectionately, + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN + + London, June 27, 1760. + +MY DEAR CHILD, + +I wrote a Line to you by the Pacquet, to let you know we were well, and +I promis'd to write you fully by Capt. Budden, and answer all your +Letters, which I accordingly now sit down to do. I am concern'd that so +much Trouble should be given you by idle Reports concerning me. Be +satisfied, my dear, that while I have my Senses, and God vouchsafes me +his Protection, I shall do nothing unworthy the Character of an honest +Man, and one that loves his Family. + +I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to write to him. He +forwarded your Letter to me from Ireland. The Paragraph of your Letter +inserted in the Papers, related to the Negro School. I gave it to the +Gentlemen concern'd, as it was a Testimony in favour of their pious +Design. But I did not expect they would have printed it with your Name. +They have since chosen [me] one of the Society, and I am at present +Chairman for the current year. I enclose you an Account of their +Proceedings.[59] + +I did not receive the _Prospect of Quebec_, which you mention that you +sent me. Peter continues with me, and behaves as well as I can expect, +in a Country where there are many Occasions of spoiling Servants, if +they are ever so good. He has as few Faults as most of them, and I see +with only one Eye, and hear only with one Ear; so we rub on pretty +comfortably. King, that you enquire after, is not with us. He ran away +from our House, near two Years ago, while we were absent in the Country; +But was soon found in Suffolk, where he had been taken in the Service of +a Lady, that was very fond of the Merit of making him a Christian, and +contributing to his Education and Improvement. As he was of little Use, +and often in Mischief, Billy consented to her keeping him while we stay +in England. So the Lady sent him to School, has him taught to read and +write, to play on the Violin and French Horn, with some other +Accomplishments more useful in a Servant. Whether she will finally be +willing to part with him, or persuade Billy to sell him to her, I know +not. In the mean time he is no Expence to us. The dried Venison was very +acceptable, and I thank you for it. We have had it constantly shav'd to +eat with our Bread and Butter for Breakfast, and this Week saw the last +of it. The Bacon still holds out, for we are choice of it. Some Rashers +of it, yesterday relish'd a Dish of Green Pease. Mrs. Stevenson thinks +there was never any in England so good. The smok'd Beef was also +excellent. + +The Accounts you give me of the Marriages of our friends are very +agreeable. I love to hear of every thing that tends to increase the +Number of good People. You cannot conceive how shamefully the Mode here +is a single Life. One can scarce be in the Company of a Dozen Men of +Circumstance and Fortune, but what it is odds that you find on enquiry +eleven of them are single. The great Complaint is the excessive +Expensiveness of English Wives. + +I am extreamly concern'd with you at the Misfortune of our Friend Mr. +Griffith. How could it possibly happen? 'Twas a terrible Fire that of +Boston. I shall contribute here towards the Relief of the Sufferers. Our +Relations have escap'd I believe generally; but some of my particular +Friends must have suffer'd greatly. + +I think you will not complain this Year, as you did the last, of being +so long without a Letter. I have wrote to you very frequently; and shall +not be so much out of the Way of writing this Summer as I was the last. +I hope our friend Bartram is safely return'd to his Family. Remember me +to him in the kindest Manner. + +Poor David Edwards died this Day Week, of a Consumption. I had a Letter +from a Friend of his, acquainting me that he had been long ill, and +incapable of doing his Business, and was at Board in the Country. I +fear'd he might be in Straits, as he never was prudent enough to lay up +any thing. So I wrote to him immediately, that, if he had occasion, he +might draw on me for Five Guineas. But he died before my Letter got to +hand. I hear the Woman, at whose House he long lodg'd and boarded, has +buried him and taken all he left, which could not be much, and there are +some small Debts unpaid. He maintained a good Character at Bury, where +he lived some years, and was well respected, to my Knowledge, by some +Persons of Note there. I wrote to you before, that we saw him at Bury, +when we went thro' Suffolk into Norfolk, the Year before last. I hope +his good Father, my old Friend, continues well. + +Give my Duty to Mother, and Love to my dear Sally. Remember me +affectionately to all Enquiring Friends, and believe me ever, my dearest +Debby, your loving Husband, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JARED INGERSOLL[60] + + Philadelphia, December 11, 1762. + +DEAR SIR:-- + +I thank you for your kind congratulations. It gives me pleasure to hear +from an old friend; it will give me much more pleasure to see him. I +hope, therefore, nothing will prevent the journey you propose for next +summer and the favour you intend me of a visit. I believe I must make a +journey early in the spring to Virginia, but purpose being back again +before the hot weather. You will be kind enough to let me know +beforehand what time you expect to be here, that I may not be out of the +way, for that would mortify me exceedingly. + +I should be glad to know what it is that distinguishes Connecticut +religion from common religion. Communicate, if you please, some of these +particulars that you think will amuse me as a virtuoso. When I travelled +in Flanders, I thought of your excessively strict observation of Sunday; +and that a man could hardly travel on that day among you upon his lawful +occasions without hazard of punishment; while, where I was, every one +travelled, if he pleased, or diverted himself in any other way; and in +the afternoon both high and low went to the play or the opera, where +there was plenty of singing, fiddling and dancing. I looked around for +God's judgments, but saw no signs of them. The cities were well built +and full of inhabitants, the markets filled with plenty, the people +well favoured and well clothed, the fields well tilled, the cattle fat +and strong, the fences, houses, and windows all in repair, and no Old +Tenor anywhere in the country; which would almost make one suspect that +the Deity is not so angry at that offence as a New England Justice. + +I left our friend Mr. Jackson[61] well, and I had the great pleasure of +finding my little family well when I came home, and my friends as +cordial and more numerous than ever. May every prosperity attend you and +yours. I am, dear friend, yours affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO MISS MARY STEVENSON + + Philad^a, March 25, 1763. + +MY DEAR POLLEY, + +Your pleasing Favour of Nov. 11 is now before me. It found me as you +suppos'd it would, happy with my American Friends and Family about me; +and it made me more happy in showing me that I am not yet forgotten by +the dear Friends I left in England. And indeed, why should I fear they +will ever forget me, when I feel so strongly that I shall ever remember +them! + +I sympathise with you sincerely in your Grief at the Separation from +your old Friend, Miss Pitt. The Reflection that she is going to be more +happy, when she leaves you, might comfort you, if the Case was likely to +be so circumstanc'd; but when the Country and Company she has been +educated in, and those she is removing to, are compared, one cannot +possibly expect it. I sympathize no less with you in your Joys. But it +is not merely on your Account, that I rejoice at the Recovery of your +dear Dolly's Health. I love that dear good Girl myself, and I love her +other Friends. I am, therefore, made happy by what must contribute so +much to the Happiness of them all. Remember me to her, and to every one +of that worthy and amiable Family, most affectionately. + +Remember me in the same manner to your and my good Doctor and Mrs. +Hawkesworth.[62] You have lately, you tell me, had the Pleasure of +spending three Days with them at Mr. Stanley's. It was a sweet Society! +I too, once partook of that same Pleasure, and can therefore feel what +you must have felt. Remember me also to Mr. and Mrs. Stanley,[63] and to +Miss Arlond. + +Of all the enviable Things England has, I envy it most its People. Why +should that petty Island, which compar'd to America, is but like a +stepping-Stone in a Brook, scarce enough of it above Water to keep one's +Shoes dry; why, I say, should that little Island enjoy in almost every +Neighbourhood, more sensible, virtuous, and elegant Minds, than we can +collect in ranging 100 Leagues of our vast forests? But 'tis said the +Arts delight to travel Westward. You have effectually defended us in +this glorious War, and in time you will improve us. After the first +Cares for the Necessaries of Life are over, we shall come to think of +the Embellishments. Already some of our young Geniuses begin to lisp +Attempts at Painting, Poetry, and Musick. We have a young Painter now +studying at Rome.[64] Some specimens of our Poetry I send you, which if +Dr. Hawkesworth's fine Taste cannot approve, his good Heart will at +least excuse. The Manuscript Piece is by a young Friend of mine, and was +occasion'd by the Loss of one of his Friends, who lately made a Voyage +to Antigua to settle some Affairs, previous to an intended Marriage with +an amiable young Lady here, but unfortunately died there. I send it to +you, because the Author is a great Admirer of Mr. Stanley's musical +Compositions, and has adapted this Piece to an Air in the 6th _Concerto_ +of that Gentleman, the sweetly solemn Movement of which he is quite in +Raptures with. He has attempted to compose a _Recitativo_ for it, but +not being able to satisfy himself in the Bass, wishes I could get it +supply'd. If Mr. Stanley would condescend to do that for him, thro' your +Intercession, he would esteem it as one of the highest Honours, and it +would make him excessively happy. You will say that a _Recitativo_ can +be but a poor Specimen of our Music. 'Tis the best and all I have at +present, but you may see better hereafter. + +I hope Mr. Ralph's[65] Affairs are mended since you wrote. I know he had +some Expectations, when I came away, from a Hand that would help him. +He has Merit, and one would think ought not to be so unfortunate. + +I do not wonder at the behaviour you mention of Dr. Smith towards me, +for I have long since known him thoroughly. I made that Man my Enemy by +doing him too much Kindness. 'Tis the honestest Way of acquiring an +Enemy. And, since 'tis convenient to have at least one Enemy, who by his +Readiness to revile one on all Occasions, may make one careful of one's +Conduct, I shall keep him an Enemy for that purpose; and shall observe +your good Mother's Advice, never again to receive him as a Friend. She +once admir'd the benevolent Spirit breath'd in his Sermons. She will now +see the Justness of the Lines your Laureat Whitehead addresses to his +Poets, and which I now address to her. + + "Full many a peevish, envious, slanderous Elf + Is, in his Works, Benevolence itself. + For all Mankind, unknown, his Bosom heaves; + He only injures those, with whom he lives. + Read then the Man;--does _Truth_ his Actions guide, + Exempt from _Petulance_, exempt from _Pride_? + To social Duties does his Heart attend, + As Son, as Father, Husband, Brother, _Friend_? + _Do those, who know him, love him?_ If they do, + You've _my_ Permission: you may love him too." + +Nothing can please me more than to see your philosophical Improvements +when you have Leisure to communicate them to me. I still owe you a long +Letter on that Subject, which I shall pay. I am vex'd with Mr. James, +that he has been so dilatory in Mr. Maddison's _Armonica_. I was unlucky +in both the Workmen, that I permitted to undertake making those +Instruments. The first was fanciful, and never could work to the +purpose, because he was ever conceiving some new Improvement, that +answer'd no End. The other I doubt is absolutely idle. I have +recommended a Number to him from hence, but must stop my hand. + +Adieu, my dear Polly, and believe me as ever, with the sincerest Esteem +and Regard, your truly affectionate Friend and humble Servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. My love to Mrs. Tickell and Mrs. Rooke, and to Pitty, when you +write to her. Mrs. Franklin and Sally desire to be affectionately +remember'd to you. I find the printed Poetry I intended to enclose will +be too bulky to send per the Packet. I shall send it by a Ship, that +goes shortly from hence. + + + +TO JOHN FOTHERGILL, M.D.[66] + + March 14, 1764. + +DEAR DOCTOR,-- + +I received your favour of the 10th of December. It was a great deal for +one to write whose time was so little his own. By the way, when do you +intend to live?--_i.e._, to enjoy life. When will you retire to your +villa, give yourself repose, delight in viewing the operations of nature +in the vegetable creation, assist her in her works, get your ingenious +friends at times about you, make them happy with your conversation, and +enjoy theirs: or, if alone, amuse yourself with your books and elegant +collections? + +To be hurried about perpetually from one sick chamber to another is not +living. Do you please yourself with the fancy that you are doing good? +You are mistaken. Half the lives you save are not worth saving, as being +useless, and almost all the other half ought not to be saved, as being +mischievous. Does your conscience never hint to you the impiety of being +in constant warfare against the plans of Providence? Disease was +intended as the punishment of intemperence, sloth, and other vices, and +the example of that punishment was intended to promote and strengthen +the opposite virtues. But here you step in officiously with your Art, +disappoint those wise intentions of nature, and make men safe in their +excesses, whereby you seem to me to be of just the same service to +society as some favourite first minister who out of the great +benevolence of his heart should procure pardons of all criminals that +applied to him; only think of the consequences. + +You tell me the Quakers are charged on your side of the water with +being, by their aggressions, the cause of the war. Would you believe it +that they are charged here, not with offending the Indians and thereby +provoking the war, but with gaining their friendship by presents, +supplying them privately with arms and ammunition, and engaging them to +fall upon and murder the poor white people on the frontiers? Would you +think it possible that thousands even here should be made to believe +this, and many hundreds of them be raised in arms, not only to kill some +converted Indians, supposed to be under the Quakers' protection, but to +punish the Quakers who were supposed to give that protection? Would you +think these people audacious enough to avow such designs in a public +declaration sent to the Governor? Would you imagine that innocent +Quakers, men of fortune and character, should think it necessary to fly +for safety out of Philadelphia into the Jersies, fearing the violence of +such armed mobs, and confiding little in the power or inclination of the +government to protect them? And would you imagine that strong suspicions +now prevail that those mobs, after committing so barbarous murders +hitherto unpunished, are privately tampered with to be made instruments +of government to awe the Assembly into proprietary measures? And yet all +this has happened within a few weeks past. + +More wonders. You know that I don't love the proprietary and that he +does not love me. Our totally different tempers forbid it. You might +therefore expect that the late new appointments of one of his family +would find me ready for opposition. And yet when his nephew arrived, our +Governor, I considered government as government, and paid him all +respect, gave him on all occasions my best advice, promoted in the +Assembly a ready compliance with every thing he proposed or recommended, +and when those daring rioters, encouraged by general approbation of the +populace, treated his proclamation with contempt, I drew my pen in the +cause; wrote a pamphlet (that I have sent you) to render the rioters +unpopular; promoted an association to support the authority of the +Government and defend the Governor by taking arms, signed it first +myself and was followed by several hundreds, who took arms accordingly. +The Governor offered me the command of them, but I chose to carry a +musket and strengthen his authority by setting an example of obedience +to his order. And would you think it, this proprietary Governor did me +the honour, in an alarm, to run to my house at midnight, with his +counsellors at his heels, for advice, and made it his head-quarters for +some time. And within four and twenty hours, your old friend was a +common soldier, a counsellor, a kind of dictator, an ambassador to the +country mob, and on his returning home, nobody again. All this has +happened in a few weeks. + +More wonders! The Assembly received a Governor of the Proprietary family +with open arms, addressed him with sincere expressions of kindness and +respect, opened their purses to them, and presented him with six hundred +pounds; made a Riot Act and prepared a Militia Bill immediately, at his +instance, granted supplies, and did everything that he requested, and +promised themselves great happiness under his administration. But +suddenly his dropping all inquiries after the murderers, and his +answering the disputes of the rioters privately and refusing the +presence of the Assembly who were equally concerned in the matters +contained in their remonstrance, brings him under suspicion; his +insulting the Assembly without the least provocation by charging them +with disloyalty and with making an infringement on the King's +prerogatives, only because they had presumed to name in a bill offered +for his assent a trifling officer (somewhat like one of your +toll-gatherers at a turnpike) without consulting him, and his refusing +several of their bills or proposing amendments needless disgusting. + +These things bring him and his government into sudden contempt. All +regard for him in the Assembly is lost. All hopes of happiness under a +Proprietary Government are at an end. It has now scarce authority enough +to keep the common peace, and was another to come, I question, though a +dozen men were sufficient, whether one could find so many in +Philadelphia willing to rescue him or his Attorney General, I won't say +from hanging, but from any common insult. All this too happened in a +few weeks. + +In fine, everything seems in this country, once the land of peace and +order, to be running fast into anarchy and confusion. But we hope there +is virtue enough in your great nation to support a good Prince in the +execution of a good government and the exercise of his just prerogatives +against all the attempts of unreasonable faction. I have been already +too long. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever, yours +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO SARAH FRANKLIN + + Reedy Island, 7 at night, November 8, 1764. + +MY DEAR SALLY, + +We got down here at sunset, having taken in more live stock at +Newcastle, with some other things we wanted. Our good friends, Mr. +Galloway, Mr. Wharton, and Mr. James, came with me in the ship from +Chester to Newcastle and went ashore there. It was kind to favour me +with their good company as far as they could. The affectionate leave +taken of me by so many friends at Chester was very endearing. God bless +them and all Pennsylvania. + +My dear child, the natural prudence and goodness of heart God has blest +you with make it less necessary for me to be particular in giving you +advice. I shall therefore only say, that the more attentively dutiful +and tender you are towards your good mamma, the more you will recommend +yourself to me. But why should I mention _me_, when you have so much +higher a promise in the commandments, that such conduct will recommend +you to the favour of God. You know I have many enemies, all indeed on +the public account, (for I cannot recollect that I have in a private +capacity given just cause of offence to any one whatever,) yet they are +enemies, and very bitter ones; and you must expect their enmity will +extend in some degree to you, so that your slightest indiscretions will +be magnified into crimes, in order the more sensibly to wound and +afflict me. It is therefore the more necessary for you to be extremely +circumspect in all your behaviour, that no advantage may be given to +their malevolence. + +Go constantly to church, whoever preaches. The act of devotion in the +Common Prayer Book is your principal business there, and if properly +attended to, will do more towards amending the heart than sermons +generally can do. For they were composed by men of much greater piety +and wisdom, than our common composers of sermons can pretend to be; and +therefore I wish you would never miss the prayer days; yet I do not mean +you should despise sermons, even of the preachers you dislike, for the +discourse is often much better than the man, as sweet and clear waters +come through very dirty earth. I am the more particular on this head, as +you seemed to express a little before I came away some inclination to +leave our church, which I would not have you do. + +For the rest, I would only recommend to you in my absence, to acquire +those useful accomplishments, arithmetic and bookkeeping. This you might +do with ease, if you would resolve not to see company on the hours you +set apart for those studies. + +We expect to be at sea to-morrow, if this wind holds; after which I +shall have no opportunity of writing to you, till I arrive (if it please +God I do arrive) in England. I pray that his blessing may attend you, +which is worth more than a thousand of mine, though they are never +wanting. Give my love to your brother and sister,[67] as I cannot write +to them, and remember me affectionately to the young ladies your +friends, and to our good neighbours. I am, my dear child, your +affectionate father, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +_From_ A NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES + +IN LANCASTER COUNTY, OF A NUMBER OF INDIANS, FRIENDS OF THIS PROVINCE, +BY PERSONS UNKNOWN. WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SAME.[68] + +[1764] + +... On _Wednesday_, the 14th of _December_, 1763, Fifty-seven Men, from +some of our Frontier Townships, who had projected the Destruction of +this little Commonwealth, came, all well mounted, and armed with +Firelocks, Hangers and Hatchets, having travelled through the Country in +the Night, to _Conestogoe_ Manor. There they surrounded the small +Village of _Indian_ Huts, and just at Break of Day broke into them all +at once. Only three Men, two Women, and a young Boy, were found at home, +the rest being out among the neighbouring White People, some to sell the +Baskets, Brooms and Bowls they manufactured, and others on other +Occasions. These poor defenceless Creatures were immediately fired upon, +stabbed, and hatcheted to Death! The good _Shehaes_, among the rest, cut +to Pieces in his Bed. All of them were scalped and otherwise horribly +mangled. Then their Huts were set on Fire, and most of them burnt down. +When the Troop, pleased with their own Conduct and Bravery, but enraged +that any of the poor _Indians_ had escaped the Massacre, rode off, and +in small Parties, by different Roads, went home. + +The universal Concern of the neighbouring White People on hearing of +this Event, and the Lamentations of the younger _Indians_, when they +returned and saw the Desolation, and the butchered half-burnt Bodies of +their murdered Parents and other Relations, cannot well be expressed. + + * * * * * + +Notwithstanding this Proclamation [by the Governor], those cruel men +again assembled themselves, and hearing that the remaining fourteen +_Indians_ were in the Workhouse at _Lancaster_, they suddenly appeared +in that Town, on the 27th of _December_. Fifty of them, armed as before, +dismounting, went directly to the Workhouse, and by Violence broke open +the Door, and entered with the utmost Fury in their Countenances. When +the poor Wretches saw they had _no Protection_ nigh, nor could possibly +escape, and being without the least Weapon for Defence, they divided +into their little Families, the Children clinging to the Parents; they +fell on their Knees, protested their Innocence, declared their Love to +the _English_, and that, in their whole Lives, they had never done them +Injury; and in this Posture they all received the Hatchet! Men, Women +and little Children were every one inhumanly murdered!--in cold Blood! + +The barbarous Men who committed the atrocious Fact, in defiance of +Government, of all Laws human and divine, and to the eternal Disgrace of +their Country and Colour, then mounted their Horses, huzza'd in Triumph, +as if they had gained a Victory, and rode off--_unmolested_! + +The Bodies of the Murdered were then brought out and exposed in the +Street, till a Hole could be made in the Earth to receive and cover +them. + +But the Wickedness cannot be covered, the Guilt will lie on the whole +Land, till Justice is done on the Murderers. THE BLOOD OF THE INNOCENT +WILL CRY TO HEAVEN FOR VENGEANCE. + + * * * * * + +If an _Indian_ injures me, does it follow that I may revenge that Injury +on all _Indians_? It is well known, that _Indians_ are of different +Tribes, Nations and Languages, as well as the White People. In _Europe_ +if the _French_, who are White People, should injure the _Dutch_, are +they to revenge it on the _English_, because they too are White People? +The only Crime of these poor Wretches seems to have been, that they had +a reddish-brown Skin, and black Hair; and some People of that Sort, it +seems, had murdered some of our Relations. If it be right to kill Men +for such a Reason, then, should any Man, with a freckled Face and red +Hair, kill a Wife or Child of mine, it would be right for me to revenge +it, by killing all the freckled red-haired Men, Women and Children, I +could afterwards anywhere meet with. + +But it seems these People think they have a better Justification; +nothing less than the _Word of God_. With the Scriptures in their Hands +and Mouths, they can set at nought that express Command, _Thou shalt do +no Murder_; and justify their Wickedness by the Command given _Joshua_ +to destroy the Heathen. Horrid Perversion of Scripture and of Religion! +To father the worst of Crimes on the God of Peace and Love! Even the +_Jews_, to whom that particular Commission was directed, spared the +_Gibeonites_, on Account of their Faith once given. The Faith of this +Government has been frequently given to those _Indians_; but that did +not avail them with People who despise Government. + +We pretend to be _Christians_, and, from the superior Light we enjoy, +ought to exceed _Heathens_, _Turks_, _Saracens_, _Moors_, _Negroes_ and +_Indians_, in the Knowledge and Practice of what is right. I will +endeavour to show, by a few Examples from Books and History, the Sense +those People have had of such Actions. + +Homer wrote his Poem, called the _Odyssey_, some Hundred Years before +the Birth of Christ. He frequently speaks of what he calls not only _the +Duties_, but _the Sacred Rites of Hospitality_, (exercised towards +Strangers, while in our House or Territory) as including, besides all +the common Circumstances of Entertainment, full Safety and Protection of +Person, from all Danger of Life, from all Injuries, and even Insults. +The Rites of Hospitality were called _sacred_, because the Stranger, the +Poor, and the Weak, when they applied for Protection and Relief, were, +from the Religion of those Times, supposed to be sent by the Deity to +try the Goodness of Men, and that he would avenge the Injuries they +might receive, where they ought to have been protected. These Sentiments +therefore influenced the Manners of all Ranks of People, even the +meanest; for we find that when _Ulysses_ came, as a poor Stranger, to +the Hut of Eumæus, the Swineherd, and his great Dogs ran out to tear the +ragged Man, _Eumæus_ drave them away with Stones; and + + "'Unhappy Stranger!' (thus the faithful Swain + Began, with Accent gracious and humane,) + 'What Sorrow had been mine, if at _my_ Gate + Thy rev'rend Age had met a shameful Fate! + But enter this my homely Roof, and see + Our Woods not void of Hospitality.' + He said, and seconding the kind Request, + With friendly Step precedes the unknown Guest, + A shaggy Goat's soft Hide beneath him spread, + And with fresh Rushes heap'd an ample Bed. + Joy touch'd the Hero's tender Soul, to find + So just Reception from a Heart so kind: + And [']Oh, ye Gods! with all your Blessings grace' + (He thus broke forth) 'this Friend of human Race!['] + The Swain reply'd. [']It never was our guise + To slight the Poor, or aught humane despise. + For Jove unfolds the hospitable Door, + 'Tis Jove that sends the Stranger and the Poor.[']"[69] + +These Heathen People thought, that after a Breach of the Rites of +Hospitality, a Curse from Heaven would attend them in every thing they +did, and even their honest Industry in their Callings would fail of +Success. Thus when _Ulysses_ tells _Eumæus_, who doubted the Truth of +what he related, "If I deceive you in this, I should deserve Death, and +I consent that you should put me to Death," _Eumæus_ rejects the +Proposal, as what would be attended with both Infamy and Misfortune, +saying ironically, + + "Doubtless, O Guest! great Laud and Praise were mine, + If, after social Rites and Gifts bestow'd, + I stain'd my Hospitable Hearth with Blood. + How would the Gods my righteous Toils succeed, + And bless the Hand that made a Stranger bleed? + No more."-- + +Even an open Enemy, in the Heat of Battle, throwing down his Arms, +submitting to his Foe, and asking Life and Protection, was supposed to +acquire an immediate Right to that Protection. Thus one describes his +being saved, when his Party was defeated; + + "We turn'd to Flight; the gath'ring Vengeance spread + On all Parts round, and Heaps on Heaps lie dead. + The radiant Helmet from my Brows unlac'd, + And lo, on Earth my Shield and Javelin cast, + I meet the Monarch with a Suppliant's Face, + Approach his Chariot, and his Knees embrace. + He heard, he sav'd, he plac'd me at his Side; + My State he pity'd, and my Tears he dry'd; + Restrain'd the Rage the vengeful Foe express'd, + And turn'd the deadly Weapons from my Breast. + Pious to guard the Hospitable Rite, + And fearing Jove, whom Mercy's Works delight." + +The Suitors of _Penelope_ are by the same ancient Poet described as a +sett of lawless Men, who were _regardless of the sacred Rites of +Hospitality_. And therefore when the Queen was informed they were slain, +and that by _Ulysses_, she, not believing that _Ulysses_ was returned, +says, + + "Ah no! some God the Suitors Deaths decreed, + Some God descends, and by his Hand they bleed: + Blind, to contemn the Stranger's righteous Cause, + And violate all hospitable Laws! + ... The Powers they defy'd; + But Heav'n is just, and by a God they dy'd." + + * * * * * + +Now I am about to mention something of _Indians_, I beg that I may not +be understood as framing Apologies for _all Indians_. I am far from +desiring to lessen the laudable Spirit of Resentment in my Countrymen +against those now at War with us, so far as it is justified by their +Perfidy and Inhumanity. I would only observe, that the _Six Nations_, as +a Body, have kept Faith with the _English_ ever since we knew them, now +near an Hundred Years; and that the governing Part of those People have +had Notions of Honour, whatever may be the Case with the Rum-debauched, +Trader-corrupted Vagabonds and Thieves on the _Sasquehannah_ and _Ohio_, +at present in Arms against us. + + * * * * * + +Unhappy People! to have lived in such Times, and by such Neighbours! We +have seen, that they would have been safer among the ancient _Heathens_, +with whom the Rites of Hospitality were _sacred_. They would have been +considered as _Guests_ of the Publick, and the Religion of the Country +would have operated in their Favour. But our Frontier People call +themselves _Christians_! They would have been safer, if they had +submitted to the _Turks_; for ever since _Mahomet's_ Reproof to +_Khaled_, even the cruel _Turks_ never kill Prisoners in cold Blood. +These were not even Prisoners. But what is the Example of _Turks_ to +Scripture _Christians_? They would have been safer, though they had been +taken in actual War against the _Saracens_, if they had once drank Water +with them. These were not taken in War against us, and have drank with +us, and we with them, for Fourscore Years. But shall we compare +_Saracens_ to _Christians_? + +They would have been safer among the _Moors_ in _Spain_, though they had +been Murderers of Sons; if Faith had once been pledged to them, and a +Promise of Protection given. But these have had the Faith of the +_English_ given to them many Times by the Government, and, in Reliance +on that Faith, they lived among us, and gave us the Opportunity of +murdering them. However, what was honourable in _Moors_, may not be a +Rule to us; for we are _Christians_! They would have been safer it seems +among _Popish Spaniards_, even if Enemies, and delivered into their +Hands by a Tempest. These were not Enemies; they were born among us, and +yet we have killed them all. But shall we imitate _idolatrous Papists_, +we that are _enlightened Protestants_? They would have even been safer +among the _Negroes_ of _Africa_, where at least one manly Soul would +have been found, with Sense, Spirit and Humanity enough, to stand in +their Defence. But shall _Whitemen_ and _Christians_ act like a _Pagan +Negroe_? In short it appears, that they would have been safe in any Part +of the known World, except in the Neighbourhood of the CHRISTIAN WHITE +SAVAGES of _Peckstang_ and _Donesgall_! + +O, ye unhappy Perpetrators of this horrid Wickedness! reflect a Moment +on the Mischief ye have done, the Disgrace ye have brought on your +Country, on your Religion, and your Bible, on your Families and +Children! Think on the Destruction of your captivated Country-folks (now +among the wild _Indians_) which probably may follow, in Resentment of +your Barbarity! Think on the Wrath of the United _Five Nations_, +hitherto our Friends, but now provoked by your murdering one of their +Tribes, in Danger of becoming our bitter Enemies. Think of the mild and +good Government you have so audaciously insulted; the Laws of your King, +your Country, and your God, that you have broken; the infamous Death +that hangs over your Heads; for Justice, though slow, will come at last. +All good People everywhere detest your Actions. You have imbrued your +Hands in innocent Blood; how will you make them clean? The dying Shrieks +and Groans of the Murdered, will often sound in your Ears: Their +Spectres will sometimes attend you, and affright even your innocent +Children! Fly where you will, your Consciences will go with you. Talking +in your Sleep shall betray you, in the Delirium of a Fever you +yourselves shall make your own Wickedness known. + + * * * * * + +Let us rouze ourselves, for Shame, and redeem the Honour of our Province +from the Contempt of its Neighbours; let all good Men join heartily and +unanimously in Support of the Laws, and in strengthening the Hands of +Government; that JUSTICE may be done, the Wicked punished, and the +Innocent protected; otherwise we can, as a People, expect no Blessing +from Heaven; there will be no Security for our Persons or Properties; +Anarchy and Confusion will prevail over all; and Violence without +Judgment, dispose of every Thing. + + * * * * * + + + +TO THE EDITOR OF A NEWSPAPER + + Monday, May 20, [1765]. + +SIR, + +In your Paper of Wednesday last, an ingenious Correspondent that calls +himself THE SPECTATOR, and dates from _Pimlico_, under the Guise of Good +Will to the News-writers, whom he calls an "useful Body of Men in this +great City," has, in my Opinion, artfully attempted to turn them & their +Works into Ridicule, wherein if he could succeed, great Injury might be +done to the Public as well as to those good People. + +Supposing, Sir, that the "_We hears_" they give us of this & t'other +intended Voyage or Tour of this & t'other great Personage, were mere +Inventions, yet they at least offer us an innocent Amusement while we +read, and useful Matter of Conversation when we are dispos'd to +converse. + +Englishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent when they have nothing to say; +too apt to be sullen when they are silent; and, when they are sullen, to +hang themselves. But, by these _We hears_, we are supplied with abundant +funds of Discourse, we discuss the Motives for such Voyages, the +Probability of their being undertaken, and the Practicability of their +Execution. Here we display our Judgment in Politics, our Knowledge of +the Interests of Princes, and our Skill in Geography, and (if we have +it) show our Dexterity moreover in Argumentation. In the mean time, the +tedious Hour is kill'd, we go home pleas'd with the Applauses we have +receiv'd from others, or at least with those we secretly give to +ourselves: We sleep soundly, & live on, to the Comfort of our Families. +But, Sir, I beg leave to say, that all the Articles of News that seem +improbable are not mere Inventions. Some of them, I can assure you on +the Faith of a Traveller, are serious Truths. And here, quitting Mr. +Spectator of Pimlico, give me leave to instance the various numberless +Accounts the Newswriters have given us, with so much honest Zeal for the +welfare of _Poor Old England_, of the establishing Manufactures in the +Colonies to the Prejudice of those of this Kingdom. It is objected by +superficial Readers, who yet pretend to some Knowledge of those +Countries, that such Establishments are not only improbable, but +impossible, for that their Sheep have but little Wooll, not in the whole +sufficient for a Pair of Stockings a Year to each Inhabitant; and that, +from the Universal Dearness of Labour among them, the Working of Iron +and other Materials, except in some few coarse Instances, is +impracticable to any Advantage. + +Dear Sir, do not let us suffer ourselves to be amus'd with such +groundless Objections. The very Tails of the American Sheep are so laden +with Wooll, that each has a little Car or Waggon on four little Wheels, +to support & keep it from trailing on the Ground.[70] Would they caulk +their Ships, would they fill their Beds, would they even litter their +Horses with Wooll, if it were not both plenty and cheap? And what +signifies Dearness of Labour, when an English Shilling passes for five +and Twenty? Their engaging 300 Silk Throwsters here in one Week, for New +York, was treated as a Fable, because, forsooth, they have "no Silk +there to throw." Those, who made this Objection, perhaps did not know, +that at the same time the Agents from the King of Spain were at Quebec +to contract for 1000 Pieces of Cannon to be made there for the +Fortification of Mexico, and at N York engaging the annual Supply of +woven Floor-Carpets for their West India Houses, other Agents from the +Emperor of China were at Boston treating about an Exchange of raw Silk +for Wooll, to be carried in Chinese Junks through the Straits of +Magellan. + +And yet all this is as certainly true, as the Account said to be from +Quebec, in all the Papers of last Week, that the Inhabitants of Canada +are making Preparations for a Cod and Whale Fishery this "Summer in the +upper Lakes." Ignorant People may object that the upper Lakes are fresh, +and that Cod and Whale are Salt Water Fish: But let them know, Sir, that +Cod, like other Fish when attack'd by their Enemies, fly into any Water +where they can be safest; that Whales, when they have a mind to eat Cod, +pursue them wherever they fly; and that the grand Leap of the Whale in +that Chase up the Fall of Niagara is esteemed, by all who have seen it, +as one of the finest Spectacles in Nature. Really, Sir, the World is +grown too incredulous. It is like the Pendulum ever swinging from one +Extream to another. Formerly every thing printed was believed, because +it was in print. Now Things seem to be disbelieved for just the very +same Reason. Wise Men wonder at the present Growth of Infidelity. They +should have consider'd, when they taught People to doubt the Authority +of Newspapers and the Truth of Predictions in Almanacks, that the next +Step might be a Disbelief in the well vouch'd Accts of Ghosts Witches, +and Doubts even of the Truths of the Creed! + +Thus much I thought it necessary to say in favour of an honest Set of +Writers, whose comfortable Living depends on collecting & supplying the +Printers with News at the small Price of Sixpence an Article, and who +always show their Regard to Truth, by contradicting in a subsequent +Article such as are wrong,--for another Sixpence,--to the great +Satisfaction & Improvement of us Coffee-house Students in History & +Politics, and the infinite Advantage of all future Livies, Rapins, +Robertsons, Humes, and McAulays, who may be sincerely inclin'd to +furnish the World with that _rara Avis_, a true History. + +I am, Sir, your humble Servant, + A TRAVELLER. + + + +TO LORD KAMES + + Craven Street, London, June 2, 1765. + +MY DEAR LORD, + +... In my passage to America I read your excellent work, the _Elements +of Criticism_, in which I found great entertainment: much to admire and +nothing to reprove. I only wished you had examined more fully the +subject of Music, and demonstrated, that the pleasure which artists feel +in hearing much of that composed in the modern taste, is not the natural +pleasure arising from melody or harmony of sounds, but of the same kind +with the pleasure we feel on seeing the surprising feats of tumblers and +rope-dancers, who execute difficult things. For my part I take this to +be really the case, and suppose it is the reason why those, who being +unpractised in music, and therefore unacquainted with those difficulties +have little or no pleasure in hearing this music. Many pieces of it are +mere compositions of tricks. I have sometimes, at a concert, attended by +a common audience, placed myself so as to see all their faces, and +observed no signs of pleasure in them during the performance of a great +part that was admired by the performers themselves; while a plain old +_Scottish tune_, which they disdained, and could scarcely be prevailed +on to play, gave manifest and general delight. + +Give me leave on this occasion to extend a little the sense of your +position, that "Melody and Harmony are separately agreeable, and in +union delightful," and to give it as my opinion, that the reason why the +Scotch tunes have lived so long, and will probably live for ever (if +they escape being stifled in modern affected ornament), is merely this, +that they are really compositions of melody and harmony united, or +rather that their melody is harmony. I mean the simple tunes sung by a +single voice. As this will appear paradoxical, I must explain my +meaning. In common acceptation, indeed, only an agreeable _succession_ +of sounds is called _Melody_, and only the _co-existence_ of agreeing +sounds, _Harmony_. But, since the memory is capable of retaining for +some moments a perfect idea of the pitch of a past sound, so as to +compare with it the pitch of a succeeding sound, and judge truly of +their agreement or disagreement, there may and does arise from thence a +sense of harmony between the present and past sounds, equally pleasing +with that between two present sounds. + +Now the construction of the old Scotch tunes is this, that almost every +succeeding _emphatical_ note is a third, a fifth, an octave, or in short +some note that is in concord with the preceding note. Thirds are chiefly +used, which are very pleasing concords. I use the word _emphatical_ to +distinguish those notes which have a stress laid on them in singing the +tune, from the lighter connecting notes, that serve merely, like grammar +articles, to tack the others together. + +That we have a most perfect idea of a sound just past, I might appeal to +all acquainted with music, who know how easy it is to repeat a sound in +the same pitch with one just heard. In tuning an instrument, a good ear +can as easily determine that two strings are in unison by sounding them +separately, as by sounding them together; their disagreement is also as +easily, I believe I may say more easily and better distinguished, when +sounded separately; for when sounded together, though you know by the +beating that one is higher than the other, you cannot tell which it is. +[I have ascribed to memory the ability of comparing the pitch of a +present tone with that of one past. But, if there should be, as possibly +there may be, something in the ear, similar to what we find in the eye, +that ability would not be entirely owing to memory. Possibly the +vibrations given to the auditory nerves by a particular sound may +actually continue some time after the cause of those vibrations is past, +and the agreement or disagreement of a subsequent sound become by +comparison with them more discernible. For the impression made on the +visual nerves by a luminous object will continue for twenty or thirty +seconds. Sitting in a room, look earnestly at the middle of a window a +little while when the day is bright, and then shut your eyes; the figure +of the window will still remain in the eye, and so distinct that you may +count the panes. + +A remarkable circumstance attending this experiment, is, that the +impression of forms is better retained than that of colors; for after +the eyes are shut, when you first discern the image of the window, the +panes appear dark, and the cross bars of the sashes, with the window +frames and walls, appear white or bright; but, if you still add to the +darkness in the eyes by covering them with your hand, the reverse +instantly takes place, the panes appear luminous and the cross bars +dark. And by removing the hand they are again reversed. This I know not +how to account for. Nor for the following; that, after looking long +through green spectacles, the white paper of a book will on first taking +them off appear to have a blush of red; and, after long looking through +red glasses, a greenish cast; this seems to intimate a relation between +green and red not yet explained.] + +Farther, when we consider by whom these ancient tunes were composed, and +how they were first performed, we shall see that such harmonical +succession of sounds was natural and even necessary in their +construction. They were composed by the minstrels of those days to be +played on the harp accompanied by the voice. The harp was strung with +wire, [which gives a sound of long continuance,] and had no contrivance, +like that in the modern harpsichord, by which the sound of the preceding +could be stoppt, the moment a succeeding note began. To avoid _actual_ +discord, it was therefore necessary that the succeeding emphatic note +should be a chord with the preceding, as their sounds must exist at the +same time. Hence arose that beauty in those tunes that has so long +pleased, and will please for ever, though men scarce know why. That they +were originally composed for the harp, and of the most simple kind, I +mean a harp without any half notes but those in the natural scale, and +with no more than two octaves of strings, from C to C, I conjecture from +another circumstance, which is, that not one of those tunes, really +ancient, has a single artificial half note in it, and that in tunes +where it was most convenient for the voice to use the middle notes of +the harp, and place the key in F, there the B, which if used should be a +B flat, is always omitted by passing over it with a third. The +connoisseurs in modern music will say, I have no taste; but I cannot +help adding, that I believe our ancestors, in hearing a good song, +distinctly articulated, sung to one of those tunes, and accompanied by +the harp, felt more real pleasure than is communicated by the generality +of modern operas, exclusive of that arising from the scenery and +dancing. Most tunes of late composition, not having this natural harmony +united with their melody, have recourse to the artificial harmony of a +bass, and other accompanying parts. This support, in my opinion, the old +tunes do not need, and are rather confused than aided by it. Whoever has +heard James Oswald play them on his violoncello, will be less inclined +to dispute this with me. I have more than once seen tears of pleasure in +the eyes of his auditors; and yet, I think, even _his_ playing those +tunes would please more, if he gave them less modern ornament. My son, +when we parted, desired me to present his Affectionate respects to you, +Lady Kames, and your amiable children: be so good with those, to accept +mine, and believe me, with sincerest esteem, my dear Lord, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. I do promise myself the pleasure of seeing you and my other friends +in Scotland, before I return to America. + + + +LETTER CONCERNING THE GRATITUDE OF AMERICA[71] + +AND THE PROBABILITY AND EFFECTS OF A UNION WITH GREAT BRITAIN; AND +CONCERNING THE REPEAL OR SUSPENSION OF THE STAMP ACT + + [London,] January 6, 1766. + +SIR, + +I have attentively perused the paper you sent me, and am of opinion, +that the measure it proposes, of an union with the colonies, is a wise +one; but I doubt it will hardly be thought so here, till it is too late +to attempt it. The time has been, when the colonies would have esteemed +it a great advantage, as well as honour to be permitted to send members +to Parliament; and would have asked for that privilege, if they could +have had the least hopes of obtaining it. The time is now come when +they are indifferent about it, and will probably not ask it, though they +might accept it if offered them; and the time will come, when they will +certainly refuse it. But if such an union were now established (which +methinks it highly imports this country to establish) it would probably +subsist as long as Britain shall continue a nation. This people, +however, is too proud, and too much despises the Americans, to bear the +thought of admitting them to such an equitable participation in the +government of the whole. + +Then the next best thing seems to be, leaving them in the quiet +enjoyment of their respective constitutions; and when money is wanted +for any public service, in which they ought to bear a part, calling upon +them by requisitorial letters from the crown (according to the +long-established custom) to grant such aids as their loyalty shall +dictate, and their abilities permit. The very sensible and benevolent +author of that paper seems not to have known, that such a constitutional +custom subsists, and has always hitherto been practised in America; or +he would not have expressed himself in this manner; "It is evident, +beyond a doubt, to the intelligent and impartial, that after the very +extraordinary efforts, which were effectually made by Great Britain in +the late war to save the colonists from destruction, and attended of +necessity with an enormous load of debts in consequence, that the same +colonists, now firmly secured from foreign enemies, should be somehow +induced to contribute some proportion towards the exigencies of state in +future." This looks as if he conceived the war had been carried on at +the sole expense of Great Britain, and the colonies only reaped the +benefit, without hitherto sharing the burden, and were therefore now +indebted to Britain on that account. And this is the same kind of +argument that is used by those, who would fix on the colonies the heavy +charge of unreasonableness and ingratitude, which I think your friend +did not intend. + +Please to acquaint him, then, that the fact is not so; that, every year +during the war, requisitions were made by the crown on the colonies for +raising money and men; that accordingly they made more extraordinary +efforts, in proportion to their abilities, than Britain did; that they +raised, paid, and clothed, for five or six years, near twenty-five +thousand men, besides providing for other services, as building forts, +equipping guardships, paying transports, &c. And that this was more than +their fair proportion is not merely an opinion of mine, but was the +judgment of government here, in full knowledge of all the facts; for the +then ministry, to make the burthen more equal, recommended the case to +Parliament, and obtained a reimbursement to the Americans of about two +hundred thousand pounds sterling every year; which amounted only to +about two fifths of their expense; and great part of the rest lies still +a load of debt upon them; heavy taxes on all their estates, real and +personal, being laid by acts of their assemblies to discharge it, and +yet will not discharge it in many years. + +While, then, these burdens continue; while Britain restrains the +colonies in every branch of commerce and manufactures that she thinks +interferes with her own; while she drains the colonies, by her trade +with them, of all the cash they can procure by every art and industry in +any part of the world, and thus keeps them always in her debt; (for they +can make no law to discourage the importation of your to _them_ ruinous +superfluities, as _you_ do the superfluities of France; since such a law +would immediately be reported against by your Board of Trade, and +repealed by the crown;) I say, while these circumstances continue, and +while there subsists the established method of royal requisitions for +raising money on them by their own assemblies on every proper occasion; +can it be necessary or prudent to distress and vex them by taxes laid +here, in a Parliament wherein they have no representative, and in a +manner which they look upon to be unconstitutional and subversive of +their most valuable rights? And are they to be thought unreasonable and +ungrateful if they oppose such taxes? + +Wherewith, they say, shall we show our loyalty to our gracious King, if +our money is to be given by others, without asking our consent? And, if +the Parliament has a right thus to take from us a penny in the pound, +where is the line drawn that bounds that right, and what shall hinder +their calling, whenever they please, for the other nineteen shillings +and eleven pence? Have we then any thing that we can call our own? It is +more than probable, that bringing representatives from the colonies to +sit and act here as members of Parliament, thus uniting and +consolidating your dominions, would in a little time remove these +objections and difficulties, and make the future government of the +colonies easy; but, till some such thing is done, I apprehend no taxes, +laid there by Parliament here, will ever be collected, but such as must +be stained with blood; and I am sure the profit of such taxes will never +answer the expense of collecting them, and that the respect and +affection of the Americans to this country will in the struggle be +totally lost, perhaps never to be recovered; and therewith all the +commercial and political advantages, that might have attended the +continuance of this respect and this affection. + +In my own private judgment, I think an immediate repeal of the Stamp Act +would be the best measure for this country; but a suspension of it for +three years, the best for that. The repeal would fill them with joy and +gratitude, reëstablish their respect and veneration for Parliament, +restore at once their ancient and natural love for this country, and +their regard for every thing that comes from it; hence the trade would +be renewed in all its branches; they would again indulge in all the +expensive superfluities you supply them with, and their own new-assumed +home industry would languish. But the suspension, though it might +continue their fears and anxieties, would at the same time keep up their +resolutions of industry and frugality; which in two or three years would +grow into habits, to their lasting advantage. However, as the repeal +will probably not be now agreed to, from what I think a mistaken +opinion, that the honour and dignity of government is better supported +by persisting in a wrong measure once entered into, than by rectifying +an error as soon as it is discovered; we must allow the next best thing +for the advantage of both countries, is the suspension; for, as to +executing the act by force, it is madness, and will be ruin to the +whole. + +The rest of your friend's reasonings and propositions appear to me truly +just and judicious. I will therefore only add, that I am as desirous of +his acquaintance and intimacy, as he was of my opinion. + +I am, with much esteem, + + Your obliged friend, + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO LORD KAMES + + London, April 11, 1767. + +MY DEAR LORD,-- + +I received your obliging favour of January the 19th. You have kindly +relieved me from the pain I had long been under. You are goodness +itself. I ought to have answered yours of December 25, 1765. I never +received a letter that contained sentiments more suitable to my own. It +found me under much agitation of mind on the very important subject it +treated. It fortified me greatly in the judgment I was inclined to form +(though contrary to the general vogue) on the then delicate and critical +situation of affairs between Great Britain and her Colonies, and on that +weighty point, their _Union_. You guessed aright in supposing that I +would not be a _mute in that play_. I was extremely busy, attending +Members of both Houses, informing, explaining, consulting, disputing, in +a continual hurry from morning to night, till the affair was happily +ended. During the course of it, being called before the House of +Commons, I spoke my mind pretty freely. Inclosed I send you the +imperfect account that was taken of that examination. You will there see +how entirely we agree, except in a point of fact, of which you could not +but be misinformed; the papers at that time being full of mistaken +assertions, that the colonies had been the cause of the war, and had +ungratefully refused to bear any part of the expence of it. + +I send it you now, because I apprehend some late incidents are likely to +revive the contest between the two countries. I fear it will be a +mischievous one. It becomes a matter of great importance that clear +ideas should be formed on solid principles, both in Britain and America, +of the true political relation between them, and the mutual duties +belonging to that relation. Till this is done, they will be often +jarring. I know none whose knowledge, sagacity and impartiality qualify +him so thoroughly for such a service, as yours do you. I wish therefore +you would consider it. You may thereby be the happy instrument of great +good to the nation, and of preventing much mischief and bloodshed. I am +fully persuaded with you, that a _Consolidating Union_, by a fair and +equal representation of all the parts of this empire in Parliament, is +the only firm basis on which its political grandeur and prosperity can +be founded. Ireland once wished it, but now rejects it. The time has +been, when the colonies might have been pleased with it: they are now +_indifferent_ about it; and if it is much longer delayed, they too will +_refuse_ it. But the pride of this people cannot bear the thought of it, +and therefore it will be delayed. Every man in England seems to consider +himself as a piece of a sovereign over America; seems to jostle himself +into the throne with the King, and talks of _our subjects in the +Colonies_. The Parliament cannot well and wisely make laws suited to the +Colonies, without being properly and truly informed of their +circumstances, abilities, temper, &c. This it cannot be, without +representatives from thence: and yet it is fond of this power, and +averse to the only means of acquiring the necessary knowledge for +exercising it; which is desiring to be _omnipotent_, without being +_omniscient_. + +I have mentioned that the contest is likely to be revived. It is on this +occasion. In the same session with the stamp act, an act was passed to +regulate the quartering of soldiers in America; when the bill was first +brought in, it contained a clause, empowering the officers to quarter +their soldiers in private houses: this we warmly opposed, and got it +omitted. The bill passed, however, with a clause, that empty houses, +barns, &c., should be hired for them, and that the respective provinces +where they were should pay the expence and furnish firing, bedding, +drink, and some other articles to the soldiers _gratis_. There is no way +for any province to do this, but by the Assembly's making a law to +raise the money. The Pennsylvanian Assembly has made such a law: the New +York Assembly has refused to do it: and now all the talk here is of +sending a force to compel them. + +The reasons given by the Assembly to the Governor, for the refusal, are, +that they understand the act to mean the furnishing such things to +soldiers, only while on their march through the country, and not to +great bodies of soldiers, to be fixt as at present, in the province; the +burthen in the latter case being greater than the inhabitants can bear: +That it would put it in the power of the Captain-General to oppress the +province at pleasure, &c. But there is supposed to be another reason at +bottom, which they intimate, though they do not plainly express it; to +wit, that it is of the nature of an _internal tax_ laid on them by +Parliament, which has no right so to do. Their refusal is here called +_Rebellion_, and punishment is thought of. + +Now waving that point of right, and supposing the Legislatures in +America subordinate to the Legislature of Great Britain, one might +conceive, I think, a power in the superior Legislature to forbid the +inferior Legislatures making particular laws; but to enjoin it to make a +particular law contrary to its own judgment, seems improper; an Assembly +or Parliament not being an _executive_ officer of Government, whose duty +it is, in law-making, to obey orders, but a _deliberative_ body, who are +to consider what comes before them, its propriety, practicability, or +possibility, and to determine accordingly: The very nature of a +Parliament seems to be destroyed, by supposing it may be bound, and +compelled by a law of a superior Parliament, to make a law contrary to +its own judgment. + +Indeed, the act of Parliament in question has not, as in other acts, +when a duty is enjoined, directed a penalty on neglect or refusal, and a +mode of recovering that penalty. It seems, therefore, to the people in +America as a mere requisition, which they are at liberty to comply with +or not, as it may suit or not suit the different circumstances of +different provinces. Pennsylvania has therefore voluntarily complied. +New York, as I said before, has refused. The Ministry that made the act, +and all their adherents, call for vengeance. The present Ministry are +perplext, and the measures they will finally take on the occasion, are +yet unknown. But sure I am, that, if _Force_ is used, great mischief +will ensue; the affections of the people of America to this country will +be alienated; your commerce will be diminished; and a total separation +of interests be the final consequence. + +It is a common, but mistaken notion here, that the Colonies were planted +at the expence of Parliament, and that therefore the Parliament has a +right to tax them, &c. The truth is, they were planted at the expence of +private adventurers, who went over there to settle, with leave of the +King, given by charter. On receiving this leave, and those charters, the +adventurers voluntarily engaged to remain the King's subjects, though in +a foreign country; a country which had not been conquered by either King +or Parliament, but was possessed by a free people. + +When our planters arrived, they purchased the lands of the natives, +without putting King or Parliament to any expence. Parliament had no +hand in their settlement, was never so much as consulted about their +constitution, and took no kind of notice of them, till many years after +they were established. I except only the two modern Colonies, or rather +attempts to make Colonies, (for they succeed but poorly, and as yet +hardly deserve the name of Colonies), I mean Georgia and Nova Scotia, +which have hitherto been little better than Parliamentary jobs. Thus all +the colonies acknowledge the King as their sovereign; his Governors +there represent his person: Laws are made by their Assemblies or little +Parliaments, with the Governor's assent, subject still to the King's +pleasure to confirm or annul them: Suits arising in the Colonies, and +differences between Colony and Colony, are determined by the King in +Council. In this view, they seem so many separate little states, subject +to the same Prince. The _sovereignty of the_ King is therefore easily +understood. But nothing is more common here than to talk of the +_sovereignty_ of PARLIAMENT, and the _sovereignty of_ THIS NATION over +the Colonies; a kind of sovereignty, the idea of which is not so clear, +nor does it clearly appear on what foundation it is established. On the +other hand, it seems necessary for the common good of the empire, that +a power be lodged somewhere, to regulate its general commerce: this can +be placed nowhere so properly as in the Parliament of Great Britain; and +therefore, though that power has in some instances been executed with +great partiality to Britain, and prejudice to the Colonies, they have +nevertheless always submitted to it. Custom-houses are established in +all of them, by virtue of laws made here, and the duties constantly +paid, except by a few smugglers, such as are here and in all countries; +but internal taxes laid on them by Parliament, are still and ever will +be objected to, for the reasons that you will see in the mentioned +Examination. + +Upon the whole, I have lived so great a part of my life in Britain, and +have formed so many friendships in it, that I love it, and sincerely +wish it prosperity; and therefore wish to see that Union, on which alone +I think it can be secured and established. As to America, the advantages +of such a union to her are not so apparent. She may suffer at present +under the arbitrary power of this country; she may suffer for a while in +a separation from it; but these are temporary evils that she will +outgrow. Scotland and Ireland are differently circumstanced. Confined by +the sea, they can scarcely increase in numbers, wealth and strength, so +as to overbalance England. But America, an immense territory, favoured +by Nature with all advantages of climate, soil, great navigable rivers, +and lakes, &c. must become a great country, populous and mighty; and +will, in a less time than is generally conceived, be able to shake off +any shackles that may be imposed on her, and perhaps place them on the +imposers. In the mean time, every act of oppression will sour their +tempers, lessen greatly, if not annihilate the profits of your commerce +with them, and hasten their final revolt; for the seeds of liberty are +universally found there, and nothing can eradicate them. And yet, there +remains among that people, so much respect, veneration and affection for +Britain, that, if cultivated prudently, with kind usage, and tenderness +for their privileges, they might be easily governed still for ages, +without force, or any considerable expence. But I do not see here a +sufficient quantity of the wisdom, that is necessary to produce such a +conduct, and I lament the want of it. + +I borrowed at Millar's the new edition of your _Principles of Equity_, +and have read with great pleasure the preliminary discourse on the +Principles of Morality. I have never before met with any thing so +satisfactory on the subject. While reading it, I made a few remarks as I +went along. They are not of much importance, but I send you the paper. + +I know the lady you mention; having, when in England before, met her +once or twice at Lord Bath's. I remember I then entertained the same +opinion of her that you express. On the strength of your kind +recommendation, I purpose soon to wait on her. + +This is unexpectedly grown a long letter. The visit to Scotland, and the +_Art of Virtue_, we will talk of hereafter. It is now time to say, that +I am, with increasing esteem and affection, my dear friend, yours +ever,[72] + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO MISS MARY STEVENSON + + Paris, Sept. 14, 1767. + +DEAR POLLY, + +I am always pleas'd with a Letter from you, and I flatter myself you may +be sometimes pleas'd in receiving one from me, tho' it should be of +little Importance, such as this, which is to consist of a few occasional +Remarks made here, and in my Journey hither. + +Soon after I left you in that agreable Society at Bromley, I took the +Resolution of making a Trip with Sir John Pringle[73] into France. We +set out the 28th past. All the way to Dover we were furnished with +PostChaises, hung so as to lean forward, the Top coming down over one's +Eyes, like a Hood, as if to prevent one's seeing the Country; which +being one of my great Pleasures, I was engag'd in perpetual Disputes +with the Innkeepers, Hostlers, and Postilions, about getting the Straps +taken up a Hole or two before, and let down as much behind, they +insisting that the Chaise leaning forward was an Ease to the Horses, and +that the contrary would kill them. I suppose the chaise leaning forward +looks to them like a Willingness to go forward, and that its hanging +back shows a Reluctance. They added other Reasons, that were no Reasons +at all, and made me, as upon a 100 other Occasions, almost wish that +Mankind had never been endow'd with a reasoning Faculty, since they know +so little how to make use of it, and so often mislead themselves by it, +and that they had been furnish'd with a good sensible Instinct instead +of it. + +At Dover, the next Morning, we embark'd for Calais with a Number of +Passengers, who had never been before at sea. They would previously make +a hearty Breakfast, because, if the Wind should fail, we might not get +over till Supper time. Doubtless they thought that when they had paid +for their Breakfast, they had a Right to it, and that, when they had +swallowed it they were sure of it. But they had scarce been out half an +Hour, before the Sea laid Claim to it, and they were oblig'd to deliver +it up. So it seems there are Uncertainties, even beyond those between +the Cup and the Lip. If ever you go to Sea, take my Advice, and live +sparingly a Day or two beforehand. The Sickness, if any, will be lighter +and sooner over. We got to Calais that Evening. + +Various Impositions we suffer'd from Boatmen, Porters, &c. on both Sides +the Water. I know not which are most rapacious, the English or French, +but the latter have, with their Knavery, the most Politeness. + +The Roads we found equally good with ours in England, in some Places +pav'd with smooth Stone, like our new Streets, for many Miles together, +and Rows of Trees on each Side, and yet there are no Turnpikes. But then +the poor Peasants complain'd to us grievously, that they were oblig'd to +work upon the Roads full two Months in the Year, without being paid for +their Labour. Whether this is Truth, or whether, like Englishmen, they +grumble Cause or no Cause, I have not yet been able fully to inform +myself. + +The Women we saw at Calais, on the Road, at Bouloigne, and in the Inns +and Villages, were generally of dark Complexions; but arriving at +Abbeville we found a sudden Change, a Multitude of both Women and Men in +that Place appearing remarkably fair. Whether this is owing to a small +Colony of Spinners, Wool-combers, and Weavers, brought hither from +Holland with the Woollen Manufacture about 60 Years ago; or to their +being less expos'd to the Sun, than in other Places, their Business +keeping them much within Doors, I know not. Perhaps as in some other +Cases, different Causes may club in producing the Effect, but the Effect +itself is certain. Never was I in a Place of greater Industry, Wheels +and Looms going in every House. + +As soon as we left Abbeville, the Swarthiness return'd. I speak +generally, for here are some fair Women at Paris, who I think are not +whiten'd by Art. As to Rouge, they don't pretend to imitate Nature in +laying it on. There is no gradual Diminution of the Colour, from the +full Bloom in the Middle of the Cheek to the faint Tint near the Sides, +nor does it show itself differently in different Faces. I have not had +the Honour of being at any Lady's Toylette to see how it is laid on, but +I fancy I can tell you how it is or may be done. Cut a Hole of 3 Inches +Diameter in a Piece of Paper; place it on the Side of your Face in such +a Manner as that the Top of the Hole may be just under your Eye; then +with a Brush dipt in the Colour, paint Face and Paper together; so when +the Paper is taken off there will remain a round Patch of Red exactly +the Form of the Hole. This is the Mode, from the Actresses on the Stage +upwards thro' all Ranks of Ladies to the Princesses of the Blood, but it +stops there, the Queen not using it, having in the Serenity, +Complacence, and Benignity that shine so eminently in, or rather through +her Countenance, sufficient Beauty, tho' now an old Woman, to do +extreamly well without it. + +You see I speak of the Queen as if I had seen her, and so I have; for +you must know I have been at Court. We went to Versailles last Sunday, +and had the Honour of being presented to the King; he spoke to both of +us very graciously and chearfully, is a handsome Man, has a very lively +Look, and appears younger than he is. In the Evening we were at the +_Grand Couvert_, where the Family sup in Publick. The Form of their +Sitting at the Table was this: The table was as you see half a Hollow +Square, the Service Gold. When either made a Sign for Drink, the Word +was given by one of the Waiters; _A boire pour le Roy_, or, _A boire +pour la Reine_. Then two persons within the Square approach'd, one with +Wine[,] the other with Water in _Caraffes_; each drank a little Glass of +what he brought, and then put both the _Caraffes_ with a Glass on a +Salver, and presented it. Their Distance from each other was such, as +that other Chairs might have been plac'd between any two of them. An +Officer of the Court brought us up thro' the Crowd of Spectators, and +plac'd Sir John so as to stand between the King and Madame Adelaide, and +me between the Queen and Madame Victoire. The King talk'd a good deal to +Sir John, asking many Questions about our Royal Family; and did me too +the Honour of taking some Notice of me; that's saying enough, for I +would not have you think me so much pleas'd with this King and Queen, as +to have a Whit less regard than I us'd to have for ours. No Frenchman +shall go beyond me in thinking my own King and Queen the very best in +the World, and the most amiable. + +[Illustration: **table seating plan** + + MAD. LOUISE MAD. SOPHIE + WAITERS + MAD. VICTOIRE MAD. ADELAIDE + + THE QUEEN THE KING] + +Versailles has had infinite Sums laid out in building it and supplying +it with Water. Some say the Expences exceeded 80 Millions Sterling. The +Range of Building is immense; the Garden-Front most magnificent, all of +hewn Stone; the Number of Statues, Figures, Urns, &c., in Marble and +Bronze of exquisite Workmanship, is beyond Conception. But the +Waterworks are out of Repair, and so is great Part of the Front next the +Town, looking with its shabby half-Brick Walls, and broken Windows, not +much better than the Houses in Durham Yard. There is, in short, both at +Versailles and Paris, a prodigious Mixture of Magnificence and +Negligence, with every kind of Elegance except that of Cleanliness, and +what we call _Tidyness_. Tho' I must do Paris the Justice to say, that +in two Points of Cleanliness they exceed us. The Water they drink, tho' +from the River, they render as pure as that of the best Spring, by +filtring it thro' Cisterns fill'd with Sand; and the Streets by constant +Sweeping are fit to walk in, tho' there is no pav'd footPath. +Accordingly, many well-dress'd People are constantly seen walking in +them. The Crowds of Coaches and Chairs for this Reason is not so great. +Men, as well as Women, carry Umbrellas in their Hands, which they extend +in case of Rain or two [_sic_] much sun; and a Man with an Umbrella not +taking up more than 3 foot square, or 9 square feet of the Street, when, +if in a Coach, he would take up 240 square feet, you can easily conceive +that tho' the Streets here are narrower they may be much less +encumber'd. They are extreamly well pav'd, and the Stones, being +generally Cubes, when worn on one Side, may be turn'd and become new. + +The Civilities we everywhere receive give us the strongest Impressions +of the French Politeness. It seems to be a Point settled here +universally, that Strangers are to be treated with Respect; and one has +just the same Deference shewn one here by being a Stranger, as in +England by being a Lady. The Customhouse Officers at Port St. Denis, as +we enter'd Paris, were about to seize 2 doz of excellent Bordeaux Wine +given us at Boulogne, and which we brought with us; but, as soon as they +found we were Strangers, it was immediately remitted on that Account. At +the Church of Notre Dame, where we went to see a magnificent +Illumination, with Figures, &c., for the deceas'd Dauphiness, we found +an immense Crowd, who were kept out by Guards; but, the Officer being +told that we were Strangers from England, he immediately admitted us, +accompanied and show'd us every thing. Why don't we practise this +Urbanity to Frenchmen? Why should they be allowed to outdo us in any +thing? + +Here is an Exhibition of Paintings like ours in London, to which +Multitudes flock daily. I am not Connoisseur enough to judge which has +most Merit. Every Night, Sundays not excepted here are Plays or Operas; +and tho' the Weather has been hot, and the Houses full, one is not +incommoded by the Heat so much as with us in Winter. They must have some +Way of changing the Air, that we are not acquainted with. I shall +enquire into it. + +Travelling is one Way of lengthening Life, at least in Appearance. It is +but about a Fortnight since we left London, but the Variety of Scenes we +have gone through makes it seem equal to Six Months living in one Place. +Perhaps I have suffered a greater Change, too, in my own Person, than I +could have done in Six Years at home. I had not been here Six Days, +before my Taylor and Perruquier had transform'd me into a Frenchman. +Only think what a Figure I make in a little Bag-Wig and naked Ears! They +told me I was become 20 Years younger, and look'd very galante; + +So being in Paris where the Mode is to be sacredly follow'd I was once +very near making Love to my Friend's Wife. + +This Letter shall cost you a Shilling, and you may consider it cheap, +when you reflect, that it has cost me at least 50 Guineas to get into +the Situation, that enables me to write it. Besides, I might, if I had +staied at home, have won perhaps two Shillings of you at Cribbidge. By +the Way, now I mention Cards, let me tell you that Quadrille is quite +out of Fashion here, and English Whisk all the Mode at Paris and the +Court. + +And pray look upon it as no small Matter, that surrounded as I am by the +Glories of this World, and Amusements of all Sorts, I remember you and +Dolly and all the dear good Folks at Bromley. 'Tis true, I can't help +it, but must and ever shall remember you all with Pleasure. + +Need I add, that I am particularly, my dear good Friend, yours most +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +ON THE LABOURING POOR + +[From the _Gentleman's Magazine_, April, 1768.] + +SIR, + +I have met with much invective in the papers, for these two years past, +against the hard-heartedness of the rich, and much complaint of the +great oppressions suffered in this country by the labouring poor. Will +you admit a word or two on the other side of the question? I do not +propose to be an advocate for oppression or oppressors. But when I see +that the poor are, by such writings, exasperated against the rich, and +excited to insurrections, by which much mischief is done, and some +forfeit their lives, I could wish the true state of things were better +understood, the poor not made by these busy writers more uneasy and +unhappy than their situation subjects them to be, and the nation not +brought into disrepute among foreigners, by public groundless +accusations of ourselves, as if the rich in England had no compassion +for the poor, and Englishmen wanted common humanity. + +In justice, then to this country, give me leave to remark, that the +condition of the poor here is, by far, the best in Europe, for that, +except in England and her American colonies, there is not in any country +of the known world, not even in Scotland or Ireland, a provision by law +to enforce a support of the poor. Everywhere else necessity reduces to +beggary. This law was not made by the poor. The legislators were men of +fortune. By that act they voluntarily subjected their own estates, and +the estates of all others, to the payment of a tax for the maintenance +of the poor, incumbering those estates with a kind of rent-charge for +that purpose, whereby the poor are vested with an inheritance, as it +were, in all the estates of the rich. I wish they were benefited by this +generous provision in any degree equal to the good intention, with which +it was made, and is continued: But I fear the giving mankind a +dependance on any thing for support, in age or sickness, besides +industry and frugality during youth and health, tends to flatter our +natural indolence, to encourage idleness and prodigality, and thereby to +promote and increase poverty, the very evil it was intended to cure; +thus multiplying beggars instead of diminishing them. + +Besides this tax, which the rich in England have subjected themselves +to, in behalf of the poor, amounting in some places to five or six +shillings in the pound, of the annual income, they have, by donations +and subscriptions, erected numerous schools in various parts of the +kingdom, for educating gratis the children of the poor in reading and +writing, and in many of those schools the children are also fed and +cloathed. They have erected hospitals at an immense expence for the +reception and cure of the sick, the lame, the wounded, and the insane +poor, for lying-in women, and deserted children. They are also +continually contributing towards making up losses occasioned by fire, by +storms, or by floods, and to relieve the poor in severe seasons of +frost, in times of scarcity, &c., in which benevolent and charitable +contributions no nation exceeds us. Surely, there is some gratitude due +for so many instances of goodness. + +Add to this all the laws made to discourage foreign manufactures, by +laying heavy duties on them, or totally prohibiting them, whereby the +rich are obliged to pay much higher prices for what they wear and +consume, than if the trade was open: These are so many laws for the +support of our labouring poor, made by the rich, and continued at their +expence; all the difference of price, between our own and foreign +commodities, being so much given by our rich to our poor; who would +indeed be enabled by it to get by degrees above poverty, if they did +not, as too generally they do, consider every encrease of wages, only as +something that enables them to drink more and work less; so that their +distress in sickness, age, or times of scarcity, continues to be the +same as if such laws had never been made in their favour. + +Much malignant censure have some writers bestowed upon the rich for +their luxury and expensive living, while the poor are starving, &c.; +not considering that what the rich expend, the labouring poor receive in +payment for their labour. It may seem a paradox if I should assert, that +our labouring poor do in every year receive _the whole revenue of the +nation_; I mean not only the public revenue, but also the revenue or +clear income of all private estates, or a sum equivalent to the whole. + +In support of this position I reason thus. The rich do not work for one +another. Their habitations, furniture, cloathing, carriages, food, +ornaments, and every thing in short, that they or their families use and +consume, is the work or produce of the labouring poor, who are, and must +be continually, paid for their labour in producing the same. In these +payments the revenues of private estates are expended, for most people +live up to their incomes. In cloathing or provision for troops, in arms, +ammunition, ships, tents, carriages, &c., &c., (every particular the +produce of labour,) much of the public revenue is expended. The pay of +officers, civil and military, and of the private soldiers and sailors, +requires the rest; and they spend that also in paying for what is +produced by the labouring poor. + +I allow that some estates may increase by the owners spending less than +their income; but then I conceive that other estates do at the same time +diminish by the owners spending more than their income, so that when the +enriched want to buy more land, they easily find lands in the hands of +the impoverished, whose necessities oblige them to sell; and thus this +difference is equalled. I allow also, that part of the expence of the +rich is in foreign produce or manufactures, for producing which the +labouring poor of other nations must be paid; but then I say, we must +first pay our own labouring poor for an equal quantity of our +manufactures or produce, to exchange for those foreign productions, or +we must pay for them in money, which money, not being the natural +produce of our country, must first be purchased from abroad, by sending +out its value in the produce or manufactures of this country, for which +manufactures our labouring poor are to be paid. And indeed, if we did +not export more than we import, we could have no money at all. I allow +farther, that there are middle men, who make a profit, and even get +estates, by purchasing the labour of the poor, and selling it at +advanced prices to the rich; but then they cannot enjoy that profit, or +the income of estates, but by spending them in employing and paying our +labouring poor, in some shape or other, for the products of industry. +Even beggars, pensioners, hospitals, and all that are supported by +charity, spend their incomes in the same manner. So that finally, as I +said at first, _our labouring poor receive annually the whole of the +clear revenues of the nation_, and from us they can have no more. + +If it be said that their wages are too low, and that they ought to be +better paid for their labour, I heartily wish any means could be fallen +upon to do it, consistent with their interest and happiness; but, as the +cheapness of other things is owing to the plenty of those things, so the +cheapness of labour is in most cases owing to the multitude of +labourers, and to their under-working one another in order to obtain +employment. How is this to be remedied? A law might be made to raise +their wages; but, if our manufactures are too dear, they will not vend +abroad, and all that part of employment will fail, unless by fighting +and conquering we compel other nations to buy our goods, whether they +will or no, which some have been mad enough at times to propose. + +Among ourselves, unless we give our working people less employment, how +can we, for what they do, pay them higher than we do? Out of what fund +is the additional price of labour to be paid, when all our present +incomes are, as it were, mortgaged to them? Should they get higher +wages, would that make them less poor, if, in consequence, they worked +fewer days of the week proportionably? I have said, a law might be made +to raise their wages; but I doubt much whether it could be executed to +any purpose, unless another law, now indeed almost obsolete, could at +the same time be revived and enforced; a law, I mean, that many have +often heard and repeated, but few have ever duly considered. SIX _days +shalt thou labour_. This is as positive a part of the commandment, as +that which says, _The_ SEVENTH _day thou shalt rest_. But we remember +well to observe the indulgent part, and never think of the other. +_Saint Monday_ is generally as duly kept by our working people as +_Sunday_; the only difference is, that, instead of employing their time +cheaply at church, they are wasting it expensively at the alehouse. + + I am, Sir, &c. + MEDIUS. + + + +TO DUPONT DE NEMOURS[74] + + London, July 28, 1768. + +I received your obliging letter of the 10th May, with the most +acceptable present of your _Physiocratie_, which I have read with great +pleasure, and received from it a great deal of instruction. There is +such a freedom from local and national prejudices and partialities, so +much benevolence to mankind in general, so much goodness mixt with the +wisdom, in the principles of your new philosophy, that I am perfectly +charmed with them, and wish I could have stayed in France for some time, +to have studied in your school, that I might by conversing with its +founders have made myself quite a master of that philosophy.... I had, +before I went into your country, seen some letters of yours to Dr. +Templeman, that gave me a high opinion of the doctrines you are engaged +in cultivating and of your personal talents and abilities, which made me +greatly desirous of seeing you. Since I had not that good fortune, the +next best thing is the advantage you are so good to offer me of your +correspondence, which I shall ever highly value, and endeavour to +cultivate with all the diligence I am capable of. + +I am sorry to find that that wisdom which sees the welfare of the parts +in the prosperity of the whole, seems yet not to be known in this +country.... We are so far from conceiving that what is best for mankind, +or even for Europe in general, may be best for us, that we are even +studying to establish and extend a separate interest of Britain, to the +prejudice of even Ireland and our colonies.... It is from your +philosophy only that the maxims of a contrary and more happy conduct are +to be drawn, which I therefore sincerely wish may grow and increase till +it becomes the governing philosophy of the human species, as it must be +that of superior beings in better worlds. I will take the liberty of +sending you a little fragment that has some tincture of it, which, on +that account, I hope may be acceptable. + +Be so good as to present my sincere respect to that venerable apostle, +Dr. Quesnay, and to the illustrious Ami des Hommes (of whose civilities +to me at Paris I retain a grateful remembrance), and believe me to be, +with real and very great esteem Sir, + +Your obliged and most obedient humble servant + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JOHN ALLEYNE[75] + + Craven Street, [August 9, 1768]. + +DEAR SIR + +You made an Apology to me for not acquaint^g me sooner with your +Marriage. I ought now to make an Apology to you for delaying so long the +Answer to your Letter. It was mislaid or hid among my Papers and much +Business put it out of my Mind, or prevented my looking for it and +writing when I thought of it. So this Account between us if you please +may stand balanced. I assure you it gave me great Pleasure to hear you +were married, and into a Family of Reputation. This I learnt from the +Public Papers. The Character you give me of your Bride (as it includes +every Qualification that in the married State conduces to mutual +Happiness) is an Addition to that Pleasure. Had you consulted me, as a +Friend, on the Occasion, Youth on both sides I should not have thought +any Objection. Indeed, from the matches that have fallen under my +Observation, I am rather inclin'd to think, that early ones stand the +best Chance for Happiness. The Tempers and habits of young People are +not yet become so stiff and uncomplying, as when more advanced in Life; +they form more easily to each other, and hence many Occasions of Disgust +are removed. And if Youth has less of that Prudence, that is necessary +to conduct a Family, yet the Parents and elder Friends of young married +Persons are generally at hand to afford their Advice, which amply +supplies that Defect; and, by early Marriage, Youth is sooner form'd to +regular and useful Life; and possibly some of those Accidents, Habits or +Connections, that might have injured either the Constitution, or the +Reputation, or both, are thereby happily prevented. + +Particular Circumstances of particular Persons may possibly sometimes +make it prudent to delay entering into that State; but in general, when +Nature has render'd our Bodies fit for it, the Presumption is in +Nature's Favour, that she has not judg'd amiss in making us desire it. +Late Marriages are often attended, too, with this further Inconvenience, +that there is not the same Chance the parents shall live to see their +offspring educated. "_Late Children_," says the Spanish Proverb, "_are +early Orphans_." A melancholy Reflection to those, whose Case it may be! +With us in America, Marriages are generally in the Morning of Life; our +Children are therefore educated and settled in the World by Noon; and +thus, our Business being done, we have an Afternoon and Evening of +chearful Leisure to ourselves; such as your Friend at present enjoys. By +these early Marriages we are blest with more Children; and from the Mode +among us, founded in Nature, of every Mother suckling and nursing her +own Child, more of them are raised. Thence the swift Progress of +Population among us, unparallel'd in Europe. + +In fine, I am glad you are married, and congratulate you most cordially +upon it. You are now more in the way of becoming a useful Citizen; and +you have escap'd the unnatural State of Celibacy for Life, the Fate of +many here, who never intended it, but who, having too long postpon'd the +Change of their Condition, find at length, that 'tis too late to think +of it, and so live all their Lives in a Situation that greatly lessens a +Man's Value. An odd Volume of a Set of Books you know is not worth its +proportion of the Set, and what think you of the Usefulness of an odd +Half of a Pair of Scissors? It cannot well cut any thing. It may +possibly serve to scrape a Trencher. + +Pray make my Compliments and best Wishes acceptable to your Spouse. I am +old and heavy and grow a little indolent, or I should ere this have +presented them in Person. I shall make but small Use of the old Man's +Privilege, that of giving Advice to younger Friends. Treat your Wife +always with Respect; it will procure Respect to you, not from her only +but from all that observe it. Never use a slighting Expression to her, +even in jest, for Slights in Jest, after frequent bandyings, are apt to +end in angry earnest. Be studious in your Profession, and you will be +learned. Be industrious and frugal, and you will be rich. Be sober and +temperate, and you will be healthy. Be in general virtuous, and you will +be happy. At least, you will, by such Conduct, stand the best Chance for +such Consequences. I pray God to bless you both; being ever your +affectionate Friend, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO THE PRINTER OF THE LONDON CHRONICLE[76] + + August 18, 1768. + +QUERIES, _recommended to the Consideration of those Gentlemen who are +for vigorous measures with the Americans._ + +1. Have the Colonists _refused_ to answer any reasonable requisitions +made to their _Assemblies_ by the mother country? + +2. If they have _not refused_ to grant reasonable aids in the way, which +they think consistent with _liberty_, why must they be stripped of their +property without their own _consent_, and in a way, which they think +_inconsistent_ with liberty? + +3. What is it for a people to be _enslaved_ and _tributary_, if this be +not, viz. to be _forced_ to give up their property at the arbitrary +pleasure of persons, to whose authority they have not _submitted_ +themselves, nor _chosen_ for the purpose of imposing taxes upon them? +Wherein consisted the impropriety of King Charles's demanding ship money +by his sole authority, but in its being an exercise of power by the +King, which the people had not _given_ the King? Have the people of +America, as the people of Britain, by sending representatives, +_consented_ to a power in the British parliament to tax them? + +4. Has not the British parliament, by repealing the stamp act, +acknowledged that they judged it _improper_? Is there any difference +between the stamp act, and the act obliging the Americans to pay +_whatever we please_, for articles which they _cannot do without_, as +glass and paper? Is there any difference as to justice between our +treatment of the colonists, and the tyranny of the Carthaginians over +their conquered Sardinians, when they obliged them to take all their +corn from them, and at whatever price they pleased to set upon it? + +5. If that be true, what is commonly said, viz. That the mother country +gains _two millions_ a year by the colonies, would it not have been +wiser to have gone on quietly in the _happy way_ we were in, till our +gains by those rising and flourishing countries should amount to +_three_, _four_ or _five_ millions a year, than by these new fashioned +vigorous measures to kill the goose which lays the golden eggs? Would it +not have been better policy, instead of _taxing_ our colonists, to have +done whatever we could to _enrich_ them; and encourage them to take off +our articles of _luxury_, on which we may put our own price, and thus +draw them into paying us a _voluntary_ tax; than deluge them in blood, +thin their countries, impoverish and distress them, interrupt their +commerce, force them on bankruptcy, by which our merchants must be +ruined, or tempt them to emigrations, or alliances with our enemies? + +6. The late war could not have been _carried on_ without America, nor +without Scotland? Have we treated America and Scotland in such a manner +as is likely in future wars to encourage their zeal for the common +cause? Or is England alone to be the Drawcansir of the world, and to +bully not only their enemies, but her _friends_? + +7. Are not the subjects of Britain concerned to check a ministry, who, +by this rage of heaping taxes on taxes, are only drawing into their own +hands more and more wealth and power, while they are hurting the +_commercial_ interest of the empire in general, at the same time that, +amidst profound _peace_, the national debt and burden on the public +continue undiminished? + + N. M. C. N. P. C. H. + + + +POSITIONS TO BE EXAMINED, CONCERNING NATIONAL WEALTH + + Dated April 4, 1769. + +1. All food or subsistence for mankind arises from the earth or waters. + +2. Necessaries of life, that are not food, and all other conveniences, +have their values estimated by the proportion of food consumed while we +are employed in procuring them. + +3. A small people, with a large territory, may subsist on the +productions of nature, with no other labour than that of gathering the +vegetables and catching the animals. + +4. A large people, with a small territory, finds these insufficient, +and, to subsist, must labour the earth, to make it produce greater +quantities of vegetable food, suitable for the nourishment of men, and +of the animals they intend to eat. + +5. From this labour arises a _great increase_ of vegetable and animal +food, and of materials for clothing, as flax, wool, silk, &c. The +superfluity of these is wealth. With this wealth we pay for the labour +employed in building our houses, cities, &c., which are therefore only +subsistence thus metamorphosed. + +6. _Manufactures_ are only _another shape_ into which so much provisions +and subsistence are turned, as were equal in value to the manufactures +produced. This appears from hence, that the manufacturer does not, in +fact, obtain from the employer, for his labour, _more_ than a mere +subsistence, including raiment, fuel, and shelter; all which derive +their value from the provisions consumed in procuring them. + +7. The produce of the earth, thus converted into manufactures, may be +more easily carried to distant markets than before such conversion. + +8. _Fair commerce_ is, where equal values are exchanged for equal, the +expense of transport included. Thus, if it costs A in England as much +labour and charge to raise a bushel of wheat, as it costs B in France to +produce four gallons of wine, then are four gallons of wine the fair +exchange for a bushel of wheat, A and B meeting at half distance with +their commodities to make the exchange. The advantage of this fair +commerce is, that each party increases the number of his enjoyments, +having, instead of wheat alone, or wine alone, the use of both wheat and +wine. + +9. Where the labour and expense of producing both commodities are known +to both parties, bargains will generally be fair and equal. Where they +are known to one party only, bargains will often be unequal, knowledge +taking its advantage of ignorance. + +10. Thus, he that carries one thousand bushels of wheat abroad to sell, +may not probably obtain so great a profit thereon, as if he had first +turned the wheat into manufactures, by subsisting therewith the workmen +while producing those manufactures; since there are many expediting and +facilitating methods of working, not generally known; and strangers to +the manufactures, though they know pretty well the expense of raising +wheat, are unacquainted with those short methods of working, and, thence +being apt to suppose more labour employed in the manufactures than there +really is, are more easily imposed on in their value, and induced to +allow more for them than they are honestly worth. + +11. Thus the advantage of having manufactures in a country does not +consist, as is commonly supposed, in their highly advancing the value of +rough materials, of which they are formed; since, though six pennyworth +of flax may be worth twenty shillings, when worked into lace, yet the +very cause of its being worth twenty shillings is, that, besides the +flax, it has cost nineteen shillings and sixpence in subsistence to the +manufacturer. But the advantage of manufactures is, that under their +shape provisions may be more easily carried to a foreign market; and, by +their means, our traders may more easily cheat strangers. Few, where it +is not made, are judges of the value of lace. The importer may demand +forty, and perhaps get thirty, shillings for that which cost him but +twenty. + +12. Finally, there seem to be but three ways for a nation to acquire +wealth. The first is by _war_, as the Romans did, in plundering their +conquered neighbours. This is _robbery_. The second by _commerce_, which +is generally _cheating_. The third by _agriculture_, the only _honest +way_, wherein man receives a real increase of the seed thrown into the +ground, in a kind of continual miracle, wrought by the hand of God in +his favour, as a reward for his innocent life and his virtuous industry. + + + +TO MISS MARY STEVENSON + + Saturday Evening, Sept^r 2, 1769. + +Just come home from a Venison Feast, where I have drank more than a +Philosopher ought, I find my dear Polly's chearful, chatty Letter that +exhilerates me more than all the Wine. + +Your good Mother says there is no Occasion for any Intercession of mine +in your behalf. She is sensible that she is more in fault than her +Daughter. She received an affectionate, tender Letter from you, and she +has not answered it, tho' she intended to do it; but her Head, not her +Heart, has been bad, and unfitted her for Writing. She owns, that she is +not so good a Subject as you are, and that she is more unwilling to pay +Tribute to Cesar, and has less Objection to Smuggling; but 'tis not, she +says, mere Selfishness or Avarice; 'tis rather an honest Resentment at +the Waste of those Taxes in Pensions, Salaries, Perquisites, Contracts, +and other Emoluments for the Benefit of People she does not love, and +who do not deserve such Advantages, because--I suppose--because they are +not of her Party. + +Present my Respects to your good Landlord and his Family. I honour them +for their conscientious Aversion to illicit Trading. There are those in +the World, who would not wrong a Neighbour, but make no Scruple of +cheating the King. The Reverse, however, does not hold; for whoever +scruples cheating the King, will certainly not wrong his Neighbour. + +You ought not to wish yourself an Enthusiast. They have, indeed, their +imaginary Satisfactions and Pleasures, but these are often ballanc'd by +imaginary Pains and Mortifications. You can continue to be a good Girl, +and thereby lay a solid Foundation for expected future Happiness, +without the Enthusiasm that may perhaps be necessary to some others. As +those Beings, who have a good sensible Instinct, have no need of Reason, +so those, who have Reason to regulate their Actions, have no Occasion +for Enthusiasm. However, there are certain Circumstances in Life, +sometimes, wherein 'tis perhaps best not to hearken to Reason. For +instance; possibly, if the Truth were known, I have Reason to be jealous +of this same insinuating, handsome young Physician;[77] but, as it +flatters more my Vanity, and therefore gives me more Pleasure, to +suppose you were in Spirits on acc^t of my safe Return, I shall turn a +deaf Ear to Reason in this Case, as I have done with Success in twenty +others. But I am sure you will always give me Reason enough to continue +ever your affectionate Friend, + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. Our Love to Mrs. Tickell. We all long for your Return. Your Dolly +was well last Tuesday; the Girls were there on a Visit to her; I mean at +Bromley. Adieu. No time now to give you any acc^t of my French Journey. + + + +TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY + + London, Sept. 19: 1772. + +DEAR SIR, + +In the Affair of so much Importance to you, wherein you ask my Advice, I +cannot for want of sufficient Premises, advise you _what_ to determine, +but if you please I will tell you _how_. When those difficult Cases +occur, they are difficult, chiefly because while we have them under +Consideration, all the Reasons _pro_ and _con_ are not present to the +Mind at the same time; but sometimes one Set present themselves, and at +other times another, the first being out of Sight. Hence the various +Purposes or Inclinations that alternately prevail, and the Uncertainty +that perplexes us. + +To get over this, my Way is, to divide half a Sheet of Paper by a Line +into two Columns; writing over the one _Pro_, and over the other _Con_. +Then during three or four Days Consideration, I put down under the +different Heads short Hints of the different Motives, that at different +Times occur to me, _for_ or _against_ the Measure. When I have thus got +them all together in one View, I endeavour to estimate their respective +Weights; and where I find two, one on each side, that seem equal, I +strike them both out. If I find a Reason _pro_ equal to some two Reasons +_con_, I strike out the three. If I judge some two Reasons _con_, equal +to some three Reasons _pro_, I strike out the five; and thus proceeding +I find at length where the Ballance lies; and if after a Day or two of +farther Consideration, nothing new that is of Importance occurs on +either side, I come to a Determination accordingly. And, tho' the Weight +of Reasons cannot be taken with the Precision of Algebraic Quantities, +yet, when each is thus considered, separately and comparatively, and the +whole lies before me, I think I can judge better, and am less liable to +make a rash Step; and in fact I have found great Advantage from this +kind of Equation, in what may be called _Moral_ or _Prudential Algebra_. + +Wishing sincerely that you may determine for the best, I am ever, my +dear Friend, yours most affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO MISS GEORGIANA SHIPLEY[78] + + London, September 26, 1772. + +DEAR MISS, + +I lament with you most sincerely the unfortunate end of poor MUNGO. Few +squirrels were better accomplished; for he had had a good education, had +travelled far, and seen much of the world. As he had the honour of +being, for his virtues, your favourite, he should not go, like common +skuggs, without an elegy or an epitaph. Let us give him one in the +monumental style and measure, which, being neither prose nor verse, is +perhaps the properest for grief; since to use common language would look +as if we were not affected, and to make rhymes would seem trifling in +sorrow. + + EPITAPH. + + Alas! poor MUNGO! + Happy wert thou, hadst thou known + Thy own felicity. + Remote from the fierce bald eagle, + Tyrant of thy native woods, + Thou hadst nought to fear from his piercing talons, + Nor from the murdering gun + Of the thoughtless sportsman. + Safe in thy wired castle, + GRIMALKIN never could annoy thee. + Daily wert thou fed with the choicest viands, + By the fair hand of an indulgent mistress; + But, discontented, + Thou wouldst have more freedom. + + Too soon, alas! didst thou obtain it; + And wandering, + Thou art fallen by the fangs of wanton, cruel RANGER! + + Learn hence, + Ye who blindly seek more liberty, + Whether subjects, sons, squirrels or daughters, + That apparent restraint may be real protection; + Yielding peace and plenty + With security. + +You see, my dear Miss, how much more decent and proper this broken style +is, than if we were to say, by way of epitaph, + + Here SKUGG + Lies snug, + As a bug + In a rug. + +and yet, perhaps, there are people in the world of so little feeling as +to think that this would be a good-enough epitaph for poor Mungo. + +If you wish it, I shall procure another to succeed him; but perhaps you +will now choose some other amusement. + +Remember me affectionately to all the good family, and believe me ever, + + Your affectionate friend, + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO PETER FRANKLIN + + [No date.][79] + +DEAR BROTHER, + +I like your ballad, and think it well adapted for your purpose of +discountenancing expensive foppery, and encouraging industry and +frugality. If you can get it generally sung in your country, it may +probably have a good deal of the effect you hope and expect from it. But +as you aimed at making it general, I wonder you chose so uncommon a +measure in poetry, that none of the tunes in common use will suit it. +Had you fitted it to an old one, well known, it must have spread much +faster than I doubt it will do from the best new tune we can get +compos'd for it. I think too, that if you had given it to some country +girl in the heart of the _Massachusetts_, who has never heard any other +than psalm tunes, or _Chevy Chace_, the _Children in the Wood_, the +_Spanish Lady_, and such old simple ditties, but has naturally a good +ear, she might more probably have made a pleasing popular tune for you, +than any of our masters here, and more proper for your purpose, which +would best be answered, if every word could as it is sung be understood +by all that hear it, and if the emphasis you intend for particular words +could be given by the singer as well as by the reader; much of the force +and impression of the song depending on those circumstances. I will +however get it as well done for you as I can. + +Do not imagine that I mean to depreciate the skill of our composers of +music here; they are admirable at pleasing _practised_ ears, and know +how to delight _one another_; but, in composing for songs, the reigning +taste seems to be quite out of nature, or rather the reverse of nature, +and yet like a torrent, hurries them all away with it; one or two +perhaps only excepted. + +You, in the spirit of some ancient legislators, would influence the +manners of your country by the united powers of poetry and music. By +what I can learn of _their_ songs, the music was simple, conformed +itself to the usual pronunciation of words, as to measure, cadence or +emphasis, &c., never disguised and confounded the language by making a +long syllable short, or a short one long, when sung; their singing was +only a more pleasing, because a melodious manner of speaking; it was +capable of all the graces of prose oratory, while it added the pleasure +of harmony. A modern song, on the contrary, neglects all the proprieties +and beauties of common speech, and in their place introduces its +_defects_ and _absurdities_ as so many graces. I am afraid you will +hardly take my word for this, and therefore I must endeavour to support +it by proof. Here is the first song I lay my hand on. It happens to be a +composition of one of our greatest masters, the ever-famous _Handel_. It +is not one of his juvenile performances, before his taste could be +improved and formed: It appeared when his reputation was at the highest, +is greatly admired by all his admirers, and is really excellent in its +kind. It is called, "_The additional_ Favourite _Song in_ Judas +Maccabeus." Now I reckon among the defects and improprieties of common +speech, the following, viz. + +1. _Wrong placing the accent or emphasis_, by laying it on words of no +importance, or on wrong syllables. + +2. _Drawling_; or extending the sound of words or syllables beyond their +natural length. + +3. _Stuttering_; or making many syllables of one. + +4. _Unintelligibleness_; the result of the three foregoing united. + +5. _Tautology_; and + +6. _Screaming_, without cause. + +For the _wrong placing of the accent, or emphasis_, see it on the word +_their_ instead of being on the word _vain_. + +[Illustration: with _their_ . . vain my-ste-rious art.] + +And on the word _from_, and the wrong syllable _like_. + +[Illustration: God-_like_ wis-dom _from_ ... a-bove.] + +For the _drawling_, see the last syllable of the word _wounded_. And in +the syllable _wis_, and the word _from_, and syllable _bove_. + +[Illustration: Nor can heal the wound-_ed_ heart. + +[Illustration: God-like _wis_-dom _from_ a-_bove_.] + +For the _stuttering_, see the words _ne'er relieve_, in + +[Illustration: Ma-gic charms can _ne'er_ . . re-_lieve_ you.] + +Here are four syllables made of one, and eight of three; but this is +moderate. I have seen in another song, that I cannot now find, seventeen +syllables made of three, and sixteen of one. The latter I remember was +the word _charms_; viz. _cha, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, a, +arms_. Stammering with a witness! + +For the _unintelligibleness_; give this whole song to any taught singer, +and let her sing it to any company that have never heard it; you shall +find they will not understand three words in ten. It is therefore that +at the oratorios and operas one sees with books in their hands all those +who desire to understand what they hear sung by even our best +performers. + +For the _Tautology_; you have, _with their vain mysterious art_, twice +repeated; _magic charms can ne'er relieve you_, three times. _Nor can +heal the wounded heart_, three times. _Godlike wisdom from above_, +twice; and, _this alone can ne'er deceive you_, two or three times. But +this is reasonable when compared with _the Monster Polypheme, the +Monster Polypheme_, a hundred times over and over, in his admired _Acis +and Galatea_. + +As to the _screaming_, perhaps I cannot find a fair instance in this +song; but whoever has frequented our operas will remember many. And yet +here methinks the words _no_ and _e'er_, when sung to these notes, have +a little of the air of _screaming_, and would actually be screamed by +some singers. + +[Illustration: _No_ ma-gic charms can _e'er_ re-lieve you.] + +I send you inclosed the song with its music at length. Read the words +without the repetitions. Observe how few they are, and what a shower of +notes attend them: You will then perhaps be inclined to think with me, +that though the words might be the principal part of an ancient song, +they are of small importance in a modern one; they are in short only a +_pretence for singing_. + + I am, as ever, + Your affectionate brother, + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. I might have mentioned _inarticulation_ among the defects in common +speech that are assumed as beauties in modern singing. But as that seems +more the fault of the singer than of the composer, I omitted it in what +related merely to the composition. The fine singer, in the present mode, +stifles all the hard consonants, and polishes away all the rougher parts +of words that serve to distinguish them one from another; so that you +hear nothing but an admirable pipe, and understand no more of the song, +than you would from its tune played on any other instrument. If ever it +was the ambition of musicians to make instruments that should imitate +the human voice, that ambition seems now reversed, the voice aiming to +be like an instrument. Thus wigs were first made to imitate a good +natural head of hair; but when they became fashionable, though in +unnatural forms, we have seen natural hair dressed to look like wigs. + + + +ON THE PRICE OF CORN, AND MANAGEMENT OF THE POOR[80] + +TO THE PUBLIC + +I am one of that class of people, that feeds you all, and at present is +abused by you all; in short I am a _farmer_. + +By your newspapers we are told, that God had sent a very short harvest +to some other countries of Europe. I thought this might be in favour of +Old England; and that now we should get a good price for our grain, +which would bring millions among us, and make us flow in money; that to +be sure is scarce enough. + +But the wisdom of government forbade the exportation. + +"Well," says I, "then we must be content with the market price at home." + +"No;" say my lords the mob, "you sha'nt have that. Bring your corn to +market if you dare; we'll sell it for you for less money, or take it for +nothing." + +Being thus attacked by both ends _of the constitution_, the head and +tail _of government_, what am I to do? + +Must I keep my corn in the barn, to feed and increase the breed of rats? +Be it so; they cannot be less thankful than those I have been used to +feed. + +Are we farmers the only people to be grudged the profits of our honest +labour? And why? One of the late scribblers against us gives a bill of +fare of the provisions at my daughter's wedding, and proclaims to all +the world, that we had the insolence to eat beef and pudding! Has he not +read the precept in the good Book, _Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of +the ox that treadeth out the corn_; or does he think us less worthy of +good living than our oxen? + +"O, but the manufacturers! the manufacturers! they are to be favoured, +and they must have bread at a cheap rate!" + +Hark ye, Mr. Oaf, the farmers live spendidly, you say. And pray, would +you have them hoard the money they get? Their fine clothes and +furniture, do they make them themselves, or for one another, and so keep +the money among them? Or do they employ these your darling +manufacturers, and so scatter it again all over the nation? + +The wool would produce me a better price, if it were suffered to go to +foreign markets; but that, Messieurs the Public, your laws will not +permit. It must be kept all at home, that our _dear_ manufacturers may +have it the cheaper. And then, having yourselves thus lessened our +encouragement for raising sheep, you curse us for the scarcity of +mutton! + +I have heard my grandfather say, that the farmers submitted to the +prohibition on the exportation of wool, being made to expect and +believe, that, when the manufacturer bought his wool cheaper, they +should also have their cloth cheaper. But the deuce a bit. It has been +growing dearer and dearer from that day to this. How so? Why, truly, the +cloth is exported; and that keeps up the price. + +Now, if it be a good principle, that the exportation of a commodity is +to be restrained, that so our people at home may have it the cheaper, +stick to that principle, and go thorough-stitch with it. Prohibit the +exportation of your cloth, your leather, and shoes, your iron ware, and +your manufactures of all sorts, to make them all cheaper at home. And +cheap enough they will be, I will warrant you; till people leave off +making them. + +Some folks seem to think they ought never to be easy till England +becomes another Lubberland, where it is fancied that streets are paved +with penny-rolls, the houses tiled with pancakes, and chickens, ready +roasted, cry, "Come eat me." + +I say, when you are sure you have got a good principle, stick to it, and +carry it through. I hear it is said, that though it was _necessary and +right_ for the ministry to advise a prohibition of the exportation of +corn, yet it was _contrary to law_; and also, that though it was +_contrary to law_ for the mob to obstruct wagons, yet it was _necessary +and right_. Just the same thing to a tittle. Now they tell me, an act of +indemnity ought to pass in favour of the ministry, to secure them from +the consequences of having acted illegally. If so, pass another in +favour of the mob. Others say, some of the mob ought to be hanged, by +way of example. If so,--but I say no more than I have said before, _when +you are sure that you have a good principle, go through with it_. + +You say, poor labourers cannot afford to buy bread at a high price, +unless they had higher wages. Possibly. But how shall we farmers be able +to afford our labourers higher wages, if you will not allow us to get, +when we might have it, a higher price for our corn? + +By all that I can learn, we should at least have had a guinea a quarter +more, if the exportation had been allowed. And this money England would +have got from foreigners. + +But, it seems, we farmers must take so much less, that the poor may have +it so much cheaper. + +This operates, then, as a tax for the maintenance of the poor. A very +good thing you will say. But I ask, Why a partial tax? why laid on us +farmers only? If it be a good thing, pray, Messieurs the Public, take +your share of it, by indemnifying us a little out of your public +treasury. In doing a good thing, there is both honour and pleasure; you +are welcome to your share of both. + +For my own part, I am not so well satisfied of the goodness of this +thing. I am for doing good to the poor, but I differ in opinion about +the means. I think the best way of doing good to the poor, is, not +making them easy _in_ poverty, but leading or driving them _out_ of it. +In my youth, I travelled much, and I observed in different countries, +that the more public provisions were made for the poor, the less they +provided for themselves, and of course became poorer. And, on the +contrary, the less was done for them, the more they did for themselves, +and became richer. There is no country in the world where so many +provisions are established for them; so many hospitals to receive them +when they are sick or lame, founded and maintained by voluntary +charities; so many almshouses for the aged of both sexes, together with +a solemn general law made by the rich to subject their estates to a +heavy tax for the support of the poor. Under all these obligations, are +our poor modest, humble, and thankful? And do they use their best +endeavours to maintain themselves, and lighten our shoulders of this +burthen? On the contrary, I affirm, that there is no country in the +world in which the poor are more idle, dissolute, drunken, and insolent. +The day you passed that act, you took away from before their eyes the +greatest of all inducements to industry, frugality, and sobriety, by +giving them a dependence on somewhat else than a careful accumulation +during youth and health, for support in age or sickness. + +In short, you offered a premium for the encouragement of idleness, and +you should not now wonder, that it has had its effect in the increase of +poverty. Repeal that law, and you will soon see a change in their +manners. _Saint Monday_ and _Saint Tuesday_ will soon cease to be +holidays. SIX _days shalt thou labour_, though one of the old +commandments long treated as out of date, will again be looked upon as a +respectable precept; industry will increase, and with it plenty among +the lower people; their circumstances will mend, and more will be done +for their happiness by inuring them to provide for themselves, than +could be done by dividing all your estates among them. + +Excuse me, Messieurs the Public, if, upon this _interesting_ subject, I +put you to the trouble of reading a little of _my_ nonsense. I am sure I +have lately read a great deal of _yours_, and therefore from you (at +least from those of you who are writers) I deserve a little indulgence. + + I am yours, &c. + ARATOR. + + + +AN EDICT BY THE KING OF PRUSSIA[81] + +[From the _Gentleman's Magazine_, October, 1773.] + + Dantzic, Sept. 5, [1773]. + +We have long wondered here at the supineness of the English nation, +under the Prussian impositions upon its trade entering our port. We did +not, till lately, know the claims, ancient and modern, that hang over +that nation; and therefore could not suspect that it might submit to +those impositions from a sense of duty or from principles of equity. The +following Edict, just made publick, may, if serious, throw some light +upon this matter. + +"FREDERIC, by the grace of God, King of Prussia, &c., &c., &c., to all +present and to come, (_à tous présens et à venir_,) Health. The peace +now enjoyed throughout our dominions, having afforded us leisure to +apply ourselves to the regulation of commerce, the improvement of our +finances, and at the same time the easing our domestic subjects in their +taxes: For these causes, and other good considerations us thereunto +moving, we hereby make known, that, after having deliberated these +affairs in our council, present our dear brothers, and other great +officers of the state, members of the same, we, of our certain +knowledge, full power, and authority royal, have made and issued this +present Edict, viz. + + "Whereas it is well known to all the world, that the first + German settlements made in the Island of Britain, were by + colonies of people, subject to our renowned ducal ancestors, + and drawn from their dominions, under the conduct of Hengist, + Horsa, Hella, Uff, Cerdicus, Ida, and others; and that the + said colonies have nourished under the protection of our + august house for ages past; have never been emancipated + therefrom; and yet have hitherto yielded little profit to the + same: And whereas we ourself have in the last war fought for + and defended the said colonies, against the power of France, + and thereby enabled them to make conquests from the said + power in America, for which we have not yet received adequate + compensation: And whereas it is just and expedient that a + revenue should be raised from the said colonies in Britain, + towards our indemnification; and that those who are + descendants of our ancient subjects, and thence still owe us + due obedience, should contribute to the replenishing of our + royal coffers as they must have done, had their ancestors + remained in the territories now to us appertaining: We do + therefore hereby ordain, and command, that, from and after + the date of these presents, there shall be levied and paid + to our officers of the _customs_, on all goods, wares, and + merchandizes, and on all grain and other produce of the + earth, exported from the said Island of Britain, and on all + goods of whatever kind imported into the same, a duty of four + and a half per cent _ad valorem_, for the use of us and our + successors. And that the said duty may more effectually be + collected, we do hereby ordain, that all ships or vessels + bound from Great Britain to any other part of the world, or + from any other part of the world to Great Britain, shall in + their respective voyages touch at our port of Koningsberg, + there to be unladen, searched, and charged with the said + duties. + + "And whereas there hath been from time to time discovered in + the said island of Great Britain, by our colonists there, + many mines or beds of iron-stone; and sundry subjects, of our + ancient dominion, skilful in converting the said stone into + metal, have in time past transported themselves thither, + carrying with them and communicating that art; and the + inhabitants of the said island, presuming that they had a + natural right to make the best use they could of the natural + productions of their country for their own benefit, have not + only built furnaces for smelting the said stone into iron, + but have erected plating-forges, slitting-mills, and + steel-furnaces, for the more convenient manufacturing of the + same; thereby endangering a diminution of the said + manufacture in our ancient dominion;--we do therefore hereby + farther ordain, that, from and after the date hereof, no mill + or other engine for slitting or rolling of iron, or any + plating-forge to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for + making steel, shall be erected or continued in the said + island of Great Britain: And the Lord Lieutenant of every + county in the said island is hereby commanded, on information + of any such erection within his county, to order and by force + to cause the same to be abated and destroyed; as he shall + answer the neglect thereof to us at his peril. But we are + nevertheless graciously pleased to permit the inhabitants of + the said island to transport their iron into Prussia, there + to be manufactured, and to them returned; they paying our + Prussian subjects for the workmanship, with all the costs of + commission, freight, and risk, coming and returning; any + thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. + + "We do not, however, think fit to extend this our indulgence + to the article of wool; but, meaning to encourage, not only + the manufacturing of woollen cloth, but also the raising of + wool, in our ancient dominions, and to prevent both, as much + as may be, in our said island, we do hereby absolutely forbid + the transportation of wool from thence, even to the mother + country, Prussia; and that those islanders may be farther and + more effectually restrained in making any advantage of their + own wool in the way of manufacture, we command that none + shall be carried out of one county into another; nor shall + any worsted, bay, or woollen yarn, cloth, says, bays, + kerseys, serges, frizes, druggets, cloth-serges, shalloons, + or any other drapery stuffs, or woollen manufactures + whatsoever, made up or mixed with wool in any of the said + counties, be carried into any other county, or be waterborne + even across the smallest river or creek, on penalty of + forfeiture of the same, together with the boats, carriages, + horses, &c., that shall be employed in removing them. + Nevertheless, our loving subjects there are hereby permitted + (if they think proper) to use all their wool as manure for + the improvement of their lands. + + "And whereas the art and mystery of making hats hath arrived + at great perfection in Prussia, and the making of hats by our + remoter subjects ought to be as much as possible restrained: + And forasmuch as the islanders before mentioned, being in + possession of wool, beaver and other furs, have + presumptuously conceived they had a right to make some + advantage thereof, by manufacturing the same into hats, to + the prejudice of our domestic manufacture: We do therefore + hereby strictly command and ordain, that no hats or felts + whatsoever, dyed or undyed, finished or unfinished, shall be + loaded or put into or upon any vessel, cart, carriage, or + horse, to be transported or conveyed out of one county in the + said island into another county, or to any other place + whatsoever, by any person or persons whatsoever; on pain of + forfeiting the same, with a penalty of five hundred pounds + sterling for every offence. Nor shall any hat-maker, in any + of the said counties, employ more than two apprentices, on + penalty of five pounds sterling per month; we intending + hereby, that such hatmakers, being so restrained, both in the + production and sale of their commodity, may find no advantage + in continuing their business. But, lest the said islanders + should suffer inconveniency by the want of hats, we are + farther graciously pleased to permit them to send their + beaver furs to Prussia; and we also permit hats made thereof + to be exported from Prussia to Britain; the people thus + favoured to pay all costs and charges of manufacturing, + interest, commission to our merchants, insurance and freight + going and returning, as in the case of iron. + + "And, lastly, being willing farther to favour our said + colonies in Britain, we do hereby also ordain and command, + that all the _thieves_, highway and street robbers, + house-breakers, forgerers, murderers, s--d--tes, and villains + of every denomination, who have forfeited their lives to the + law in Prussia; but whom we, in our great clemency, do not + think fit here to hang, shall be emptied out of our gaols + into the said island of Great Britain, for the better + peopling of that country. + + "We flatter ourselves, that these our royal regulations and + commands will be thought just and reasonable by our + much-favoured colonists in England; the said regulations + being copied from their statutes of 10 and 11 William III. c. + 10, 5 Geo. II, c. 22, 23, Geo. II. c. 29, 4 Geo. I. c. 11, + and from other equitable laws made by their parliaments; or + from instructions given by their Princes; or from resolutions + of both Houses, entered into for the good government of their + _own colonies in Ireland and America_. + + "And all persons in the said island are hereby cautioned: not + to oppose in any wise the execution of this our Edict, or any + part thereof, such opposition being high treason; of which + all who are suspected shall be transported in fetters from + Britain to Prussia, there to be tried and executed according + to the Prussian law. + + "Such is our pleasure. + + "Given at Potsdam, this twenty-fifth day of the month of + August, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, and in + the thirty-third year of our reign. + + "By the King, in his Council. + + "RECHTMAESSIG, _Sec._" + +Some take this Edict to be merely one of the King's _Jeux d'Esprit_: +others suppose it serious, and that he means a quarrel with England; but +all here think the assertion it concludes with, "that these regulations +are copied from acts of the English parliament respecting their +colonies," a very injurious one; it being impossible to believe, that a +people distinguished for their love of liberty, a nation so wise, so +liberal in its sentiments, so just and equitable towards its neighbours, +should, from mean and injudicious views of petty immediate profit, treat +its own children in a manner so arbitrary and tyrannical! + + + +RULES BY WHICH A GREAT EMPIRE MAY BE REDUCED TO A SMALL ONE + +Presented to a late Minister, when he entered upon his Administration + +[From the _Gentleman's Magazine_, Sept., 1773.] + +An ancient Sage boasted, that, tho' he could not fiddle, he knew how to +make a _great city_ of _a little one_. The science that I, a modern +simpleton, am about to communicate, is the very reverse. + +I address myself to all ministers who have the management of extensive +dominions, which from their very greatness are become troublesome to +govern, because the multiplicity of their affairs leaves no time for +_fiddling_. + +I. In the first place, gentlemen, you are to consider, that a great +empire, like a great cake, is most easily diminished at the edges. Turn +your attention, therefore, first to your _remotest_ provinces; that, as +you get rid of them, the next may follow in order. + +II. That the possibility of this separation may always exist, take +special care the provinces are never incorporated with the mother +country; that they do not enjoy the same common rights, the same +privileges in commerce; and that they are governed by _severer_ laws, +all of _your enacting_, without allowing them any share in the choice of +the legislators. By carefully making and preserving such distinctions, +you will (to keep to my simile of the cake) act like a wise +ginger-bread-baker, who, to facilitate a division, cuts his dough half +through in those places where, when baked, he would have it _broken to +pieces_. + +III. Those remote provinces have perhaps been acquired, purchased, or +conquered, at the _sole expence_ of the settlers, or their ancestors, +without the aid of the mother country. If this should happen to increase +her _strength_, by their growing numbers, ready to join in her wars; her +_commerce_, by their growing demand for her manufactures; or her _naval +power_, by greater employment for her ships and seamen, they may +probably suppose some merit in this, and that it entitles them to some +favour; you are therefore to _forget it all_, _or resent it_, as if they +had done you injury. If they happen to be zealous whigs, friends of +liberty, nurtured in revolution principles, _remember all that_ to their +prejudice, and resolve to punish it; for such principles, after a +revolution is thoroughly established, are of _no more use_; they are +even _odious_ and _abominable_. + +IV. However peaceably your colonies have submitted to your government, +shewn their affection to your interests, and patiently borne their +grievances; you are to _suppose_ them always inclined to revolt, and +treat them accordingly. Quarter troops among them, who by their +insolence may _provoke_ the rising of mobs, and by their bullets and +bayonets _suppress_ them. By this means, like the husband who uses his +wife ill _from suspicion_, you may in time convert your _suspicions_ +into _realities_. + +V. Remote provinces must have _Governors_ and _Judges_, to represent the +Royal Person, and execute everywhere the delegated parts of his office +and authority. You ministers know, that much of the strength of +government depends on the _opinion_ of the people; and much of that +opinion on the _choice of rulers_ placed immediately over them. If you +send them wise and good men for governors, who study the interest of the +colonists, and advance their prosperity, they will think their King +wise and good, and that he wishes the welfare of his subjects. If you +send them learned and upright men for Judges, they will think him a +lover of justice. This may attach your provinces more to his government. +You are therefore to be careful whom you recommend for those offices. If +you can find prodigals, who have ruined their fortunes, broken gamesters +or stockjobbers, these may do well as _governors_; for they will +probably be rapacious, and provoke the people by their extortions. +Wrangling proctors and pettifogging lawyers, too, are not amiss; for +they will be for ever disputing and quarrelling with their little +parliaments. If withal they should be ignorant, wrong-headed, and +insolent, so much the better. Attornies' clerks and Newgate solicitors +will do for _Chief Justices_, especially if they hold their places +_during your pleasure_; and all will contribute to impress those ideas +of your government, that are proper for a people _you would wish to +renounce it_. + +VI. To confirm these impressions, and strike them deeper, whenever the +injured come to the capital with complaints of maladministration, +oppression, or injustice, punish such suitors with long delay, enormous +expence, and a final judgment in favour of the oppressor. This will have +an admirable effect every way. The trouble of future complaints will be +prevented, and Governors and Judges will be encouraged to farther acts +of oppression and injustice; and thence the people may become more +disaffected, and at length desperate. + +VII. When such Governors have crammed their coffers, and made themselves +so odious to the people that they can no longer remain among them, with +safety to their persons, _recall and reward_ them with pensions. You may +make them _baronets_ too, if that respectable order should not think fit +to resent it. All will contribute to encourage new governors in the same +practice, and make the supreme government, _detestable_. + +VIII. If, when you are engaged in war, your colonies should vie in +liberal aids of men and money against the common enemy, upon your simple +requisition, and give far beyond their abilities, reflect that a penny +taken from them by your power is more honourable to you, than a pound +presented by their benevolence; despise therefore their voluntary +grants; and resolve to harass them with novel taxes. They will probably +complain to your parliaments, that they are taxed by a body in which +they have no representative, and that this is contrary to common right. +They will petition for redress. Let the Parliaments flout their claims, +reject their petitions, refuse even to suffer the reading of them, and +treat the petitioners with the utmost contempt. Nothing can have a +better effect in producing the alienation proposed; for though many can +forgive injuries, _none ever forgave contempt_. + +IX. In laying these taxes, never regard the heavy burthens those remote +people already undergo, in defending their own frontiers, supporting +their own provincial governments, making new roads, building bridges, +churches, and other public edifices, which in old countries have been +done to your hands by your ancestors, but which occasion constant calls +and demands on the purses of a new people. Forget the _restraints_ you +lay on their trade for _your own_ benefit, and the advantage a +_monopoly_ of this trade gives your exacting merchants. Think nothing of +the wealth those merchants and your manufacturers acquire by the colony +commerce; their encreased ability thereby to pay taxes at home; their +accumulating, in the price of their commodities, most of those taxes, +and so levying them from their consuming customers; all this, and the +employment and support of thousands of your poor by the colonists, you +are _intirely to forget_. But remember to make your arbitrary tax more +grievous to your provinces, by public declarations importing that your +power of taxing them has _no limits_; so that when you take from them +without their consent one shilling in the pound, you have a clear right +to the other nineteen. This will probably weaken every idea of _security +in their property_, and convince them, that under such a government they +_have nothing they can call their own_; which can scarce fail of +producing the _happiest consequences_! + +X. Possibly, indeed, some of them might still comfort themselves, and +say, "Though we have no property, we have yet _something_ left that is +valuable; we have constitutional _liberty_, both of person and of +conscience. This King, these Lords, and these Commons, who it seems are +too remote from us to know us, and feel for us, cannot take from us our +_Habeas Corpus_ right, or our right of trial _by a jury of our +neighbours_; they cannot deprive us of the exercise of our religion, +alter our ecclesiastical constitution, and compel us to be Papists, if +they please, or Mahometans." To annihilate this comfort, begin by laws +to perplex their commerce with infinite regulations, impossible to be +remembered and observed; ordain seizures of their property for every +failure; take away the trial of such property by Jury, and give it to +arbitrary Judges of your own appointing, and of the lowest characters in +the country, whose salaries and emoluments are to arise out of the +duties or condemnations, and whose appointments are _during pleasure_. +Then let there be a formal declaration of both Houses, that opposition +to your edicts is _treason_, and that any person suspected of treason in +the provinces may, according to some obsolete law, be seized and sent to +the metropolis of the empire for trial; and pass an act, that those +there charged with certain other offences, shall be sent away in chains +from their friends and country to be tried in the same manner for +felony. Then erect a new Court of Inquisition among them, accompanied by +an armed force, with instructions to transport all such suspected +persons; to be ruined by the expence, if they bring over evidences to +prove their innocence, or be found guilty and hanged, if they cannot +afford it. And, lest the people should think you cannot possibly go any +farther, pass another solemn declaratory act, "that King, Lords, Commons +had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make +statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the unrepresented +provinces IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER." This will include _spiritual_ with +temporal, and, taken together, must operate wonderfully to your purpose; +by convincing them, that they are at present under a power something +like that spoken of in the scriptures, which can not only _kill their +bodies_, but _damn their souls_ to all eternity, by compelling them, if +it pleases, _to worship the Devil_. + +XI. To make your taxes more odious, and more likely to procure +resistance, send from the capital a board of officers to superintend the +collection, composed of the most _indiscreet_, _ill-bred_, and +_insolent_ you can find. Let these have large salaries out of the +extorted revenue, and live in open, grating luxury upon the sweat and +blood of the industrious; whom they are to worry continually with +groundless and expensive prosecutions before the abovementioned +arbitrary revenue Judges; _all at the cost of the party prosecuted_, +tho' acquitted, because _the King is to pay no costs_. Let these men, +_by your order_, be exempted from all the common taxes and burthens of +the province, though they and their property are protected by its laws. +If any revenue officers are _suspected_ of the least tenderness for the +people, discard them. If others are justly complained of, protect and +reward them. If any of the under officers behave so as to provoke the +people to drub them, promote those to better offices: this will +encourage others to procure for themselves such profitable drubbings, by +multiplying and enlarging such provocations, and _all will work towards +the end you aim at_. + +XII. Another way to make your tax odious, is to misapply the produce of +it. If it was originally appropriated for the _defence_ of the +provinces, the better support of government, and the administration of +justice, where it may be _necessary_, then apply none of it to that +_defence_, but bestow it where it is _not necessary_, in augmented +salaries or pensions to every governor, who has distinguished himself by +his enmity to the people, and by calumniating them to their sovereign. +This will make them pay it more unwillingly, and be more apt to quarrel +with those that collect it and those that imposed it, who will quarrel +again with them, and all shall contribute to your _main purpose_, of +making them _weary of your government_. + +XIII. If the people of any province have been accustomed to support +their own Governors and Judges to satisfaction, you are to apprehend +that such Governors and Judges may be thereby influenced to treat the +people kindly, and to do them justice. This is another reason for +applying part of that revenue in larger salaries to such Governors and +Judges, given, as their commissions are, _during your pleasure_ only; +forbidding them to take any salaries from their provinces; that thus the +people may no longer hope any kindness from their Governors, or (in +Crown cases) any justice from their Judges. And, as the money thus +misapplied in one province is extorted from all, probably _all will +resent the misapplication_. + +XIV. If the parliaments of your provinces should dare to claim rights, +or complain of your administration, order them to be harassed with +_repeated dissolutions_. If the same men are continually returned by new +elections, adjourn their meetings to some country village, where they +cannot be accommodated, and there keep them _during pleasure_; for this, +you know, is your PREROGATIVE; and an excellent one it is, as you may +manage it to promote discontents among the people, diminish their +respect, and _increase their disaffection_. + +XV. Convert the brave, honest officers of your _navy_ into pimping +tide-waiters and colony officers of the _customs_. Let those, who in +time of war fought gallantly in defence of the commerce of their +countrymen, in peace be taught to prey upon it. Let them learn to be +corrupted by great and real smugglers; but (to shew their diligence) +scour with armed boats every bay, harbour, river, creek, cove, or nook +throughout the coast of your colonies; stop and detain every coaster, +every wood-boat, every fisherman, tumble their cargoes and even their +ballast inside out and upside down; and, if a penn'orth of pins is found +unentered, let the whole be seized and confiscated. Thus shall the trade +of your colonists suffer more from their friends in time of peace, than +it did from their enemies in war. Then let these boats crews land upon +every farm in their way, rob the orchards, steal the pigs and the +poultry, and insult the inhabitants. If the injured and exasperated +farmers, unable to procure other justice, should attack the aggressors, +drub them, and burn their boats; you are to call this _high treason and +rebellion_, order fleets and armies into their country, and threaten to +carry all the offenders three thousand miles to be hanged, drawn, and +quartered. _O! this will work admirably!_ + +XVI. If you are told of discontents in your colonies, never believe +that they are general, or that you have given occasion for them; +therefore do not think of applying any remedy, or of changing any +offensive measure. Redress no grievance, lest they should be encouraged +to demand the redress of some other grievance. Grant no request that is +just and reasonable, lest they should make another that is unreasonable. +Take all your informations of the state of the colonies from your +Governors and officers in enmity with them. Encourage and reward these +_leasing-makers_; secrete their lying accusations, lest they should be +confuted; but act upon them as the clearest evidence; and believe +nothing you hear from the friends of the people: suppose all _their_ +complaints to be invented and promoted by a few factious demagogues, +whom if you could catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a +few of them accordingly; and the _blood of the Martyrs_ shall _work +miracles_ in favour of your purpose. + +XVII. If you see _rival nations_ rejoicing at the prospect of your +disunion with your provinces, and endeavouring to promote it; if they +translate, publish, and applaud all the complaints of your discontented +colonists, at the same time privately stimulating you to severer +measures, let not that _alarm_ or offend you. Why should it, since you +all mean _the same thing_? + +XVIII. If any colony should at their own charge erect a fortress to +secure their port against the fleets of a foreign enemy, get your +Governor to betray that fortress into your hands. Never think of paying +what it cost the country, for that would look, at least, like some +regard for justice; but turn it into a citadel to awe the inhabitants +and curb their commerce. If they should have lodged in such fortress the +very arms they bought and used to aid you in your conquests, seize them +all; it will provoke like _ingratitude_ added to _robbery_. One +admirable effect of these operations will be, to discourage every other +colony from erecting such defences, and so your enemies may more easily +invade them; to the great disgrace of your government, and of course +_the furtherance of your project_. + +XIX. Send armies into their country under pretence of protecting the +inhabitants; but, instead of garrisoning the forts on their frontiers +with those troops, to prevent incursions, demolish those forts, and +order the troops into the heart of the country, that the savages may be +encouraged to attack the frontiers, and that the troops may be protected +by the inhabitants. This will seem to proceed from your ill will or your +ignorance, and contribute farther to produce and strengthen an opinion +among them, _that you are no longer fit to govern them_. + +XX. Lastly, invest the General of your army in the provinces, with great +and unconstitutional powers, and free him from the controul of even your +own Civil Governors. Let him have troops enow under his command, with +all the fortresses in his possession; and who knows but (like some +provincial Generals in the Roman empire, and encouraged by the universal +discontent you have produced) he may take it into his head to set up for +himself? If he should, and you have carefully practised these few +_excellent rules_ of mine, take my word for it, all the provinces will +immediately join him; and you will that day (if you have not done it +sooner) get rid of the trouble of governing them, and all the _plagues_ +attending their _commerce_ and connection from henceforth and for ever. + + Q. E. D. + + + +TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN + + London, October 6, 1773. + +DEAR SON, + +I wrote to you the 1st of last month, since which I have received yours +of July 29, from New York. I know not what letters of mine Governor +H[utchinson] could mean, as advising the people to insist on their +independency. But whatever they were, I suppose he has sent copies of +them hither, having heard some whisperings about them. I shall however, +be able at any time to justify every thing I have written; the purport +being uniformly this, that they should carefully avoid all tumults and +every violent measure, and content themselves with verbally keeping up +their claims, and holding forth their rights whenever occasion requires; +secure, that, from the growing importance of America, those claims will +ere long be attended to and acknowledged. + +From a long and thorough consideration of the subject, I am indeed of +opinion, that the parliament has no right to make any law whatever, +binding on the colonies; that the king, and not the king, lords, and +commons collectively, is their sovereign; and that the king, with their +respective parliaments, is their only legislator. I know your sentiments +differ from mine on these subjects. You are a thorough government man, +which I do not wonder at, nor do I aim at converting you. I only wish +you to act uprightly and steadily, avoiding that duplicity, which in +Hutchinson, adds contempt to indignation. If you can promote the +prosperity of your people, and leave them happier than you found them, +whatever your political principles are, your memory will be honoured. + +I have written two pieces here lately for the _Public Advertiser_, on +American affairs, designed to expose the conduct of this country towards +the colonies in a short, comprehensive, and striking view, and stated, +therefore, in out-of-the-way forms, as most likely to take the general +attention. The first was called "_Rules by which a Great Empire may be +reduced to a small one_;" the second, "_An Edict of the King of +Prussia_." I sent you one of the first, but could not get enough of the +second to spare you one, though my clerk went the next morning to the +printer's, and wherever they were sold. They were all gone but two. In +my own mind I preferred the first, as a composition for the quantity and +variety of the matter contained, and a kind of spirited ending of each +paragraph. But I find that others here generally prefer the second. + +I am not suspected as the author, except by one or two friends; and have +heard the latter spoken of in the highest terms, as the keenest and +severest piece that has appeared here for a long time. Lord Mansfield, I +hear, said of it, that it _was very_ ABLE _and very_ ARTFUL _indeed_; +and would do mischief by giving here a bad impression of the measures of +government; and in the colonies, by encouraging them in their contumacy. +It is reprinted in the _Chronicle_, where you will see it, but stripped +of all the capitaling and italicing, that intimate the allusions and +mark the emphasis of written discourses, to bring them as near as +possible to those spoken: printing such a piece all in one even small +character, seems to me like repeating one of Whitefield's sermons in the +monotony of a schoolboy. + +What made it the more noticed here was, that people in reading it were, +as the phrase is, _taken in_, till they had got half through it, and +imagined it a real edict, to which mistake I suppose the King of +Prussia's _character_ must have contributed. I was down at Lord Le +Despencer's when the post brought that day's papers. Mr. Whitehead was +there, too, (Paul Whitehead, the author of "Manners,") who runs early +through all the papers, and tells the company what he finds remarkable. +He had them in another room, and we were chatting in the breakfast +parlour, when he came running in to us, out of breath, with the paper in +his hand. Here! says he, here's news for ye! _Here's the King of +Prussia, claiming a right to this kingdom!_ All stared, and I as much as +anybody; and he went on to read it. When he had read two or three +paragraphs, a gentleman present said, _Damn his impudence, I dare say, +we shall hear by next post that he is upon his march with one hundred +thousand men to back this_. Whitehead, who is very shrewd, soon after +began to smoke it, and looking in my face said, _I'll be hanged if this +is not some of your American jokes upon us_. The reading went on, and +ended with abundance of laughing, and a general verdict that it was a +fair hit: and the piece was cut out of the paper and preserved in my +Lord's collection. + +I do not wonder that Hutchinson should be dejected. It must be an +uncomfortable thing to live among people who he is conscious universally +detest him. Yet I fancy he will not have leave to come home, both +because they know not well what to do with him, and because they do not +very well like his conduct. I am ever your affectionate father, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +PREFACE TO "AN ABRIDGMENT OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER"[82] + +[1773] + +The editor of the following abridgment of the Liturgy of the Church of +England thinks it but decent and respectful to all, more particularly to +the reverend body of clergy, who adorn the Protestant religion by their +good works, preaching, and example, that he should humbly offer some +reason for such an undertaking. He addresses himself to the serious and +discerning. He professes himself to be a Protestant of the Church of +England, and holds in the highest veneration the doctrines of Jesus +Christ. He is a sincere lover of social worship, deeply sensible of its +usefulness to society; and he aims at doing some service to religion, by +proposing such abbreviations and omissions in the forms of our Liturgy +(retaining everything he thinks essential) as might, if adopted, procure +a more general attendance. For, besides the differing sentiments of many +pious and well-disposed persons in some speculative points, who in +general have a good opinion of our Church, it has often been observed +and complained of, that the Morning and Evening Service, as practised in +England and elsewhere, are so long, and filled with so many repetitions, +that the continued attention suitable to so serious a duty becomes +impracticable, the mind wanders, and the fervency of devotion is +slackened. Also the propriety of saying the same prayer more than once +in the same service is doubted, as the service is thereby lengthened +without apparent necessity; our Lord having given us a short prayer as +an example, and censured the heathen for thinking to be heard because of +much speaking. + +Moreover, many pious and devout persons, whose age or infirmities will +not suffer them to remain for hours in a cold church, especially in the +winter season, are obliged to forego the comfort and edification they +would receive by their attendance at divine service. These, by +shortening the time, would be relieved, and the younger sort, who have +had some principles of religion instilled into them, and who have been +educated in a belief of the necessity of adoring their Maker, would +probably more frequently, as well as cheerfully, attend divine service, +if they were not detained so long at any one time. Also many well +disposed tradesmen, shopkeepers, artificers, and others, whose +habitations are not remote from churches, could, and would, more +frequently at least, find [time to attend divine service on other than +Sundays, if the prayers were reduced to a much narrower compass. + +Formerly there were three services performed at different times of the +day, which three services are now usually joined in one. This may suit +the convenience of the person who officiates, but it is too often +inconvenient and tiresome to the congregation. If this abridgment, +therefore, should ever meet with acceptance, the well-disposed clergy +who are laudably desirous to encourage the _frequency_ of divine +service, may promote so great and good a purpose by repeating it three +times on a Sunday, without so much fatigue to themselves as at present. +Suppose, at nine o'clock, at eleven, and at one in the evening; and by +preaching no more sermons than usual of a moderate length; and thereby +accommodate a greater number of people with convenient hours. + +These were general reasons for wishing and proposing an abridgment. In +attempting it we do not presume to dictate even to a single Christian. +We are sensible there is a proper authority in the rulers of the Church +for ordering such matters; and whenever the time shall come when it may +be thought not unreasonable to revise our Liturgy, there is no doubt but +every suitable improvement will be made, under the care and direction of +so much learning, wisdom, and piety, in one body of men collected. Such +a work as this must then be much better executed. In the meantime this +humble performance may serve to show the practicability of shortening +the service near one half, without the omission of what is essentially +necessary; and we hope, moreover, that the book may be occasionally of +some use to families, or private assemblies of Christians. + +To give now some account of particulars. We have presumed upon this +plan of abridgment to omit the First Lesson, which is taken from the Old +Testament, and retain only the Second from the New Testament, which, we +apprehend, is more suitable to teach the so-much-to-be-revered doctrine +of Christ, and of more immediate importance to Christians;] although the +Old Testament is allowed by all to be an accurate and concise history, +and, as such, may more properly be read at home. + +[We do not conceive it necessary for Christians to make use of more than +one creed. Therefore, in this abridgment are omitted the Nicene Creed +and that of St. Athanasius. Of the Apostle's Creed we have retained the +parts that are most intelligible and most essential. And as the +_Father_, _Son_, and _Holy Ghost_ are there confessedly and avowedly a +part of the belief, it does not appear necessary, after so solemn a +confession, to repeat again, in the Litany, the _Son_ and _Holy Ghost_, +as that part of the service is otherwise very prolix. + +The Psalms being a collection of odes written by different persons, it +hath happened that many of them are on the same subjects and repeat the +same sentiments--such as those that complain of enemies and persecutors, +call upon God for protection, express a confidence therein, and thank +him for it when afforded. A very great part of the book consists of +repetitions of this kind, which may therefore well bear abridgment. +Other parts are merely historical, repeating the mention of facts more +fully narrated in the preceding books, and which, relating to the +ancestors of the Jews, were more interesting to them than to us. Other +parts are _local_, and allude to places of which we have no knowledge, +and therefore do not affect us. Others are _personal_, relating to the +particular circumstances of David or Solomon, as kings, and can +therefore seldom be rehearsed with any propriety by private Christians. +Others imprecate, in the most bitter terms, the vengeance of God on our +adversaries, contrary to the spirit of Christianity, which commands us +to love our enemies, and to pray for those that hate us and despitefully +use us. For these reasons it is to be wished that the same liberty were +by the governors of our Church allowed to the minister with regard to +the _reading Psalms_, as is taken by the clerk with regard to those +that are to be sung, in directing the parts that he may judge most +suitable to be read at the time, from the present circumstances of the +congregation, or the tenor of his sermon, by saying, "Let us _read_" +such and such parts of the Psalms named. Until this is done our +abridgment, it is hoped, will be found to contain what may be most +generally proper to be joined in by an assembly of Christian people. The +Psalms are still apportioned to the days of the month, as heretofore, +though the several parts for each day are generally a full third +shorter. + +We humbly suppose the same service contained in this abridgment might +properly serve for all the saints' days, fasts, and feasts, reading only +the Epistle and Gospel appropriated to each day of the month. + +The Communion is greatly abridged, on account of its great length; +nevertheless, it is hoped and believed that all those parts are retained +which are material and necessary. + +Infant Baptism in Churches being performed during divine service, would +greatly add to the length of that service, if it were not abridged. We +have ventured, therefore, to leave out the less material parts. + +The Catechism, as a compendium of systematic theology, which learned +divines have written folio volumes to explain, and which, therefore, it +may be presumed, they thought scarce intelligible without such +expositions, is, perhaps, taken altogether, not so well adapted to the +capacities of children as might be wished. Only those plain answers, +therefore, which express our duty towards God, and our duty towards our +neighbor, are retained here. The rest is recommended to their reading +and serious consideration, when more years shall have ripened their +understanding.] + +The Confirmation is here shortened. + +The Commination, and all cursing of mankind, is, we think, best omitted +in this abridgment. + +The form of solemnization of Matrimony is often abbreviated by the +officiating minister at his discretion. We have selected what appears to +us the material parts, and which we humbly hope, will be deemed +sufficient. + +The long prayers in the service for the Visitation of the Sick seem not +so proper, when the afflicted person is very weak and in distress. + +The Order for the Burial of the Dead is very solemn and moving; +nevertheless, to preserve the health and lives of the living, it +appeared to us that this service ought particularly to be shortened. For +numbers standing in the open air with their hats off, often in +tempestuous weather, during the celebration, its great length is not +only inconvenient, but may be dangerous to the attendants. We hope, +therefore, that our abridgment of it will be approved by the rational +and prudent. + +The Thanksgiving of women after childbirth being, when read, part of the +service of the day, we have also, in some measure, abridged that. + +Having thus stated very briefly our motives and reasons, and our manner +of proceeding in the prosecution of this work, we hope to be believed, +when we declare the rectitude of our intentions. We mean not to lessen +or prevent the practice of religion, but to honour and promote it. We +acknowledge the excellency of our present Liturgy, and, though we have +shortened it, we have not presumed to alter a word in the remaining +text; not even to substitute _who_ for _which_ in the Lord's Prayer, and +elsewhere, although it would be more correct. We respect the characters +of bishops and other dignitaries of our Church, and, with regard to the +inferior clergy we wish that they were more equally provided for, than +by that odious and vexatious as well as unjust method of gathering +tithes in kind, which creates animosities and litigations, to the +interruption of the good harmony and respect which might otherwise +subsist between the rectors and their parishioners. + +And thus, conscious of upright meaning, we submit this abridgment to the +serious consideration of the prudent and dispassionate, and not to +enthusiasts and bigots; being convinced in our own breasts, that this +shortened method, or one of the same kind better executed, would further +religion, increase unanimity, and occasion a more frequent attendance on +the worship of God. + + + +A PARABLE AGAINST PERSECUTION[83] + +1. And it came to pass after these things, that Abraham sat in the door +of his tent, about the going down of the sun. + +2. And behold a man, bent with age, coming from the way of the +wilderness, leaning on a staff. + +3. And Abraham arose and met him, and said unto him, Turn in, I pray +thee, and wash thy feet, and tarry all night, and thou shalt arise early +in the morning, and go on thy way. + +4. But the man said, Nay, for I will abide under this tree. + +5. And Abraham pressed him greatly; so he turned, and they went into the +tent; and Abraham baked unleavened bread, and they did eat. + +6. And when Abraham saw that the man blessed not God, he said unto him, +Wherefore dost thou not worship the most high God, Creator of heaven and +earth? + +7. And the man answered and said, I do not worship thy God, neither do I +call upon his name; for I have made to myself a god, which abideth +always in mine house, and provideth me with all things. + +8. And Abraham's zeal was kindled against the man, and he arose and fell +upon him, and drove him forth with blows into the wilderness. + +9. And God called unto Abraham, saying, Abraham, where is the stranger? + +10. And Abraham answered and said, Lord, he would not worship thee, +neither would he call upon thy name; therefore have I driven him out +from before my face into the wilderness. + +11. And God said, Have I borne with him these hundred and ninety and +eight years, and nourished him, and cloathed him, notwithstanding his +rebellion against me; and couldst not thou, who art thyself a sinner, +bear with him one night? + +12. And Abraham said, Let not the anger of the Lord wax hot against his +servant; lo, I have sinned; lo, I have sinned; forgive me, I pray thee. + +13. And Abraham arose, and went forth into the wilderness, and sought +diligently for the man, and found him, and returned with him to the +tent; and when he had entreated him kindly, he sent him away on the +morrow with gifts. + +14. And God spake again unto Abraham, saying, For this thy sin shall thy +seed be afflicted four hundred years in a strange land; + +15. But for thy repentance will I deliver them; and they shall come +forth with power, and with gladness of heart, and with much substance. + + + +A PARABLE ON BROTHERLY LOVE[84] + +1. In those days there was no worker of iron in all the land. And the +merchants of Midian passed by with their camels, bearing spices, and +myrrh, and balm, and wares of iron. + +2. And Reuben bought an axe of the Ishmaelite merchants, which he prized +highly, for there was none in his father's house. + +3. And Simeon said unto Reuben his brother, "Lend me, I pray thee, thine +axe." But he refused, and would not. + +4. And Levi also said unto him, "My brother, lend me, I pray thee, thine +axe;" and he refused him also. + +5. Then came Judah unto Reuben, and entreated him, saying, "Lo, thou +lovest me, and I have always loved thee; do not refuse me the use of +thine axe." + +6. But Reuben turned from him, and refused him likewise. + +7. Now it came to pass, that Reuben hewed timber on the bank of the +river, and his axe fell therein, and he could by no means find it. + +8. But Simeon, Levi, and Judah had sent a messenger after the +Ishmaelites with money, and had bought for themselves each an axe. + +9. Then came Reuben unto Simeon, and said, "Lo, I have lost mine axe, +and my work is unfinished; lend me thine, I pray thee." + +10. And Simeon answered him, saying, "Thou wouldest not lend me thine +axe, therefore will I not lend thee mine." + +11. Then went he unto Levi, and said unto him, "My brother, thou knowest +my loss and my necessity; lend me, I pray thee, thine axe." + +12. And Levi reproached him, saying, "Thou wouldest not lend me thine +axe when I desired it, but I will be better than thou, and will lend +thee mine." + +13. And Reuben was grieved at the rebuke of Levi and being ashamed, +turned from him, and took not the axe, but sought his brother Judah. + +14. And as he drew near, Judah beheld his countenance as it were covered +with grief and shame; and he prevented him, saying, "My brother, I know +thy loss; but why should it trouble thee? Lo, have I not an axe that +will serve both thee and me? Take it, I pray thee, and use it as thine +own." + +15. And Reuben fell on his neck, and kissed him, with tears, saying, +"Thy kindness is great, but thy goodness in forgiving me is greater. +Thou are indeed my brother, and whilst I live, will I surely love thee." + +16. And Judah said, "Let us also love our other brethren; behold, are we +not all of one blood?" + +17. And Joseph saw these things, and reported them to his father Jacob. + +18. And Jacob said, "Reuben did wrong, but he repented. Simeon also did +wrong; and Levi was not altogether blameless. + +19. "But the heart of Judah is princely. Judah hath the soul of a king. +His father's children shall bow down before him, and he shall rule over +his brethren." + + + +TO WILLIAM STRAHAN[85] + + Philad^a July 5, 1775. + +MR. STRAHAN, + +You are a Member of Parliament, and one of that Majority which has +doomed my Country to Destruction.--You have begun to burn our Towns, and +murder our People.--Look upon your Hands! They are stained with the +Blood of your Relations!--You and I were long Friends:--You are now my +Enemy,--and I am + + Yours, + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY + + Philadelphia, July 7, 1775. + +DEAR FRIEND, + +The Congress met at a time when all minds were so exasperated by the +perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on the country people, that +propositions of attempting an accommodation were not much relished; and +it has been with difficulty that we have carried another humble petition +to the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity more, of +recovering the friendship of the colonies; which, however, I think she +has not sense enough to embrace, and so I conclude she has lost them for +ever. + +She has begun to burn our seaport towns; secure, I suppose, that we +shall never be able to return the outrage in kind. She may doubtless +destroy them all; but, if she wishes to recover our commerce, are these +the probable means? She must certainly be distracted; for no tradesman +out of Bedlam ever thought of encreasing the number of his customers, by +knocking them on the head; or of enabling them to pay their debts, by +burning their houses. If she wishes to have us subjects, and that we +should submit to her as our compound sovereign, she is now giving us +such miserable specimens of her government, that we shall ever detest +and avoid it, as a complication of robbery, murder, famine, fire, and +pestilence. + +You will have heard, before this reaches you, of the treacherous conduct +[of General Gage] to the remaining people in Boston, in detaining their +_goods_, after stipulating to let them go out with their _effects_, on +pretence that merchants' goods were not effects; the defeat of a great +body of his troops by the country people at Lexington; some other small +advantages gained in skirmishes with their troops; and the action at +Bunker's Hill, in which they were twice repulsed, and the third time +gained a dear victory. Enough has happened, one would think, to convince +your ministers, that the Americans will fight, and that this is a harder +nut to crack than they imagined. + +We have not yet applied to any foreign power for assistance, nor +offered our commerce for their friendship. Perhaps we never may; yet it +is natural to think of it, if we are pressed. We have now an army on our +establishment, which still holds yours besieged. My time was never more +fully employed. In the morning at six, I am at the Committee of Safety, +appointed by the Assembly to put the province in a state of defence; +which committee holds till near nine, when I am at the Congress, and +that sits till after four in the afternoon. Both these bodies proceed +with the greatest unanimity, and their meetings are well attended. It +will scarce be credited in Britain, that men can be as diligent with us +from zeal for the public good, as with you for thousands per annum. Such +is the difference between uncorrupted new states, and corrupted old +ones. + +Great frugality and great industry are now become fashionable here. +Gentlemen, who used to entertain with two or three courses, pride +themselves now in treating with simple beef and pudding. By these means, +and the stoppage of our consumptive trade with Britain, we shall be +better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our troops. +Our savings in the article of trade amount to near five millions +sterling per annum. + +I shall communicate your letter to Mr. Winthrop; but the camp is at +Cambridge, and he has as little leisure for philosophy as myself. +Believe me ever with sincere esteem, my dear friend, yours most +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO A FRIEND IN ENGLAND[86] + + Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1775. + +DEAR SIR, + +I wish as ardently as you can do for peace, and should rejoice +exceedingly in coöperating with you to that end. But every ship from +Britain brings some intelligence of new measures that tend more and more +to exasperate; and it seems to me, that until you have found by dear +experience the reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of +nothing fair and reasonable. + +We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures. If you would recall +your forces and stay at home, we should meditate nothing to injure you. +A little time so given for cooling on both sides would have excellent +effects. But you will goad and provoke us. You despise us too much; and +you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is no _little +enemy_. I am persuaded that the body of the British people are our +friends; but they are changeable, and by your lying Gazettes may soon be +made our enemies. Our respect for them will proportionably diminish, and +I see clearly we are on the high road to mutual Enmity[,] hatred and +detestation. A separation of course will be inevitable. 'Tis a million +of pities so fair a plan as we have hitherto been engaged in, for +increasing strength and empire with _public felicity_, should be +destroyed by the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers. It will +not be destroyed; God will protect and prosper it, you will only exclude +yourselves from any share in it. We hear, that more ships and troops are +coming out. We know, that you may do us a great deal of mischief, and +are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can. But, if you +flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither the +people nor the country. The Congress are still sitting, and will wait +the result of their _last_ petition. Yours, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + +TO LORD HOWE + + Philadelphia, July 30th,[87] 1776. + +MY LORD, + +I receiv'd safe the Letters your Lordship so kindly forwarded to me, and +beg you to accept my thanks. + +The official dispatches, to which you refer me, contain nothing more +than what we had seen in the Act of Parliament, viz. Offers of Pardon +upon Submission, which I was sorry to find, as it must give your +Lordship Pain to be sent upon so fruitless a Business. + +Directing Pardons to be offered to the Colonies, who are the very +Parties injured, expresses indeed that Opinion of our Ignorance, +Baseness, and Insensibility, which your uninform'd and proud Nation has +long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other effect +than that of increasing our Resentments. It is impossible we should +think of Submission to a Government, that has with the most wanton +Barbarity and Cruelty burnt our defenceless Towns in the midst of +Winter, excited the Savages to massacre our Peacefull Farmers, and our +Slaves to murder their Masters, and is even now bringing foreign +Mercenaries to deluge our Settlements with Blood. These atrocious +Injuries have extinguished every remaining Spark of Affection for that +Parent Country we once held so dear; but, were it possible for _us_ to +forget and forgive them, it is not possible for _you_ (I mean the +British Nation) to forgive the People you have so heavily injured. You +can never confide again in those as Fellow Subjects, and permit them to +enjoy equal Freedom, to whom you know you have given such just Cause of +lasting Enmity. And this must impel you, were we again under your +Government, to endeavour the breaking our Spirit by the severest +Tyranny, and obstructing, by every Means in your Power, our growing +Strength and Prosperity. + +But your Lordship mentions "the King's paternal solicitude for promoting +the Establishment of lasting _Peace_ and Union with the Colonies." If by +Peace is here meant a Peace to be entered into between Britain and +America, as distinct States now at War, and his Majesty has given your +Lordship Powers to treat with us of such a Peace, I may venture to say, +though without Authority, that I think a Treaty for that purpose not yet +quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign Alliances. But I am +persuaded you have no such Powers. Your nation, though, by punishing +those American Governors, who have fomented the Discord, rebuilding our +burnt Towns, and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us, +might yet recover a great Share of our Regard, and the greatest Part of +our growing Commerce, with all the Advantage of that additional Strength +to be derived from a Friendship with us; but I know too well her +abounding Pride and deficient Wisdom, to believe she will ever take such +salutary Measures. Her Fondness for Conquest, as a warlike Nation, her +lust of Dominion, as an ambitious one, and her wish for a gainful +Monopoly, as a commercial One, (none of them legitimate Causes of War,) +will all join to hide from her Eyes every view of her true Interests, +and continually goad her on in those ruinous distant Expeditions, so +destructive both of Lives and Treasure, that must prove as pernicious to +her in the End, as the Crusades formerly were to most of the Nations in +Europe. + +I have not the Vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating by thus +predicting the Effects of this War; for I know it will in England have +the Fate of all my former Predictions, not to be believed till the Event +shall verify it. + +Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied Zeal, to preserve +from breaking that fine and noble China Vase, the British Empire; for I +knew, that, being once broken, the separate Parts could not retain even +their Shares of the Strength and Value that existed in the Whole, and +that a perfect Reunion of those Parts could scarce ever be hoped for. +Your Lordship may possibly remember the tears of Joy that wet my Cheek, +when, at your good Sister's in London, you once gave me Expectations +that a Reconciliation might soon take Place. I had the Misfortune to +find those Expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the Cause of +the Mischief I was laboring to prevent. My Consolation under that +groundless and malevolent Treatment was, that I retained the Friendship +of many wise and good Men in that country, and, among the rest, some +Share in the Regard of Lord Howe. + +The well-founded Esteem, and, permit me to say, Affection, which I shall +always have for your Lordship, makes it Painful to me to see you engaged +in conducting a War, the great Ground of which, as expressed in your +Letter, is "the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing +into foreign Channels." To me it seems, that neither the Obtaining or +Retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is an Object for which men +may justly spill each other's Blood; that the true and sure Means of +extending and securing Commerce is the goodness and Cheapness of +Commodities; and that the profit of no trade can ever be equal to the +Expence of compelling it, and of holding it, by Fleets and Armies. + +I consider this War against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise; +and I am persuaded, that cool, dispassionate Posterity will condemn to +Infamy those who advised it; and that even Success will not save from +some Degree of Dishonor those, who voluntarily engaged to Conduct it. I +know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being +Instrumental in a Reconciliation; and I believe, when you find _that_ to +be impossible on any Terms given you to propose, you will relinquish so +odious a Command, and return to a more honourable private Station. + +With the greatest and most sincere Respect, I have the Honour to be, my +Lord, your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +THE SALE OF THE HESSIANS[88] + +FROM THE COUNT DE SCHAUMBERGH TO THE BARON HOHENDORF, COMMANDING THE +HESSIAN TROOPS IN AMERICA + + Rome, February 18, 1777. + +MONSIEUR LE BARON:-- + +On my return from Naples, I received at Rome your letter of the 27th +December of last year. I have learned with unspeakable pleasure the +courage our troops exhibited at Trenton, and you cannot imagine my joy +on being told that of the 1,950 Hessians engaged in the fight, but 345 +escaped. There were just 1,605 men killed, and I cannot sufficiently +commend your prudence in sending an exact list of the dead to my +minister in London. This precaution was the more necessary, as the +report sent to the English ministry does not give but 1,455 dead. This +would make 483,450 florins instead of 643,500 which I am entitled to +demand under our convention. You will comprehend the prejudice which +such an error would work in my finances, and I do not doubt you will +take the necessary pains to prove that Lord North's list is false and +yours correct. + +The court of London objects that there were a hundred wounded who ought +not to be included in the list, nor paid for as dead; but I trust you +will not overlook my instructions to you on quitting Cassel, and that +you will not have tried by human succor to recall the life of the +unfortunates whose days could not be lengthened but by the loss of a leg +or an arm. That would be making them a pernicious present, and I am sure +they would rather die than live in a condition no longer fit for my +service. I do not mean by this that you should assassinate them; we +should be humane, my dear Baron, but you may insinuate to the surgeons +with entire propriety that a crippled man is a reproach to their +profession, and that there is no wiser course than to let every one of +them die when he ceases to be fit to fight. + +I am about to send to you some new recruits. Don't economize them. +Remember glory before all things. Glory is true wealth. There is nothing +degrades the soldier like the love of money. He must care only for +honour and reputation, but this reputation must be acquired in the midst +of dangers. A battle gained without costing the conqueror any blood is +an inglorious success, while the conquered cover themselves with glory +by perishing with their arms in their hands. Do you remember that of the +300 Lacedæmonians who defended the defile of Thermopylae, not one +returned? How happy should I be could I say the same of my brave +Hessians! + +It is true that their king, Leonidas, perished with them: but things +have changed, and it is no longer the custom for princes of the empire +to go and fight in America for a cause with which they have no concern. +And besides, to whom should they pay the thirty guineas per man if I did +not stay in Europe to receive them? Then, it is necessary also that I be +ready to send recruits to replace the men you lose. For this purpose I +must return to Hesse. It is true, grown men are becoming scarce there, +but I will send you boys. Besides, the scarcer the commodity the higher +the price. I am assured that the women and little girls have begun to +till our lands, and they get on not badly. You did right to send back to +Europe that Dr. Crumerus who was so successful in curing dysentery. +Don't bother with a man who is subject to looseness of the bowels. That +disease makes bad soldiers. One coward will do more mischief in an +engagement than ten brave men will do good. Better that they burst in +their barracks than fly in a battle, and tarnish the glory of our arms. +Besides, you know that they pay me as killed for all who die from +disease, and I don't get a farthing for runaways. My trip to Italy, +which has cost me enormously, makes it desirable that there should be a +great mortality among them. You will therefore promise promotion to all +who expose themselves; you will exhort them to seek glory in the midst +of dangers; you will say to Major Maundorff that I am not at all content +with his saving the 345 men who escaped the massacre of Trenton. Through +the whole campaign he has not had ten men killed in consequence of his +orders. Finally, let it be your principal object to prolong the war and +avoid a decisive engagement on either side, for I have made arrangements +for a grand Italian opera, and I do not wish to be obliged to give it +up. Meantime I pray God, my dear Baron de Hohendorf, to have you in his +holy and gracious keeping. + + + +MODEL OF A LETTER OF RECOMMENDATION[89] + + Paris, April 2, 1777. + +SIR:-- + +The bearer of this, who is going to America, presses me to give him a +Letter of Recommendation, tho' I know nothing of him, not even his Name. +This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not uncommon here. +Sometimes, indeed one unknown Person brings another equally unknown, to +recommend him; and sometimes they recommend one another! As to this +Gentleman, I must refer you to himself for his Character and Merits, +with which he is certainly better acquainted than I can possibly be. I +recommend him however to those Civilities, which every Stranger, of whom +one knows no Harm, has a Right to; and I request you will do him all the +good Offices, and show him all the Favour that, on further Acquaintance, +you shall find him to deserve. I have the Honour to be, etc. + + [B. F.] + + + +TO -------- + + Passy, Oct. 4, 1777. + +SIR, + +I am much obliged by your communication of the letter from England. I am +of your opinion, that it is not proper for publication here. Our +friend's expressions concerning Mr. Wilson, will be thought too angry to +be made use of by one philosopher when speaking of another, and on a +philosophical question. He seems as much heated about this _one point_, +as the Jansenists and Molinists were about the _five_. As to my writing +any thing on the subject, which you seem to desire, I think it not +necessary, especially as I have nothing to add to what I have already +said upon it in a paper read to the committee, who ordered the +conductors at Purfleet; which paper is printed in the last French +edition of my writings. + +I have never entered into any controversy in defence of my philosophical +opinions; I leave them to take their chance in the world. If they are +_right_, truth and experience will support them; if _wrong_, they ought +to be refuted and rejected. Disputes are apt to sour one's temper, and +disturb one's quiet. I have no private interest in the reception of my +inventions by the world, having never made, nor proposed to make, the +least profit by any of them. The King's changing his _pointed_ +conductors for _blunt_ ones is, therefore, a matter of small importance +to me. If I had a wish about it, it would be that he had rejected them +altogether as ineffectual. For it is only since he thought himself and +family safe from the thunder of Heaven, that he dared to use his own +thunder in destroying his innocent subjects.[90] I am, Sir, yours, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO DAVID HARTLEY[91] + + Passy, Oct. 14, 1777. + +_Dear Sir_, + +I received duly your letter of May 2, 1777, including a copy of one you +had sent me the year before, which never came to hand, and which it +seems has been the case with some I wrote to you from America. Filled +tho' our letters have always been with sentiments of good will to both +countries, and earnest desires of preventing their ruin and promoting +their mutual felicity, I have been apprehensive, that, if it were known +that a correspondence subsisted between us, it might be attended with +inconvenience to you. I have therefore been backward in writing, not +caring to trust the post, and not well knowing whom else to trust with +my letters. But being now assured of a safe conveyance, I venture to +write to you, especially as I think the subject such an one as you may +receive a letter upon without censure. + +Happy should I have been, if the honest warnings I gave, of the fatal +separation of interests, as well as of affections, that must attend the +measures commenced while I was in England, had been attended to, and the +horrid mischief of this abominable war been thereby prevented. I should +still be happy in any successful endeavours for restoring peace, +consistent with the liberties, the safety, and honour of America. As to +our submitting to the government of Great Britain, it is vain to think +of it. She has given us, by her numberless barbarities in the +prosecution of the war, and in the treatment of prisoners, by her malice +in bribing slaves to murder their masters, and savages to massacre the +families of farmers, with her baseness in rewarding the unfaithfulness +of servants, and debauching the virtue of honest seamen, intrusted with +our property, so deep an impression of her depravity, that we never +again can trust her in the management of our affairs and interests. It +is now impossible to persuade our people, as I long endeavoured, that +the war was merely ministerial, and that the nation bore still a good +will to us. The infinite number of addresses printed in your gazettes, +all approving this conduct of your government towards us, and +encouraging our destruction by every possible means, the great majority +in Parliament constantly manifesting the same sentiments, and the +popular public rejoicings on occasion of any news of the slaughter of an +innocent and virtuous people, fighting only in defence of their just +rights; these, together with the recommendations of the same measures +by even your celebrated moralists and divines, in their writings and +sermons, that are cited approved and applauded in your great national +assemblies; all join in convincing us, that you are no longer the +magnanimous and enlightened nation, we once esteemed you, and that you +are unfit and unworthy to govern us, as not being able to govern your +own passions. + +But, as I have said, I should be nevertheless happy in seeing peace +restored. For tho', if my friends and the friends of liberty and virtue, +who still remain in England, could be drawn out of it, a continuance of +this war to the ruin of the rest would give me less concern, I cannot, +as that removal is impossible, but wish for peace for their sakes, as +well as for the sake of humanity, and preventing further carnage. + +This wish of mine, ineffective as it may be, induces me to mention to +you, that, between nations long exasperated against each other in war, +some act of generosity and kindness towards prisoners on one side has +softened resentment, and abated animosity on the other, so as to bring +on an accommodation. You in England, if you wish for peace, have at +present the opportunity of trying this means, with regard to the +prisoners now in your goals [_sic_]. They complain of very severe +treatment. They are far from their friends and families, and winter is +coming on, in which they must suffer extremely, if continued in their +present situation; fed scantily on bad provisions, without warm lodging, +clothes, or fire, and not suffered to invite or receive visits from +their friends, or even from the humane and charitable of their enemies. + +I can assure you, from my own certain knowledge, that your people, +prisoners in America, have been treated with great kindness; they have +been served with the same rations of wholesome provisions with our own +troops, comfortable lodgings have been provided for them, and they have +been allowed large bounds of villages in a healthy air, to walk and +amuse themselves with on their parole. Where you have thought fit to +employ contractors to supply your people, these contractors have been +protected and aided in their operations. Some considerable act of +kindness towards our people would take off the reproach of inhumanity in +that respect from the nation, and leave it where it ought with more +certainty to lay, on the conductors of your war in America. This I hint +to you, out of some remaining good will to a nation I once sincerely +loved. But, as things are, and in my present temper of mind, not being +over fond of receiving obligations, I shall content myself with +proposing, that your government would allow us to send or employ a +commissary to take some care of those unfortunate people. Perhaps on +your representations this might speedily be obtained in England, though +it was refused most inhumanly at New York. + +If you could have leisure to visit the goals [_sic_] in which they are +confined, and should be desirous of knowing the truth relative to the +treatment they receive, I wish you would take the trouble of +distributing among the most necessitous according to their wants, two or +three hundred pounds, for which your drafts on me here shall be +punctually honour'd. You could then be able to speak with some certainty +to the point in Parliament, and this might be attended with good effect. + +If you cannot obtain for us permission to send a commissary, possibly +you may find a trusty, humane, discreet person at Plymouth, and another +at Portsmouth, who would undertake to communicate what relief we may be +able to afford those unhappy, brave men, martyrs to the cause of +liberty. [Your King will not reward you for taking this trouble, but God +will.] I shall not mention the good will of America; you have what is +better, the applause of your own good conscience. Our captains have set +at liberty above 200 of your people, made prisoners by our armed vessels +and brought into France, besides a great number dismissed at sea on your +coasts, to whom vessels were given to carry them in: But you have not +returned us a man in exchange. If we had sold your people to the Moors +at Sallee, as you have many of ours to the African and East India +Companies, could you have complained? + +In revising what I have written, I found too much warmth in it, and was +about to strike out some parts. Yet I let them go, as they will afford +you this one reflection; "If a man naturally cool, and render'd still +cooler by old age, is so warmed by our treatment of his country, how +much must those people in general be exasperated against us? And why are +we making inveterate enemies by our barbarity, not only of the present +inhabitants of a great country, but of their infinitely more numerous +posterity; who will in future ages detest the name of _Englishman_, as +much as the children in Holland now do those of _Alva_ and _Spaniard_." +This will certainly happen, unless your conduct is speedily changed, and +the national resentment falls where it ought to [fall] heavily, on your +ministry, [or perhaps rather on the King, whose will they only execute]. + +With the greatest esteem and affection, and best wishes for your +prosperity, I have the honour to be, dear Sir, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +A DIALOGUE BETWEEN BRITAIN, FRANCE, SPAIN, HOLLAND, SAXONY AND AMERICA +[92] + +_Britain._ Sister of Spain, I have a Favour to ask of you. My Subjects +in America are disobedient, and I am about to chastize them; I beg you +will not furnish them with any Arms or Ammunition. + +_Spain._ Have you forgotten, then, that when my Subjects in the Low +Countries rebelled against me, you not only furnish'd them with military +Stores, but join'd them with an Army and a Fleet? I wonder how you can +have the Impudence to ask such a Favour of me, or the Folly to expect +it! + +_Britain._ You, my dear Sister of France, will surely not refuse me this +Favour. + +_France._ Did you not assist my Rebel Hugenots with a Fleet and an Army +at Rochelle? And have you not lately aided privately and sneakingly my +Rebel Subjects in Corsica? And do you not at this Instant keep their +Chief, pension'd, and ready to head a fresh Revolt there, whenever you +can find or make an Opportunity? Dear Sister, you must be a little +silly! + +_Britain._ Honest Holland! You see it is remembered that I was once your +Friend; you will therefore be mine on this Occasion. I know, indeed, +you are accustom'd to smuggle with these Rebels of mine. I will wink at +that; sell 'em as much Tea as you please, to enervate the Rascals, since +they will not take it of me; but for God's sake don't supply them with +any Arms! + +_Holland._ 'Tis true you assisted me against Philip, my Tyrant of Spain, +but have I not assisted you against one of your Tyrants;[H] and enabled +you to expell him? Surely that Accompt, as we Merchants say, is +_ballanced_, and I am nothing in your Debt. I have indeed some +Complaints against _you_, for endeavouring to starve me by your +_Navigation Acts_; but, being peaceably dispos'd, I do not quarrel with +you for that. I shall only go on quietly with my own Business. Trade is +my Profession: 't is all I have to subsist on. And, let me tell you, I +shall make no scruple (on the prospect of a good Market for that +Commodity) even to send my ships to Hell and supply the Devil with +Brimstone. For you must know, I can insure in London against the Burning +of my Sails. + + [H] James 2d. [_Franklin's note._] + +_America to Britain._ Why, you old bloodthirsty Bully! You who have been +everywhere vaunting your own Prowess, and defaming the Americans as +poltroons! You who have boasted of being able to march over all their +Bellies with a single Regiment! You who by Fraud have possessed yourself +of their strongest Fortress, and all the arms they had stored up in it! +You who have a disciplin'd Army in their Country, intrench'd to the +Teeth, and provided with every thing! Do _you_ run about begging all +Europe not to supply those poor People with a little Powder and Shot? Do +you mean, then, to fall upon them naked and unarm'd, and butcher them in +cold Blood? Is this your Courage? Is this your Magnanimity? + +_Britain._ Oh! you wicked--Whig--Presbyterian--Serpent! Have you the +Impudence to appear before me after all your Disobedience? Surrender +immediately all your Liberties and Properties into my Hands, or I will +cut you to Pieces. Was it for this that I planted your country at so +great an Expence? That I protected you in your Infancy, and defended you +against all your Enemies? + +_America._ I shall not surrender my Liberty and Property, but with my +Life. It is not true, that my Country was planted at your expence. Your +own Records refute that Falshood to your Face. Nor did you ever afford +me a Man or a Shilling to defend me against the Indians, the only +Enemies I had upon my own Account. But, when you have quarrell'd with +all Europe, and drawn me with you into all your Broils, then you value +yourself upon protecting me from the Enemies you have made for me. I +have no natural Cause of Difference with Spain, France, or Holland, and +yet by turns I have join'd with you in Wars against them all. You would +not suffer me to make or keep a separate Peace with any of them, tho' I +might easily have done it to great Advantage. Does your protecting me in +those Wars give you a Right to fleece me? If so, as I fought for you, as +well as you for me, it gives me a proportionable Right to fleece you. +What think you of an American Law to make a Monopoly of you and your +Commerce, as you have done by your Laws of me and mine? Content yourself +with that Monopoly if you are Wise, and learn Justice if you would be +respected! + +_Britain._ You impudent b----h! Am not I your Mother Country? Is that +not a sufficient Title to your Respect and Obedience? + +_Saxony._ _Mother country!_ Hah, hah, he! What Respect have _you_ the +front to claim as a Mother Country? You know that _I_ am _your_ Mother +Country, and yet you pay me none. Nay, it is but the other day, that you +hired Ruffians[I] to rob me on the Highway,[J] and burn my House![K] For +shame! Hide your Face and hold your Tongue. If you continue this +Conduct, you will make yourself the Contempt of Europe! + + [I] Prussians. + + [J] They enter'd and rais'd Contributions in Saxony. + + [K] And they burnt the fine Suburbs of Dresden, the Capital of + Saxony. [_Franklin's notes._] + +_Britain._ O Lord! Where are my friends? + +_France, Spain, Holland, and Saxony, all together._ Friends! Believe us, +you have none, nor ever will have any, 'till you mend your Manners. How +can we, who are your Neighbours, have any regard for you, or expect any +Equity from you, should your Power increase, when we see how basely and +unjustly you have us'd both your _own Mother and your own Children_? + + + +TO CHARLES DE WEISSENSTEIN[93] + + Passy, July 1, 1778. + +SIR, + +I received your letter, dated at Brussels the 16th past. My vanity might +possibly be nattered by your expressions of compliment to my +understanding, if your _proposals_ did not more clearly manifest a mean +opinion of it. + +You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and just God, before whom +I must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to consider if some +expedient cannot be found to put a stop to the desolation of America, +and prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious of having +taken every step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to widen +it, I can appear cheerfully before that God, fearing nothing from his +justice in this particular, though I have much occasion for his mercy in +many others. As to my future fame, I am content to rest it on my past +and present conduct, without seeking an addition to it in the crooked, +dark paths, you propose to me, where I should most certainly lose it. +This your solemn address would therefore have been more properly made to +your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He and they, who wickedly +began, and madly continue, a war for the desolation of America, are +alone accountable for the consequences. + +You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith; but the +instances of their friendly endeavours to serve a race of weak princes, +who, by their own imprudence, defeated every attempt to promote their +interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the steady +friendship of France to the Thirteen United States of Switzerland, which +has now continued inviolate two hundred years. You tell me, that she +will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do not +believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she despises +us; but I see clearly that you are endeavouring to cheat us by your +conciliatory bills; that you actually despised our understandings, when +you flattered yourselves those artifices would succeed; and that not +only France, but all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and for +ever would despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your insidious +propositions. + +Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are not so +magnificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as you represent +them to be. The body of our people are not merchants, but humble +husbandmen, who delight in the cultivation of their lands, which, from +their fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of +furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life without external +commerce; and we have too much land to have the least temptation to +extend our territory by conquest from peaceable neighbours, as well as +too much justice to think of it. Our militia, you find by experience, +are sufficient to defend our lands from invasion; and the commerce with +us will be defended by all the nations who find an advantage in it. We, +therefore, have not the occasion you imagine, of fleets or standing +armies, but may leave those expensive machines to be maintained for the +pomp of princes, and the wealth of ancient states. We propose, if +possible, to live in peace with all mankind; and after you have been +convinced, to your cost, that there is nothing to be got by attacking +us, we have reason to hope, that no other power will judge it prudent to +quarrel with us, lest they divert us from our own quiet industry, and +turn us into corsairs preying upon theirs. The weight therefore of an +independent empire, which you seem certain of our inability to bear, +will not be so great as you imagine. The expense of our civil government +we have always borne, and can easily bear, because it is small. A +virtuous and laborious people may be cheaply governed. Determining, as +we do, to have no offices of profit, nor any sinecures or useless +appointments, so common in ancient or corrupted states, we can govern +ourselves a year, for the sum you pay in a single department, or for +what one jobbing contractor, by the favour of a minister, can cheat you +out of in a single article. + +You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into an opinion that +England _must_ acknowledge our independency. We, on the other hand, +think you flatter yourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a vast +boon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain some great +advantage by granting or withholding. We have never asked it of you; we +only tell you, that you can have no treaty with us but as an independent +state; and you may please yourselves and your children with the rattle +of your right to govern us, as long as you have done with that of your +King's being King of France, without giving us the least concern, if you +do not attempt to exercise it. That this pretended right is +indisputable, as you say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had a +right to govern us, and your King has forfeited it by his bloody +tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know a little of your mind, +that, even if the Parliament should acknowledge our independency, the +act would not be binding to posterity, and that your nation would resume +and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it convenient from the +influence of your passions, and your present malice against us. We +suspected before, that you would not be actually bound by your +conciliatory acts, longer than till they had served their purpose of +inducing us to disband our forces; but we were not certain, that you +were knaves by principle, and that we ought not to have the least +confidence in your offers, promises, or treaties, though confirmed by +Parliament. + +I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since, when in England, +that a certain very great personage, then young, studied much a certain +book, called _Arcana Imperii_.[94] I had the curiosity to procure the +book and read it. There are sensible and good things in it, but some bad +ones; for, if I remember rightly, a particular king is applauded for his +politically exciting a rebellion among his subjects, at a time when they +had not strength to support it, that he might, in subduing them, take +away their privileges, which were troublesome to him; and a question is +formally stated and discussed, _Whether a prince, who, to appease a +revolt, makes promises of indemnity to the revolters, is obliged to +fulfil those promises._ Honest and good men would say, Ay; but this +politician says, as you say, No. And he gives this pretty reason, that, +though it was right to make the promises, because otherwise the revolt +would not be suppressed, yet it would be wrong to keep them, because +revolters ought to be punished to deter from future revolts. + +If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence can be placed +in you; it is in vain to treat with you; and the wars can only end in +being reduced to an utter inability of continuing them. + +One main drift of your letter seems to be, to impress me with an idea of +your own impartiality, by just censures of your ministers and measures, +and to draw from me propositions of peace, or approbations of those you +have enclosed to me which you intimate may by your means be conveyed to +the King directly, without the intervention of those ministers. You +would have me give them to, or drop them for, a stranger, whom I may +find next Monday in the church of Notre Dame, to be known by a rose in +his hat. You yourself, Sir, are quite unknown to me; you have not +trusted me with your true name. Our taking the least step towards a +treaty with England through you, might, if you are an enemy, be made use +of to ruin us with our new and good friends. I may be indiscreet enough +in many things; but certainly, if I were disposed to make propositions +(which I cannot do, having none committed to me to make), I should never +think of delivering them to the Lord knows who, to be carried to the +Lord knows where, to serve no one knows what purposes. Being at this +time one of the most remarkable figures in Paris, even my appearance in +the church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any conceivable business, +and especially being seen to leave or drop any letter to any person +there, would be a matter of some speculation, and might, from the +suspicions it must naturally give, have very mischievous consequences to +our credit here. + +The very proposing of a correspondence so to be managed, in a manner not +necessary where fair dealing is intended, gives just reason to suppose +you intend the contrary. Besides, as your court has sent Commissioners +to treat with the Congress, with all the powers that could be given +them by the crown under the act of Parliament, what good purpose can be +served by privately obtaining propositions from us? Before those +Commissioners went, we might have treated in virtue of our general +powers, (with the knowledge, advice, and approbation of our friends), +upon any propositions made to us. But, under the present circumstances, +for us to make propositions, while a treaty is supposed to be actually +on foot with the Congress, would be extremely improper, highly +presumptuous with regard to our constituents, and answer no good end +whatever. + +I write this letter to you, notwithstanding; (which I think I can convey +in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may come to your hands;) I +write it because I would let you know our sense of your procedure, which +appears as insidious as that of your conciliatory bills. Your true way +to obtain peace, if your ministers desire it, is, to propose openly to +the Congress fair and equal terms, and you may possibly come sooner to +such a resolution, when you find, that personal flatteries, general +cajolings, and panegyrics on our _virtue_ and _wisdom_ are not likely to +have the effect you seem to expect; the persuading us to act basely and +foolishly, in betraying our country and posterity into the hands of our +most bitter enemies, giving up or selling our arms and warlike stores, +dismissing our ships of war and troops, and putting those enemies in +possession of our forts and ports. + +This proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and gagged, ready for +hanging, without even a right to complain, and without a friend to be +found afterwards among all mankind, you would have us embrace upon the +faith of an act of Parliament! Good God! an act of your Parliament! This +demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy we do not +know you; but it is not merely this flimsy faith, that we are to act +upon; you offer us _hope_, the hope of PLACES, PENSIONS, and PEERAGES. +These, judging from yourselves, you think are motives irresistible. This +offer to corrupt us, Sir, is with me your credential, and convinces me +that you are not a private volunteer in your application. It bears the +stamp of British court character. It is even the signature of your +King. But think for a moment in what light it must be viewed in America. +By PLACES, you mean places among us, for you take care by a special +article to secure your own to yourselves. We must then pay the salaries +in order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you will give us +PENSIONS, probably to be paid too out of your expected American revenue, +and which none of us can accept without deserving, and perhaps +obtaining, a SUS-_pension_. PEERAGES! alas! Sir, our long observation of +the vast servile majority of your peers, voting constantly for every +measure proposed by a minister, however weak or wicked, leaves us small +respect for that title. We consider it as a sort of _tar-and-feather_ +honour, or a mixture of foulness and folly, which every man among us, +who should accept it from your King, would be obliged to renounce, or +exchange for that conferred by the mobs of their own country, or wear it +with everlasting infamy. I am, Sir, your humble Servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +THE EPHEMERA[95] + +_An Emblem of Human Life_ + +[1778] + +You may remember, my dear friend, that when we lately spent that happy +day in the delightful garden and sweet society of the Moulin Joly, I +stopt a little in one of our walks, and staid some time behind the +company. We had been shown numberless skeletons of a kind of little fly, +called an ephemera, whose successive generations, we were told, were +bred and expired within the day. I happened to see a living company of +them on a leaf, who appeared to be engaged in conversation. You know I +understand all the inferior animal tongues: my too great application to +the study of them is the best excuse I can give for the little progress +I have made in your charming language. I listened through curiosity to +the discourse of these little creatures; but as they, in their national +vivacity, spoke three or four together, I could make but little of +their conversation. I found, however, by some broken expressions that I +heard now and then, they were disputing warmly on the merit of two +foreign musicians, one a _cousin_, the other a _moscheto_; in which +dispute they spent their time, seemingly as regardless of the shortness +of life as if they had been sure of living a month. Happy people! +thought I, you live certainly under a wise, just, and mild government, +since you have no public grievances to complain of, nor any subject of +contention but the perfections and imperfections of foreign music. I +turned my head from them to an old grey-headed one, who was single on +another leaf, and talking to himself. Being amused with his soliloquy, I +put it down in writing, in hopes it will likewise amuse her to whom I am +so much indebted for the most pleasing of all amusements, her delicious +company and heavenly harmony. + +"It was," said he, "the opinion of learned philosophers of our race, who +lived and flourished long before my time, that this vast world, the +Moulin Joly, could not itself subsist more than eighteen hours; and I +think there was some foundation for that opinion, since, by the apparent +motion of the great luminary that gives life to all nature, and which in +my time has evidently declined considerably towards the ocean at the end +of our earth, it must then finish its course, be extinguished in the +waters that surround us, and leave the world in cold and darkness, +necessarily producing universal death and destruction. I have lived +seven of those hours, a great age, being no less than four hundred and +twenty minutes of time. How very few of us continue so long! I have seen +generations born, flourish, and expire. My present friends are the +children and grandchildren of the friends of my youth, who are now, +alas, no more! And I must soon follow them; for, by the course of +nature, though still in health, I cannot expect to live above seven or +eight minutes longer. What now avails all my toil and labor, in amassing +honey-dew on this leaf, which I cannot live to enjoy! What the political +struggles I have been engaged in, for the good of my compatriot +inhabitants of this bush, or my philosophical studies for the benefit of +our race in general! for, in politics, what can laws do without morals? +Our present race of ephemeræ will in a course of minutes become corrupt, +like those of other and older bushes, and consequently as wretched. And +in philosophy how small our progress! Alas! art is long, and life is +short! My friends would comfort me with the idea of a name, they say, I +shall leave behind me; and they tell me I have lived long enough to +nature and to glory. But what will fame be to an ephemera who no longer +exists? And what will become of all history in the eighteenth hour, when +the world itself, even the whole Moulin Joly, shall come to its end, and +be buried in universal ruin?" + +To me, after all my eager pursuits, no solid pleasures now remain, but +the reflection of a long life spent in meaning well, the sensible +conversation of a few good lady ephemeræ, and now and then a kind smile +and a tune from the ever amiable _Brillante_. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO RICHARD BACHE + + Passy, June 2, 1779. + +--I am very easy about the efforts Messrs. Lee and Izard are using, as +you tell me, to injure me on that side of the water. I trust in the +justice of the Congress, that they will listen to no accusations against +me, that I have not first been acquainted with, and had an opportunity +of answering. I know those gentlemen have plenty of ill will to me, +though I have never done to either of them the smallest injury, or given +the least just cause of offence. But my too great reputation, and the +general good will this people have for me, and the respect they show me, +and even the compliments they make me, all grieve those unhappy +gentlemen; unhappy indeed in their tempers, and in the dark, +uncomfortable passions of jealousy, anger, suspicion, envy, and malice. +It is enough for good minds to be affected at other people's +misfortunes; but they, that are vexed at everybody's good luck, can +never be happy. I take no other revenge of such enemies, than to let +them remain in the miserable situation in which their malignant natures +have placed them, by endeavouring to support an estimable character; and +thus, by continuing the reputation the world has hitherto indulged me +with, I shall continue them in their present state of damnation; and I +am not disposed to reverse my conduct for the alleviation of their +torments. + +I am surprised to hear, that my grandson, Temple Franklin, being with +me, should be an objection against me, and that there is a cabal for +removing him.[96] Methinks it is rather some merit, that I have rescued +a valuable young man from the danger of being a Tory, and fixed him in +honest republican Whig principles; as I think, from the integrity of his +disposition, his industry, his early sagacity, and uncommon abilities +for business, he may in time become of great service to his country. It +is enough that I have lost my _son_; would they add my _grandson_? An +old man of seventy, I undertook a winter voyage at the command of the +Congress, and for the public service, with no other attendant to take +care of me. I am continued here in a foreign country, where, if I am +sick, his filial attention comforts me, and, if I die, I have a child to +close my eyes and take care of my remains. His dutiful behaviour towards +me, and his diligence and fidelity in business, are both pleasing and +useful to me. His conduct, as my private secretary, has been +unexceptionable, and I am confident the Congress will never think of +separating us. + +I have had a great deal of pleasure in Ben too.[97] He is a good, honest +lad, and will make, I think, a valuable man. He had made as much +proficiency in his learning, as the boarding school he was at could well +afford him; and, after some consideration where to find a better for +him, I at length fixed on sending him to Geneva. I had a good +opportunity by a gentleman of that city; who had a place for him in his +chaise, and has a son about the same age at the same school. He promised +to take care of him, and enclosed I send you the letters I have since +received relating to him and from him. He went very cheerfully, and I +understand is very happy. I miss his company on Sundays at dinner. But, +if I live, and I can find a little leisure, I shall make the journey +next spring to see him, and to see at the same time _the old thirteen +United States_ of Switzerland. + +Thanks be to God, I continue well and hearty. Undoubtedly I grow older, +but I think the last ten years have made no great difference. I have +sometimes the gout, but they say that is not so much a disease as a +remedy. God bless you. I am your affectionate father, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +MORALS OF CHESS[98] + +[1779] + +[Playing at chess is the most ancient and most universal game known +among men; for its original is beyond the memory of history, and it has, +for numberless ages, been the amusement of all the civilised nations of +Asia, the Persians, the Indians, and the Chinese. Europe has had it +above a thousand years; the Spaniards have spread it over their part of +America; and it has lately begun to make its appearance in the United +States. It is so interesting in itself, as not to need the view of gain +to induce engaging in it; and thence it is seldom played for money. +Those therefore who have leisure for such diversions, cannot find one +that is more innocent: and the following piece, written with a view to +correct (among a few young friends) some little improprieties in the +practice of it, shows at the same time that it may, in its effects on +the mind, be not merely innocent, but advantageous, to the vanquished as +well as the victor.] + +The Game of Chess is not merely an idle Amusement. Several very valuable +qualities of the Mind, useful in the course of human Life, are to be +acquir'd or strengthened by it, so as to become habits, ready on all +occasions. For Life is a kind of Chess, in which we often have Points to +gain, & Competitors or Adversaries to contend with; and in which there +is a vast variety of good and ill Events, that are in some degree the +Effects of Prudence or the want of it. By playing at Chess, then, we may +learn, + +I. _Foresight_, which looks a little into futurity, and considers the +Consequences that may attend an action; for it is continually occurring +to the Player, "If I move this piece, what will be the advantages or +disadvantages of my new situation? What Use can my Adversary make of it +to annoy me? What other moves can I make to support it, and to defend +myself from his attacks?" + +II. _Circumspection_, which surveys the whole Chessboard, or scene of +action; the relations of the several pieces and situations, the Dangers +they are respectively exposed to, the several possibilities of their +aiding each other, the probabilities that the Adversary may make this or +that move, and attack this or the other Piece, and what different Means +can be used to avoid his stroke, or turn its consequences against him. + +III. _Caution_, not to make our moves too hastily. This habit is best +acquired, by observing strictly the laws of the Game; such as, _If you +touch a Piece, you must move it somewhere; if you set it down, you must +let it stand_. And it is therefore best that these rules should be +observed, as the Game becomes thereby more the image of human Life, and +particularly of War; in which, if you have incautiously put yourself +into a bad and dangerous position, you cannot obtain your Enemy's Leave +to withdraw your Troops, and place them more securely, but you must +abide all the consequences of your rashness. + +And _lastly_, we learn by Chess the habit of not being discouraged by +present appearances in the state of our affairs, the habit of hoping for +a favourable Change, and that of persevering in the search of resources. +The Game is so full of Events, there is such a variety of turns in it, +the Fortune of it is so subject to sudden Vicissitudes, and one so +frequently, after long contemplation, discovers the means of extricating +one's self from a supposed insurmountable Difficulty, that one is +encouraged to continue the Contest to the last, in hopes of Victory from +our own skill, or at least [of getting a stale mate] from the Negligence +of our Adversary. And whoever considers, what in Chess he often sees +instances of, that [particular pieces of] success is [are] apt to +produce Presumption, & its consequent Inattention, by which more is +afterwards lost than was gain'd by the preceding Advantage, while +misfortunes produce more care and attention, by which the loss may be +recovered, will learn not to be too much discouraged by any present +success of his Adversary, nor to despair of final good fortune upon +every little Check he receives in the pursuit of it. + +That we may therefore be induced more frequently to chuse this +beneficial amusement, in preference to others which are not attended +with the same advantages, every Circumstance that may increase the +pleasure of it should be regarded; and every action or word that is +unfair, disrespectful, or that in any way may give uneasiness, should be +avoided, as contrary to the immediate intention of both the Players, +which is to pass the Time agreably. + +Therefore, first, if it is agreed to play according to the strict rules, +then those rules are to be exactly observed by both parties, and should +not be insisted on for one side, while deviated from by the other--for +this is not equitable. + +Secondly, if it is agreed not to observe the rules exactly, but one +party demands indulgencies, he should then be as willing to allow them +to the other. + +Thirdly, no false move should ever be made to extricate yourself out of +difficulty, or to gain an advantage. There can be no pleasure in playing +with a person once detected in such unfair practice. + +Fourthly, if your adversary is long in playing, you ought not to hurry +him, or express any uneasiness at his delay. You should not sing, nor +whistle, nor look at your watch, nor take up a book to read, nor make a +tapping with your feet on the floor, or with your fingers on the table, +nor do any thing that may disturb his attention. For all these things +displease; and they do not show your skill in playing, but your +craftiness or your rudeness. + +Fifthly, you ought not to endeavour to amuse and deceive your adversary, +by pretending to have made bad moves, and saying that you have now lost +the game, in order to make him secure and careless, and inattentive to +your schemes: for this is fraud and deceit, not skill in the game. + +Sixthly, you must not, when you have gained a victory, use any +triumphing or insulting expression, nor show too much pleasure; but +endeavour to console your adversary, and make him less dissatisfied with +himself, by every kind of civil expression that may be used with truth, +such as, "you understand the game better than I, but you are a little +inattentive;" or, "you play too fast;" or, "you had the best of the +game, but something happened to divert your thoughts, and that turned it +in my favour." + +Seventhly, if you are a spectator while others play, observe the most +perfect silence. For, if you give advice, you offend both parties, him +against whom you give it, because it may cause the loss of his game, him +in whose favour you give it, because, though it be good, and he follows +it, he loses the pleasure he might have had, if you had permitted him to +think until it had occurred to himself. Even after a move or moves, you +must not, by replacing the pieces, show how they might have been placed +better; for that displeases, and may occasion disputes and doubts about +their true situation. All talking to the players lessens or diverts +their attention, and is therefore unpleasing. Nor should you give the +least hint to either party, by any kind of noise or motion. If you do, +you are unworthy to be a spectator. If you have a mind to exercise or +show your judgment, do it in playing your own game, when you have an +opportunity, not in criticizing, or meddling with, or counselling the +play of others. + +Lastly, if the game is not to be played rigorously, according to the +rules above mentioned, then moderate your desire of victory over your +adversary, and be pleased with one over yourself. Snatch not eagerly at +every advantage offered by his unskilfulness or inattention; but point +out to him kindly, that by such a move he places or leaves a piece in +danger and unsupported; that by another he will put his king in a +perilous situation, &c. By this generous civility (so opposite to the +unfairness above forbidden) you may, indeed, happen to lose the game to +your opponent; but you will win what is better, his esteem, his respect, +and his affection, together with the silent approbation and good-will of +impartial spectators. + + + +TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN + + Passy, Nov. 9, 1779. + +DEAR SIR, + +I have received several kind Letters from you, which I have not +regularly answered. They gave me however great Pleasure, as they +acquainted me with your Welfare, and that of your Family and other +Friends; and I hope you will continue writing to me as often as you can +do it conveniently. + +I thank you much for the great Care and Pains you have taken in +regulating and correcting the Edition of those Papers. Your Friendship +for me appears in almost every Page; and if the Preservation of any of +them should prove of Use to the Publick, it is to you that the Publick +will owe the Obligation. In looking them over, I have noted some Faults +of Impression that hurt the Sense, and some other little Matters, which +you will find all in a Sheet under the title of _Errata_. You can best +judge whether it may be worth while to add any of them to the Errata +already printed, or whether it may not be as well to reserve the whole +for Correction in another Edition, if such should ever be. Inclos'd I +send a more perfect copy of the _Chapter_.[99] + +If I should ever recover the Pieces that were in the Hands of my Son, +and those I left among my Papers in America, I think there may be enough +to make three more such Volumes, of which a great part would be more +interesting. + +As to the _Time_ of publishing, of which you ask my Opinion I am not +furnish'd with any Reasons, or Ideas of Reasons, on which to form any +Opinion. Naturally I should suppose the Bookseller to be from Experience +the best Judge, and I should be for leaving it to him. + +I did not write the Pamphlet you mention. I know nothing of it. I +suppose it is the same, concerning which Dr. Priestley formerly asked me +the same Question. That for which he took it was intitled, _A +Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_, with these +Lines in the Title Page. + + "Whatever is, is right. But purblind Man + Sees but a part o' the Chain, the nearest Link; + His Eye not carrying to that equal Beam, + That poises all above." + DRYDEN. + + _London, Printed M. D. C. C. X. X. V._ + +It was addressed to Mr. J. R., that is, James Ralph, then a youth of +about my age, and my intimate friend; afterwards a political writer and +historian. The purport of it was to prove the doctrine of fate, from the +supposed attributes of God; in some such manner as this: that in +erecting and governing the world, as he was infinitely wise, he knew +what would be best; infinitely good, he must be disposed, and infinitely +powerful, he must be able to execute it: consequently all is right. +There were only an hundred copies printed, of which I gave a few to +friends, and afterwards disliking the piece, as conceiving it might have +an ill tendency, I burnt the rest, except one copy, the margin of which +was filled with manuscript notes by Lyons, author of the Infallibility +of Human Judgment, who was at that time another of my acquaintance in +London. I was not nineteen years of age when it was written. In 1730, I +wrote a piece on the other side of the question, which began with laying +for its foundation this fact: "That almost all men in all ages and +countries, have at times made use of prayer." Thence I reasoned, that if +all things are ordained, prayer must among the rest be ordained. But as +prayer can produce no change in things that are ordained, praying must +then be useless and an absurdity. God would therefore not ordain praying +if everything else was ordained. But praying exists, therefore all +things are not ordained, etc. This pamphlet was never printed, and the +manuscript has been long lost. The great uncertainty I found in +metaphysical reasonings disgusted me, and I quitted that kind of reading +and study for others more satisfactory. + +I return the Manuscripts you were so obliging as to send me; I am +concern'd at your having no other copys, I hope these will get safe to +your hands. I do not remember the Duke de Chaulnes showing me the Letter +you mention. I have received Dr. Crawford's book, but not your Abstract, +which I wait for as you desire. + +I send you also M. Dupont's _Table Economique_, which I think an +excellent Thing, as it contains in a clear Method all the principles of +that new sect, called here _les Économistes_. + +Poor Henley's dying in that manner is inconceivable to me. Is any Reason +given to account for it, besides insanity? + +Remember me affectionately to all your good Family, and believe me, with +great Esteem, my dear Friend, yours, most sincerely, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +THE WHISTLE[100] + +TO MADAME BRILLON + + Passy, November 10, 1779. + +I received my dear friend's two letters, one for Wednesday and one for +Saturday. This is again Wednesday. I do not deserve one for to-day, +because I have not answered the former. But, indolent as I am, and +averse to writing, the fear of having no more of your pleasing epistles, +if I do not contribute to the correspondence, obliges me to take up my +pen; and as Mr. B. has kindly sent me word, that he sets out to-morrow +to see you, instead of spending this Wednesday evening as I have done +its namesakes, in your delightful company, I sit down to spend it in +thinking of you, in writing to you, and in reading over and over again +your letters. + +I am charmed with your description of Paradise, and with your plan of +living there; and I approve much of your conclusion, that, in the mean +time, we should draw all the good we can from this world. In my opinion, +we might all draw more good from it than we do, and suffer less evil, if +we would take care not to give too much for _whistles_. For to me it +seems, that most of the unhappy people we meet with, are become so by +neglect of that caution. + +You ask what I mean? You love stories, and will excuse my telling one of +myself. + +When I was a child of seven years old, my friends, on a holiday, filled +my pocket with coppers. I went directly to a shop where they sold toys +for children; and, being charmed with the sound of a _whistle_, that I +met by the way in the hands of another boy, I voluntarily offered and +gave all my money for one. I then came home, and went whistling all over +the house, much pleased with my _whistle_, but disturbing all the +family. My brothers, and sisters, and cousins, understanding the bargain +I had made, told me I had given four times as much for it as it was +worth; put me in mind what good things I might have bought with the rest +of the money; and laughed at me so much for my folly, that I cried with +vexation; and the reflection gave me more chagrin than the _whistle_ +gave me pleasure. + +This however was afterwards of use to me, the impression continuing on +my mind; so that often, when I was tempted to buy some unnecessary +thing, I said to myself, _Don't give too much for the whistle_; and I +saved my money. + +As I grew up, came into the world, and observed the actions of men, I +thought I met with many, very many, who _gave too much for the whistle_. + +When I saw one too ambitious of court favour, sacrificing his time in +attendance on levees, his repose, his liberty, his virtue, and perhaps +his friends, to attain it, I have said to myself, _This man gives too +much for his whistle_. + +When I saw another fond of popularity, constantly employing himself in +political bustles, neglecting his own affairs, and ruining them by that +neglect, _He pays, indeed_, said I, _too much for his whistle_. + +If I knew a miser, who gave up every kind of comfortable living, all the +pleasure of doing good to others, all the esteem of his fellow-citizens, +and the joys of benevolent friendship, for the sake of accumulating +wealth, _Poor man_, said I, _you pay too much for your whistle_. + +When I met with a man of pleasure, sacrificing every laudable +improvement of the mind, or of his fortune, to mere corporeal +sensations, and ruining his health in their pursuit, _Mistaken man_, +said I, _you are providing pain for yourself, instead of pleasure; you +give too much for your whistle_. + +If I see one fond of appearance, or fine clothes, fine houses, fine +furniture, fine equipages, all above his fortune, for which he contracts +debts, and ends his career in a prison, _Alas!_ say I, _he has paid +dear, very dear, for his whistle_. + +When I see a beautiful, sweet-tempered girl married to an ill-natured +brute of a husband, _What a pity_, say I, _that she should pay so much +for a whistle_! + +In short, I conceive that great part of the miseries of mankind are +brought upon them by the false estimates they have made of the value of +things, and by their _giving too much for their whistles_. + +Yet I ought to have charity for these unhappy people, when I consider, +that, with all this wisdom of which I am boasting, there are certain +things in the world so tempting, for example, the apples of King John, +which happily are not to be bought; for if they were put to sale by +auction, I might very easily be led to ruin myself in the purchase, and +find that I had once more given too much for the _whistle_. + +Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours very sincerely and with +unalterable affection, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +THE LORD'S PRAYER + +[1779?] + +OLD VERSION + +1. Our Father which art in Heaven, + +2. Hallowed be thy Name. + +3. Thy Kingdom come. + +4. Thy will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven. + +5. Give us this Day our daily Bread. + +6. Forgive us our Debts as we forgive our Debtors. + And lead us not into Temptation, but deliver us from Evil. + + +NEW VERSION BY B. F. + +1. Heavenly Father, + +2. May all revere thee, + +3. And become thy dutiful Children and faithful Subjects. + +4. May thy Laws be obeyed on Earth as perfectly as they are in Heaven. + +5. Provide for us this Day as thou hast hitherto daily done. + +6. Forgive us our Trespasses and enable us likewise to forgive + those that offend us. + +7. Keep us out of Temptation, and deliver us from Evil.-- + + +_Reasons for the Change of Expression_ + +Old Version. _Our Father which art in Heaven._ + +New V.--_Heavenly Father_, is more concise, equally expressive, and + better modern English.-- + +Old V.--_Hallowed be thy Name._ This seems to relate to an Observance + among the Jews not to pronounce the proper or peculiar Name of God, + they deeming it a Profanation so to do. We have in our Language no + _proper Name_ for God; the Word _God_ being a common or general Name, + expressing all chief Objects of Worship, true or false. The Word + _hallowed_ is almost obsolete. People now have but an imperfect + Conception of the Meaning of the Petition. It is therefore proposed + to change the expression into + +New V.--_May all revere thee._ + +Old V.--_Thy Kingdom come._ This Petition seems suited to the then + Condition of the Jewish Nation. Originally their State was a + Theocracy. God was their King. Dissatisfied with that kind of + Government, they desired a visible earthly King in the manner of the + Nations round them. They had such Kings accordingly; but their + Offerings were _due_ to God on many Occasions by the Jewish Law, + which when People could not pay, or had forgotten as Debtors are apt + to do, it was proper to pray that those Debts might be forgiven. Our + Liturgy uses neither the _Debtors_ of Matthew, nor the _indebted_ of + Luke, but instead of them speaks of _those that trespass against us_. + Perhaps the Considering it as a Christian Duty to forgive Debtors, + was by the Compilers thought an inconvenient Idea in a trading + Nation.--There seems however something presumptuous in this Mode of + Expression, which has the Air of proposing ourselves as an Example of + Goodness fit for God to imitate. _We hope you will at least be as + good as we are_; you see we forgive one another, and therefore we + pray that you would forgive us. Some have considered it in another + sense, _Forgive us as we forgive others_; i.e. If we do not forgive + others we pray that thou wouldst not forgive us. But this being a + kind of conditional _Imprecation_ against ourselves, seems improper + in such a Prayer; and therefore it may be better to say humbly & + modestly + +New V.--_Forgive us our Trespasses, and enable us likewise to forgive + those that offend us._ This instead of assuming that we have already + in & of ourselves the Grace of Forgiveness, acknowledges our + Dependance on God, the Fountain of Mercy for any Share we may have in + it, praying that he would communicate of it to us.-- + +Old V.--_And lead us not into Temptation._ The Jews had a Notion, that + God sometimes tempted, or directed or permitted the Tempting of + People. Thus it was said he tempted Pharaoh; directed Satan to tempt + Job; and a false Prophet to tempt Ahab, &c. Under this Persuasion it + was natural for them to pray that he would not put them to such + severe Trials. We now suppose that Temptation, so far as it is + supernatural, comes from the Devil only, and this Petition continued + conveys a Suspicion which in our present Conception seems unworthy of + God, therefore might be altered to + +New V.--_Keep us out of Temptation._ Happiness was not increas'd by the + Change, and they had reason to wish and pray for a Return of the + Theocracy, or Government of God. Christians in these Times have other + Ideas when they speak of the Kingdom of God, such as are perhaps more + adequately express'd by + +New V.--_And become thy dutiful Children & faithful Subjects._ + +Old V.--_Thy Will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven._ + +New V.--_May thy Laws be obeyed on Earth as perfectly as they are in + Heaven._ + +Old V.--_Give us this Day our daily Bread._ Give us what is _ours_, + seems to put us in a Claim of Right, and to contain too little of the + grateful Acknowledgment and Sense of Dependance that becomes + Creatures who live on the daily Bounty of their Creator. Therefore it + is changed to + +New V.--_Provide for us this Day, as thou hast hitherto daily done._ + +Old V.--_Forgive us our Debts as we forgive our Debtors._ Matthew. + + _Forgive us our Sins, for we also forgive every one that is indebted + to us._ Luke. + + + +THE LEVÉE + +[1779?] + +In the first chapter of Job we have an account of a transaction said to +have arisen in the court, or at the _levée_, of the best of all possible +princes, or of governments by a single person, viz. that of God himself. + +At this _levée_, in which the sons of God were assembled, Satan also +appeared. + +It is probable the writer of that ancient book took his idea of this +_levée_ from those of the eastern monarchs of the age he lived in. + +It is to this day usual at the _levées_ of princes, to have persons +assembled who are enemies to each other, who seek to obtain favor by +whispering calumny and detraction, and thereby ruining those that +distinguish themselves by their virtue and merit. And kings frequently +ask a familiar question or two, of every one in the circle, merely to +show their benignity. These circumstances are particularly exemplified +in this relation. + +If a modern king, for instance, finds a person in the circle who has not +lately been there, he naturally asks him how he has passed his time +since he last had the pleasure of seeing him? the gentleman perhaps +replies that he has been in the country to view his estates, and visit +some friends. Thus Satan being asked whence he cometh? answers, "From +going to and fro in the earth, and walking up and down in it." And being +further asked, whether he had considered the uprightness and fidelity of +the prince's servant Job, he immediately displays all the malignance of +the designing courtier, by answering with another question: "Doth Job +serve God for naught? Hast thou not given him immense wealth, and +protected him in the possession of it? Deprive him of that, and he will +curse thee to thy face." In modern phrase, Take away his places and his +pensions, and your Majesty will soon find him in the opposition. + +This whisper against Job had its effect. He was delivered into the power +of his adversary, who deprived him of his fortune, destroyed his family, +and completely ruined him. + +The book of Job is called by divines a sacred poem, and, with the rest +of the Holy Scriptures, is understood to be written for our instruction. + +What then is the instruction to be gathered from this supposed +transaction? + +Trust not a single person with the government of your state. For if the +Deity himself, being the monarch may for a time give way to calumny, and +suffer it to operate the destruction of the best of subjects; what +mischief may you not expect from such power in a mere man, though the +best of men, from whom the truth is often industriously hidden, and to +whom falsehood is often presented in its place, by artful, interested, +and malicious courtiers? + +And be cautious in trusting him even with limited powers, lest sooner or +later he sap and destroy those limits, and render himself absolute. + +For by the disposal of places, he attaches to himself all the +placeholders, with their numerous connexions, and also all the expecters +and hopers of places, which will form a strong party in promoting his +views. By various political engagements for the interest of neighbouring +states or princes, he procures their aid in establishing his own +personal power. So that, through the hopes of emolument in one part of +his subjects, and the fear of his resentment in the other, all +opposition falls before him. + + + +PROPOSED NEW VERSION OF THE BIBLE[101] + +[1779?] + +TO THE PRINTER OF*** + +SIR, + +It is now more than one hundred and seventy years since the translation +of our common English Bible. The language in that time is much changed, +and the style, being obsolete, and thence less agreeable, is perhaps one +reason why the reading of that excellent book is of late so much +neglected. I have therefore thought it would be well to procure a new +version, in which, preserving the sense, the turn of phrase and manner +of expression should be modern. I do not pretend to have the necessary +abilities for such a work myself; I throw out the hint for the +consideration of the learned; and only venture to send you a few verses +of the first chapter of Job, which may serve as a sample of the kind of +version I would recommend. + + A. B. + + +PART OF THE FIRST CHAPTER OF JOB MODERNIZED + +OLD TEXT + + NEW VERSION + +Verse 6. Now there was a +day when the sons of God +came to present themselves before +the Lord, and Satan came +also amongst them. + + Verse 6. And it being _levée_ + day in heaven, all God's nobility + came to court, to present + themselves before him; + and Satan also appeared in the + circle, as one of the ministry. + +7. And the Lord said unto +Satan, Whence comest thou? +Then Satan answered the Lord, +and said, From going to and +fro in the earth, and from +walking up and down in it. + + 7. And God said to Satan, + You have been some time absent; + where were you? And + Satan answered[,] I have been + at my country-seat, and in + different places visiting my + friends. + +8. And the Lord said unto +Satan, Hast thou considered +my servant Job, that there is +none like him in the earth, a +perfect and an upright man, +one that feareth God, and +escheweth evil? + + 8. And God said, Well, + what think you of Lord Job? + You see he is my best friend, + a perfectly honest man, full + of respect for me, and avoiding + every thing that might offend + me. + +9. Then Satan answered the +Lord, and said, Doth Job fear +God for naught? + + 9. And Satan answered, + Does your Majesty imagine + that his good conduct is the + effect of mere personal attachment + and affection? + +10. Hast thou not made an +hedge about his house, and +about all that he hath on every +side? Thou hast blessed the +work of his hands, and his +substance is increased in the +land. + + 10. Have you not protected + him, and heaped your benefits + upon him, till he is grown + enormously rich? + +11. But put forth thine +hand now, and touch all that +he hath, and he will curse thee +to thy face. + + 11. Try him;--only withdraw + your favor, turn him out + of his places, and withhold his + pensions, and you will soon + find him in the opposition. + + + +TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY + + Passy, Feb. 8, 1780. + +Dear Sir, + +Your kind Letter of September 27 came to hand but very lately, the +Bearer having staied long in Holland. I always rejoice to hear of your +being still employ'd in experimental Researches into Nature, and of the +Success you meet with. The rapid Progress _true_ Science now makes, +occasions my regretting sometimes that I was born so soon. It is +impossible to imagine the Height to which may be carried, in a thousand +years, the Power of Man over Matter. We may perhaps learn to deprive +large Masses of their Gravity, and give them absolute Levity, for the +sake of easy Transport. Agriculture may diminish its Labour and double +its Produce; all Diseases may by sure means be prevented or cured, not +excepting even that of Old Age, and our Lives lengthened at pleasure +even beyond the antediluvian Standard. O that moral Science were in as +fair a way of Improvement, that Men would cease to be Wolves to one +another, and that human Beings would at length learn what they now +improperly call Humanity![102] + +I am glad my little Paper on the _Aurora Borealis_ pleased. If it should +occasion further Enquiry, and so produce a better Hypothesis, it will +not be wholly useless. I am ever, with the greatest and most sincere +Esteem, dear Sir, yours very affectionately + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO GEORGE WASHINGTON + + Passy, March 5, 1780. + +SIR, + +I have received but lately the Letter your Excellency did me the honour +of writing to me in Recommendation of the Marquis de la Fayette. His +modesty detained it long in his own Hands. We became acquainted, +however, from the time of his Arrival at Paris; and his Zeal for the +Honour of our Country, his Activity in our Affairs here, and his firm +Attachment to our Cause and to you, impress'd me with the same Regard +and Esteem for him that your Excellency's Letter would have done, had it +been immediately delivered to me. + +Should peace arrive after another Campaign or two, and afford us a +little Leisure, I should be happy to see your Excellency in Europe, and +to accompany you, if my Age and Strength would permit, in visiting some +of its ancient and most famous Kingdoms. You would, on this side of the +Sea, enjoy the great Reputation you have acquir'd, pure and free from +those little Shades that the Jealousy and Envy of a Man's Countrymen and +Cotemporaries are ever endeavouring to cast over living Merit. Here you +would know, and enjoy, what Posterity will say of Washington. For 1000 +Leagues have nearly the same Effect with 1000 Years. The feeble Voice of +those grovelling Passions cannot extend so far either in Time or +Distance. At present I enjoy that Pleasure for you, as I frequently hear +the old Generals of this martial Country, (who study the Maps of +America, and mark upon them all your Operations,) speak with sincere +Approbation and great Applause of your conduct; and join in giving you +the Character of one of the greatest Captains of the Age. + +I must soon quit the Scene, but you may live to see our Country nourish, +as it will amazingly and rapidly after the War is over. Like a Field of +young Indian Corn, which long Fair weather and Sunshine had enfeebled +and discolored, and which in that weak State, by a Thunder Gust, of +violent Wind, Hail, and Rain, seem'd to be threaten'd with absolute +Destruction; yet the Storm being past, it recovers fresh Verdure, shoots +up with double Vigour, and delights the Eye, not of its Owner only, but +of every observing Traveller.[103] + +The best Wishes that can be form'd for your Health, Honour, and +Happiness, ever attend you from your Excellency's most obedient and most +humble servant + + B. F. + + + +TO MISS GEORGIANA SHIPLEY + + Passy, Oct. 8, 1780. + +It is long, very long, my dear Friend, since I had the great Pleasure of +hearing from you, and receiving any of your very pleasing Letters. But +it is my fault. I have long omitted my Part of the Correspondence. Those +who love to receive Letters should write Letters. I wish I could safely +promise an Amendment of that Fault. But, besides the Indolence attending +Age, and growing upon us with it, my Time is engross'd by too much +Business; and I have too many Inducements to postpone doing, what I feel +I ought to do for my own Sake, and what I can never resolve to omit +entirely. + +Your Translations from Horace, as far as I can judge of Poetry and +Translations, are very good. That of the _Quò, quò ruitis?_ is so +suitable to the Times, that the Conclusion, (in your Version,) seems to +threaten like a Prophecy; and methinks there is at least some Appearance +of Danger that it may be fulfilled. I am unhappily an Enemy, yet I think +there has been enough of Blood spilt, and I wish what is left in the +Veins of that once lov'd People, may be spared by a Peace solid and +everlasting. + +It is a great while since I have heard any thing of the _good Bishop_. +Strange, that so simple a Character should sufficiently distinguish one +of that sacred Body! _Donnez-moi de ses Nouvelles._ I have been some +time flatter'd with the Expectation of seeing the Countenance of that +most honoured and ever beloved Friend, delineated by your Pencil. The +Portrait is said to have been long on the way, but is not yet arriv'd; +nor can I hear where it is. + +Indolent as I have confess'd myself to be, I could not, you see, miss +this good and safe Opportunity of sending you a few Lines, with my best +Wishes for your Happiness, and that of the whole dear and amiable Family +in whose sweet Society I have spent so many happy Hours. Mr. Jones[104] +tells me, he shall have a Pleasure in being the Bearer of my Letter, of +which I make no doubt. I learn from him, that to your Drawing, and +Music, and Painting, and Poetry, and Latin, you have added a Proficiency +in Chess, so that you are, as the French say, _tout plein de talens_. +May they and you fall to the Lot of one, that shall duly value them, and +love you as much as I do. Adieu. + + B. F[RANKLIN]. + + + +TO RICHARD PRICE + + Passy, Oct. 9, 1780. + +DEAR SIR, + +Besides the Pleasure of their Company, I had the great Satisfaction of +hearing by your two valuable Friends, and learning from your Letter, +that you enjoy a good State of Health. May God continue it, as well for +the Good of Mankind as for your Comfort. I thank you much for the second +Edition of your excellent Pamphlet.[105] I forwarded that you sent to +Mr. Dana, he being in Holland. I wish also to see the Piece you have +written (as Mr. Jones tells me) on Toleration. I do not expect that your +new Parliament will be either wiser or honester than the last. All +Projects to procure an honest one, by Place Bills, &c., appear to me +vain and Impracticable. The true Cure, I imagine, is to be found only +in rendring all Places unprofitable, and the King too poor to give +Bribes and Pensions. Till this is done, which can only be by a +Revolution (and I think you have not Virtue enough left to procure one), +your Nation will always be plundered, and obliged to pay by Taxes the +Plunderers for Plundering and Ruining. Liberty and Virtue therefore join +in the call, COME OUT OF HER, MY PEOPLE! + +I am fully of your Opinion respecting religious Tests; but, tho' the +People of Massachusetts have not in their new Constitution kept quite +clear of them, yet, if we consider what that People were 100 Years ago, +we must allow they have gone great Lengths in Liberality of Sentiment on +religious Subjects; and we may hope for greater Degrees of Perfection, +when their Constitution, some years hence, shall be revised. If +Christian Preachers had continued to teach as Christ and his Apostles +did, without Salaries, and as the Quakers now do, I imagine Tests would +never have existed; for I think they were invented, not so much to +secure Religion itself, as the Emoluments of it. When a Religion is +good, I conceive that it will support itself; and, when it cannot +support itself, and God does not take care to support, so that its +Professors are oblig'd to call for the help of the Civil Power, it is a +sign, I apprehend, of its being a bad one. But I shall be out of my +Depth, if I wade any deeper in Theology, and I will not trouble you with +Politicks, nor with News which are almost as uncertain; but conclude +with a heartfelt Wish to embrace you once more, and enjoy your sweet +Society in Peace, among our honest, worthy, ingenious Friends at the +_London_[106] Adieu, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +DIALOGUE BETWEEN FRANKLIN AND THE GOUT + + Midnight, October 22, 1780. + +FRANKLIN. Eh! Oh! Eh! What have I done to merit these cruel sufferings? + +GOUT. Many things; you have ate and drank too freely, and too much +indulged those legs of yours in their indolence. + +FRANKLIN. Who is it that accuses me? + +GOUT. It is I, even I, the Gout. + +FRANKLIN. What! my enemy in person? + +GOUT. No, not your enemy. + +FRANKLIN. I repeat it; my enemy; for you would not only torment my body +to death, but ruin my good name; you reproach me as a glutton and a +tippler; now all the world, that knows me, will allow that I am neither +the one nor the other. + +GOUT. The world may think as it pleases; it is always very complaisant +to itself, and sometimes to its friends; but I very well know that the +quantity of meat and drink proper for a man, who takes a reasonable +degree of exercise, would be too much for another, who never takes any. + +FRANKLIN. I take--Eh! Oh!--as much exercise--Eh!--as I can, Madam Gout. +You know my sedentary state, and on that account, it would seem, Madam +Gout, as if you might spare me a little, seeing it is not altogether my +own fault. + +GOUT. Not a jot; your rhetoric and your politeness are thrown away; your +apology avails nothing. If your situation in life is a sedentary one, +your amusements, your recreations, at least, should be active. You ought +to walk or ride; or, if the weather prevents that play at billiards. But +let us examine your course of life. While the mornings are long, and you +have leisure to go abroad, what do you do? Why, instead of gaining an +appetite for breakfast, by salutary exercise, you amuse yourself, with +books, pamphlets, or newspapers, which commonly are not worth the +reading. Yet you eat an inordinate breakfast, four dishes of tea, with +cream, and one or two buttered toasts, with slices of hung beef, which I +fancy are not things the most easily digested. Immediately afterward you +sit down to write at your desk, or converse with persons who apply to +you on business. Thus the time passes till one, without any kind of +bodily exercise. But all this I could pardon, in regard, as you say, to +your sedentary condition. But what is your practice after dinner? +Walking in the beautiful gardens of those friends, with whom you have +dined, would be the choice of men of sense; yours is to be fixed down to +chess, where you are found engaged for two or three hours! This is your +perpetual recreation, which is the least eligible of any for a sedentary +man, because, instead of accelerating the motion of the fluids, the +rigid attention it requires helps to retard the circulation and obstruct +internal secretions. Wrapt in the speculations of this wretched game, +you destroy your constitution. What can be expected from such a course +of living, but a body replete with stagnant humours, ready to fall a +prey to all kinds of dangerous maladies, if I, the Gout, did not +occasionally bring you relief by agitating those humours, and so +purifying or dissipating them? If it was in some nook or alley in Paris, +deprived of walks, that you played awhile at chess after dinner, this +might be excusable; but the same taste prevails with you in Passy, +Auteuil, Montmartre, or Sanoy, places where there are the finest gardens +and walks, a pure air, beautiful women, and most agreeable and +instructive conversation; all which you might enjoy by frequenting the +walks. But these are rejected for this abominable game of chess. Fie, +then Mr. Franklin! But amidst my instructions, I had almost forgot to +administer my wholesome corrections; so take that twinge,--and that. + +FRANKLIN. Oh! Eh! Oh! Ohhh! As much instruction as you please, Madam +Gout, and as many reproaches; but pray, Madam, a truce with your +corrections! + +GOUT. No, Sir, no,--I will not abate a particle of what is so much for +your good,--therefore-- + +FRANKLIN. Oh! Ehhh!--It is not fair to say I take no exercise, when I do +very often, going out to dine and returning in my carriage. + +GOUT. That, of all imaginable exercises, is the most slight and +insignificant, if you allude to the motion of a carriage suspended on +springs. By observing the degree of heat obtained by different kinds of +motion, we may form an estimate of the quantity of exercise given by +each. Thus, for example, if you turn out to walk in winter with cold +feet, in an hour's time you will be in a glow all over; ride on +horseback, the same effect will scarcely be perceived by four hours' +round trotting; but if you loll in a carriage, such as you have +mentioned, you may travel all day, and gladly enter the last inn to +warm your feet by a fire. Flatter yourself then no longer, that half an +hour's airing in your carriage deserves the name of exercise. Providence +has appointed few to roll in carriages, while he has given to all a pair +of legs, which are machines infinitely more commodious and serviceable. +Be grateful, then, and make a proper use of yours. Would you know how +they forward the circulation of your fluids, in the very action of +transporting you from place to place; observe when you walk, that all +your weight is alternately thrown from one leg to the other; this +occasions a great pressure on the vessels of the foot, and repels their +contents; when relieved, by the weight being thrown on the other foot, +the vessels of the first are allowed to replenish, and, by a return of +this weight, this repulsion again succeeds; thus accelerating the +circulation of the blood. The heat produced in any given time, depends +on the degree of this acceleration; the fluids are shaken, the humours +attenuated, the secretions facilitated, and all goes well; the cheeks +are ruddy, and health is established. Behold your fair friend at +Auteuil;[107] a lady who received from bounteous nature more really +useful science, than half a dozen such pretenders to philosophy as you +have been able to extract from all your books. When she honours you with +a visit, it is on foot. She walks all hours of the day, and leaves +indolence, and its concomitant maladies, to be endured by her horses. In +this see at once the preservative of her health and personal charms. But +when you go to Auteuil, you must have your carriage, though it is no +further from Passy to Auteuil than from Auteuil to Passy. + +FRANKLIN. Your reasonings grow very tiresome. + +GOUT. I stand corrected. I will be silent and continue my office; take +that, and that. + +FRANKLIN. Oh! Ohh! Talk on, I pray you! + +GOUT. No, no; I have a good number of twinges for you to-night, and you +may be sure of some more to-morrow. + +FRANKLIN. What, with such a fever! I shall go distracted. Oh! Eh! Can no +one bear it for me? + +GOUT. Ask that of your horses; they have served you faithfully. + +FRANKLIN. How can you so cruelly sport with my torments? + +GOUT. Sport! I am very serious. I have here a list of offences against +your own health distinctly written, and can justify every stroke +inflicted on you. + +FRANKLIN. Read it then. + +GOUT. It is too long a detail; but I will briefly mention some +particulars. + +FRANKLIN. Proceed. I am all attention. + +GOUT. Do you remember how often you have promised yourself, the +following morning, a walk in the grove of Boulogne, in the garden de la +Muette, or in your own garden, and have violated your promise, alleging, +at one time, it was too cold, at another too warm, too windy, too moist, +or what else you pleased; when in truth it was too nothing, but your +insuperable love of ease? + +FRANKLIN. That I confess may have happened occasionally, probably ten +times in a year. + +GOUT. Your confession is very far short of the truth; the gross amount +is one hundred and ninety-nine times. + +FRANKLIN. Is it possible? + +GOUT. So possible, that it is fact; you may rely on the accuracy of my +statement. You know M. Brillon's gardens, and what fine walks they +contain; you know the handsome flight of an hundred steps, which lead +from the terrace above to the lawn below. You have been in the practice +of visiting this amiable family twice a week, after dinner, and it is a +maxim of your own, that "a man may take as much exercise in walking a +mile, up and down stairs, as in ten on level ground." What an +opportunity was here for you to have had exercise in both these ways! +Did you embrace it, and how often? + +FRANKLIN. I cannot immediately answer that question. + +GOUT. I will do it for you; not once. + +FRANKLIN. Not once? + +GOUT. Even so. During the summer you went there at six o'clock. You +found the charming lady, with her lovely children and friends, eager to +walk with you, and entertain you with their agreeable conversation; and +what has been your choice? Why to sit on the terrace, satisfying +yourself with the fine prospect, and passing your eye over the beauties +of the garden below, without taking one step to descend and walk about +in them. On the contrary, you call for tea and the chess-board; and lo! +you are occupied in your seat till nine o'clock, and that besides two +hours' play after dinner; and then, instead of walking home, which would +have bestirred you a little, you step into your carriage. How absurd to +suppose that all this carelessness can be reconcilable with health, +without my interposition! + +FRANKLIN. I am convinced now of the justness of poor Richard's remark, +that "Our debts and our sins are always greater than we think for." + +GOUT. So it is. You philosophers are sages in your maxims, and fools in +your conduct. + +FRANKLIN. But do you charge among my crimes, that I return in a carriage +from Mr. Brillon's? + +GOUT. Certainly; for, having been seated all the while, you cannot +object the fatigue of the day, and cannot want therefore the relief of a +carriage. + +FRANKLIN. What then would you have me do with my carriage? + +GOUT. Burn it if you choose; you would at least get heat out of it once +in this way; or, if you dislike that proposal, here's another for you; +observe the poor peasants, who work in the vineyards and grounds about +the villages of Passy, Auteuil, Chaillot, &c.; you may find every day, +among these deserving creatures, four or five old men and women, bent +and perhaps crippled by weight of years, and too long and too great +labour. After a most fatiguing day, these people have to trudge a mile +or two to their smoky huts. Order your coachman to set them down. This +is an act that will be good for your soul; and, at the same time, after +your visit to the Brillons, if you return on foot, that will be good for +your body. + +FRANKLIN. Ah! how tiresome you are! + +GOUT. Well, then, to my office; it should not be forgotten that I am +your physician. There. + +FRANKLIN. Ohhh! what a devil of a physician! + +GOUT. How ungrateful you are to say so! Is it not I who, in the +character of your physician, have saved you from the palsy, dropsy, and +apoplexy? one or other of which would have done for you long ago, but +for me. + +FRANKLIN. I submit, and thank you for the past, but entreat the +discontinuance of your visits for the future; for, in my mind, one had +better die than be cured so dolefully. Permit me just to hint, that I +have also not been unfriendly to _you_. I never feed physician or quack +of any kind, to enter the list against you; if then you do not leave me +to my repose, it may be said you are ungrateful too. + +GOUT. I can scarcely acknowledge that as any objection. As to quacks, I +despise them; they may kill you indeed, but cannot injure me. And, as to +regular physicians, they are at last convinced that the gout, in such a +subject as you are, is no disease, but a remedy; and wherefore cure a +remedy?--but to our business,--there. + +FRANKLIN. Oh! oh!--for Heaven's sake leave me! and I promise faithfully +never more to play at chess, but to take exercise daily, and live +temperately. + +GOUT. I know you too well. You promise fair; but, after a few months of +good health, you will return to your old habits; your fine promises will +be forgotten like the forms of last year's clouds. Let us then finish +the account, and I will go. But I leave you with an assurance of +visiting you again at a proper time and place; for my object is your +good, and you are sensible now that I am your _real friend_. + + + +THE HANDSOME AND DEFORMED LEG[108] + +[1780?] + +There are two Sorts of People in the World, who with equal Degrees of +Health, & Wealth, and the other Comforts of Life, become, the one happy, +and the other miserable. This arises very much from the different Views +in which they consider Things, Persons, and Events; and the Effect of +those different Views upon their own Minds. + +In whatever Situation Men can be plac'd, they may find Conveniencies & +Inconveniencies: In whatever Company; they may find Persons & +Conversation more or less pleasing. At whatever Table, they may meet +with Meats & Drinks of better and worse Taste, Dishes better & worse +dress'd: In whatever Climate they will find good and bad Weather: Under +whatever Government, they may find good & bad Laws, and good & bad +Administration of those Laws. In every Poem or Work of Genius they may +see Faults and Beauties. In almost every Face & every Person, they may +discover fine Features & Defects, good & bad Qualities. + +Under these Circumstances, the two Sorts of People above mention'd fix +their Attention, those who are to be happy, on the Conveniencies of +Things, the pleasant Parts of Conversation, the well-dress'd Dishes, the +Goodness of the Wines, the fine Weather; &c., and enjoy all with +Chearfulness. Those who are to be unhappy, think & speak only of the +contraries. Hence they are continually discontented themselves, and by +their Remarks sour the Pleasures of Society, offend personally many +People, and make themselves everywhere disagreable. If this Turn of Mind +was founded in Nature, such unhappy Persons would be the more to be +pitied. But as the Disposition to criticise, & be disgusted, is perhaps +taken up originally by Imitation, and is unawares grown into a Habit, +which tho' at present strong may nevertheless be cured when those who +have it are convinc'd of its bad Effects on their Felicity; I hope this +little Admonition may be of Service to them, and put them on changing a +Habit, which tho' in the Exercise it is chiefly an Act of Imagination +yet has serious Consequences in Life, as it brings on real Griefs and +Misfortunes. For as many are offended by, & nobody well loves this Sort +of People, no one shows them more than the most common [civility and +respect, and scarcely that; and this frequently puts them out of humour, +and draws them into disputes and contentions. If they aim at obtaining +some advantage in rank or fortune, nobody wishes them success, or will +stir a step, or speak a word, to favour their pretensions. If they incur +public censure or disgrace, no one will defend or excuse, and many join +to aggravate their misconduct, and render them completely odious. If +these people will not change this bad habit, and condescend to be +pleased with what is pleasing, without fretting themselves and others +about the contraries, it is good for others to avoid an acquaintance +with them; which is always disagreeable, and sometimes very +inconvenient, especially when one finds one's self entangled in their +quarrels. + +An old philosophical friend of mine was grown, from experience, very +cautious in this particular, and carefully avoided any intimacy with +such people. He had, like other philosophers, a thermometer to show him +the heat of the weather, and a barometer to mark when it was likely to +prove good or bad; but, there being no instrument invented to discover, +at first sight, this unpleasing disposition in a person, he for that +purpose made use of his legs; one of which was remarkably handsome, the +other, by some accident, crooked and] deformed. If a Stranger, at the +first interview, regarded his ugly Leg more than his handsome one, he +doubted him. If he spoke of it, & took no notice of the handsome Leg, +that was sufficient to determine my Philosopher to have no further +Acquaintance with him. Every body has not this two-legged Instrument, +but every one with a little Attention, may observe Signs of that +carping, fault-finding Disposition, & take the same Resolution of +avoiding the Acquaintance of those infected with it. I therefore advise +those critical, querulous, discontented, unhappy People, that if they +wish to be respected and belov'd by others, & happy in themselves they +should _leave off looking at the ugly Leg_. + + + +TO MISS GEORGIANA SHIPLEY[109] + +... Must now be next its End, as I have compleated my 75th Year I could +wish to see my dear Friends of your Family once more before I withdraw, +but I see no Prospect of enjoying that Felicity. Let me at least have +that of hearing from you a little oftener. + +I do not understand the Coldness you mention of the Nights in the +Desert. I never before heard of such an Observation. If you have learnt +what was the Degree of cold and how it was observed, and what Difference +between the Night and the Day, you will oblige me by communicating it. I +like to see that you retain a Taste for Philosophical Enquiries. + +I rec^d also your very kind Letter by Mad^e ---- [_illegible in MS_], +with whom and the Princess, her Mother, I am much pleased; tho' I have +not seen them so often as I wished, living as I do out of Paris. + +I am glad to hear that you all pass'd the summer so agreably in Wales, +and I felicitate you as the French say, on the Increase of your +Brother's Family. + +Accept my Thanks for your Friendly Verses and good Wishes. How many +Talents you possess! Painting, Poetry, Languages, etc., etc. All +valuable, but your good Heart is worth the whole. + +Your mention of the Summer House brings fresh to my mind all the +Pleasures I enjoyed in the sweet Retreat at Twyford: the Hours of +agreable and instructive Conversation with the amiable Family at Table; +with its Father alone; the delightful Walks in the Gardens and +neighbouring Grounds. Pleasures past and gone forever! Since I have had +your Father's Picture I am grown more covetous of the rest; every time I +look at your second Drawing I have regretted that you have not given to +your Juno the Face of Anna Maria, to Venus that of Emily or Betsey, and +to Cupid that of Emily's Child, as it would have cost you but little +more Trouble. I must, however, beg that you will make me up a compleat +Set of your little Profiles, which are more easily done. You formerly +obliged me with that of the Father, an excellent one. Let me also have +that of the good Mother, and of all the Children. It will help me to +fancy myself among you, and to enjoy more perfectly in Idea, the +Pleasure of your Society. My little Fellow-Traveller, the sprightly +Hetty, with whose sensible Prattle I was so much entertained, why does +she not write to me? If Paris affords any thing that any of you wish to +have, mention it. You will oblige me. It affords everything but _Peace_! +Ah! when shall we again enjoy that Blessing! + +Next to seeing our Friends is the Pleasure of hearing from them, and +learning how they live. Your Accounts of your Journies and how you pass +your Summers please me much. I flatter myself you will like to know +something of the same kind relating to me. I inhabit, a clean, +well-built Village situate on a Hill, in a fine Air, with a beautiful +Prospect, about 2 Miles [_Incomplete._] + + + +TO DAVID HARTLEY + + Passy, December 15, 1781. + +MY DEAR FRIEND, + +I received your favour of September 26th,[110] containing your very +judicious proposition of securing the spectators in the opera and play +houses from the danger of fire. I communicated it where I thought it +might be useful. You will see by the enclosed, that the subject has been +under consideration here. Your concern for the security of life, even +the lives of your enemies, does honour to your heart and your humanity. +But what are the lives of a few idle haunters of play houses, compared +with the many thousands of worthy men, and honest industrious families, +butchered and destroyed by this devilish war? Oh that we could find some +happy invention to stop the spreading of the flames, and put an end to +so horrid a conflagration! Adieu, I am ever yours most affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +SUPPLEMENT TO THE BOSTON INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE[111] + +Numb. 705 + + Boston, March 12, 1782. + +Extract of a Letter from Captain Gerrish, of the New England Militia, +dated Albany, March 7. + +The Peltry taken in the Expedition [see the Account of the Expedition to +Oswegatchie, on the River St. Laurence, in our Paper of the 1st +Instant,] will, as you see, amount to a good deal of Money. The +Possession of this Booty at first gave us Pleasure; but we were struck +with Horror to find among the Packages 8 large ones, containing SCALPS +of our unhappy Country-folks, taken in the three last Years by the +Senneka Indians from the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of New York, New +Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a Present to +Col. Haldimand, governor of Canada, in order to be by him transmitted to +England. They were accompanied by the following curious Letter to that +Gentleman. + + "Teoga, Jan. 3d, 1782. + + "May it please your Excellency, + + "At the Request of the Senneka chiefs, I send herewith to + your Excellency, under the Care of James Boyd, eight Packs of + Scalps, cured, dried, hooped, and painted, with all the + Indian triumphal Marks, of which the following is Invoice and + Explanation. + + "No. 1. Containing 43 Scalps of Congress Soldiers, killed in + different Skirmishes; these are Stretched on black Hoops, 4 + Inches diameter; the Inside of the Skin painted red, with a + small black Spot to note their being killed with Bullets. + Also 62 of Farmers killed in their Houses; the Hoops red; the + Skin painted brown, and marked with a Hoe; a black Circle all + round, to denote their being surprised in the Night; and a + black Hatchet in the Middle, signifying their being killed + with that Weapon. + + "No. 2. Containing 98 of Farmers killed in their Houses; + Hoops red; Figure of a Hoe, to mark their Profession; great + white Circle and Sun, to show they were surprised in the + Daytime; a little red Foot, to show they stood upon their + Defence, and died fighting for their Lives and Families. + + "No. 3. Containing 97 of Farmers; Hoops green, to shew they + were killed in their Fields; a large white Circle with a + little round Mark on it for the Sun, to shew that it was in + the Daytime; black Bullet-mark on some, Hatchet on others. + + "No. 4. Containing 102 of Farmers, mixed of the several Marks + above; only 18 marked with a little yellow Flame, to denote + their being of Prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped, + their Nails pulled out by the Roots, and other Torments; one + of these latter supposed to be a rebel Clergyman, his Band + being fixed to the Hoop of his Scalp. Most of the Farmers + appear by the Hair to have been young or middle-aged Men; + there being but 67 very grey Heads among them all; which + makes the Service more essential. + + "No. 5. Containing 88 Scalps of Women; hair long, braided in + the Indian Fashion, to shew they were Mothers; Hoops blue; + Skin yellow Ground, with little red Tadpoles, to represent, + by way of Triumph, the Tears of Grief occasioned to their + Relations; a black scalping-Knife or Hatchet at the Bottom, + to mark their being killed with those Instruments. 17 others, + Hair very grey; black Hoops; plain brown Colour; no Mark, but + the short Club or _Casse-tête_, to shew they were knocked + down dead, or had their Brains beat out. + + "No. 6. Containing 193 Boys' Scalps, of various Ages; small + green Hoops; whitish Ground on the Skin, with red Tears in + the Middle, and black Bullet-marks, Knife, Hatchet, or Club, + as their Deaths happened. + + "No. 7. 211 Girls' Scalps, big and little; small yellow + Hoops; white Ground, Tears; Hatchet, Club, scalping-Knife, + &c. + + "No. 8. This Package is a Mixture of all the Varieties + abovementioned; to the number of 122; with a Box of Birch + Bark, containing 29 little Infants' Scalps of various Sizes; + small white Hoops; white Ground; no Tears; and only a little + black Knife in the Middle, to shew they were ript out of + their Mothers' Bellies. + + "With these Packs, the Chiefs send to your Excellency the + following Speech, delivered by Conejogatchie in Council, + interpreted by the elder Moore, the Trader, and taken down by + me in Writing. + + Father, + + We send you herewith many Scalps, that you may see we are + not idle Friends. + + _A blue Belt._ + + Father, + + We wish you to send these Scalps over the Water to the + great King, that he may regard them and be refreshed; + and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his + Enemies, and be convinced that his Presents have not been + made to ungrateful people. + + _A blue and white Belt with red Tassels._ + + Father, + + Attend to what I am now going to say; it is a Matter of + much Weight. The great King's Enemies are many, and they + grow fast in Number. They were formerly like young + Panthers; they could neither bite nor scratch; we could + play with them safely; we feared nothing they could do to + us. But now their Bodies are become big as the Elk, and + strong as the Buffalo; they have also got great and sharp + Claws. They have driven us out of our Country for taking + part in your Quarrel. We expect the great King will give + us another Country, that our Children may live after us, + and be his Friends and Children, as we are. Say this for + us to the great King. To enforce it, we give this Belt. + + _A great white Belt with blue Tassels._ + + Father, + + We have only to say farther, that your Traders exact more + than ever for their Goods; and our hunting is lessened by + the War, so that we have fewer Skins to give for them. + This ruins us. Think of some Remedy. We are poor; and you + have Plenty of every Thing. We know you will send us + Powder and Guns, and Knives and Hatchets; but we also + want Shirts and Blankets. + + _A little white Belt._ + + "I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper + to give some farther Encouragement to those honest People. + The high Prices they complain of are the necessary Effect of + the War. Whatever Presents may be sent for them, through my + Hands, shall be distributed with Prudence and Fidelity. I + have the Honour of being your Excellency's most obedient + + "And most humble Servant, + JAMES CRAUFURD." + +It was at first proposed to bury these Scalps; but Lieutenant +Fitzgerald, who, you know, has got Leave of Absence to go to Ireland on +his private Affairs, said he thought it better they should proceed to +their Destination; and if they were given to him, he would undertake to +carry them to England, and hang them all up in some dark Night on the +Trees in St. James's Park, where they could be seen from the King and +Queen's Palaces in the Morning; for that the Sight of them might perhaps +strike Muley Ishmael (as he called him) with some Compunction of +Conscience. They were accordingly delivered to Fitz, and he has brought +them safe hither. To-morrow they go with his Baggage in a Waggon for +Boston, and will probably be there in a few Days after this Letter. + + I am, &c. + SAMUEL GERRISH. + + + Boston, March 20. + +Monday last arrived here Lieutenant Fitzgerald above mentioned, and +Yesterday the Waggon with the Scalps. Thousands of People are flocking +to see them this Morning, and all Mouths are full of Execrations. Fixing +them to the Trees is not approved. It is now proposed to make them up in +decent little Packets, seal and direct them; one to the King, containing +a Sample of every Sort for his Museum; one to the Queen, with some of +Women and little Children; the Rest to be distributed among both Houses +of Parliament; a double Quantity to the Bishops. + + +[The following part appeared in a second edition from which certain +advertisements which had been published in the first edition were +omitted.] + + +MR. WILLIS, + +Please to insert in your useful Paper the following Copy of a Letter +from Commodore Jones, directed + + TO SIR JOSEPH YORK, AMBASSADOR FROM THE KING OF ENGLAND TO + THE STATES-GENERAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES + + "Ipswich, New England, March 7, 1781. + + "SIR, + + "I have lately seen a memorial, said to have been presented + by your Excellency to their High Mightinesses the + States-general, in which you are pleased to qualify me with + the title of _pirate_. + + "A pirate is defined to be _hostis humani generis_ [an enemy + to all mankind]. It happens, Sir, that I am an enemy to no + part of mankind, except your nation, the English; which + nation at the same time comes much more within the + definition, being actually an enemy to, and at war with, one + whole quarter of the world, America, considerable part of + Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in a fair way of + being at war with the rest. + + "A pirate makes war for the sake of _rapine_. This is not the + kind of war I am engaged in against England. Ours is a war in + defence of _liberty_ ... the most just of all wars; and of + our _properties_, which your nation would have taken from us, + without our consent, in violation of our rights, and by an + armed force. Yours, therefore is a war of _rapine_; of + course, a piratical war; and those who approve of it, and are + engaged in it, more justly deserve the name of _pirates_, + which you bestow on me. It is, indeed, a war that coincides + with the general spirit of your nation. Your common people in + their ale-houses sing the twenty-four songs of Robin Hood, + and applaud his deer-stealing and his robberies on the + highway: those, who have just learning enough to read, are + delighted with your histories of the pirates and of the + buccaniers; and even your scholars in the universities study + Quintus Curtius, and are taught to admire Alexander for what + they call 'his conquests in the Indies.' Severe laws and the + hangmen keep down the effects of this spirit somewhat among + yourselves (though in your little Island you have + nevertheless more highway robberies than there are in all the + rest of Europe put together); but a foreign war gives it full + scope. It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets + itself loose to strip of their property honest merchants, + employed in the innocent and useful occupation of supplying + the mutual wants of mankind. Hence, having lately no war with + your ancient enemies, rather than be without a war, you chose + to make one upon your friends. In this your piratical war + with America, the mariners of your fleets and the owners of + your privateers were animated against us by the act of your + Parliament, which repealed the law of God, 'Thou shalt not + steal,' by declaring it lawful for them to rob us of all our + property that they could meet with on the ocean. This act, + too, had a retrospect, and, going beyond bulls of pardon, + declared that all the robberies you _had committed_ previous + to the act should be _deemed just and lawful_. Your soldiers, + too, were promised the plunder of our cities; and your + officers were flattered with the division of our lands. You + had even the baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors + employed by us, and encourage them to rob their masters and + bring to you the ships and goods they were entrusted with. Is + there any society of pirates on the sea or land, who, in + declaring wrong to be right, and right wrong, have less + authority than your parliament? Do any of them more justly + than your parliament deserve the _title_ you bestow on me? + + "You will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by our + refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have imposed on us + without the consent of our colony parliaments. Have you then + forgotten the incontestable principle, which was the + foundation of Hambden's glorious lawsuit with Charles the + first, that 'what an English king has no right to demand, an + English subject has a right to refuse'? But you cannot so + soon have forgotten the instructions of your late honorable + father, who, being himself a sound Whig, taught you certainly + the principles of the Revolution, and that, 'if subjects + might in some cases forfeit their property, kings also might + forfeit their title, and all claim to the allegiance of their + subjects.' I must then suppose you well acquainted with those + Whig principles; on which permit me, Sir, to ask a few + questions. + + "Is not protection as justly due from a king to his people, + as obedience from the people to their king? + + "If then a king declares his people to be out of his + protection: + + "If he violates and deprives them of their constitutional + rights: + + "If he wages war against them: + + "If he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts, burns + their towns, and destroys their lives: + + "If he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their + destruction: + + "If he engages savages to murder their defenceless farmers, + women, and children: + + "If he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his + hands, to bear arms against their country, and become + executioners of their friends and brethren: + + "If he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and the + East Indies: + + "If he excites domestic insurrections among their servants, + and encourages servants to murder their masters:-- + + "Does not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects + dissolve their allegiance? + + "If not, please to say how or by what means it can possibly + be dissolved? + + "All this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been and + daily is practised by the King, _your master_, (as you call + him in your memorial,) upon the Americans, whom he is still + pleased to claim as his subjects. + + "During these six years past, he has destroyed not less than + forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land or sea, + or by starving them, or poisoning them to death, in the + unwholesome air, with the unwholesome food of his prisons. + And he has wasted the lives of at least an equal number of + his own soldiers and sailors: many of whom have been _forced_ + into this odious service, and _dragged_ from their families + and friends, by the outrageous violence of his illegal + press-gangs. You are a gentleman of letters, and have read + history: do you recollect any instance of any tyrant, since + the beginning of the world, who, in the course of so few + years, had done so much mischief, by murdering so many of his + own people? Let us view one of the worst and blackest of + them, Nero. He put to death a few of his courtiers, placemen, + and pensioners, and among the rest his _tutor_. Had George + the Third done the same, and no more, his crime, though + detestable, as an act of lawless power, might have been as + useful to his nation, as that of Nero was hurtful to Rome; + considering the different characters and merits of the + sufferers. Nero indeed wished that the people of Rome had but + one neck, that he might behead them all by one stroke; but + this was a simple wish. George is carrying the wish as fast + as he can into execution; and, by continuing in his present + course a few years longer, will have destroyed more of the + British people than Nero could have found inhabitants in + Rome. Hence the expression of Milton, in speaking of Charles + the First, that he was '_Nerone Neronior_,' is still more + applicable to George the third. Like Nero, and all other + tyrants, while they lived, he indeed has his flatterers, his + addressers, his applauders. Pensions, places, and hopes of + preferment can bribe even bishops to approve his conduct: but + when those fulsome, purchased addresses and panegyrics are + sunk and lost in oblivion or contempt, impartial history will + step forth, speak honest truth, and rank him among public + calamities. The only difference will be, that plagues, + pestilences, and famines are of this world, and arise from + the nature of things; but voluntary malice, mischief, and + murder, are from hell; and this King will, therefore, stand + foremost in the list of diabolical, bloody, and execrable + tyrants. His base-bought parliaments too, who sell him their + souls, and extort from the people the money with which they + aid his destructive purposes, as they share his guilt, will + share his infamy,--parliaments, who, to please him, have + repeatedly, by different votes year after year, dipped their + hands in human blood, insomuch that methinks I see it dried + and caked so thick upon them, that, if they could wash it off + in the Thames, which flows under their windows, the whole + river would run red to the ocean. + + "One is provoked by enormous wickedness: but one is ashamed + and humiliated at the view of human baseness. It afflicts me, + therefore, to see a gentleman of Sir Joseph York's education + and talents, for the sake of a red riband and a paltry + stipend, mean enough to style such a monster _his master_, + wear his livery, and hold himself ready at his command even + to cut the throats of fellow subjects. This makes it + impossible for me to end my letter with the civility of a + compliment, and obliges me to subscribe myself simply, + + "JOHN PAUL JONES, + "Whom you are pleased to style a _pirate_." + + + +TO JOHN THORNTON + + Passy, May 8, 1782. + +SIR, + +I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me, and am +much obliged by your kind present of a book. The relish for reading of +poetry had long since left me, but there is something so new in the +manner, so easy, and yet so correct in the language, so clear in the +expression, yet concise, and so just in the sentiments, that I have read +the whole with great pleasure, and some of the pieces more than once. I +beg you to accept my thankful acknowledgments, and to present my +respects to the author.[112] + +I shall take care to forward the letters to America, and shall be glad +of any other opportunity of doing what may be agreeable to you, being +with great respect for your character,--Your most obedient humble +servant, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY + + Passy near Paris, June 7, 1782. + +DEAR SIR, + +I received your kind Letter of the 7th of April, also one of the 3d of +May. I have always great Pleasure in hearing from you, in learning that +you are well, and that you continue your Experiments. I should rejoice +much, if I could once more recover the Leisure to search with you into +the Works of Nature; I mean the _inanimate_, not the _animate_ or moral +part of them, the more I discover'd of the former, the more I admir'd +them; the more I know of the latter, the more I am disgusted with them. +Men I find to be a Sort of Beings very badly constructed, as they are +generally more easily provok'd than reconcil'd, more disposed to do +Mischief to each other than to make Reparation, much more easily +deceiv'd than undeceiv'd, and having more Pride and even Pleasure in +killing than in begetting one another; for without a Blush they assemble +in great armies at NoonDay to destroy, and when they have kill'd as many +as they can, they exaggerate the Number to augment the fancied Glory; +but they creep into Corners, or cover themselves with the Darkness of +night, when they mean to beget, as being asham'd of a virtuous Action. A +virtuous Action it would be, and a vicious one the killing of them, if +the Species were really worth producing or preserving; but of this I +begin to doubt. + +I know you have no such Doubts, because, in your zeal for their welfare, +you are taking a great deal of pains to save their Souls. Perhaps as you +grow older, you may look upon this as a hopeless Project, or an idle +Amusement, repent of having murdered in mephitic air so many honest, +harmless mice, and wish that to prevent mischief, you had used Boys and +Girls instead of them. In what Light we are viewed by superior Beings, +may be gathered from a Piece of late West India News, which possibly has +not yet reached you. A young Angel of Distinction being sent down to +this world on some Business, for the first time, had an old +courier-spirit assigned him as a Guide. They arriv'd over the Seas of +Martinico, in the middle of the long Day of obstinate Fight between the +Fleets of Rodney and De Grasse. When, thro' the Clouds of smoke, he saw +the Fire of the Guns, the Decks covered with mangled Limbs, and Bodies +dead or dying; the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the Air; and +the Quantity of Pain, Misery, and Destruction, the Crews yet alive were +thus with so much Eagerness dealing round to one another; he turn'd +angrily to his Guide, and said, "You blundering Blockhead, you are +ignorant of your Business; you undertook to conduct me to the Earth, +and you have brought me into Hell!" "No, Sir," says the Guide, "I have +made no mistake; this is really the Earth, and these are men. Devils +never treat one another in this cruel manner; they have more Sense, and +more of what Men (vainly) call _Humanity_." + +But to be serious, my dear old Friend, I love you as much as ever, and I +love all the honest Souls that meet at the London Coffee House. I only +wonder how it happen'd, that they and my other Friends in England came +to be such good Creatures in the midst of so perverse a Generation. I +long to see them and you once more, and I labour for Peace with more +Earnestness, that I may again be happy in your sweet society. + +I show'd your letter to the Duke de Larochefoucault, who thinks with me, +the new Experiments you have made are extremely curious; and he has +given me thereupon a Note, which I inclose, and I request you would +furnish me with the answer desired. + +Yesterday the Count du Nord was at the Academy of Sciences, when sundry +Experiments were exhibited for his Entertainment; among them, one by M. +Lavoisier, to show that the strongest Fire we yet know, is made in a +Charcoal blown upon with dephlogisticated air. In a Heat so produced, he +melted Platina presently, the Fire being much more powerful than that of +the strongest burning mirror. Adieu, and believe me ever, yours most +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JONATHAN SHIPLEY + + Passy, June 10, 1782. + +I received and read the Letter from my dear and much respected Friend +with infinite Pleasure. After so long a Silence, and the long +Continuance of its unfortunate Causes, a Line from you was a Prognostic +of happier Times approaching, when we may converse and communicate +freely, without Danger from the malevolence of Men enrag'd by the ill +success of their distracted Projects. + +I long with you for the Return of Peace, on the general Principles of +Humanity. The Hope of being able to pass a few more of my last Days +happily in the sweet Conversations and Company I once enjoy'd at +Twyford, is a particular Motive that adds Strength to the general Wish, +and quickens my Industry to procure that best of Blessings. After much +Occasion to consider the Folly and Mischiefs of a State of Warfare, and +the little or no Advantage obtain'd even by those Nations, who have +conducted it with the most Success, I have been apt to think, that there +has never been, nor ever will be, any such thing as a _good_ War, or a +_bad_ Peace. + +You ask if I still relish my old Studies. I relish them, but I cannot +pursue them. My Time is engross'd unhappily with other Concerns. I +requested of the Congress last Year my Discharge from this publick +Station, that I might enjoy a little Leisure in the Evening of a long +Life of Business; but it was refus'd me, and I have been obliged to +drudge on a little longer. + +You are happy as your Years come on, in having that dear and most +amiable Family about you. Four Daughters! how rich! I have but one, and +she, necessarily detain'd from me at 1000 leagues distance. I feel the +Want of that tender Care of me, which might be expected from a Daughter, +and would give the World for one. Your Shades are all plac'd in a Row +over my Fireplace, so that I not only have you always in my Mind, but +constantly before my Eyes. + +The Cause of Liberty and America has been greatly oblig'd to you. I hope +you will live long to see that Country flourish under its new +Constitution, which I am sure will give you great Pleasure. Will you +permit me to express another Hope, that, now your Friends are in Power, +they will take the first Opportunity of showing the sense they ought to +have of your Virtues and your Merit? + +Please to make my best Respects acceptable to Mrs. Shipley, and embrace +for me tenderly all our dear Children. With the utmost Esteem, Respect, +and Veneration, I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JAMES HUTTON + + Passy, July 7, 1782. + +MY OLD AND DEAR FRIEND, + +A Letter written by you to M. Berlin,[113] _Ministre d'Etat_, containing +an Account of the abominable Murders committed by some of the frontier +People on the poor Moravian Indians, has given me infinite Pain and +Vexation. The Dispensations of Providence in this World puzzle my weak +Reason. I cannot comprehend why cruel Men should have been permitted +thus to destroy their Fellow Creatures. Some of the Indians may be +suppos'd to have committed Sins, but one cannot think the little +Children had committed any worthy of Death. Why has a single Man in +England, who happens to love Blood and to hate Americans, been permitted +to gratify that bad Temper by hiring German Murderers, and joining them +with his own, to destroy in a continued Course of bloody Years near +100,000 human Creatures, many of them possessed of useful Talents, +Virtues and Abilities to which he has no Pretension! It is he who has +furnished the Savages with Hatchets and Scalping Knives, and engages +them to fall upon our defenceless Farmers, and murder them with their +Wives and Children, paying for their Scalps, of which the account kept +in America already amounts, as I have heard, to near _two Thousand_! + +Perhaps the people of the frontiers, exasperated by the Cruelties of the +Indians, have been induced to kill all Indians that fall into their +Hands without Distinction; so that even these horrid Murders of our poor +Moravians may be laid to his Charge. And yet this Man lives, enjoys all +the good Things this World can afford, and is surrounded by Flatterers, +who keep even his Conscience quiet by telling him he is the best of +Princes! I wonder at this, but I cannot therefore part with the +comfortable Belief of a Divine Providence; and the more I see the +Impossibility, from the number & extent of his Crimes, of giving +equivalent Punishment to a wicked Man in this Life, the more I am +convinc'd of a future State, in which all that here appears to be wrong +shall be set right, all that is crooked made straight. In this Faith +let you & I, my dear Friend, comfort ourselves; it is the only Comfort, +in the present dark Scene of Things, that is allow'd us. + +I shall not fail to write to the Government of America, urging that +effectual Care may be taken to protect & save the Remainder of those +unhappy People. + +Since writing the above, I have received a Philadelphia Paper, +containing some Account of the same horrid Transaction, a little +different, and some Circumstances alledged as Excuses or Palliations, +but extreamly weak & insufficient. I send it to you inclos'd. With great +and sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS[114] + + Passy, Sept. 9, 1782. + +DEAR SIR, + +I have just received the very kind friendly Letter you were so good as +to write to me by Dr. Broussonnet.[115] Be assured, that I long +earnestly for a Return of those peaceful Times, when I could sit down in +sweet Society with my English philosophic Friends, communicating to each +other new Discoveries, and proposing Improvements of old ones; all +tending to extend the Power of Man over Matter, avert or diminish the +Evils he is subject to, or augment the Number of his Enjoyments. Much +more happy should I be thus employ'd in your most desirable Company, +than in that of all the Grandees of the Earth projecting Plans of +Mischief, however necessary they may be supposed for obtaining greater +Good. + +I am glad to learn by the D^r that your great Work goes on. I admire +your Magnanimity in the Undertaking, and the Perseverance with which you +have prosecuted it. + +I join with you most perfectly in the charming Wish you so well express, +"that such Measures may be taken by both Parties as may tend to the +Elevation of both, rather than the Destruction of either." If any thing +has happened endangering one of them, my Comfort is, that I endeavour'd +earnestly to prevent it, and gave honest, faithful Advice, which, if it +had been regarded, would have been effectual. And still, if proper Means +are us'd to produce, not only a Peace, but what is much more +interesting, a thorough Reconciliation, a few Years may heal the Wounds +that have been made in our Happiness, and produce a Degree of Prosperity +of which at present we can hardly form a Conception. With great and +sincere Esteem and Respect, I am, dear Sir, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +INFORMATION TO THOSE WHO WOULD REMOVE TO AMERICA[116] + +[1782?] + +Many Persons in Europe, having directly or by Letters, express'd to the +Writer of this, who is well acquainted with North America, their Desire +of transporting and establishing themselves in that Country; but who +appear to have formed, thro' Ignorance, mistaken Ideas and Expectations +of what is to be obtained there; he thinks it may be useful, and prevent +inconvenient, expensive, and fruitless Removals and Voyages of improper +Persons, if he gives some clearer and truer Notions of that part of the +World, than appear to have hitherto prevailed. + +He finds it is imagined by Numbers, that the Inhabitants of North +America are rich, capable of rewarding, and dispos'd to reward, all +sorts of Ingenuity; that they are at the same time ignorant of all the +Sciences, and, consequently, that Strangers, possessing Talents in the +Belles-Lettres, fine Arts, &c., must be highly esteemed, and so well +paid, as to become easily rich themselves; that there are also abundance +of profitable Offices to be disposed of, which the Natives are not +qualified to fill; and that, having few Persons of Family among them, +Strangers of Birth must be greatly respected, and of course easily +obtain the best of those Offices, which will make all their Fortunes; +that the Governments too, to encourage Emigrations from Europe, not +only pay the Expence of personal Transportation, but give Lands gratis +to Strangers, with Negroes to work for them, Utensils of Husbandry, and +Stocks of Cattle. These are all wild Imaginations; and those who go to +America with Expectations founded upon them will surely find themselves +disappointed. + +The Truth is, that though there are in that Country few People so +miserable as the Poor of Europe, there are also very few that in Europe +would be called rich; it is rather a general happy Mediocrity that +prevails. There are few great Proprietors of the Soil, and few Tenants; +most People cultivate their own Lands, or follow some Handicraft or +Merchandise; very few rich enough to live idly upon their Rents or +Incomes, or to pay the high Prices given in Europe for Paintings, +Statues, Architecture, and the other Works of Art, that are more curious +than useful. Hence the natural Geniuses, that have arisen in America +with such Talents, have uniformly quitted that Country for Europe, where +they can be more suitably rewarded. It is true, that Letters and +Mathematical Knowledge are in Esteem there, but they are at the same +time more common than is apprehended; there being already existing nine +Colleges or Universities, viz. four in New England, and one in each of +the Provinces of New York, New Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland, and +Virginia, all furnish'd with learned Professors; besides a number of +smaller Academies; these educate many of their Youth in the Languages, +and those Sciences that qualify men for the Professions of Divinity, +Law, or Physick. Strangers indeed are by no means excluded from +exercising those Professions; and the quick Increase of Inhabitants +everywhere gives them a Chance of Employ, which they have in common with +the Natives. Of civil Offices, or Employments, there are few; no +superfluous Ones, as in Europe; and it is a Rule establish'd in some of +the States, that no Office should be so profitable as to make it +desirable. The 36th Article of the Constitution of Pennsilvania, runs +expressly in these Words; "As every Freeman, to preserve his +Independence, (if he has not a sufficient Estate) ought to have some +Profession, Calling, Trade, or Farm, whereby he may honestly subsist, +there can be no Necessity for, nor Use in, establishing Offices of +Profit, the usual Effects of which are Dependance and Servility, +unbecoming Freemen, in the Possessors and Expectants; Faction, +Contention, Corruption, and Disorder among the People. Wherefore, +whenever an Office, thro' Increase of Fees or otherwise, becomes so +profitable, as to occasion many to apply for it, the Profits ought to be +lessened by the Legislature." + +These Ideas prevailing more or less in all the United States, it cannot +be worth any Man's while, who has a means of Living at home, to +expatriate himself, in hopes of obtaining a profitable civil Office in +America; and, as to military Offices, they are at an End with the War, +the Armies being disbanded. Much less is it adviseable for a Person to +go thither, who has no other Quality to recommend him but his Birth. In +Europe it has indeed its Value; but it is a Commodity that cannot be +carried to a worse Market than that of America, where people do not +inquire concerning a Stranger, _What is he?_ but, _What can he do?_ If +he has any useful Art, he is welcome; and if he exercises it, and +behaves well, he will be respected by all that know him; but a mere Man +of Quality, who, on that Account, wants to live upon the Public, by some +Office or Salary, will be despis'd and disregarded. The Husbandman is in +honor there, and even the Mechanic, because their Employments are +useful. The People have a saying, that God Almighty is himself a +Mechanic, the greatest in the Universe; and he is respected and admired +more for the Variety, Ingenuity, and Utility of his Handyworks, than for +the Antiquity of his Family. They are pleas'd with the Observation of a +Negro, and frequently mention it, that _Boccarorra_ (meaning the White +men) _make de black man workee, make de Horse workee, make de Ox workee, +make ebery ting workee; only de Hog. He, de hog, no workee; he eat, he +drink, he walk about, he go to sleep when he please, he libb like a +Gentleman_. According to these Opinions of the Americans, one of them +would think himself more oblig'd to a Genealogist, who could prove for +him that his Ancestors and Relations for ten Generations had been +Ploughmen, Smiths, Carpenters, Turners, Weavers, Tanners, or even +Shoemakers, and consequently that they were useful Members of Society; +than if he could only prove that they were Gentlemen, doing nothing of +Value, but living idly on the Labour of others, mere _fruges consumere +nati_,[L] and otherwise _good for nothing_, till by their Death their +Estates, like the Carcass of the Negro's Gentleman-Hog, come to be _cut +up_. + + [L] "... born merely to eat up the corn."--WATTS. [_Franklin's note._] + +With regard to Encouragements for Strangers from Government, they are +really only what are derived from good Laws and Liberty. Strangers are +welcome, because there is room enough for them all, and therefore the +old Inhabitants are not jealous of them; the Laws protect them +sufficiently, so that they have no need of the Patronage of Great Men; +and every one will enjoy securely the Profits of his Industry. But, if +he does not bring a Fortune with him, he must work and be industrious to +live. One or two Years' residence gives him all the Rights of a Citizen; +but the government does not at present, whatever it may have done in +former times, hire People to become Settlers, by Paying their Passages, +giving Land, Negroes, Utensils, Stock, or any other kind of Emolument +whatsoever. In short, America is the Land of Labour, and by no means +what the English call _Lubberland_, and the French _Pays de Cocagne_, +where the streets are said to be pav'd with half-peck Loaves, the Houses +til'd with Pancakes, and where the Fowls fly about ready roasted, +crying, _Come eat me!_ + +Who then are the kind of Persons to whom an Emigration to America may be +advantageous? And what are the Advantages they may reasonably expect? + +Land being cheap in that Country, from the vast Forests still void of +Inhabitants, and not likely to be occupied in an Age to come, insomuch +that the Propriety of an hundred Acres of fertile Soil full of Wood may +be obtained near the Frontiers, in many Places, for Eight or Ten +Guineas, hearty young Labouring Men, who understand the Husbandry of +Corn and Cattle, which is nearly the same in that Country as in Europe, +may easily establish themselves there. A little Money sav'd of the good +Wages they receive there, while they work for others, enables them to +buy the Land and begin their Plantation, in which they are assisted by +the Good-Will of their Neighbours, and some Credit. Multitudes of poor +People from England, Ireland, Scotland, and Germany, have by this means +in a few years become wealthy Farmers, who, in their own Countries, +where all the Lands are fully occupied, and the Wages of Labour low, +could never have emerged from the poor Condition wherein they were born. + +From the salubrity of the Air, the healthiness of the Climate, the +plenty of good Provisions, and the Encouragement to early Marriages by +the certainty of Subsistence in cultivating the Earth, the Increase of +Inhabitants by natural Generation is very rapid in America, and becomes +still more so by the Accession of Strangers; hence there is a continual +Demand for more Artisans of all the necessary and useful kinds, to +supply those Cultivators of the Earth with Houses, and with Furniture +and Utensils of the grosser sorts, which cannot so well be brought from +Europe. Tolerably good Workmen in any of those mechanic Arts are sure to +find Employ, and to be well paid for their Work, there being no +Restraints preventing Strangers from exercising any Art they understand, +nor any Permission necessary. If they are poor, they begin first as +Servants or Journeymen; and if they are sober, industrious, and frugal, +they soon become Masters, establish themselves in Business, marry, raise +Families, and become respectable Citizens. + +Also, Persons of moderate Fortunes and Capitals, who, having a Number of +Children to provide for, are desirous of bringing them up to Industry, +and to secure Estates for their Posterity, have Opportunities of doing +it in America, which Europe does not afford. There they may be taught +and practise profitable mechanic Arts, without incurring Disgrace on +that Account, but on the contrary acquiring Respect by such Abilities. +There small Capitals laid out in Lands, which daily become more valuable +by the Increase of People, afford a solid Prospect of ample Fortunes +thereafter for those Children. The writer of this has known several +Instances of large Tracts of Land, bought, on what was then the +Frontier of Pensilvania, for Ten Pounds per hundred Acres, which after +20 years, when the Settlements had been extended far beyond them, sold +readily, without any Improvement made upon them, for three Pounds per +Acre. The Acre in America is the same with the English Acre, or the Acre +of Normandy. + +Those, who desire to understand the State of Government in America, +would do well to read the Constitutions of the several States, and the +Articles of Confederation that bind the whole together for general +Purposes, under the Direction of one Assembly, called the Congress. +These Constitutions have been printed, by order of Congress, in America; +two Editions of them have also been printed in London; and a good +Translation of them into French has lately been published at Paris. + +Several of the Princes of Europe having of late years, from an Opinion +of Advantage to arise by producing all Commodities and Manufactures +within their own Dominions, so as to diminish or render useless their +Importations, have endeavoured to entice Workmen from other Countries by +high Salaries, Privileges, &c. Many Persons, pretending to be skilled in +various great Manufactures, imagining that America must be in Want of +them, and that the Congress would probably be dispos'd to imitate the +Princes above mentioned, have proposed to go over, on Condition of +having their Passages paid, Lands given, Salaries appointed, exclusive +Privileges for Terms of years, &c. Such Persons, on reading the Articles +of Confederation, will find, that the Congress have no Power committed +to them, or Money put into their Hands, for such purposes; and that if +any such Encouragement is given, it must be by the Government of some +separate State. This, however, has rarely been done in America; and, +when it has been done, it has rarely succeeded, so as to establish a +Manufacture, which the Country was not yet so ripe for as to encourage +private Persons to set it up; Labour being generally too dear there, and +Hands difficult to be kept together, every one desiring to be a Master, +and the Cheapness of Lands inclining many to leave Trades for +Agriculture. Some indeed have met with Success, and are carried on to +Advantage; but they are generally such as require only a few Hands, or +wherein great Part of the Work is performed by Machines. Things that are +bulky, and of so small Value as not well to bear the Expence of Freight, +may often be made cheaper in the Country than they can be imported; and +the Manufacture of such Things will be profitable wherever there is a +sufficient Demand. The Farmers in America produce indeed a good deal of +Wool and Flax; and none is exported, it is all work'd up; but it is in +the Way of domestic Manufacture, for the Use of the Family. The buying +up Quantities of Wool and Flax, with the Design to employ Spinners, +Weavers, &c., and form great Establishments, producing Quantities of +Linen and Woollen Goods for Sale, has been several times attempted in +different Provinces; but those Projects have generally failed, goods of +equal Value being imported cheaper. And when the Governments have been +solicited to support such Schemes by Encouragements, in Money, or by +imposing Duties on Importation of such Goods, it has been generally +refused, on this Principle, that, if the Country is ripe for the +Manufacture, it may be carried on by private Persons to Advantage; and +if not, it is a Folly to think of forcing Nature. Great Establishments +of Manufacture require great Numbers of Poor to do the Work for small +Wages; these Poor are to be found in Europe, but will not be found in +America, till the Lands are all taken up and cultivated, and the Excess +of People, who cannot get Land, want Employment. The Manufacture of +Silk, they say, is natural in France, as that of Cloth in England, +because each Country produces in Plenty the first Material; but if +England will have a Manufacture of Silk as well as that of Cloth, and +France one of Cloth as well as that of Silk, these unnatural Operations +must be supported by mutual Prohibitions, or high Duties on the +Importation of each other's Goods; by which means the Workmen are +enabled to tax the home Consumer by greater Prices, while the higher +Wages they receive makes them neither happier nor richer, since they +only drink more and work less. Therefore the Governments in America do +nothing to encourage such Projects. The People, by this Means, are not +impos'd on, either by the Merchant or Mechanic. If the Merchant demands +too much Profit on imported Shoes, they buy of the Shoemaker; and if he +asks too high a Price, they take them of the Merchant; thus the two +Professions are checks on each other. The Shoemaker, however, has, on +the whole, a considerable Profit upon his Labour in America, beyond what +he had in Europe, as he can add to his Price a Sum nearly equal to all +the Expences of Freight and Commission, Risque or Insurance, &c., +necessarily charged by the Merchant. And the Case is the same with the +Workmen in every other Mechanic Art. Hence it is, that Artisans +generally live better and more easily in America than in Europe; and +such as are good Œconomists make a comfortable Provision for Age, and +for their Children. Such may, therefore, remove with Advantage to +America. + +In the long-settled Countries of Europe, all Arts, Trades, Professions, +Farms, &c., are so full, that it is difficult for a poor Man, who has +Children, to place them where they may gain, or learn to gain, a decent +Livelihood. The Artisans, who fear creating future Rivals in Business, +refuse to take Apprentices, but upon Conditions of Money, Maintenance, +or the like, which the Parents are unable to comply with. Hence the +Youth are dragg'd up in Ignorance of every gainful Art, and oblig'd to +become Soldiers, or Servants, or Thieves, for a Subsistence. In America, +the rapid Increase of Inhabitants takes away that Fear of Rivalship, and +Artisans willingly receive Apprentices from the hope of Profit by their +Labour, during the Remainder of the Time stipulated, after they shall be +instructed. Hence it is easy for poor Families to get their Children +instructed; for the Artisans are so desirous of Apprentices, that many +of them will even give Money to the Parents, to have Boys from Ten to +Fifteen Years of Age bound Apprentices to them till the Age of +Twenty-one; and many poor Parents have, by that means, on their Arrival +in the Country, raised Money enough to buy Land sufficient to establish +themselves, and to subsist the rest of their Family by Agriculture. +These Contracts for Apprentices are made before a Magistrate, who +regulates the Agreement according to Reason and Justice, and, having in +view the Formation of a future useful Citizen, obliges the Master to +engage by a written Indenture, not only that, during the time of Service +stipulated, the Apprentice shall be duly provided with Meat, Drink, +Apparel, washing, and Lodging, and, at its Expiration, with a compleat +new Suit of Cloaths, but also that he shall be taught to read, write, +and cast Accompts; and that he shall be well instructed in the Art or +Profession of his Master, or some other, by which he may afterwards gain +a Livelihood, and be able in his turn to raise a Family. A Copy of this +Indenture is given to the Apprentice or his Friends, and the Magistrate +keeps a Record of it, to which recourse may be had, in case of Failure +by the Master in any Point of Performance. This desire among the +Masters, to have more Hands employ'd in working for them, induces them +to pay the Passages of young Persons, of both Sexes, who, on their +Arrival, agree to serve them one, two, three, or four Years; those, who +have already learnt a Trade, agreeing for a shorter Term, in proportion +to their Skill, and the consequent immediate Value of their Service; and +those, who have none, agreeing for a longer Term, in consideration of +being taught an Art their Poverty would not permit them to acquire in +their own Country. + +The almost general Mediocrity of Fortune that prevails in America +obliging its People to follow some Business for subsistence, those +Vices, that arise usually from Idleness, are in a great measure +prevented. Industry and constant Employment are great preservatives of +the Morals and Virtue of a Nation. Hence bad Examples to Youth are more +rare in America, which must be a comfortable Consideration to Parents. +To this may be truly added, that serious Religion, under its various +Denominations, is not only tolerated, but respected and practised. +Atheism is unknown there; Infidelity rare and secret; so that persons +may live to a great Age in that Country, without having their Piety +shocked by meeting with either an Atheist or an Infidel. And the Divine +Being seems to have manifested his Approbation of the mutual Forbearance +and Kindness with which the different Sects treat each other, by the +remarkable Prosperity with which He has been pleased to favour the whole +Country. + + + +APOLOGUE[117] + +[1783?] + +Lion, king of a certain forest, had among his subjects a body of +faithful dogs, in principle and affection strongly attached to his +person and government, but through whose assistance he had extended his +dominions, and had become the terror of his enemies. + +Lion, however, influenced by evil counsellors, took an aversion to the +dogs, condemned them unheard, and ordered his tigers, leopards, and +panthers to attack and destroy them. + +The dogs petitioned humbly, but their petitions were rejected haughtily; +and they were forced to defend themselves, which they did with bravery. + +A few among them, of a mongrel race, derived from a mixture with wolves +and foxes, corrupted by royal promises of great rewards, deserted the +honest dogs and joined their enemies. + +The dogs were finally victorious: a treaty of peace was made, in which +Lion acknowledged them to be free, and disclaimed all future authority +over them. + +The mongrels not being permitted to return among them, claimed of the +royalists the reward that had been promised. + +A council of the beasts was held to consider their demand. + +The wolves and the foxes agreed unanimously that the demand was just, +that royal promises ought to be kept, and that every loyal subject +should contribute freely to enable his majesty to fulfil them. + +The horse alone, with a boldness and freedom that became the nobleness +of his nature, delivered a contrary opinion. + + "The King," said he, "has been misled, by bad ministers, to + war unjustly upon his faithful subjects. Royal promises, when + made to encourage us to act for the public good, should + indeed be honourably acquitted; but if to encourage us to + betray and destroy each other, they are wicked and void from + the beginning. The advisers of such promises, and those who + murdered in consequence of them, instead of being + recompensed, should be severely punished. Consider how + greatly our common strength is already diminished by our loss + of the dogs. If you enable the King to reward those + fratricides, you will establish a precedent that may justify + a future tyrant to make like promises; and every example of + such an unnatural brute rewarded will give them additional + weight. Horses and bulls, as well as dogs, may thus be + divided against their own kind, and civil wars produced at + pleasure, till we are so weakened that neither liberty nor + safety is any longer to be found in the forest, and nothing + remains but abject submission to the will of a despot, who + may devour us as he pleases." + +The council had sense enough to resolve--that the demand be rejected. + + + +TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS + + Passy, July 27, 1783. + +DEAR SIR, + +I received your very kind letter by Dr. Blagden,[118] and esteem myself +much honoured by your friendly Remembrance. I have been too much and too +closely engaged in public Affairs, since his being here, to enjoy all +the Benefit of his Conversation you were so good as to intend me. I hope +soon to have more Leisure, and to spend a part of it in those Studies, +that are much more agreable to me than political Operations. + +I join with you most cordially in rejoicing at the return of Peace. I +hope it will be lasting, and that Mankind will at length, as they call +themselves reasonable Creatures, have Reason and Sense enough to settle +their Differences without cutting Throats; for, in my opinion, _there +never was a good War, or a bad Peace_. What vast additions to the +Conveniences and Comforts of Living might Mankind have acquired, if the +Money spent in Wars had been employed in Works of public utility! What +an extension of Agriculture, even to the Tops of our Mountains: what +Rivers rendered navigable, or joined by Canals: what Bridges, Aqueducts, +new Roads, and other public Works, Edifices, and Improvements, rendering +England a compleat Paradise, might have been obtained by spending those +Millions in doing good, which in the last War have been spent in doing +Mischief; in bringing Misery into thousands of Families, and destroying +the Lives of so many thousands of working people, who might have +performed the useful labour! + +I am pleased with the late astronomical Discoveries made by our Society +[the Royal--Eds.]. Furnished as all Europe now is with Academies of +Science, with nice Instruments and the Spirit of Experiment, the +progress of human knowledge will be rapid, and discoveries made, of +which we have at present no Conception. I begin to be almost sorry I was +born so soon, since I cannot have the happiness of knowing what will be +known 100 years hence. + +I wish continued success to the Labours of the Royal Society, and that +you may long adorn their Chair; being, with the highest esteem, dear +Sir, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. Dr. Blagden will acquaint you with the experiment of a vast Globe +sent up into the Air, much talked of here, and which, if prosecuted, may +furnish means of new knowledge. + + + +TO MRS. SARAH BACHE[119] + + Passy, Jan. 26, 1784. + +MY DEAR CHILD, + +Your Care in sending me the Newspapers is very agreable to me. I +received by Capt. Barney those relating to the _Cincinnati_. My Opinion +of the Institution cannot be of much Importance; I only wonder that, +when the united Wisdom of our Nation had, in the Articles of +Confederation, manifested their Dislike of establishing Ranks of +Nobility, by Authority either of the Congress or of any particular +State, a Number of private Persons should think proper to distinguish +themselves and their Posterity, from their fellow Citizens, and form an +Order of _hereditary Knights_, in direct Opposition to the solemnly +declared Sense of their Country! I imagine it must be likewise contrary +to the Good Sense of most of those drawn into it by the Persuasion of +its Projectors, who have been too much struck with the Ribbands and +Crosses they have seen among them hanging to the Buttonholes of Foreign +Officers. And I suppose those, who disapprove of it, have not hitherto +given it much Opposition, from a Principle somewhat like that of your +good Mother, relating to punctilious Persons, who are always exacting +little Observances of Respect; that, "_if People can be pleased with +small Matters, it is a pity but they should have them_." + +In this View, perhaps, I should not myself, if my Advice had been ask'd, +have objected to their wearing their Ribband and Badge according to +their Fancy, tho' I certainly should to the entailing it as an Honour on +their Posterity. For Honour, worthily obtain'd (as for Example that of +our Officers), is in its Nature a _personal_ Thing, and incommunicable +to any but those who had some Share in obtaining it. Thus among the +Chinese, the most ancient, and from long Experience the wisest of +Nations, honour does not _descend_, but _ascends_. If a man from his +Learning, his Wisdom, or his Valour, is promoted by the Emperor to the +Rank of Mandarin, his Parents are immediately entitled to all the same +Ceremonies of Respect from the People, that are establish'd as due to +the Mandarin himself; on the supposition that it must have been owing to +the Education, Instruction, and good Example afforded him by his +Parents, that he was rendered capable of serving the Publick. + +This _ascending_ Honour is therefore useful to the State, as it +encourages Parents to give their Children a good and virtuous Education. +But the _descending Honour_, to Posterity who could have no Share in +obtaining it, is not only groundless and absurd, but often hurtful to +that Posterity, since it is apt to make them proud, disdaining to be +employ'd in useful Arts, and thence falling into Poverty, and all the +Meannesses, Servility, and Wretchedness attending it; which is the +present case with much of what is called the _Noblesse_ in Europe. Or +if, to keep up the Dignity of the Family, Estates are entailed entire on +the Eldest male heir, another Pest to Industry and Improvement of the +Country is introduc'd, which will be followed by all the odious mixture +of pride and Beggary, and idleness, that have half depopulated [and +_decultivated_] Spain; occasioning continual Extinction of Families by +the Discouragements of Marriage [and neglect in the improvement of +estates]. + +I wish, therefore, that the Cincinnati, if they must go on with their +Project, would direct the Badges of their Order to be worn by their +Parents, instead of handing them down to their Children. It would be a +good Precedent, and might have good Effects. It would also be a kind of +Obedience to the Fourth Commandment, in which God enjoins us to _honour_ +our Father and Mother, but has nowhere directed us to honour our +Children. And certainly no mode of honouring those immediate Authors of +our Being can be more effectual, than that of doing praiseworthy +Actions, which reflect Honour on those who gave us our Education; or +more becoming, than that of manifesting, by some public Expression or +Token, that it is to their Instruction and Example we ascribe the Merit +of those Actions. + +But the Absurdity of _descending Honours_ is not a mere Matter of +philosophical Opinion; it is capable of mathematical Demonstration. A +Man's Son, for instance, is but half of his Family, the other half +belonging to the Family of his Wife. His Son, too, marrying into another +Family, his Share in the Grandson is but a fourth; in the Great +Grandson, by the same Process, it is but an Eighth; in the next +Generation a Sixteenth; the next a Thirty-second; the next a +Sixty-fourth; the next an Hundred and twenty-eighth; the next a Two +hundred and Fifty-sixth; and the next a Five hundred and twelfth; thus +in nine Generations, which will not require more than 300 years (no very +great Antiquity for a Family), our present Chevalier of the Order of +Cincinnatus's Share in the then existing Knight, will be but a 512th +part; which, allowing the present certain Fidelity of American Wives to +be insur'd down through all those Nine Generations, is so small a +Consideration, that methinks no reasonable Man would hazard for the sake +of it the disagreable Consequences of the Jealousy, Envy, and Ill will +of his Countrymen. + +Let us go back with our Calculation from this young Noble, the 512th +part of the present Knight, thro' his nine Generations, till we return +to the year of the Institution. He must have had a Father and Mother, +they are two. Each of them had a father and Mother, they are four. Those +of the next preceding Generation will be eight, the next Sixteen, the +next thirty-two, the next sixty-four, the next One hundred and +Twenty-eight, the next Two hundred and fifty-six, and the ninth in this +Retrocession Five hundred and twelve, who must be now existing, and all +contribute their Proportion of this future _Chevalier de Cincinnatus_. +These, with the rest, make together as follows: + + 2 + 4 + 8 + 16 + 32 + 64 + 128 + 256 + 512 + ____ + Total 1022 + +One Thousand and Twenty-two Men and Women, contributors to the formation +of one Knight. And, if we are to have a Thousand of these future +knights, there must be now and hereafter existing One million and +Twenty-two Thousand Fathers and Mothers, who are to contribute to their +Production, unless a Part of the Number are employ'd in making more +Knights than One. Let us strike off then the 22,000, on the Supposition +of this double Employ, and then consider whether, after a reasonable +Estimation of the Number of Rogues, and Fools, and Royalists and +Scoundrels and Prostitutes, that are mix'd with, and help to make up +necessarily their Million of Predecessors, Posterity will have much +reason to boast of the noble Blood of the then existing Set of +Chevaliers de Cincinnatus. [The future genealogists, too, of these +Chevaliers, in proving the lineal descent of their honour through so +many generations (even supposing honour capable in its nature of +descending), will only prove the small share of this honour, which can +be justly claimed by any one of them; since the above simple process in +arithmetic makes it quite plain and clear that, in proportion as the +antiquity of the family shall augment, the right to the honour of the +ancestor will diminish; and a few generations more would reduce it to +something so small as to be very near an absolute nullity.] I hope, +therefore, that the Order will drop this part of their project, and +content themselves, as the Knights of the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St. +Louis, and other Orders of Europe do, with a Life Enjoyment of their +little Badge and Ribband, and let the Distinction die with those who +have merited it. This I imagine will give no offence. For my own part, I +shall think it a Convenience, when I go into a Company where there may +be Faces unknown to me, if I discover, by this Badge, the Persons who +merit some particular Expression of my Respect; and it will save modest +Virtue the Trouble of calling for our Regard, by awkward roundabout +Intimations of having been heretofore employ'd in the Continental +Service. + +The Gentleman, who made the Voyage to France to provide the Ribands and +Medals, has executed his Commission. To me they seem tolerably done; but +all such Things are criticis'd. Some find Fault with the Latin, as +wanting classic Elegance and Correctness; and, since our Nine +Universities were not able to furnish better Latin, it was pity, they +say, that the Mottos had not been in English. Others object to the +Title, as not properly assumable by any but Gen. Washington, [and a few +others] who serv'd without Pay. Others object to the _Bald Eagle_ as +looking too much like a _Dindon_, or Turkey. For my own part, I wish the +Bald Eagle had not been chosen as the Representative of our Country; he +is a Bird of bad moral Character; he does not get his living honestly; +you may have seen him perch'd on some dead Tree, near the River where, +too lazy to fish for himself, he watches the Labour of the Fishing-Hawk; +and, when that diligent Bird has at length taken a Fish, and is bearing +it to his Nest for the support of his Mate and young ones, the Bald +Eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With all this Injustice he is +never in good Case; but, like those among Men who live by Sharping and +Robbing, he is generally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a +rank Coward; the little _King Bird_, not bigger than a sparrow, attacks +him boldly and drives him out of the District. He is therefore by no +means a proper emblem for the brave and honest Cincinnati of America, +who have driven all the _Kingbirds_ from our Country; though exactly fit +for that Order of Knights, which the French call _Chevaliers +d'Industrie_. + +I am, on this account, not displeas'd that the Figure is not known as a +Bald Eagle, but looks more like a Turk'y. For in Truth, the Turk'y is in +comparison a much more respectable Bird, and withal a true original +Native of America. Eagles have been found in all Countries, but the +Turk'y was peculiar to ours; the first of the Species seen in Europe +being brought to France by the Jesuits from Canada, and serv'd up at the +Wedding Table of Charles the Ninth. He is, [though a little vain and +silly, it is true, but not the worse emblem for that,] a Bird of +Courage, and would not hesitate to attack a Grenadier of the British +Guards, who should presume to invade his Farm Yard with a _red_ Coat on. + +I shall not enter into the Criticisms made upon their Latin. The gallant +officers of America may [not have the merit of being] be no great +scholars, but they undoubtedly merit much, [as brave soldiers,] from +their Country, which should therefore not leave them merely to _Fame_ +for their "_Virtutis Premium_," which is one of their Latin Mottos. +Their "_Esto perpetua_," another, is an excellent Wish, if they meant it +for their Country; bad, if intended for their Order. The States should +not only restore to them the _Omnia_ of their first Motto, which many of +them have left and lost, but pay them justly, and reward them +generously. They should not be suffered to remain, with [all] their +new-created Chivalry, _entirely_ in the Situation of the Gentleman in +the Story, which their _omnia reliquit_ reminds me of. You know every +thing makes me recollect some Story. He had built a very fine House, and +thereby much impair'd his Fortune. He had a Pride, however, in showing +it to his Acquaintance. One of them, after viewing it all, remark'd a +Motto over the Door, "ŌIA VANITAS." "What," says he, "is the Meaning +of this ŌIA? it is a word I don't understand." "I will tell you," +said the Gentleman; "I had a mind to have the Motto cut on a Piece of +smooth Marble, but there was not room for it between the Ornaments, to +be put in Characters large enough to be read. I therefore made use of a +Contraction antiently very common in Latin Manuscripts, by which the +_m_'s and _n_'s in Words are omitted, and the Omission noted by a little +Dash above, which you may see there; so that the Word is _omnia_, OMNIA +VANITAS." "O," says his Friend, "I now comprehend the Meaning of your +motto, it relates to your Edifice; and signifies, that, if you have +abridged your _Omnia_, you have, nevertheless, left your VANITAS legible +at full length." I am, as ever, your affectionate father, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +AN ECONOMICAL PROJECT + +TO THE AUTHORS OF THE JOURNAL OF PARIS + + [March 20, 1784?[120]] + +MESSIEURS, + +You often entertain us with accounts of new discoveries. Permit me to +communicate to the public, through your paper, one that has lately been +made by myself, and which I conceive may be of great utility. + +I was the other evening in a grand company, where the new lamp of +Messrs. Quinquet and Lange was introduced, and much admired for its +splendour; but a general inquiry was made, whether the oil it consumed +was not in proportion to the light it afforded, in which case there +would be no saving in the use of it. No one present could satisfy us in +that point, which all agreed ought to be known, it being a very +desirable thing to lessen, if possible, the expense of lighting our +apartments, when every other article of family expense was so much +augmented. + +I was pleased to see this general concern for economy, for I love +economy exceedingly. + +I went home, and to bed, three or four hours after midnight, with my +head full of the subject. An accidental sudden noise waked me about six +in the morning, when I was surprised to find my room filled with light; +and I imagined at first, that a number of those lamps had been brought +into it; but, rubbing my eyes, I perceived the light came in at the +windows. I got up and looked out to see what might be the occasion of +it, when I saw the sun just rising above the horizon, from whence he +poured his rays plentifully into my chamber, my domestic having +negligently omitted, the preceding evening, to close the shutters. + +I looked at my watch, which goes very well, and found that it was but +six o'clock; and still thinking it something extraordinary that the sun +should rise so early, I looked into the almanac, where I found it to be +the hour given for his rising on that day. I looked forward, too, and +found he was to rise still earlier every day till towards the end of +June; and that at no time in the year he retarded his rising so long as +till eight o'clock. Your readers, who with me have never seen any signs +of sunshine before noon, and seldom regard the astronomical part of the +almanac, will be as much astonished as I was, when they hear of his +rising so early; and especially when I assure them, _that he gives light +as soon as he rises_. I am convinced of this. I am certain of my fact. +One cannot be more certain of any fact. I saw it with my own eyes. And, +having repeated this observation the three following mornings, I found +always precisely the same result. + +Yet it so happens, that when I speak of this discovery to others, I can +easily perceive by their countenances, though they forbear expressing it +in words, that they do not quite believe me. One, indeed, who is a +learned natural philosopher, has assured me that I must certainly be +mistaken as to the circumstance of the light coming into my room; for it +being well known, as he says, that there could be no light abroad at +that hour, it follows that none could enter from without; and that of +consequence, my windows being accidentally left open, instead of letting +in the light, had only served to let out the darkness; and he used many +ingenious arguments to show me how I might, by that means, have been +deceived. I owned that he puzzled me a little, but he did not satisfy +me; and the subsequent observations I made, as above mentioned, +confirmed me in my first opinion. + +This event has given rise in my mind to several serious and important +reflections. I considered that, if I had not been awakened so early in +the morning, I should have slept six hours longer by the light of the +sun, and in exchange have lived six hours the following night by +candle-light; and, the latter being a much more expensive light than the +former, my love of economy induced me to muster up what little +arithmetic I was master of, and to make some calculations, which I shall +give you, after observing that utility is, in my opinion the test of +value in matters of invention, and that a discovery which can be applied +to no use, or is not good for something, is good for nothing. + +I took for the basis of my calculation the supposition that there are +one hundred thousand families in Paris, and that these families consume +in the night half a pound of bougies, or candles, per hour. I think this +is a moderate allowance, taking one family with another; for though I +believe some consume less, I know that many consume a great deal more. +Then estimating seven hours per day as a medium quantity between the +time of the sun's rising and ours, he rising during the six following +months from six to eight hours before noon, and there being seven hours +of course per night in which we burn candles, the account will stand +thus;-- + +In the six months between the 20th of March and the 20th of September, +there are + + Nights 183 + Hours of each night in which we burn candles. 7 + _____ + Multiplication gives for the total number of + hours 1,281 + + These 1,281 hours multiplied by 100,000, the + number of inhabitants, give 128,100,000 + + One hundred twenty-eight millions and one + hundred thousand hours, spent at Paris by + candle-light, which, at half a pound of wax + and tallow per hour, gives the weight of 64,050,000 + + Sixty-four millions and fifty thousand of pounds, + which, estimating the whole at the medium + price of thirty sols the pound, makes the sum + of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand + livres tournois 96,075,000 + +An immense sum! that the city of Paris might save every year, by the +economy of using sunshine instead of candles. + +If it should be said, that people are apt to be obstinately attached to +old customs, and that it will be difficult to induce them to rise before +noon, consequently my discovery can be of little use; I answer, _Nil +desperandum_. I believe all who have common sense, as soon as they have +learnt from this paper that it is daylight when the sun rises, will +contrive to rise with him; and, to compel the rest, I would propose the +following regulations; + +First. Let a tax be laid of a louis per window, on every window that is +provided with shutters to keep out the light of the sun. + +Second. Let the same salutary operation of police be made use of, to +prevent our burning candles, that inclined us last winter to be more +economical in burning wood; that is, let guards be placed in the shops +of the wax and tallow chandlers, and no family be permitted to be +supplied with more than one pound of candles per week. + +Third. Let guards also be posted to stop all the coaches, &c. that would +pass the streets after sun-set, except those of physicians, surgeons, +and midwives. + +Fourth. Every morning, as soon as the sun rises, let all the bells in +every church be set ringing; and if that is not sufficient, let cannon +be fired in every street, to wake the sluggards effectually, and make +them open their eyes to see their true interest. + +All the difficulty will be in the first two or three days; after which +the reformation will be as natural and easy as the present irregularity; +for, _ce n'est que le premier pas qui coûte_. Oblige a man to rise at +four in the morning, and it is more than probable he will go willingly +to bed at eight in the evening; and, having had eight hours sleep, he +will rise more willingly at four in the morning following. But this sum +of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand livres is not the whole +of what may be saved by my economical project. You may observe, that I +have calculated upon only one half of the year, and much may be saved in +the other, though the days are shorter. Besides, the immense stock of +wax and tallow left unconsumed during the summer, will probably make +candles much cheaper for the ensuing winter, and continue them cheaper +as long as the proposed reformation shall be supported. + +For the great benefit of this discovery, thus freely communicated and +bestowed by me on the public, I demand neither place, pension, exclusive +privilege, nor any other reward whatever. I expect only to have the +honour of it. And yet I know there are little, envious minds, who will, +as usual, deny me this, and say, that my invention was known to the +ancients, and perhaps they may bring passages out of the old books in +proof of it. I will not dispute with these people, that the ancients +knew not the sun would rise at certain hours; they possibly had, as we +have, almanacs that predicted it; but it does not follow thence, that +they knew _he gave light as soon as he rose_. This is what I claim as my +discovery. If the ancients knew it, it might have been long since +forgotten; for it certainly was unknown to the moderns, at least to the +Parisians, which to prove, I need use but one plain simple argument. +They are as well instructed, judicious, and prudent a people as exist +anywhere in the world, all professing, like myself, to be lovers of +economy; and, from the many heavy taxes required from them by the +necessities of the state, have surely an abundant reason to be +economical. I say it is impossible that so sensible a people, under such +circumstances, should have lived so long by the smoky, unwholesome, and +enormously expensive light of candles, if they had really known, that +they might have had as much pure light of the sun for nothing. I am, &c. + + A SUBSCRIBER. + + + +TO SAMUEL MATHER[121] + + Passy, May 12, 1784. + +REV^D SIR, + +I received your kind letter, with your excellent advice to the people of +the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and hope it will be +duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be lightly passed over by +many readers, yet, if they make a deep impression on one active mind in +a hundred, the effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention one +little instance, which, though it relates to myself, will not be quite +uninteresting to you. When I was a boy, I met with a book, entitled +"_Essays to do Good_," which I think was written by your father. It had +been so little regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves of it +were torn out; but the remainder gave me such a turn of thinking, as to +have an influence on my conduct through life; for I have always set a +greater value on the character of a _doer of good_, than on any other +kind of reputation; and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful +citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that book. + +You mention your being in your 78^th year; I am in my 79^th; we are +grown old together. It is now more than 60 years since I left Boston, +but I remember well both your father and grandfather, having heard them +both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw +your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I visited him after my +first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in his library, and on my +taking leave showed me a shorter way out of the house through a narrow +passage, which was crossed by a beam over head. We were still talking as +I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, +when he said hastily, "_Stoop, stoop!_" I did not understand him, till I +felt my head hit against the beam. He was a man that never missed any +occasion of giving instruction, and upon this he said to me, "_You are +young, and have the world before you_; STOOP _as you go through it, and +you will miss many hard thumps_." This advice, thus beat into my head, +has frequently been of use to me; and I often think of it, when I see +pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying +their heads too high. + +I long much to see again my native place, and to lay my bones there. I +left it in 1723; I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753, and 1763. In 1773 I +was in England; in 1775 I had a sight of it, but could not enter, it +being in possession of the enemy. I did hope to have been there in 1783, +but could not obtain my dismission from this employment here; and now I +fear I shall never have that happiness. My best wishes however attend my +dear country. _Esto perpetua._ It is now blest with an excellent +constitution; may it last for ever! + +This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the United States. +It is a friendship of the utmost importance to our security, and should +be carefully cultivated. Britain has not yet well digested the loss of +its dominion over us, and has still at times some flattering hopes of +recovering it. Accidents may increase those hopes, and encourage +dangerous attempts. A breach between us and France would infallibly +bring the English again upon our backs; and yet we have some wild heads +among our countrymen, who are endeavouring to weaken that connexion! Let +us preserve our reputation by performing our engagements; our credit by +fulfilling our contracts; and friends by gratitude and kindness; for we +know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of them. With great +and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, &c. + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN[122] + + Passy, July 26th, 1784. + +DEAR FRIEND, + +I have received several Letters from you lately, dated June 16, June 30, +and July 13. I thank you for the Information respecting the Proceedings +of your West India Merchants, or rather Planters. The Restraints what +ever they may be upon our Commerce with your Islands, will prejudice +their Inhabitants, I apprehend, more than us. + +It is wonderful how preposterously the affairs of this world are +managed. Naturally one would imagine, that the interest of a few +individuals should give way to general interest; but individuals manage +their affairs with so much more application, industry, and address, than +the public do theirs, that general interest most commonly gives way to +particular. We assemble parliaments and councils, to have the benefit of +their collected wisdom; but we necessarily have, at the same time, the +inconvenience of their collected passions, prejudices, and private +interest. By the help of these, artful men overpower their wisdom, and +dupe its possessors; and if we may judge by the acts, _arrêts_, and +edicts, all the world over, for regulating commerce, an assembly of +great men is the greatest fool upon earth. + +I have received Cook's _Voyages_, which you put Mr. Oswald in the way of +sending to me. By some Mistake the first Volume was omitted, and instead +of it a Duplicate sent of the third. If there is a good Print of Cook, I +should be glad to have it, being personally acquainted with him. I thank +you for the Pamphlets by Mr. Estlin. Every thing you send me gives me +Pleasure; to receive your Account would give me more than all. + +I am told, that the little Pamphlet of _Advice to such as would remove +to America_, is reprinted in London, with my Name to it, which I would +rather had been omitted; but wish to see a Copy, when you have an +Opportunity of sending it. + +Mr. H. has long continued here in Expectation of Instructions for making +a Treaty of Commerce, but they do not come, and I begin to suspect none +are intended; tho' perhaps the Delay is only occasioned by the over +great Burthen of Business at present on the Shoulders of your Ministers. +We do not press the Matter, but are content to wait till they can see +their Interest respecting America more clearly, being certain that we +can shift as well as you without a Treaty. + +The Conjectures I sent you concerning the cold of last Winter still +appear to me probable. The moderate Season in Russia and Canada, do not +weaken them. I think our Frost here began about the 24th of December; in +America, the 12 of January. I thank you for recommending to me Mr. +Arbuthnot; I have had Pleasure in his Conversation. I wish much to see +the new Pieces you had in hand. I congratulate you on the Return of your +Wedding-day, and wish for your Sake and Mrs. Vaughan's, that you may see +a great many of them, all as happy as the first. + +I like the young stranger very much. He seems sensible, ingenious, and +modest, has a good deal of Instruction, and makes judicious +Observations. He will probably distinguish himself advantageously. I +have not yet heard from Mr. Nairne. + +Dr. Price's Pamphlet of Advice to America is a good one, and will do +Good. You ask, "what Remedy I have for the growing Luxury of my Country, +which gives so much _Offence_ to all _English travellers_ without +exception." I answer, that I think it exaggerated, and that Travellers +are no good Judges whether our Luxury is growing or diminishing. Our +People are hospitable, and have indeed too much Pride in displaying upon +their Tables before Strangers the Plenty and Variety that our Country +affords. They have the Vanity, too, of sometimes borrowing one another's +Plate to entertain more splendidly. Strangers being invited from House +to House, and meeting every Day with a Feast, imagine what they see is +the ordinary Way of living of all the Families where they dine; when +perhaps each Family lives a Week after upon the Remains of the Dinner +given. It is, I own, a Folly in our People to give _such Offence_ to +_English Travellers_. The first part of the Proverb is thereby verified, +that _Fools make Feasts_. I wish in this Case the other were as true, +_and wise Men eat them_. These Travellers might, one would think, find +some Fault they could more decently reproach us with, than that of our +excessive Civility to them as Strangers. + +I have not, indeed yet thought of a Remedy for Luxury. I am not sure, +that in a great State it is capable of a Remedy. Nor that the Evil is +in itself always so great as it is represented. Suppose we include in +the Definition of Luxury all unnecessary Expence, and then let us +consider whether Laws to prevent such Expence are possible to be +executed in a great Country, and whether, if they could be executed, our +People generally would be happier, or even richer. Is not the Hope of +one day being able to purchase and enjoy Luxuries a great Spur to Labour +and Industry? May not Luxury, therefore, produce more than it consumes, +if without such a Spur People would be, as they are naturally enough +inclined to be, lazy and indolent? To this purpose I remember a +Circumstance. The Skipper of a Shallop, employed between Cape May and +Philadelphia, had done us some small Service, for which he refused Pay. +My Wife, understanding that he had a Daughter, sent her as a Present a +new-fashioned Cap. Three Years After, this Skipper being at my House +with an old Farmer of Cape May, his Passenger, he mentioned the Cap, and +how much his Daughter had been pleased with it. "But," says he, "it +proved a dear Cap to our Congregation." "How so?" "When my Daughter +appeared in it at Meeting, it was so much admired, that all the Girls +resolved to get such Caps from Philadelphia; and my Wife and I computed, +that the whole could not have cost less than a hundred Pound." "True," +says the Farmer, "but you do not tell all the Story. I think the Cap was +nevertheless an Advantage to us, for it was the first thing that put our +Girls upon Knitting worsted Mittens for Sale at Philadelphia, that they +might have wherewithal to buy Caps and Ribbands there; and you know that +that Industry has continued, and is likely to continue and increase to a +much greater Value, and answer better Purposes." Upon the whole, I was +more reconciled to this little Piece of Luxury, since not only the Girls +were made happier by having fine Caps, but the Philadelphians by the +Supply of warm Mittens. + +In our Commercial Towns upon the Seacoast, Fortunes will occasionally be +made. Some of those who grow rich will be prudent, live within Bounds, +and preserve what they have gained for their Posterity; others, fond of +showing their Wealth, will be extravagant and ruin themselves. Laws +cannot prevent this; and perhaps it is not always an evil to the +Publick. A Shilling spent idly by a Fool, may be picked up by a Wiser +Person, who knows better what to do with it. It is therefore not lost. A +vain, silly Fellow builds a fine House, furnishes it richly, lives in it +expensively, and in few years ruins himself; but the Masons, Carpenters, +Smiths, and other honest Tradesmen have been by his Employ assisted in +maintaining and raising their Families; the Farmer has been paid for his +labour, and encouraged, and the Estate is now in better Hands. In some +Cases, indeed, certain Modes of Luxury may be a publick Evil, in the +same Manner as it is a Private one. If there be a Nation, for Instance, +that exports its Beef and Linnen, to pay for its Importation of Claret +and Porter, while a great Part of its People live upon Potatoes, and +wear no Shirts, wherein does it differ from the Sot, who lets his Family +starve, and sells his Clothes to buy Drink? Our American Commerce is, I +confess, a little in this way. We sell our Victuals to your Islands for +Rum and Sugar; the substantial Necessaries of Life for Superfluities. +But we have Plenty, and live well nevertheless, tho' by being soberer, +we might be richer. + +By the by, here is just issued an _arrêt_ of Council taking off all the +Duties upon the exportation of Brandies, which, it is said, will render +them cheaper in America than your Rum; in which case there is no doubt +but they will be preferr'd, and we shall be better able to bear your +Restrictions on our Commerce. There are Views here, by augmenting their +Settlements, of being able to supply the growing People of America with +the Sugar that may be wanted there. On the whole, I guess England will +get as little by the Commercial War she has begun with us, as she did by +the Military. But to return to Luxury. + +The vast Quantity of Forest Lands we have yet to clear, and put in order +for Cultivation, will for a long time keep the Body of our Nation +laborious and frugal. Forming an Opinion of our People and their Manners +by what is seen among the Inhabitants of the Seaports, is judging from +an improper Sample. The People of the Trading Towns may be rich and +luxurious, while the Country possesses all the Virtues, that tend to +private Happiness and publick Prosperity. Those Towns are not much +regarded by the Country; they are hardly considered as an essential Part +of the States; and the Experience of the last War has shown, that their +being in the Possession of the Enemy did not necessarily draw on the +Subjection of the Country, which bravely continued to maintain its +Freedom and Independence notwithstanding. + +It has been computed by some Political Arithmetician, that, if every Man +and Woman would work for four Hours each Day on something useful, that +Labour would produce sufficient to procure all the Necessaries and +Comforts of Life, Want and Misery would be banished out of the World, +and the rest of the 24 hours might be Leisure and Pleasure. + +What occasions then so much Want and Misery? It is the Employment of Men +and Women in Works, that produce neither the Necessaries nor +Conveniences of Life, who, with those who do nothing, consume the +Necessaries raised by the Laborious. To explain this. + +The first Elements of Wealth are obtained by Labour, from the Earth and +Waters. I have Land, and raise Corn. With this, if I feed a Family that +does nothing, my Corn will be consum'd, and at the end of the Year I +shall be no richer than I was at the beginning. But if, while I feed +them, I employ them, some in Spinning, others in hewing Timber and +sawing Boards, others in making Bricks, &c. for Building, the Value of +my Corn will be arrested and remain with me, and at the end of the Year +we may all be better clothed and better lodged. And if, instead of +employing a Man I feed in making Bricks, I employ him in fiddling for +me, the Corn he eats is gone, and no Part of his Manufacture remains to +augment the Wealth and Convenience of the family; I shall therefore be +the poorer for this fiddling Man, unless the rest of my Family work +more, or eat less, to make up the Deficiency he occasions. + +Look round the World and see the Millions employ'd in doing nothing, or +in something that amounts to nothing, when the Necessaries and +Conveniences of Life are in question. What is the Bulk of Commerce, for +which we fight and destroy each other, but the Toil of Millions for +Superfluities, to the great Hazard and Loss of many Lives by the +constant Dangers of the Sea? How much labour is spent in Building and +fitting great Ships, to go to China and Arabia for Tea and Coffee, to +the West Indies for Sugar, to America for Tobacco! These things cannot +be called the Necessaries of Life, for our Ancestors lived very +comfortably without them. + +A Question may be asked; Could all these People, now employed in +raising, making, or carrying Superfluities, be subsisted by raising +Necessaries? I think they might. The World is large, and a great Part of +it still uncultivated. Many hundred Millions of Acres in Asia, Africa, +and America are still Forest, and a great Deal even in Europe. On 100 +Acres of this Forest a Man might become a substantial Farmer, and +100,000 Men, employed in clearing each his 100 Acres, would hardly +brighten a Spot big enough to be Visible from the Moon, unless with +Herschell's Telescope; so vast are the Regions still in Wood unimproved. + +'Tis however, some Comfort to reflect, that, upon the whole, the +Quantity of Industry and Prudence among Mankind exceeds the Quantity of +Idleness and Folly. Hence the Increase of good Buildings, Farms +cultivated, and populous Cities filled with Wealth, all over Europe, +which a few Ages since were only to be found on the Coasts of the +Mediterranean; and this, notwithstanding the mad Wars continually +raging, by which are often destroyed in one year the Works of many +Years' Peace. So that we may hope the Luxury of a few Merchants on the +Seacoast will not be the Ruin of America. + +One reflection more, and I well end this long, rambling Letter. Almost +all the Parts of our Bodies require some Expence. The Feet demand Shoes; +the Legs, Stockings; the rest of the Body, Clothing; and the Belly, a +good deal of Victuals. _Our_ Eyes, tho' exceedingly useful, ask, when +reasonable, only the cheap Assistance of Spectacles, which could not +much impair our Finances. But _the Eyes of other People_ are the Eyes +that ruin us. If all but myself were blind, I should want neither fine +Clothes, fine Houses, nor fine Furniture. Adieu, my dear Friend, I am + + Yours ever + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. This will be delivered to you by my Grandson. I am persuaded you +will afford him your Civilities and Counsels. Please to accept a little +Present of Books, I send by him, curious for the Beauty of the +Impression. + + + +TO GEORGE WHATELY[123] + + Passy, May 23, 1785. + +DEAR OLD FRIEND, + +... I must agree with you, that the Gout is bad, and that the Stone is +worse. I am happy in not having them both together, and I join in your +Prayer, that you may live till you die without either. But I doubt the +Author of the Epitaph you send me was a little mistaken, when he, +speaking of the World, says, that + + "he ne'er car'd a pin + What they said or may say of the Mortal within." + +It is so natural to wish to be well spoken of, whether alive or dead, +that I imagine he could not be quite exempt from that Desire; and that +at least he wish'd to be thought a Wit, or he would not have given +himself the Trouble of writing so good an Epitaph to leave behind him. +Was it not as worthy of his Care, that the World should say he was an +honest and a good Man? I like better the concluding Sentiment in the old +Song, call'd _The Old Man's Wish_, wherein, after wishing for a warm +House in a country Town, an easy Horse, some good old authors, ingenious +and cheerful Companions, a Pudding on Sundays, with stout Ale, and a +bottle of Burgundy, &c., &c., in separate Stanzas, each ending with this +burthen, + + "May I govern my Passions with an absolute sway, + Grow wiser and better as my Strength wears away, + Without Gout or Stone, by a gentle Decay;" + +he adds, + + "With a Courage undaunted may I face my last day, + And, when I am gone, may the better Sort say, + 'In the Morning when sober, in the Evening when mellow, + He's gone, and has not left behind him his Fellow; + For he governed his Passions, &c."' + +But what signifies our Wishing? Things happen, after all, as they will +happen. I have sung that _wishing Song_ a thousand times, when I was +young, and now find, at Fourscore, that the three Contraries have +befallen me, being subject to the Gout and the Stone, and not being yet +Master of all my Passions. Like the proud Girl in my Country, who wished +and resolv'd not to marry a Parson, nor a Presbyterian, nor an Irishman; +and at length found herself married to an Irish Presbyterian Parson. + +You see I have some reason to wish, that, in a future State, I may not +only be _as well as I was_, but a little better. And I hope it; for I, +too, with your Poet, _trust in God_. And when I observe, that there is +great Frugality, as well as Wisdom, in his Works, since he has been +evidently sparing both of Labour and Materials; for by the various +wonderful Inventions of Propagation, he has provided for the continual +peopling his World with Plants and Animals, without being at the Trouble +of repeated new Creations; and by the natural Reduction of compound +Substances to their original Elements, capable of being employ'd in new +Compositions, he has prevented the Necessity of creating new Matter; so +that the Earth, Water, Air, and perhaps Fire, which being compounded +form Wood, do, when the Wood is dissolved, return, and again become Air, +Earth, Fire, and Water; I say, that, when I see nothing annihilated, and +not even a Drop of Water wasted, I cannot suspect the Annihilation of +Souls, or believe, that he will suffer the daily Waste of Millions of +Minds ready made that now exist, and put himself to the continual +Trouble of making new ones. Thus finding myself to exist in the World, I +believe I shall, in some Shape or other, always exist; and, with all the +inconveniencies human Life is liable to, I shall not object to a new +Edition of mine; hoping, however, that the _Errata_ of the last may be +corrected. + +... Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever yours very +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JOHN BARD AND MRS. BARD + + Philadelphia, November 14, 1785. + +DEAR FRIENDS, + +I received your kind letter, which gave me great pleasure, as it +informed me of your welfare. Your friendly congratulations are very +obliging. I had on my return some right, as you observe, to expect +repose; and it was my intention to avoid all public business. But I had +not firmness enough to resist the unanimous desire of my country folks; +and I find myself harnessed again in their service for another year. +They engrossed the prime of my life. They have eaten my flesh, and seem +resolved now to pick my bones. You are right in supposing, that I +interest myself in every thing that affects you and yours, sympathizing +in your afflictions, and rejoicing in your felicities; for our +friendship is ancient, and was never obscured by the least cloud. + +I thank you for your civilities to my grandson, and am ever, with +sincere and great esteem and regard, my dear friends, yours most +affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO JONATHAN SHIPLEY + + Philadelphia, Feb. 24^th, 1786. + +DEAR FRIEND, + +I received lately your kind letter of Nov. 27th. My Reception here was, +as you have heard, very honourable indeed; but I was betray'd by it, and +by some Remains of Ambition, from which I had imagined myself free, to +accept of the Chair of Government for the State of Pennsylvania, when +the proper thing for me was Repose and a private Life. I hope, however, +to be able to bear the Fatigue for one Year, and then to retire. + +I have much regretted our having so little Opportunity for Conversation +when we last met. You could have given me Informations and Counsels that +I wanted, but we were scarce a Minute together without being broke in +upon. I am to thank you, however, for the Pleasure I had after our +Parting, in reading the new Book[124] you gave me, which I think +generally well written and likely to do good; tho' the Reading Time of +most People is of late so taken up with News Papers and little +periodical Pamphlets, that few now-a-days venture to attempt reading a +Quarto Volume. I have admir'd to see, that, in the last Century, a +Folio, _Burton on Melancholly_, went through Six Editions in about +Twenty Years. We have, I believe, more Readers now, but not of such +large Books. + +You seem desirous of knowing what Progress we make here in improving our +Governments. We are, I think, in the right Road of Improvement, for we +are making Experiments. I do not oppose all that seem wrong, for the +Multitude are more effectually set right by Experience, than kept from +going wrong by Reasoning with them. And I think we are daily more and +more enlightened; so that I have no doubt of our obtaining in a few +Years as much public Felicity, as good Government is capable of +affording. + +Your NewsPapers are fill'd with fictitious Accounts of Anarchy, +Confusion, Distresses, and Miseries, we are suppos'd to be involv'd in, +as Consequences of the Revolution; and the few remaining Friends of the +old Government among us take pains to magnify every little Inconvenience +a Change in the Course of Commerce may have occasion'd. To obviate the +Complaints they endeavour to excite, was written the enclos'd little +Piece,[125] from which you may form a truer Idea of our Situation, than +your own public Prints would give you. And I can assure you, that the +great Body of our Nation find themselves happy in the Change, and have +not the smallest Inclination to return to the Domination of Britain. +There could not be a stronger Proof of the general Approbation of the +Measures, that promoted the Change, and of the Change itself, than has +been given by the Assembly and Council of this State, in the nearly +unanimous Choice for their Governor, of one who had been so much +concern'd in those Measures, the Assembly being themselves the unbrib'd +Choice of the People, and therefore may be truly suppos'd of the same +Sentiments. I say nearly unanimous, because, of between 70 and 80 Votes, +there were only my own and one other in the negative. + +As to my Domestic Circumstances, of which you kindly desire to hear +something, they are at present as happy as I could wish them. I am +surrounded by my Offspring, a Dutiful and Affectionate Daughter in my +House, with Six Grandchildren, the eldest of which you have seen, who is +now at a College in the next Street, finishing the learned Part of his +Education; the others promising, both for Parts and good Dispositions. +What their Conduct may be, when they grow up and enter the important +Scenes of Life, I shall not live to _see_, and I cannot _foresee_. I +therefore enjoy among them the present Hour, and leave the future to +Providence. + +He that raises a large Family does, indeed, while he lives to observe +them, _stand_, as Watts says, _a broader Mark for Sorrow_; but then he +stands a broader Mark for Pleasure too. When we launch our little Fleet +of Barques into the Ocean, bound to different Ports, we hope for each a +prosperous Voyage; but contrary Winds, hidden Shoals, Storms, and +Enemies come in for a Share in the Disposition of Events; and though +these occasion a Mixture of Disappointment, yet, considering the Risque +where we can make no Insurance, we should think ourselves happy if some +return with Success. My Son's Son, Temple Franklin, whom you have also +seen, having had a fine Farm of 600 Acres[126] convey'd to him by his +Father when we were at Southampton, has drop'd for the present his Views +of acting in the political Line, and applies himself ardently to the +Study and Practice of Agriculture. This is much more agreable to me, who +esteem it the most useful, the most independent, and therefore the +noblest of Employments. His Lands are on navigable water, communicating +with the Delaware, and but about 16 Miles from this City. He has +associated to himself a very skillful English Farmer lately arrived +here, who is to instruct him in the Business, and partakes for a Term +of the Profits; so that there is a great apparent Probability of their +Success. + +You will kindly expect a Word or two concerning myself. My Health and +Spirits continue, Thanks to God, as when you saw me. The only complaint +I then had, does not grow worse, and is tolerable. I still have +Enjoyment in the Company of my Friends; and, being easy in my +Circumstances, have many Reasons to like Living. But the Course of +Nature must soon put a period to my present Mode of Existence. This I +shall submit to with less Regret, as, having seen during a long Life a +good deal of this World, I feel a growing Curiosity to be acquainted +with some other; and can chearfully, with filial Confidence, resign my +Spirit to the conduct of that great and good Parent of Mankind, who +created it, and who has so graciously protected and prospered me from my +Birth to the present Hour. Wherever I am, I hope always to retain the +pleasing remembrance of your Friendship, being with sincere and great +Esteem, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. We all join in Respects to Mrs. Shipley, and best wishes for the +whole amiable Family. + + + +TO -------- [127] + + Phila. July 3, 1786 [?]. + +DEAR SIR, + +I have read your Manuscript with some Attention. By the Argument it +contains against the Doctrines of a particular Providence, tho' you +allow a general Providence, you strike at the Foundation of all +Religion. For without the Belief of a Providence, that takes Cognizance +of, guards, and guides, and may favour particular Persons, there is no +Motive to Worship a Deity, to fear its Displeasure, or to pray for its +Protection. I will not enter into any Discussion of your Principles, +tho' you seem to desire it. At present I shall only give you my +Opinion, that, though your Reasonings are subtile, and may prevail with +some Readers, you will not succeed so as to change the general +Sentiments of Mankind on that Subject, and the Consequence of printing +this Piece will be, a great deal of Odium drawn upon yourself, Mischief +to you, and no Benefit to others. He that spits against the Wind, spits +in his own Face.[128] + +But, were you to succeed, do you imagine any Good would be done by it? +You yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous Life, without the +Assistance afforded by Religion; you having a clear Perception of the +Advantages of Virtue, and the Disadvantages of Vice, and possessing a +Strength of Resolution sufficient to enable you to resist common +Temptations. But think how great a Proportion of Mankind consists of +weak and ignorant Men and Women, and of inexperienc'd, and inconsiderate +Youth of both Sexes, who have need of the Motives of Religion to +restrain them from Vice, to support their Virtue, and retain them in the +Practice of it till it becomes _habitual_, which is the great Point for +its Security. And perhaps you are indebted to her originally, that is, +to your Religious Education, for the Habits of Virtue upon which you now +justly value yourself. You might easily display your excellent Talents +of reasoning upon a less hazardous subject, and thereby obtain a Rank +with our most distinguish'd Authors. For among us it is not necessary, +as among the Hottentots, that a Youth, to be receiv'd into the Company +of men, should prove his Manhood by beating his Mother. + +I would advise you, therefore, not to attempt unchaining the Tyger, but +to burn this Piece before it is seen by any other Person; whereby you +will save yourself a great deal of Mortification from the Enemies it may +raise against you, and perhaps a good deal of Regret and Repentance. If +men are so wicked as we now see them _with religion_, what would they be +_if without it_. I intend this Letter itself as a _Proof_ of my +Friendship, and therefore add no _Professions_ to it; but subscribe +simply yours, + + B. F. + + + +SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION; ON THE SUBJECT OF SALARIES[129] + +[Delivered June 2, 1787] + +SIR, + +It is with Reluctance that I rise to express a Disapprobation of any one +Article of the Plan, for which we are so much obliged to the honourable +Gentleman who laid it before us. From its first Reading, I have borne a +good Will to it, and, in general, wish'd it Success. In this Particular +of Salaries to the Executive Branch, I happen to differ; and, as my +Opinion may appear new and chimerical, it is only from a Persuasion that +it is right, and from a Sense of Duty, that I hazard it. The Committee +will judge of my Reasons when they have heard them, and their judgment +may possibly change mine. I think I see Inconveniences in the +Appointment of Salaries; I see none in refusing them, but on the +contrary great Advantages. + +Sir, there are two Passions which have a powerful Influence in the +Affairs of Men. These are _Ambition_ and _Avarice_, the Love of Power +and the Love of Money. Separately, each of these has great Force in +prompting Men to Action; but when united in View of the same Object, +they have in many Minds the most violent Effects. Place before the Eyes +of such Men a Post of _Honour_, that shall at the same time be a Place +of _Profit_, and they will move Heaven and Earth to obtain it. The vast +Number of such Places it is that renders the British Government so +tempestuous. The Struggles for them are the true Source of all those +Factions which are perpetually dividing the Nation, distracting its +Councils, hurrying it sometimes into fruitless and mischievous Wars, and +often compelling a Submission to dishonourable Terms of Peace. + +And of what kind are the men that will strive for this profitable +Preëminence, thro' all the Bustle of Cabal, the Heat of Contention, the +infinite mutual Abuse of Parties, tearing to Pieces the best of +Characters? It will not be the wise and moderate, the Lovers of Peace +and good Order, the men fittest for the Trust. It will be the Bold and +the Violent, the men of strong Passions and indefatigable Activity in +their selfish Pursuits. These will thrust themselves into your +Government, and be your Rulers. And these, too, will be mistaken in the +expected Happiness of their Situation; for their vanquish'd competitors, +of the same Spirit, and from the same Motives, will perpetually be +endeavouring to distress their Administration, thwart their Measures, +and render them odious to the People. + +Besides these Evils, Sir, tho' we may set out in the Beginning with +moderate Salaries, we shall find, that such will not be of long +Continuance. Reasons will never be wanting for propos'd Augmentations, +and there will always be a Party for giving more to the Rulers, that the +Rulers may be able in Return to give more to them. Hence, as all History +informs us, there has been in every State and Kingdom a constant kind of +Warfare between the Governing and the Governed; the one striving to +obtain more for its Support, and the other to pay less. And this has +alone occasion'd great Convulsions, actual Civil Wars, ending either in +dethroning of the Princes or enslaving of the People. Generally, indeed, +the Ruling Power carries its Point, and we see the Revenues of Princes +constantly increasing, and we see that they are never satisfied, but +always in want of more. The more the People are discontented with the +Oppression of Taxes, the greater Need the Prince has of Money to +distribute among his Partisans, and pay the Troops that are to suppress +all Resistance, and enable him to plunder at Pleasure. There is scarce a +King in a hundred, who would not, if he could, follow the Example of +Pharaoh,--get first all the People's Money, then all their Lands, and +then make them and their Children Servants for ever. It will be said, +that we do not propose to establish Kings. I know it. But there is a +natural Inclination in Mankind to kingly Government. It sometimes +relieves them from Aristocratic Domination. They had rather have one +Tyrant than 500. It gives more of the Appearance of Equality among +Citizens; and that they like. I am apprehensive, therefore,--perhaps too +apprehensive,--that the Government of these States may in future times +end in a Monarchy. But this Catastrophe, I think, may be long delay'd, +if in our propos'd System we do not sow the Seeds of Contention, +Faction, and Tumult, by making our Posts of Honour Places of Profit. If +we do, I fear, that, tho' we employ at first a Number and not a single +Person, the Number will in time be set aside; it will only nourish the +Fœtus of a King (as the honourable Gentleman from Virg^a very aptly +express'd it), and a King will the sooner be set over us. + +It may be imagined by some, that this is an Utopian Idea, and that we +can never find Men to serve us in the Executive Department, without +paying them well for their Services. I conceive this to be a Mistake. +Some existing Facts present themselves to me, which incline me to a +contrary Opinion. The High Sheriff of a County in England is an +honourable Office, but it is not a profitable one. It is rather +expensive, and therefore not sought for. But yet it is executed, and +well executed, and usually by some of the principal Gentlemen of the +County. In France, the Office of Counsellor, or Member of their +judiciary Parliaments, is more honourable. It is therefore purchas'd at +a High Price; there are indeed Fees on the Law Proceedings, which are +divided among them, but these Fees do not amount to more than three per +cent on the Sum paid for the Place. Therefore, as legal Interest is +there at five per cent, they in fact pay two per cent for being allow'd +to do the Judiciary Business of the Nation, which is at the same time +entirely exempt from the Burthen of paying them any Salaries for their +Services. I do not, however, mean to recommend this as an eligible Mode +for our judiciary Department. I only bring the Instance to show, that +the Pleasure of doing Good and serving their Country, and the Respect +such Conduct entitles them to, are sufficient Motives with some Minds, +to give up a great Portion of their Time to the Public, without the mean +Inducement of pecuniary Satisfaction. + +Another Instance is that of a respectable Society, who have made the +Experiment, and practis'd it with Success, now more than a hundred +years. I mean the Quakers. It is an establish'd Rule with them that they +are not to go to law, but in their Controversies they must apply to +their Monthly, Quarterly, and Yearly Meetings. Committees of these sit +with Patience to hear the Parties, and spend much time in composing +their Differences. In doing this, they are supported by a Sense of Duty, +and the Respect paid to Usefulness. It is honourable to be so employ'd, +but it was never made profitable by Salaries, Fees, or Perquisites. And +indeed, in all Cases of public Service, the less the Profit the greater +the Honour. + +To bring the Matter nearer home, have we not seen the greatest and most +important of our Offices, that of General of our Armies, executed for +Eight Years together, without the smallest Salary, by a patriot whom I +will not now offend by any other Praise; and this, thro' Fatigues and +Distresses, in common with the other brave Men, his military Friends and +Companions, and the constant Anxieties peculiar to his Station? And +shall we doubt finding three or four Men in all the United States, with +public Spirit enough to bear sitting in peaceful Council, for perhaps an +equal Term, merely to preside over our civil Concerns, and see that our +Laws are duly executed? Sir, I have a better opinion of our Country. I +think we shall never be without a sufficient Number of wise and good Men +to undertake, and execute well and faithfully, the Office in question. + +Sir, the Saving of the Salaries, that may at first be propos'd, is not +an object with me. The subsequent Mischiefs of proposing them are what I +apprehend. And therefore it is that I move the Amendment. If it is not +seconded or accepted, I must be contented with the Satisfaction of +having delivered my Opinion frankly, and done my Duty. + + + +MOTION FOR PRAYERS IN THE CONVENTION + +[Motion made June 28, 1787] + +MR. PRESIDENT, + +The small Progress we have made, after 4 or 5 Weeks' close Attendance +and continual Reasonings with each other, our different Sentiments on +almost every Question, several of the last producing as many _Noes_ as +_Ayes_, is, methinks, a melancholy Proof of the Imperfection of the +Human Understanding. We indeed seem to _feel_ our own want of political +Wisdom, since we have been running all about in Search of it. We have +gone back to ancient History for Models of Government, and examin'd the +different Forms of those Republics, which, having been orig[i]nally +form'd with the Seeds of their own Dissolution, now no longer exist; and +we have view'd modern States all round Europe, but find none of their +Constitutions suitable to our Circumstances. + +In this Situation of this Assembly, groping, as it were, in the dark to +find Political Truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented +to us, how has it happened, Sir, that we have not hitherto once thought +of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our +Understandings? In the Beginning of the Contest with Britain, when we +were sensible of Danger, we had daily Prayers in this Room for the +Divine Protection. Our Prayers, Sir, were heard;--and they were +graciously answered. All of us, who were engag'd in the Struggle, must +have observed frequent Instances of a superintending Providence in our +Favour. To that kind Providence we owe this happy Opportunity of +Consulting in Peace on the Means of establishing our future national +Felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we +imagine we no longer need its assistance? I have lived, Sir, a long +time; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this +Truth, _that_ GOD _governs in the Affairs of Men_. And if a Sparrow +cannot fall to the Ground without His Notice, is it probable that an +Empire can rise without His Aid? We have been assured, Sir, in the +Sacred Writings, that "except the Lord build the House, they labour in +vain that build it." I firmly believe this; and I also believe, that, +without his concurring Aid, we shall succeed in this political Building +no better than the Builders of Babel; we shall be divided by our little, +partial, local Interests, our Projects will be confounded, and we +ourselves shall become a Reproach and a Bye-word down to future Ages. +And, what is worse, Mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate +Instance, despair of establishing Government by human Wisdom, and leave +it to Chance, War, and Conquest. + +I therefore beg leave to move, + +That henceforth Prayers, imploring the Assistance of Heaven and its +Blessing on our Deliberations, be held in this Assembly every morning +before we proceed to Business; and that one or more of the Clergy of +this city be requested to officiate in that Service.[M] + + [M] "The convention, except three or four persons, thought + prayers unnecessary!" [_Franklin's note._] + + + +SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION + +At the Conclusion of its Deliberations[130] + +[September 17, 1787] + +MR. PRESIDENT, + +I confess, that I do not entirely approve of this Constitution at +present; but, Sir, I am not sure I shall never approve it; for, having +lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged, by +better information or fuller consideration, to change my opinions even +on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be +otherwise. It is therefore that, the older I grow, the more apt I am to +doubt my own judgment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects +in religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that +wherever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steele, a +Protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, that the only difference +between our two churches in their opinions of the certainty of their +doctrine, is, the Romish Church is _infallible_, and the Church of +England is _never in the wrong_. But, though many private Persons think +almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their Sect, +few express it so naturally as a certain French Lady, who, in a little +dispute with her sister, said, "But I meet with nobody but myself that +is _always_ in the right." "_Je ne trouve que moi qui aie toujours +raison._" + +In these sentiments, Sir, I agree to this Constitution, with all its +faults,--if they are such; because I think a general Government +necessary for us, and there is no _form_ of government but what may be a +blessing to the people, if well administered; and I believe, farther, +that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and +can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the +people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being +incapable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other Convention we +can obtain, may be able to make a better constitution; for, when you +assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, +you inevitably assemble with those men all their prejudices, their +passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their +selfish views. From such an assembly can a _perfect_ production be +expected? It therefore astonishes me, Sir, to find this system +approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will +astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear, that our +councils are confounded like those of the builders of Babel, and that +our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for +the purpose of cutting one another's throats. Thus I consent, Sir, to +this Constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure +that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its _errors_ I +sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them +abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die. If +every one of us, in returning to our Constituents, were to report the +objections he has had to it, and endeavour to gain Partisans in support +of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose +all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our +favour among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real +or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any +government, in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depends +on _opinion_, on the general opinion of the goodness of that government, +as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, +therefore, for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake +of our posterity, that we shall act heartily and unanimously in +recommending this Constitution, wherever our Influence may extend, and +turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means of having it _well +administered_. + +On the whole, Sir, I cannot help expressing a wish, that every member of +the Convention who may still have objections to it, would with me on +this occasion doubt a little of his own infallibility, and, to make +_manifest_ our _unanimity_, put his name to this Instrument. + +[Then the motion was made for adding the last formula, viz. "Done in +convention by the Unanimous Consent," &c.; which was agreed to and added +accordingly.] + + + +TO THE EDITORS OF THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE + +_On the Abuse of the Press_ + +[1788] + +MESSRS. HALL AND SELLERS, + +I lately heard a remark, that on examination of _The Pennsylvania +Gazette_ for fifty years, from its commencement, it appeared, that, +during that long period, scarce one libellous piece had ever appeared in +it. This generally chaste conduct of your paper is much to its +reputation; for it has long been the opinion of sober, judicious people, +that nothing is more likely to endanger the liberty of the press, than +the abuse of that liberty, by employing it in personal accusation, +detraction, and calumny. The excesses some of our papers have been +guilty of in this particular, have set this State in a bad light abroad, +as appears by the following letter, which I wish you to publish, not +merely to show your own disapprobation of the practice, but as a caution +to others of the profession throughout the United States. For I have +seen a European newspaper, in which the editor, who had been charged +with frequently calumniating the Americans, justifies himself by saying, +"that he had published nothing disgraceful to us, which he had not taken +from our own printed papers." I am, &c. + + A. B. + + + "New York, March 30, 1788. + + "DEAR FRIEND, + + "My Gout has at length left me, after five Months' painful + Confinement. It afforded me, however, the Leisure to read, or + hear read, all the Packets of your various Newspapers, which + you so kindly sent for my Amusement. + + "Mrs. W. has partaken of it; she likes to read the + Advertisements; but she remarks some kind of Inconsistency in + the announcing so many Diversions for almost every Evening of + the Week, and such Quantities to be sold of expensive + Superfluities, Fineries, and Luxuries _just imported_, in a + Country, that at the same time fills its Papers with + Complaints of _Hard Times_, and Want of Money. I tell her, + that such Complaints are common to all Times and all + Countries, and were made even in Solomon's Time; when, as we + are told, Silver was as plenty in Jerusalem as the Stones in + the Street; and yet, even then, there were People who + grumbled, so as to incur this Censure from that knowing + Prince. '_Say not thou that the former Times were better than + these; for thou dost not enquire rightly concerning that + matter._' + + "But the Inconsistence that strikes me the most is, that + between the Name of your City, Philadelphia, (_Brotherly + Love_,) and the Spirit of Rancour, Malice, and _Hatred_ that + breathes in its Newspapers. For I learn from those Papers, + that your State is divided into Parties, that each Party + ascribes all the public Operations of the other to vicious + Motives; that they do not even suspect one another of the + smallest Degree of Honesty; that the anti-federalists are + such, merely from the Fear of losing Power, Places, or + Emoluments, which they have in Possession or in Expectation; + that the Federalists are a set of _Conspirators_, who aim at + establishing a Tyranny over the Persons and Property of their + Countrymen, and to live in Splendor on the Plunder of the + People. I learn, too, that your Justices of the Peace, tho' + chosen by their Neighbours, make a villainous Trade of their + Office, and promote Discord to augment Fees, and fleece their + Electors; and that this would not be mended by placing the + Choice in the Executive Council, who, with interested or + party Views, are continually making as improper Appointments; + witness a '_petty Fidler, Sycophant, and Scoundrel_,' + appointed Judge of the Admiralty; '_an old Woman and + Fomenter of Sedition_' to be another of the Judges, and '_a + Jeffries_' Chief Justice, &c., &c.; with '_two Harpies_' the + Comptroller and Naval Officers, to prey upon the Merchants + and deprive them of their Property by Force of Arms, &c. + + "I am inform'd also by these Papers, that your General + Assembly, tho' the annual choice of the People, shows no + Regard to their Rights, but from sinister Views or Ignorance + makes Laws in direct Violation of the Constitution, to divest + the Inhabitants of their Property and give it to Strangers + and Intruders; and that the Council, either fearing the + Resentment of their Constituents, or plotting to enslave + them, had projected to disarm them, and given Orders for that + purpose; and finally, that your President, the unanimous + joint choice of the Council and Assembly, is '_an old + Rogue_,' who gave his Assent to the federal Constitution + merely to avoid refunding Money he had purloin'd from the + United States. + + "There is, indeed, a good deal of manifest _Inconsistency_ in + all this, and yet a Stranger, seeing it in your own Prints, + tho' he does not believe it all, may probably believe enough + of it to conclude, that Pennsylvania is peopled by a Set of + the most unprincipled, wicked, rascally, and quarrelsome + Scoundrels upon the Face of the Globe. I have sometimes, + indeed, suspected, that those Papers are the Manufacture of + foreign Enemies among you, who write with a view of + disgracing your Country, and making you appear contemptible + and detestable all the World over; but then I wonder at the + Indiscretion of your Printers in publishing such Writings! + There is, however, one of your _Inconsistencies_ that + consoles me a little, which is, that tho' _living_, you give + one another the characters of Devils; _dead_, you are all + Angels! It is delightful, when any of you die, to read what + good Husbands, good Fathers, good Friends, good Citizens, and + good Christians you were, concluding with a Scrap of Poetry + that places you, with certainty, every one in Heaven. So that + I think Pennsylvania a good country _to dye in_, though a + very bad one to _live in_." + + + +TO REV. JOHN LATHROP[131] + + Philad^a, May 31, 1788. + +REVEREND SIR, + +... I have been long impressed with the same sentiments you so well +express, of the growing felicity of mankind, from the improvements in +philosophy, morals, politics, and even the conveniences of common +living, by the invention and acquisition of new and useful utensils and +instruments, that I have sometimes almost wished it had been my destiny +to be born two or three centuries hence. For invention and improvement +are prolific, and beget more of their kind. The present progress is +rapid. Many of great importance, now unthought of, will before that +period be produced; and then I might not only enjoy their advantages, +but have my curiosity gratified in knowing what they are to be. I see a +little absurdity in what I have just written, but it is to a friend, who +will wink and let it pass, while I mention one reason more for such a +wish, which is, that, if the art of physic shall be improved in +proportion with other arts, we may then be able to avoid diseases, and +live as long as the patriarchs in Genesis; to which I suppose we should +make little objection.... + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE + +A COMPARISON OF THE CONDUCT OF THE ANCIENT JEWS AND OF THE +ANTI-FEDERALISTS IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + +[1788?] + +A zealous Advocate for the propos'd Federal Constitution, in a certain +public Assembly, said, that "the Repugnance of a great part of Mankind +to good Government was such, that he believed, that, if an angel from +Heaven was to bring down a Constitution form'd there for our Use, it +would nevertheless meet with violent Opposition." He was reprov'd for +the suppos'd Extravagance of the Sentiment; and he did not justify it. +Probably it might not have immediately occur'd to him, that the +Experiment had been try'd, and that the Event was recorded in the most +faithful of all Histories, the Holy Bible; otherwise he might, as it +seems to me, have supported his Opinion by that unexceptionable +Authority. + +The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single Family, by +continued Acts of his attentive Providence, till it became a great +People; and, having rescued them from Bondage by many Miracles, +performed by his Servant Moses, he personally deliver'd to that chosen +Servant, in the presence of the whole Nation, a Constitution and Code of +Laws for their Observance; accompanied and sanction'd with Promises of +great Rewards, and Threats of severe Punishments, as the Consequence of +their Obedience or Disobedience. + +This Constitution, tho' the Deity himself was to be at its Head (and it +is therefore call'd by Political Writers a _Theocracy_), could not be +carried into Execution but by the Means of his Ministers; Aaron and his +Sons were therefore commission'd to be, with Moses, the first +establish'd Ministry of the new Government. + +One would have thought, that this Appointment of Men, who had +distinguish'd themselves in procuring the Liberty of their Nation, and +had hazarded their Lives in openly opposing the Will of a powerful +Monarch, who would have retain'd that Nation in Slavery, might have been +an Appointment acceptable to a grateful People; and that a Constitution +fram'd for them by the Deity himself might, on that Account, have been +secure of a universal welcome Reception. Yet there were in every one of +the _thirteen Tribes_ some discontented, restless Spirits, who were +continually exciting them to reject the propos'd new Government, and +this from various Motives. + +Many still retained an Affection for Egypt, the Land of their Nativity; +and these, whenever they felt any Inconvenience or Hardship, tho' the +natural and unavoidable Effect of their Change of Situation, exclaim'd +against their Leaders as the Authors of their Trouble; and were not only +for returning into Egypt, but for stoning their deliverers.[N] Those +inclin'd to idolatry were displeas'd that their _Golden Calf_ was +destroy'd. Many of the Chiefs thought the new Constitution might be +injurious to their particular Interests, that the _profitable Places_ +would be _engrossed by the Families and Friends of Moses and Aaron_, and +others equally well-born excluded.[O] In Josephus and the Talmud, we +learn some Particulars, not so fully narrated in the Scripture. We are +there told, "That Corah was ambitious of the Priesthood, and offended +that it was conferred on Aaron; and this, as he said, by the Authority +of Moses only, _without the Consent of the People_. He accus'd Moses of +having, by various Artifices, fraudulently obtain'd the Government, and +depriv'd the People of their Liberties; and of _conspiring_ with Aaron +to perpetuate the Tyranny in their Family. Thus, tho' Corah's real +Motive was the Supplanting of Aaron, he persuaded the People that he +meant only the _Public Good_, and they, moved by his Insinuations, began +to cry out, 'Let us maintain the Common Liberty of our _respective +Tribes_; we have freed ourselves from the Slavery impos'd on us by the +Egyptians, and shall we now suffer ourselves to be made Slaves by Moses? +If we must have a Master, it were better to return to Pharaoh, who at +least fed us with Bread and Onions, than to serve this new Tyrant, who +by his Operations has brought us into Danger of Famine.' Then they +called in question the _Reality of his Conference_ with God; and +objected the _Privacy of the Meetings_, and the _preventing any of the +People from being present_ at the Colloquies, or even approaching the +Place, as Grounds of great Suspicion. They accused Moses also of +_Peculation_; as embezzling part of the Golden Spoons and the Silver +Chargers, that the Princes had offer'd at the Dedication of the +Altar,[P] and the Offerings of Gold by the common People,[Q] as well as +most of the Poll-Tax;[R] and Aaron they accus'd of pocketing much of the +Gold of which he pretended to have made a molten Calf. Besides +_Peculation_, they charg'd Moses with _Ambition_; to gratify which +Passion he had, they said, deceiv'd the People, by promising to bring +them _to_ a land flowing with Milk and Honey; instead of doing which, he +had brought them _from_ such a Land; and that he thought light of all +this mischief, provided he could make himself an _absolute Prince_.[S] +That, to support the new Dignity with Splendor in his Family, the +partial Poll-Tax already levied and given to Aaron[T] was to be follow'd +by a general one,[U] which would probably be augmented from time to +time, if he were suffered to go on promulgating new Laws, on pretence of +new occasional Revelations of the divine Will, till their whole Fortunes +were devour'd by that Aristocracy." + + [N] Numbers, ch. xiv. [_Franklin's note._] + + [O] Numbers, ch. xiv, verse 3. "And they gathered themselves + together against Moses and Aaron, and said unto them, 'Ye + take too much upon you, seeing all the congregation are holy, + _every one of them_; wherefore, then, lift ye up yourselves + above the congregation?'" + + [P] Numbers, ch. vii. + + [Q] Exodus, ch. xxxv, verse 22. + + [R] Numbers, ch. iii, and Exodus, ch. xxx. [_Franklin's notes._] + + [S] Numbers, ch. xvi, verse 13. "Is it a small thing that thou + hast brought us up out of a land that floweth with milk and + honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make thyself + altogether a prince over us?" + + [T] Numbers, ch. iii. + + [U] Exodus, ch. xxx. + +Moses deny'd the Charge of Peculation; and his Accusers were destitute +of Proofs to support it; tho' _Facts_, if real, are in their Nature +capable of Proof. "I have not," said he (with holy Confidence in the +Presence of his God), "I have not taken from this People the value of an +Ass, nor done them any other Injury." But his Enemies had made the +Charge, and with some Success among the Populace; for no kind of +Accusation is so readily made, or easily believ'd, by Knaves as the +Accusation of Knavery. + +In fine, no less than two hundred and fifty of the principal Men, +"famous in the Congregation, Men of Renown,"[V] heading and exciting the +Mob, worked them up to such a pitch of Frenzy, that they called out, +"Stone 'em, stone 'em, and thereby _secure our Liberties_; and let us +chuse other Captains, that may lead us back into Egypt, in case we do +not succeed in reducing the Canaanites!" + + [V] Numbers, ch. xvi. [_Franklin's notes._] + +On the whole, it appears, that the Israelites were a People jealous of +their newly-acquired Liberty, which Jealousy was in itself no Fault; +but, when they suffer'd it to be work'd upon by artful Men, pretending +Public Good, with nothing really in view but private Interest, they were +led to oppose the Establishment of the _New Constitution_, whereby they +brought upon themselves much Inconvenience and Misfortune. It appears +further, from the same inestimable History, that, when after many Ages +that Constitution was become old and much abus'd, and an Amendment of it +was propos'd, the populace, as they had accus'd Moses of the Ambition of +making himself a _Prince_, and cried out, "Stone him, stone him;" so, +excited by their High Priests and SCRIBES, they exclaim'd against the +Messiah, that he aim'd at becoming King of the Jews, and cry'd out, +"_Crucify him, _Crucify him_." From all which we may gather, that +popular Opposition to a public Measure is no Proof of its Impropriety, +even tho' the Opposition be excited and headed by Men of Distinction. + +To conclude, I beg I may not be understood to infer, that our General +Convention was divinely inspired, when it form'd the new federal +Constitution, merely because that Constitution has been unreasonably and +vehemently opposed; yet I must own I have so much Faith in the general +Government of the world by _Providence_, that I can hardly conceive a +Transaction of such momentous Importance to the Welfare of Millions now +existing, and to exist in the Posterity of a great Nation, should be +suffered to pass without being in some degree influenc'd, guided, and +governed by that omnipotent, omnipresent, and beneficent Ruler, in whom +all inferior Spirits live, and move, and have their Being. + + B. F. + + + +TO CHARLES CARROLL[132] + + Philadelphia, May 25, 1789. + +DEAR FRIEND, + +I am glad to see by the papers, that our grand machine has at length +begun to work. I pray God to bless and guide its operations. If any form +of government is capable of making a nation happy, ours I think bids +fair now for producing that effect. But, after all, much depends upon +the people who are to be governed. We have been guarding against an evil +that old States are most liable to, _excess of power_ in the rulers; but +our present danger seems to be _defect of obedience_ in the +subjects.[133] There is hope, however, from the enlightened state of +this age and country, we may guard effectually against that evil as well +as the rest. + +My grandson, William Temple Franklin, will have the honour of presenting +this line. He accompanied me to France, and remained with me during my +mission. I beg leave to recommend him to your notice, and that you would +believe me, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, + + B. FRANKLIN. + + + +AN ACCOUNT OF THE SUPREMEST COURT OF JUDICATURE IN PENNSYLVANIA, VIZ. +THE COURT OF THE PRESS + +[From the _Federal Gazette_, September 12, 1789.] + + +_Power of this Court._ + +It may receive and promulgate accusations of all kinds, against all +persons and characters among the citizens of the State, and even against +all inferior courts; and may judge, sentence, and condemn to infamy, not +only private individuals, but public bodies, &c., with or without +inquiry or hearing, _at the court's discretion_. + + +_In whose Favour and for whose Emolument this Court is established._ + +In favour of about one citizen in five hundred, who, by education or +practice in scribbling, has acquired a tolerable style as to grammar and +construction, so as to bear printing; or who is possessed of a press and +a few types. This five hundredth part of the citizens have the privilege +of accusing and abusing the other four hundred and ninety-nine parts at +their pleasure; or they may hire out their pens and press to others for +that purpose. + + +_Practice of the Court._ + +It is not governed by any of the rules of common courts of law. The +accused is allowed no grand jury to judge of the truth of the accusation +before it is publicly made, nor is the Name of the Accuser made known to +him, nor has he an Opportunity of confronting the Witnesses against him; +for they are kept in the dark, as in the Spanish Court of Inquisition. +Nor is there any petty Jury of his Peers, sworn to try the Truth of the +Charges. The Proceedings are also sometimes so rapid, that an honest, +good Citizen may find himself suddenly and unexpectedly accus'd, and in +the same Morning judg'd and condemn'd, and sentence pronounc'd against +him, that he is a _Rogue_ and a _Villain_. Yet, if an officer of this +court receives the slightest check for misconduct in this his office, he +claims immediately the rights of a free citizen by the constitution, and +demands to know his accuser, to confront the witnesses, and to have a +fair trial by a jury of his peers. + + +_The Foundation of its Authority._ + +It is said to be founded on an Article of the Constitution of the State, +which establishes _the Liberty of the Press_; a Liberty which every +Pennsylvanian would fight and die for; tho' few of us, I believe, have +distinct Ideas of its Nature and Extent. It seems indeed somewhat like +the _Liberty of the Press_ that Felons have, by the Common Law of +England, before Conviction, that is, to be _press'd_ to death or hanged. +If by the _Liberty of the Press_ were understood merely the Liberty of +discussing the Propriety of Public Measures and political opinions, let +us have as much of it as you please: But if it means the Liberty of +affronting, calumniating, and defaming one another, I, for my part, own +myself willing to part With my Share of it when our Legislators shall +please so to alter the Law, and shall cheerfully consent to exchange my +_Liberty_ of Abusing others for the _Privilege_ of not being abus'd +myself. + + +_By whom this Court is commissioned or constituted._ + +It is not by any Commission from the Supreme Executive Council, who +might previously judge of the Abilities, Integrity, Knowledge, &c. of +the Persons to be appointed to this great Trust, of deciding upon the +Characters and good Fame of the Citizens; for this Court is above that +Council, and may _accuse_, _judge_, and _condemn_ it, at pleasure. Nor +is it hereditary, as in the Court of _dernier Resort_, in the Peerage of +England. But any Man who can procure Pen, Ink, and Paper, with a Press, +and a huge pair of BLACKING Balls, may commissionate himself; and his +court is immediately established in the plenary Possession and exercise +of its rights. For, if you make the least complaint of the _judge's_ +conduct, he daubs his blacking balls in your face wherever he meets you; +and, besides tearing your private character to flitters, marks you out +for the odium of the public, as an _enemy to the liberty of the press_. + + +_Of the natural Support of these Courts._ + +Their support is founded in the depravity of such minds, as have not +been mended by religion, nor improved by good education; + + "There is a Lust in Man no Charm can tame, + Of loudly publishing his Neighbour's Shame." + +Hence; + + "On Eagle's Wings immortal Scandals fly, + While virtuous Actions are but born and die." + DRYDEN. + +Whoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his neighbour, will +feel a pleasure in the reverse. And of those who, despairing to rise +into distinction by their virtues, are happy if others can be depressed +to a level with themselves, there are a number sufficient in every great +town to maintain one of these courts by their subscriptions. A shrewd +observer once said, that, in walking the streets in a slippery morning, +one might see where the good-natured people lived by the ashes thrown +on the ice before their doors; probably he would have formed a +different conjecture of the temper of those whom he might find engaged +in such a subscription. + + +_Of the Checks proper to be established against the Abuse of Power in +these Courts._ + +Hitherto there are none. But since so much has been written and +published on the federal Constitution, and the necessity of checks in +all other parts of good government has been so clearly and learnedly +explained, I find myself so far enlightened as to suspect some check may +be proper in this part also; but I have been at a loss to imagine any +that may not be construed an infringement of the sacred _liberty of the +press_. At length, however, I think I have found one that, instead of +diminishing general liberty, shall augment it; which is, by restoring to +the people a species of liberty, of which they have been deprived by our +laws, I mean the _liberty of the cudgel_. In the rude state of society +prior to the existence of laws, if one man gave another ill language, +the affronted person would return it by a box on the ear, and, if +repeated, by a good drubbing; and this without offending against any +law. But now the right of making such returns is denied, and they are +punished as breaches of the peace; while the right of abusing seems to +remain in full force, the laws made against it being rendered +ineffectual by the _liberty of the press_. + +My proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press untouched, to be +exercised in its full extent, force, and vigor; but to permit the +_liberty of the cudgel_ to go with it _pari passu_. Thus, my +fellow-citizens, if an impudent writer attacks your reputation, dearer +to you perhaps than your life, and puts his name to the charge, you may +go to him as openly and break his head. If he conceals himself behind +the printer, and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you may in +like manner way-lay him in the night, attack him behind, and give him a +good drubbing. Thus far goes my project as to _private_ resentment and +retribution. But if the public should ever happen to be affronted, _as +it ought to be_, with the conduct of such writers, I would not advise +proceeding immediately to these extremities; but that we should in +moderation content ourselves with tarring and feathering, and tossing +them in a blanket. + +If, however, it should be thought that this proposal of mine may disturb +the public peace, I would then humbly recommend to our legislators to +take up the consideration of both liberties, that of the _press_, and +that of the _cudgel_, and by an explicit law mark their extent and +limits; and, at the same time that they secure the person of a citizen +from _assaults_, they would likewise provide for the security of his +_reputation_. + + + +AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC + +From the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, +and the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully Held in Bondage.[134] + +It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of humanity, +that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our endeavours have +proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine expectations. + +Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that luminous +and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself throughout the +world, and humbly hoping for the continuance of the divine blessing on +our labours, we have ventured to make an important addition to our +original plan, and do therefore earnestly solicit the support and +assistance of all who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and +compassion, or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence. + +Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its very +extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a +source of serious evils. + +The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too +frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human species. The +galling chains, that bind his body, do also fetter his intellectual +faculties, and impair the social affections of his heart. Accustomed to +move like a mere machine, by the will of a master, reflection is +suspended; he has not the power of choice; and reason and conscience +have but little influence over his conduct, because he is chiefly +governed by the passion of fear. He is poor and friendless; perhaps worn +out by extreme labour, age, and disease. + +Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to +himself, and prejudicial to society. + +Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be hoped, will +become a branch of our national policy; but, as far as we contribute to +promote this emancipation, so far that attention is evidently a serious +duty incumbent on us, and which we mean to discharge to the best of our +judgment and abilities. + +To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been restored to +freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to promote in +them habits of industry, to furnish them with employments suited to +their age, sex, talents, and other circumstances, and to procure their +children an education calculated for their future situation in life; +these are the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, +and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and the +happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow-creatures. + +A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without +considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary funds of +the Society. We hope much from the generosity of enlightened and +benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive any donations or +subscriptions for this purpose, which may be made to our treasurer, +James Starr, or to James Pemberton, chairman of our committee of +correspondence. + + Signed, by order of the Society, + B. FRANKLIN, _President_. + +Philadelphia, 9th of +November, 1789. + + + +TO DAVID HARTLEY + + Philad^a, Dec^r 4, 1789. + +MY VERY DEAR FRIEND, + +I received your Favor of August last. Your kind Condolences on the +painful State of my Health are very obliging. I am thankful to God, +however, that, among the numerous Ills human Life is subject to, one +only of any Importance is fallen to my Lot; and that so late as almost +to insure that it can be but of short Duration. + +The Convulsions in France are attended with some disagreable +Circumstances; but if by the Struggle she obtains and secures for the +Nation its future Liberty, and a good Constitution, a few Years' +Enjoyment of those Blessings will amply repair all the Damages their +Acquisition may have occasioned.[135] God grant, that not only the Love +of Liberty, but a thorough Knowledge of the Rights of Man, may pervade +all the Nations of the Earth, so that a Philosopher may set his Foot +anywhere on its Surface, and say, "This is my Country." + +Your Wishes for a cordial and perpetual Friendship between Britain and +her ancient Colonies are manifested continually in every one of your +Letters to me; something of my Disposition on the same Subject may +appear to you in casting your Eye over the enclosed Paper. I do not by +this Opportunity send you any of our Gazettes, because the Postage from +Liverpool would be more than they are worth. I can now only add my best +Wishes of every kind of Felicity for the three amiable Hartleys, to whom +I have the honor of being an affectionate friend and most obedient +humble servant, + + [B. FRANKLIN.] + + + +TO EZRA STILES[136] + + Philad^a, March 9, 1790. + +REVEREND AND DEAR SIR, + +I received your kind Letter of Jan'y 28, and am glad you have at length +received the portrait of Gov'r Yale from his Family, and deposited it in +the College Library. He was a great and good Man, and had the Merit of +doing infinite Service to your Country by his Munificence to that +Institution. The Honour you propose doing me by placing mine in the same +Room with his, is much too great for my Deserts; but you always had a +Partiality for me, and to that it must be ascribed. I am however too +much obliged to Yale College, the first learned Society that took Notice +of me and adorned me with its Honours, to refuse a Request that comes +from it thro' so esteemed a Friend. But I do not think any one of the +Portraits you mention, as in my Possession, worthy of the Place and +Company you propose to place it in. You have an excellent Artist lately +arrived. If he will undertake to make one for you, I shall cheerfully +pay the Expence; but he must not delay setting about it, or I may slip +thro' his fingers, for I am now in my eighty-fifth year, and very +infirm. + +I send with this a very learned Work, as it seems to me, on the antient +Samaritan Coins, lately printed in Spain, and at least curious for the +Beauty of the Impression. Please to accept it for your College Library. +I have subscribed for the Encyclopædia now printing here, with the +Intention of presenting it to the College. I shall probably depart +before the Work is finished, but shall leave Directions for its +Continuance to the End. With this you will receive some of the first +numbers. + +You desire to know something of my Religion. It is the first time I have +been questioned upon it. But I cannot take your Curiosity amiss, and +shall endeavour in a few Words to gratify it. Here is my Creed. I +believe in one God, Creator of the Universe. That he governs it by his +Providence. That he ought to be worshipped. That the most acceptable +Service we render to him is doing good to his other Children. That the +soul of Man is immortal, and will be treated with Justice in another +Life respecting its Conduct in this. These I take to be the fundamental +Principles of all sound Religion, and I regard them as you do in +whatever Sect I meet with them. + +As to Jesus of Nazareth, my Opinion of whom you particularly desire, I +think the System of Morals and his Religion, as he left them to us, the +best the World ever saw or is likely to see; but I apprehend it has +received various corrupting Changes, and I have, with most of the +present Dissenters in England, some Doubts as to his Divinity; tho' it +is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having never studied it, and +think it needless to busy myself with it now, when I expect soon an +Opportunity of knowing the Truth with less Trouble. I see no harm, +however, in its being believed, if that Belief has the good Consequence, +as probably it has, of making his Doctrines more respected and better +observed; especially as I do not perceive, that the Supreme takes it +amiss, by distinguishing the Unbelievers in his Government of the World +with any peculiar Marks of his Displeasure. + +I shall only add, respecting myself, that, having experienced the +Goodness of that Being in conducting me prosperously thro' a long life, +I have no doubt of its Continuance in the next, though without the +smallest Conceit of meriting such Goodness. My Sentiments on this Head +you will see in the Copy of an old Letter enclosed, which I wrote in +answer to one from a zealous Religionist, whom I had relieved in a +paralytic case by electricity, and who, being afraid I should grow proud +upon it, sent me his serious though rather impertinent Caution. I send +you also the Copy of another Letter, which will shew something of my +Disposition relating to Religion. With great and sincere Esteem and +Affection, I am, Your obliged old Friend and most obedient humble +Servant + + B. FRANKLIN. + +P.S. Had not your College some Present of Books from the King of France? +Please to let me know, if you had an Expectation given you of more, and +the Nature of that Expectation? I have a Reason for the Enquiry. + +I confide, that you will not expose me to Criticism and censure by +publishing any part of this Communication to you. I have ever let others +enjoy their religious Sentiments, without reflecting on them for those +that appeared to me unsupportable and even absurd. All Sects here, and +we have a great Variety, have experienced my good will in assisting them +with Subscriptions for building their new Places of Worship; and, as I +have never opposed any of their Doctrines, I hope to go out of the World +in Peace with them all. + + + +ON THE SLAVE-TRADE + +TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE[137] + + March 23d, 1790. + +SIR, + +Reading last night in your excellent Paper the speech of Mr. Jackson in +Congress against their meddling with the Affair of Slavery, or +attempting to mend the Condition of the Slaves, it put me in mind of a +similar One made about 100 Years since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member +of the Divan of Algiers, which may be seen in Martin's Account of his +Consulship, anno 1687. It was against granting the Petition of the Sect +called _Erika_, or Purists, who pray'd for the Abolition of Piracy and +Slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it; perhaps he has +not seen it. If, therefore, some of its Reasonings are to be found in +his eloquent Speech, it may only show that men's Interests and +Intellects operate and are operated on with surprising similarity in all +Countries and Climates, when under similar Circumstances. The African's +Speech, as translated, is as follows: + + _"Allah Bismillah, &c. God is great, and Mahomet is his + Prophet._ + + "Have these _Erika_ considered the Consequences of granting + their Petition? If we cease our Cruises against the + Christians, how shall we be furnished with the Commodities + their Countries produce, and which are so necessary for us? + If we forbear to make Slaves of their People, who in this hot + Climate are to cultivate our Lands? Who are to perform the + common Labours of our City, and in our Families? Must we not + then be our own Slaves? And is there not more Compassion and + more Favour due to us as Mussulmen, than to these Christian + Dogs? We have now above 50,000 Slaves in and near Algiers. + This Number, if not kept up by fresh Supplies, will soon + diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If we then cease + taking and plundering the Infidel Ships, and making Slaves of + the Seamen and Passengers, our Lands will become of no Value + for want of Cultivation; the Rents of Houses in the City will + sink one half; and the Revenues of Government arising from + its Share of Prizes be totally destroy'd! And for what? To + gratify the whims of a whimsical Sect, who would have us, not + only forbear making more Slaves, but even to manumit those we + have. + + "But who is to indemnify their Masters for the Loss? Will the + State do it? Is our Treasury sufficient? Will the _Erika_ do + it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think + Justice to the Slaves, do a greater Injustice to the Owners? + And if we set our Slaves free, what is to be done with them? + Few of them will return to their Countries; they know too + well the greater Hardships they must there be subject to; + they will not embrace our holy Religion; they will not adopt + our Manners; our People will not pollute themselves by + intermarrying with them. Must we maintain them as Beggars in + our Streets, or suffer our Properties to be the Prey of their + Pillage? For Men long accustom'd to Slavery will not work for + a Livelihood when not compell'd. And what is there so + pitiable in their present Condition? Were they not Slaves in + their own Countries? + + "Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states + govern'd by Despots, who hold all their Subjects in Slavery, + without Exception? Even England treats its Sailors as Slaves; + for they are, whenever the Government pleases, seiz'd, and + confin'd in Ships of War, condemn'd not only to work, but to + fight, for small Wages, or a mere Subsistence, not better + than our Slaves are allow'd by us. Is their Condition then + made worse by their falling into our Hands? No; they have + only exchanged one Slavery for another, and I may say a + better; for here they are brought into a Land where the Sun + of Islamism gives forth its Light, and shines in full + Splendor, and they have an Opportunity of making themselves + acquainted with the true Doctrine, and thereby saving their + immortal Souls. Those who remain at home have not that + Happiness. Sending the Slaves home then would be sending them + out of Light into Darkness. + + "I repeat the Question, What is to be done with them? I have + heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the + Wilderness, where there is plenty of Land for them to subsist + on, and where they may flourish as a free State; but they + are, I doubt, too little dispos'd to labour without + Compulsion, as well as too ignorant to establish a good + government, and the wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy + or again enslave them. While serving us, we take care to + provide them with every thing, and they are treated with + Humanity. The Labourers in their own Country are, as I am + well informed, worse fed, lodged, and cloathed. The Condition + of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no + further Improvement. Here their Lives are in Safety. They are + not liable to be impress'd for Soldiers, and forc'd to cut + one another's Christian Throats, as in the Wars of their own + Countries. If some of the religious mad Bigots, who now teaze + us with their silly Petitions, have in a Fit of blind Zeal + freed their Slaves, it was not Generosity, it was not + Humanity, that mov'd them to the Action; it was from the + conscious Burthen of a Load of Sins, and Hope, from the + supposed Merits of so good a Work, to be excus'd Damnation. + + "How grossly are they mistaken in imagining Slavery to be + disallow'd by the Alcoran! Are not the two Precepts, to quote + no more, '_Masters, treat your Slaves with kindness; Slaves, + serve your Masters with Cheerfulness and Fidelity_,' clear + Proofs to the contrary? Nor can the Plundering of Infidels be + in that sacred Book forbidden, since it is well known from + it, that God has given the World, and all that it contains, + to his faithful Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of Right as + fast as they conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this + detestable Proposition, the Manumission of Christian Slaves, + the Adoption of which would, by depreciating our Lands and + Houses, and thereby depriving so many good Citizens of their + Properties, create universal Discontent, and provoke + Insurrections, to the endangering of Government and producing + general Confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but this wise + Council will prefer the Comfort and Happiness of a whole + Nation of true Believers to the Whim of a few _Erika_, and + dismiss their Petition." + +The Result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this +Resolution; "The Doctrine, that Plundering and Enslaving the Christians +is unjust, is at best _problematical_, but that it is the Interest of +this State to continue the Practice, is clear; therefore let the +Petition be rejected." + +And it was rejected accordingly. + +And since like Motives are apt to produce in the Minds of Men like +Opinions and Resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to predict, +from this Account, that the Petitions to the Parliament of England for +abolishing the Slave-Trade, to say nothing of other Legislatures, and +the Debates upon them, will have a similar Conclusion? I am, Sir, your +constant Reader and humble Servant, + + HISTORICUS. + + + +REMARKS CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA[138] + +Savages we call them, because their Manners differ from ours, which we +think the Perfection of Civility; they think the same of theirs. + +Perhaps, if we could examine the Manners of different Nations with +Impartiality, we should find no People so rude, as to be without any +Rules of Politeness; nor any so polite, as not to have some Remains of +Rudeness. + +The Indian Men, when young, are Hunters and Warriors; when old, +Counsellors; for all their Government is by Counsel of the Sages; there +is no Force, there are no Prisons, no Officers to compel Obedience, or +inflict Punishment. Hence they generally study Oratory, the best Speaker +having the most Influence. The Indian Women till the Ground, dress the +Food, nurse and bring up the Children, and preserve and hand down to +Posterity the Memory of public Transactions. These Employments of Men +and Women are accounted natural and honourable. Having few artificial +Wants, they have abundance of Leisure for Improvement by Conversation. +Our laborious Manner of Life, compared with theirs, they esteem slavish +and base; and the Learning, on which we value ourselves, they regard as +frivolous and useless. An Instance of this occurred at the Treaty of +Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, _anno_ 1744, between the Government of +Virginia and the Six Nations. After the principal Business was settled, +the Commissioners from Virginia acquainted the Indians by a Speech, that +there was at Williamsburg a College, with a Fund for Educating Indian +youth; and that, if the Six Nations would send down half a dozen of +their young Lads to that College, the Government would take care that +they should be well provided for, and instructed in all the Learning of +the White People. It is one of the Indian Rules of Politeness not to +answer a public Proposition the same day that it is made; they think it +would be treating it as a light matter, and that they show it Respect by +taking time to consider it, as of a Matter important. They therefore +deferr'd their Answer till the Day following; when their Speaker began, +by expressing their deep Sense of the kindness of the Virginia +Government, in making them that Offer; "for we know," says he, "that you +highly esteem the kind of Learning taught in those Colleges, and that +the Maintenance of our young Men, while with you, would be very +expensive to you. We are convinc'd, therefore, that you mean to do us +Good by your Proposal; and we thank you heartily. But you, who are wise, +must know that different Nations have different Conceptions of things; +and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this kind of +Education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some +Experience of it; Several of our young People were formerly brought up +at the Colleges of the Northern Provinces; they were instructed in all +your Sciences; but, when they came back to us, they were bad Runners, +ignorant of every means of living in the Woods, unable to bear either +Cold or Hunger, knew neither how to build a Cabin, take a Deer, or kill +an Enemy, spoke our Language imperfectly, were therefore neither fit for +Hunters, Warriors, nor Counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. +We are however not the less oblig'd by your kind Offer, tho' we decline +accepting it; and, to show our grateful Sense of it, if the Gentlemen of +Virginia will send us a Dozen of their Sons, we will take great Care of +their Education, instruct them in all we know, and make _Men_ of them." + +Having frequent Occasions to hold public Councils, they have acquired +great Order and Decency in conducting them. The old Men sit in the +foremost Ranks, the Warriors in the next, and the Women and Children in +the hindmost. The Business of the Women is to take exact Notice of what +passes, imprint it in their Memories (for they have no Writing), and +communicate it to their Children. They are the Records of the Council, +and they preserve Traditions of the Stipulations in Treaties 100 Years +back; which, when we compare with our Writings, we always find exact. He +that would speak, rises. The rest observe a profound Silence. When he +has finish'd and sits down, they leave him 5 or 6 Minutes to recollect, +that, if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing +to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in +common Conversation, is reckon'd highly indecent. How different this is +from the conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a +day passes without some Confusion, that makes the Speaker hoarse in +calling to _Order_; and how different from the Mode of Conversation in +many polite Companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your +Sentence with great Rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the +Impatient Loquacity of those you converse with, and never suffer'd to +finish it! + +The Politeness of these Savages in Conversation is indeed carried to +Excess, since it does not permit them to contradict or deny the Truth of +what is asserted in their Presence. By this means they indeed avoid +Disputes; but then it becomes difficult to know their Minds, or what +Impression you make upon them. The Missionaries who have attempted to +convert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the great +Difficulties of their Mission. The Indians hear with Patience the Truths +of the Gospel explain'd to them, and give their usual Tokens of Assent +and Approbation; you would think they were convinc'd. No such matter. It +is mere Civility. + +A Swedish Minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehanah +Indians, made a Sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal +historical Facts on which our Religion is founded; such as the Fall of +our first Parents by eating an Apple, the coming of Christ to repair the +Mischief, his Miracles and Suffering, &c. When he had finished, an +Indian Orator stood up to thank him. "What you have told us," says he, +"is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat Apples. It is better to make +them all into Cyder. We are much oblig'd by your kindness in coming so +far, to tell us these Things which you have heard from your Mothers. In +return, I will tell you some of those we have heard from ours. In the +Beginning, our Fathers had only the Flesh of Animals to subsist on; and +if their Hunting was unsuccessful, they were starving. Two of our young +Hunters, having kill'd a Deer, made a Fire in the Woods to broil some +Part of it. When they were about to satisfy their Hunger, they beheld a +beautiful young Woman descend from the Clouds, and seat herself on that +Hill, which you see yonder among the Blue Mountains. They said to each +other, it is a Spirit that has smelt our broiling Venison, and wishes to +eat of it; let us offer some to her. They presented her with the Tongue; +she was pleas'd with the Taste of it, and said, 'Your kindness shall be +rewarded; come to this Place after thirteen Moons, and you shall find +something that will be of great Benefit in nourishing you and your +Children to the latest Generation.' They did so, and, to their Surprise, +found Plants they had never seen before; but which, from that ancient +time, have been constantly cultivated among us, to our great Advantage. +Where her right Hand had touched the Ground, they found Maize; where her +left hand had touch'd it, they found Kidney-Beans; and where her +Backside had sat on it, they found Tobacco." The good Missionary, +disgusted with this idle Tale, said, "What I delivered to you were +sacred Truths; but what you tell me is mere Fable, Fiction, and +Falshood." The Indian, offended, reply'd, "My brother, it seems your +Friends have not done you Justice in your Education; they have not well +instructed you in the Rules of Common Civility. You saw that we, who +understand and practise those Rules, believ'd all your stories; why do +you refuse to believe ours?" + +When any of them come into our Towns, our People are apt to crowd round +them, gaze upon them, and incommode them, where they desire to be +private; this they esteem great Rudeness, and the Effect of the Want of +Instruction in the Rules of Civility and good Manners. "We have," say +they, "as much Curiosity as you, and when you come into our Towns, we +wish for Opportunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide +ourselves behind Bushes, where you are to pass, and never intrude +ourselves into your Company." + +Their Manner of entring one another's village has likewise its Rules. It +is reckon'd uncivil in travelling Strangers to enter a Village abruptly, +without giving Notice of their Approach. Therefore, as soon as they +arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow, remaining there till +invited to enter. Two old Men usually come out to them, and lead them +in. There is in every Village a vacant Dwelling, called _the Strangers' +House_. Here they are plac'd, while the old Men go round from Hut to +Hut, acquainting the Inhabitants, that Strangers are arriv'd, who are +probably hungry and weary; and every one sends them what he can spare of +Victuals, and Skins to repose on. When the Strangers are refresh'd, +Pipes and Tobacco are brought; and then, but not before. Conversation +begins, with Enquiries who they are, whither bound, what News, &c.; and +it usually ends with offers of Service, if the Strangers have occasion +of Guides, or any Necessaries for continuing their Journey; and nothing +is exacted for the Entertainment. + +The same Hospitality, esteem'd among them as a principal Virtue, is +practis'd by private Persons; of which Conrad Weiser, our Interpreter, +gave me the following Instance. He had been naturaliz'd among the Six +Nations, and spoke well the Mohock Language. In going thro' the Indian +Country, to carry a Message from our Governor to the Council at +Onondaga, he call'd at the Habitation of Canassatego, an old +Acquaintance, who embrac'd him, spread Furs for him to sit on, plac'd +before him some boil'd Beans and Venison, and mix'd some Rum and Water +for his Drink. When he was well refresh'd, and had lit his Pipe, +Canassatego began to converse with him; ask'd how he had far'd the many +Years since they had seen each other; whence he then came; what +occasion'd the Journey, &c. Conrad answered all his Questions; and when +the Discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, "Conrad, +you have lived long among the white People, and know something of their +Customs; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once +in Seven Days they shut up their Shops, and assemble all in the great +House; tell me what it is for? What do they do there?" "They meet +there," says Conrad, "to hear and learn _good Things_." "I do not +doubt," says the Indian, "that they tell you so; they have told me the +same; but I doubt the Truth of what they say, and I will tell you my +Reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my Skins and buy Blankets, +Knives, Powder, Rum, &c. You know I us'd generally to deal with Hans +Hanson; but I was a little inclin'd this time to try some other +Merchant. However, I call'd first upon Hans, and asked him what he would +give for Beaver. He said he could not give any more than four Shillings +a Pound; 'but,' says he, 'I cannot talk on Business now; this is the Day +when we meet together to learn _Good Things_, and I am going to the +Meeting.' So I thought to myself, 'Since we cannot do any Business +to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too,' and I went with him. There +stood up a Man in Black, and began to talk to the People very angrily. I +did not understand what he said; but, perceiving that he look'd much at +me and at Hanson, I imagin'd he was angry at seeing me there; so I went +out, sat down near the House, struck Fire, and lit my Pipe, waiting till +the Meeting should break up. I thought too, that the Man had mention'd +something of Beaver, and I suspected it might be the Subject of their +Meeting. So, when they came out, I accosted my Merchant. 'Well, Hans,' +says I, 'I hope you have agreed to give more than four Shillings a +Pound.' 'No,' says he, 'I cannot give so much; I cannot give more than +three shillings and sixpence.' I then spoke to several other Dealers, +but they all sung the same song,--Three and sixpence,--Three and +sixpence. This made it clear to me, that my Suspicion was right; and, +that whatever they pretended of meeting to learn _good Things_, the real +purpose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the Price of Beaver. +Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my Opinion. If they +met so often to learn _good Things_, they would certainly have learnt +some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our +Practice. If a white Man, in travelling thro' our Country, enters one of +our Cabins, we all treat him as I treat you; we dry him if he is wet, we +warm him if he is cold, we give him Meat and Drink, that he may allay +his Thirst and Hunger; and we spread soft Furs for him to rest and sleep +on; we demand nothing in return. But, if I go into a white Man's House +at Albany, and ask for Victuals and Drink, they say, 'Where is your +Money?' and if I have none, they say, 'Get out, you Indian Dog.' You see +they have not yet learned those little _Good Things_, that we need no +Meetings to be instructed in, because our Mothers taught them to us when +we were Children; and therefore it is impossible their Meetings should +be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such Effect; they are +only to contrive _the Cheating of Indians in the Price of Beaver_." + + NOTE.--It is remarkable that in all Ages and Countries + Hospitality has been allow'd as the Virtue of those whom the + civiliz'd were pleas'd to call Barbarians. The Greeks + celebrated the Scythians for it. The Saracens possess'd it + eminently, and it is to this day the reigning Virtue of the + wild Arabs. St. Paul, too, in the Relation of his Voyage and + Shipwreck on the Island of Melita says the Barbarous People + shewed us no little kindness; for they kindled a fire, and + received us every one, because of the present Rain, and + because of the Cold. [_Franklin's note._] + + + +AN ARABIAN TALE[139] + +Albumazar, the good magician, retired in his old age to the top of the +lofty mountain Calabut; avoided the society of men, but was visited +nightly by genii and spirits of the first rank, who loved him, and +amused him with their instructive conversation. + +Belubel, the strong, came one evening to see Albumazar; his height was +seven leagues, and his wings when spread might overshadow a kingdom. He +laid himself gently down between the long ridges of Elluem; the tops of +the trees in the valley were his couch; his head rested on Calabut as on +a pillow, and his face shone on the tent of Albumazar. + +The magician spoke to him with rapturous piety of the wisdom and +goodness of the Most High; but expressed his wonder at the existence of +evil in the world, which he said he could not account for by all the +efforts of his reason. + +"Value not thyself, my friend," said Belubel, "on that quality which +thou callest reason. If thou knewest its origin and its weakness, it +would rather be matter of humiliation." + +"Tell me then," said Albumazar, "what I do not know; inform my +ignorance, and enlighten my understanding." "Contemplate," said +Albumazar [_sic._ Belubel], "the scale of beings, from an elephant down +to an oyster. Thou seest a gradual diminution of faculties and powers, +so small in each step that the difference is scarce perceptible. There +is no gap, but the gradation is complete. Men in general do not know, +but thou knowest, that in ascending from an elephant to the infinitely +Great, Good, and Wise, there is also a long gradation of beings, who +possess powers and faculties of which thou canst yet have no +conception." + + + +A PETITION OF THE LEFT HAND + +TO THOSE WHO HAVE THE SUPERINTENDENCY OF EDUCATION + +[Date unknown] + +I address myself to all the friends of youth, and conjure them to direct +their compassionate regards to my unhappy fate, in order to remove the +prejudices of which I am the victim. There are twin sisters of us; and +the two eyes of man do not more resemble, nor are capable of being upon +better terms with each other, than my sister and myself, were it not for +the partiality of our parents, who make the most injurious distinctions +between us. From my infancy, I have been led to consider my sister as a +being of a more elevated rank. I was suffered to grow up without the +least instruction, while nothing was spared in her education. She had +masters to teach her writing, drawing, music, and other accomplishments; +but if by chance I touched a pencil, a pen, or a needle, I was bitterly +rebuked; and more than once I have been beaten for being awkward, and +wanting a graceful manner. It is true, my sister associated me with her +upon some occasions; but she always made a point of taking the lead, +calling upon me only from necessity, or to figure by her side. + +But conceive not, Sirs, that my complaints are instigated merely by +vanity. No; my uneasiness is occasioned by an object much more serious. +It is the practice in our family, that the whole business of providing +for its subsistence falls upon my sister and myself. If any +indisposition should attack my sister,--and I mention it in confidence +upon this occasion, that she is subject to the gout, the rheumatism, and +cramp, without making mention of other accidents,--what would be the +fate of our poor family? Must not the regret of our parents be +excessive, at having placed so great a difference between sisters who +are so perfectly equal? Alas! we must perish from distress; for it would +not be in my power even to scrawl a suppliant petition for relief, +having been obliged to employ the hand of another in transcribing the +request which I have now the honour to prefer to you. + +Condescend, Sirs, to make my parents sensible of the injustice of an +exclusive tenderness, and of the necessity of distributing their care +and affection among all their children equally. I am, with a profound +respect, Sirs, your obedient servant, + + THE LEFT HAND. + + + +SOME GOOD WHIG PRINCIPLES + +[Date unknown] + +DECLARATION of those RIGHTS of the Commonalty of Great Britain, _without +which they cannot be_ FREE. + +It is declared, + +First, That the government of this realm, and the making of laws for the +same, ought to be lodged in the hands of King, Lords of Parliament, and +Representatives of _the whole body_ of the freemen of this realm. + +Secondly, That _every man_ of the commonalty (excepting infants, insane +persons, and criminals) is, of common right, and by the laws of God, a +_freeman_, and entitled to the free enjoyment of _liberty_. + +Thirdly, That liberty, or freedom, consists in having _an actual share_ +in the appointment of those who frame the laws, and who are to be the +guardians of every man's life, property, and peace; for the _all_ of one +man is as dear to him as the _all_ of another; and the poor man has an +_equal_ right, but _more_ need, to have representatives in the +legislature than the rich one. + +Fourthly, That they who have _no_ voice nor vote in the electing of +representatives, _do not enjoy_ liberty; but are absolutely _enslaved_ +to those who _have_ votes, and to their representatives; for to be +enslaved is to have governors whom _other men have set over us_, and be +subject to laws _made by the representatives of others_, without having +had representatives of our own to give consent in _our_ behalf. + +Fifthly, That a _very great majority_ of the commonalty of this realm +are denied the privilege of voting for representatives in Parliament; +and, consequently, they are enslaved to a _small number_, who do now +enjoy the privilege exclusively to themselves; but who, it may be +presumed, are far from wishing to continue in the exclusive possession +of a privilege, by which their fellow-subjects are deprived of _common +right_, of _justice_, of _liberty_; and which, if not communicated to +all, must speedily cause _the certain overthrow of our happy +constitution_, and enslave us _all_. + +And, sixthly and lastly, We also say and do assert, that it is _the +right_ of the commonalty of this realm to elect a _new_ House of Commons +once in _every year_, according to the ancient and sacred laws of the +land; because, whenever a Parliament continues in being for _a longer +term_, very great numbers of the commonalty, who have arrived at years +of manhood since the last election, and _therefore_ have a right to be +actually represented in the House of Commons, are then _unjustly +deprived_ of that right. + + + +THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT DREAMS + +INSCRIBED TO MISS [SHIPLEY], BEING WRITTEN AT HER REQUEST[140] + +As a great part of our life is spent in sleep during which we have +sometimes pleasant and sometimes painful dreams, it becomes of some +consequence to obtain the one kind and avoid the other; for whether real +or imaginary, pain is pain and pleasure is pleasure. If we can sleep +without dreaming, it is well that painful dreams are avoided. If while +we sleep we can have any pleasing dream, it is, as the French say, +_autant de gagné_, so much added to the pleasure of life. + +To this end it is, in the first place, necessary to be careful in +preserving health, by due exercise and great temperance; for, in +sickness, the imagination is disturbed, and disagreeable, sometimes +terrible, ideas are apt to present themselves. Exercise should precede +meals, not immediately follow them; the first promotes, the latter, +unless moderate, obstructs digestion. If, after exercise, we feed +sparingly, the digestion will be easy and good, the body lightsome, the +temper cheerful, and all the animal functions performed agreeably. +Sleep, when it follows, will be natural and undisturbed; while +indolence, with full feeding, occasions nightmares and horrors +inexpressible; we fall from precipices, are assaulted by wild beasts, +murderers, and demons, and experience every variety of distress. +Observe, however, that the quantities of food and exercise are relative +things; those who move much may, and indeed ought to eat more; those who +use little exercise should eat little. In general, mankind, since the +improvement of cookery, eat about twice as much as nature requires. +Suppers are not bad, if we have not dined; but restless nights naturally +follow hearty suppers after full dinners. Indeed, as there is a +difference in constitutions, some rest well after these meals; it costs +them only a frightful dream and an apoplexy, after which they sleep till +doomsday. Nothing is more common in the newspapers, than instances of +people who, after eating a hearty supper, are found dead abed in the +morning. + +Another means of preserving health, to be attended to, is the having a +constant supply of fresh air in your bed-chamber. It has been a great +mistake, the sleeping in rooms exactly closed, and in beds surrounded by +curtains. No outward air that may come in to you is so unwholesome as +the unchanged air, often breathed, of a close chamber. As boiling water +does not grow hotter by longer boiling, if the particles that receive +greater heat can escape; so living bodies do not putrefy, if the +particles, so fast as they become putrid, can be thrown off. Nature +expels them by the pores of the skin and the lungs, and in a free, open +air they are carried off; but in a close room we receive them again and +again, though they become more and more corrupt. A number of persons +crowded into a small room thus spoil the air in a few minutes, and even +render it mortal, as in the Black Hole at Calcutta. A single person is +said to spoil only a gallon of air per minute, and therefore requires a +longer time to spoil a chamber-full; but it is done, however, in +proportion, and many putrid disorders hence have their origin. It is +recorded of Methusalem, who, being the longest liver, may be supposed to +have best preserved his health, that he slept always in the open air; +for, when he had lived five hundred years, an angel said to him; "Arise, +Methusalem, and build thee an house, for thou shalt live yet five +hundred years longer." But Methusalem answered, and said, "If I am to +live but five hundred years longer, it is not worth while to build me an +house; I will sleep in the air, as I have been used to do." Physicians, +after having for ages contended that the sick should not be indulged +with fresh air, have at length discovered that it may do them good. It +is therefore to be hoped, that they may in time discover likewise, that +it is not hurtful to those who are in health, and that we may be then +cured of the _aërophobia_, that at present distresses weak minds, and +makes them choose to be stifled and poisoned, rather than leave open the +window of a bed-chamber, or put down the glass of a coach. + +Confined air, when saturated with perspirable matter, will not receive +more; and that matter must remain in our bodies, and occasion diseases; +but it gives some previous notice of its being about to be hurtful, by +producing certain uneasiness, slight indeed at first, which as with +regard to the lungs is a trifling sensation, and to the pores of the +skin a kind of restlessness, which is difficult to describe, and few +that feel it know the cause of it. But we may recollect, that sometimes +on waking in the night, we have, if warmly covered, found it difficult +to get asleep again. We turn often without finding repose in any +position. This fidgettiness (to use a vulgar expression for want of a +better) is occasioned wholly by an uneasiness in the skin, owing to the +retention of the perspirable matter--the bed-clothes having received +their quantity, and, being saturated, refusing to take any more. To +become sensible of this by an experiment, let a person keep his position +in the bed, but throw off the bed-clothes, and suffer fresh air to +approach the part uncovered of his body; he will then feel that part +suddenly refreshed; for the air will immediately relieve the skin, by +receiving, licking up, and carrying off, the load of perspirable matter +that incommoded it. For every portion of cool air that approaches the +warm skin, in receiving its part of that vapour, receives therewith a +degree of heat that rarefies and renders it lighter, when it will be +pushed away with its burthen, by cooler and therefore heavier fresh air, +which for a moment supplies its place, and then, being likewise changed +and warmed, gives way to a succeeding quantity. This is the order of +nature, to prevent animals being infected by their own perspiration. He +will now be sensible of the difference between the part exposed to the +air and that which, remaining sunk in the bed, denies the air access: +for this part now manifests its uneasiness more distinctly by the +comparison, and the seat of the uneasiness is more plainly perceived +than when the whole surface of the body was affected by it. + +Here, then, is one great and general cause of unpleasing dreams. For +when the body is uneasy, the mind will be disturbed by it, and +disagreeable ideas of various kinds will in sleep be the natural +consequences. The remedies, preventive and curative, follow: + +1. By eating moderately (as before advised for health's sake) less +perspirable matter is produced in a given time; hence the bed-clothes +receive it longer before they are saturated, and we may therefore sleep +longer before we are made uneasy by their refusing to receive any more. + +2. By using thinner and more porous bed-clothes, which will suffer the +perspirable matter more easily to pass through them, we are less +incommoded, such being longer tolerable. + +3. When you are awakened by this uneasiness, and find you cannot easily +sleep again, get out of bed, beat up and turn your pillow, shake the +bed-clothes well, with at least twenty shakes, then throw the bed open +and leave it to cool; in the meanwhile, continuing undrest, walk about +your chamber till your skin has had time to discharge its load, which it +will do sooner as the air may be dried and colder. When you begin to +feel the cold air unpleasant, then return to your bed, and you will soon +fall asleep, and your sleep will be sweet and pleasant. All the scenes +presented to your fancy will be too of the pleasing kind. I am often as +agreeably entertained with them, as by the scenery of an opera. If you +happen to be too indolent to get out of bed, you may, instead of it, +lift up your bed-clothes with one arm and leg, so as to draw in a good +deal of fresh air, and by letting them fall force it out again. This, +repeated twenty times, will so clear them of the perspirable matter they +have imbibed, as to permit your sleeping well for some time afterwards. +But this latter method is not equal to the former. + +Those who do not love trouble, and can afford to have two beds, will +find great luxury in rising, when they wake in a hot bed, and going into +the cool one. Such shifting of beds would also be of great service to +persons ill of a fever, as it refreshes and frequently procures sleep. A +very large bed, that will admit a removal so distant from the first +situation as to be cool and sweet, may in a degree answer the same end. + +One or two observations more will conclude this little piece. Care must +be taken, when you lie down, to dispose your pillow so as to suit your +manner of placing your head, and to be perfectly easy; then place your +limbs so as not to bear inconveniently hard upon one another, as, for +instance, the joints of your ankles; for, though a bad position may at +first give but little pain and be hardly noticed, yet a continuance will +render it less tolerable, and the uneasiness may come on while you are +asleep, and disturb your imagination. These are the rules of the art. +But, though they will generally prove effectual in producing the end +intended, there is a case in which the most punctual observance of them +will be totally fruitless. I need not mention the case to you, my dear +friend, but my account of the art would be imperfect without it. The +case is, when the person who desires to have pleasant dreams has not +taken care to preserve, what is necessary above all things, + + A GOOD CONSCIENCE. + + + + +_NOTES_ + + +References are to Franklin's _Writings_, edited by A. H. Smyth, 10 +vols., 1905-1907. + +[Footnote 1: In addition to John Bigelow's "Historical Sketch of the +Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Autograph Manuscript of Franklin's +Memoirs of His Own Life," see Franklin's references to the +_Autobiography_, in _Writings_, IX, 550-51, 559, 665, 675, 688; X, 50.] + +[Footnote 2: The _New England Courant_, begun Aug. 21, 1721 (fourth +American newspaper), was preceded by _Boston News-Letter_, April 24, +1704, _Boston Gazette_, Dec. 21, 1719, _American Weekly Mercury_, Dec. +22, 1719 (Philadelphia).] + +[Footnote 3: Sir Wm. Keith (1680-1749), governor of Pennsylvania +1717-1726. He was dismissed by the Proprietaries in 1726; after casting +his lot with the provincial assembly, he became "a tribune of the +people" (_Dictionary of American Biography_, X, 292-3). It is not +improbable that Franklin's antipathy for the Proprietaries was quickened +by his contacts with Keith (even though he was the victim of the +governor's gulling). See note 65 for "James Ralph."] + +[Footnote 4: Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753), botanist and physician, friend +of Sydenham, Newton, Ray, and Boyle, made President of the Royal Society +in 1727 (until 1741). See _Dictionary of National Biography_, LII, +379-80, and Franklin's letter to Sir Hans Sloane (London, June 2, 1725) +in _Writings_, II, 52-3.] + +[Footnote 5: Sir Hans Sloane contributed curiosities to Don Saltero's +place, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea. Steele dedicated a _Tatler_ to this +collector of gimcracks who wrote of his oddities: + + "Monsters of all sorts here are seen + Strange things in nature as they grew so; + Some relicks of the Sheba queen, + And fragments of the fam'd Bob Crusoe." +] + +[Footnote 6: See note 22.] + +[Footnote 7: For an account of this sturdy colonial who learned Latin in +order to read Newton's _Principia_, see E. P. Oberholtzer's _A Literary +History of Philadelphia_, 57 ff.] + +[Footnote 8: James Parton's _Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin_, I, +154-67 (chap. XIII) contains a good account of this junto of friends.] + +[Footnote 9: See C. E. Jorgenson's "A Brand Flung at Colonial Orthodoxy" +(in Bibliography, p. clxv above), for the deistic patterns of thought +found in Keimer's newspaper.] + +[Footnote 10: Consult C. H. Hart, "Who Was the Mother of Franklin's Son? +An Inquiry Demonstrating that She Was Deborah Read, Wife of Benjamin +Franklin." (See Bibliography, p. clxiv above.) Also see _Who Was the +Mother of Franklin's Son? An Historical Conundrum, hitherto given up, +now partly answered by Paul Leicester Ford_. With an afterword by John +Clyde Oswald (New Rochelle, N. Y.: 1932).] + +[Footnote 11: End of reprint of the original MS in the Henry E. +Huntington Library. The selections that follow are from _Writings_, in +which A. H. Smyth reprints the Bigelow transcript with indifferent +accuracy. "Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near +Paris, 1784." Abel James and Benjamin Vaughan urge Franklin to continue +his life beyond 1730 (see _Writings_, I, 313-20). Vaughan promises that +when finished "it will be worth all Plutarch's Lives put together" (p. +318).] + +[Footnote 12: Dated July 1, 1733.] + +[Footnote 13: "Thus far written at Passy, 1784." He continues his +_Autobiography_ in Philadelphia in August, 1788.] + +[Footnote 14: Consult C. E. Jorgenson's "The New Science in the Almanacs +of Ames and Franklin" (see Bibliography, p. clxv, above).] + +[Footnote 15: "Self-Denial Not the Essence of Virtue," _Pennsylvania +Gazette_, No. 324, Feb. 18, 1735; printed in W. T. Franklin's edition, +III, 233-5. "On True Happiness," _Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 363, Nov. +20, 1735; printed in W. T. Franklin's edition, III, 238-9.] + +[Footnote 16: Chosen Clerk of Pennsylvania General Assembly in 1736.] + +[Footnote 17: See their correspondence in L. Tyerman's _Life of the Rev. +George Whitefield_ (2 vols., London, 1876).] + +[Footnote 18: J. Parton observes that this list may have been suggested +by the word-catalogs in the _Gargantua_ (_Life and Times of Benjamin +Franklin_, I, 221). This mildly Rabelaisian series is later elaborated +into "The Drinker's Dictionary" found in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. +494, May 25, 1738; and reprinted by Parton, I, 222-5.] + +[Footnote 19: When James Franklin was accused of mocking the clergy and +unsettling the peace, he was refused license to print the _New England +Courant_. So Benjamin, his apprenticeship indentures cancelled (though +new ones were privately signed), became nominal editor. Consult C. A. +Duniway, _The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts_, +97-103; W. G. Bleyer, _Main Currents in the History of American +Journalism_, chaps. I-II.] + +[Footnote 20: Rules for his famous Junto, begun in 1727.] + +[Footnote 21: No Part II has ever been found. A. H. Smyth suggests that +this creed and liturgy was "Franklin's daily companion to the end of his +life" (_Writings_, II, 92 note).] + +[Footnote 22: When Samuel Keimer discovered that Franklin and Meredith +were about to launch a newspaper, he began his _Universal Instructor in +all Arts and Sciences: and Pennsylvania Gazette_ (first issue, Dec. 28, +1728). Franklin and Joseph Breintnall wrote the _Busy-Body_ series for +Bradford's _American Weekly Mercury_. Nos. I-V and VIII are by Franklin. +See S. Bloore's "Joseph Breintnall, First Secretary of the Library +Company" (in Bibliography). That Keimer became infuriated, one can see +in issues X, XII, and XVI of the _Universal Instructor ..._, in which +_Busy-Body_ is scourged with both prose and poetry.] + +[Footnote 23: Franklin purchases Keimer's _Universal Instructor ..._, +deleting the first half of the title, which had appeared in small italic +type.] + +[Footnote 24: See _Autobiography_, _Writings_, I, 343.] + +[Footnote 25: The use of scales suggests that Franklin probably knew +Aristophanes' _The Frogs_. It is more likely, however that he was +acquainted with the use of scales in contemporary witch trials. In the +_Gentleman's Magazine_ for Jan., 1731, there is an account of a witch +trial at "Burlington, in Pensilvania," in the course of which scales and +the Bible were used. (See Brand's _Popular Antiquities_ [H. Ellis, ed., +London, 1888], III, 35.) In the same magazine for Feb., 1759, is an +account of a similar trial which took place in England (_ibid._, III, +22).] + +[Footnote 26: In his 1734 issue of the _American Almanack_ Leeds +observed that the account of his death was grossly exaggerated. +Doubtless Franklin had read (Swift's) Bickerstaff's predictions of the +death of Partridge.] + +[Footnote 27: Compare Swift's _A Meditation upon a Broomstick_. Mug and +broomstick are alike obliged to undergo the indignities of a "dirty +wench." But more conclusively, the rhetoric and the ethical application +to human affairs suggest Franklin's indebtedness to Swift.] + +[Footnote 28: His parents' response is learned from a letter (not in +Smyth) to his father: "Hon. Father, I received your kind letter of the +4th of May in answer to mine of April 13th. I wrote that of mine with +design to remove or lessen the uneasiness you and my Mother appear'd to +be under on account of my Principles, and it gave me great Pleasure when +she declar'd in her next to me that she approved of my Letter and was +satisfy'd with me." (Cited in J. F. Sachse, _Benjamin Franklin as a Free +Mason_, 75.)] + +[Footnote 29: Rev. George Whitefield, whom Franklin met in 1739.] + +[Footnote 30: _M. T. Cicero's Cato Major or his Discourse of Old-Age: +With Explanatory Notes._ Philadelphia. Printed and Sold by B. Franklin, +1744.] + +[Footnote 31: "This letter is undated, but from Franklin's +ecclesiastical mathematics it would appear to have been written on the +tenth of March" (A. H. Smyth, _Writings_, II, 283 note).] + +[Footnote 32: Excellent note in _Writings_, II, 463-4. Abbé Raynal +published _Polly Baker_ in his _Histoire ..._ as an authentic document. +Also Peter Annet printed this _jeu d'esprit_ in his _Social Bliss_ +(1749). See N. L. Torrey, _Voltaire and the English Deists_, 187. A. H. +Smyth confesses: "The mystery surrounding the authorship and first +publication of the 'Speech' remains an impenetrable mystery. The style +is altogether Franklinian, and the story seems unquestionably to have +been written by him, but I have searched _The Pennsylvania Gazette_ in +vain for it. It is not there."] + +[Footnote 33: See "Introduction" in Wm. Pepper's Facsimile Reprint of +the _Proposals_ (Philadelphia, 1931), vii-xvii. Although A. H. Smyth +prints "Authors quoted in this Paper," he does not print the copious +documentation Franklin included. The "Authors" listed are: Milton, +Locke, Hutcheson, Obadiah Walker, M. Rollin, George Turnbull, "with some +others."] + +[Footnote 34: Printed as Appendix to Rev. R. Peters's _A Sermon on +Education ..._, Philadelphia, Printed and Sold by B. Franklin and D. +Hall, 1751.] + +[Footnote 35: Samuel Croxall's (d. 1752) _Fables of Æsop and Others_, +1722. "The remarkable popularity of these fables, of which editions are +still published, is to be accounted for by their admirable style. They +are excellent examples of naïve, clear, and forcible English" +(_Dictionary of National Biography_, XIII, 246-8).] + +[Footnote 36: A part of Johnson's _Elementa Philosophica_, printed by +Franklin in 1752. See H. and C. Schneider, eds., _Samuel Johnson, +President of King's College. His Career and Writings_. 4 vols., New +York, 1929.] + +[Footnote 37: Fénelon's Telemachus. Chevalier de Ramsay's _Travels of +Cyrus_. 2 vols. London, 1727 (2d ed.).] + +[Footnote 38: For Franklin's awareness of Rabelais, see C. E. +Jorgenson's "Benjamin Franklin and Rabelais," _Classical Journal_, XXIX, +538-40 (April, 1934).] + +[Footnote 39: First published in [Clarke, Wm.] _Observations on the Late +and present Conduct of the French, with Regard to their Encroachments +upon the British Colonies in North America.... To which is added, wrote +by another Hand; Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, +Peopling of Countries, Etc.,_ Boston, 1755. See L. J. Carey's +_Franklin's Economic Views_, 46-60, for able survey of Franklin's theory +of population and its relation to Malthus and Adam Smith. Also see L. C. +Wroth, _An American Bookshelf_, 1755 (Philadelphia, 1934), 25-7.] + +[Footnote 40: Hume having objected to the use of "pejorate" and +"colonize," Franklin yields to him. "Since they are not in common use +here [England], I give up as bad; for certainly in writings intended for +persuasion and for general information, one cannot be too clear; and +every expression in the least obscure is a fault" (_Writings_, IV, 82-4; +Sept. 27, 1760).] + +[Footnote 41: On complaint of John Bartram and Cadwallader Colden, +Franklin deleted the concluding paragraphs in subsequent editions.] + +[Footnote 42: Read before the Royal Society on Dec. 21, 1752. It was +printed in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, December, 1752. Essentially +because of his identification of electricity with lightning. Franklin in +1753 received the Copley medal and was in 1756 elected F. R. S.] + +[Footnote 43: Mr. George S. Eddy has compiled a "Catalogue of Pamphlets, +Once a Part of the Library of Benjamin Franklin, and now owned by the +Historical Society of Pennsylvania," which one of the editors was +permitted to use in MS form in the W. S. Mason Collection. One of the +pamphlets is: _An Hymn to the Creator of the World, The Thoughts taken +chiefly from Psal. CIV. To which is added in Prose An Idea of the +Creator From His Works ..._ London, MDCCL. James Burgh. If most of the +material in this issue (it is equally true of many of the other issues) +is "borrowed," it none the less shows toward what ideas Franklin was +sympathetic. Almanac makers on the whole were not characterized by a +vast display of originality.] + +[Footnote 44: Brackets in this letter are the result of A. H. Smyth's +collation of two MSS.] + +[Footnote 45: "These letters first appeared in _The London Chronicle_, +February 6 and 8, 1766. They were published again in _The London +Magazine_, February, 1766, and in _The Pennsylvania Chronicle_, January +16, 1769. They were republished in Almon's 'Remembrancer' in 1766." (A. +H. Smyth, Writings, III, 231 note.) + +After the failure of his _Albany Plan_ (for text see Writings, III, +197-226), Franklin, visiting Governor Shirley in Boston, was shown an +English plan: it "was, that the governors of all the colonies, each +attended by one or two members of his council, should assemble at some +central town, and there concert measures of defense, raise troops, order +the construction of forts, and draw on the British treasury for the +whole expense; the treasury to be afterwards reimbursed _by a tax laid +on the colonies by an act of Parliament_" (Parton, I, 340). The letters +are a protest against this plan, a protest marking the first stages of +the revolution.] + +[Footnote 46: The second cousin and in 1758 the wife of William Greene, +the second governor of the state of Rhode Island. See _Dictionary of +American Biography_, VII, 576-7.] + +[Footnote 47: Had made a tour inspecting post offices.] + +[Footnote 48: Daughter of Samuel Ward, governor of Rhode Island.] + +[Footnote 49: Franklin's daughter, born 1744.] + +[Footnote 50: John Franklin died in Boston, January, 1756, age +sixty-five.] + +[Footnote 51: Daughter of John Franklin's second wife by a former +marriage.] + +[Footnote 52: See discussion (including bibliographical note) of Rev. +Wm. Smith in Introduction, section on "Franklin's Theories of +Education."] + +[Footnote 53: From an exact reprint made by W. S. Mason from a copy of +_Poor Richard_ (1758) in his collection. Lindsay Swift, in _Benjamin +Franklin_, notes: "It may safely be said that it is the American classic +_par excellence_, and shares with Mrs. Stowe's _Uncle Tom's Cabin_ the +honour of having passed by translation into more other tongues than +anything else thus far bearing the stamp of our national spirit" (pp. +33-4). A glance at Ford's _Franklin Bibliography_, 53-111, will suggest +the vogue of this classic. See L. L. L.'s "The Way to Wealth: History +and Editions," _Nation_, XCVI, 494-6 (May 15, 1913). + +William Temple Franklin observes that _The Way to Wealth_ "is supposed +to have greatly contributed to the formation of that _national +character_ they [people of America] have since exhibited" (1818 ed. of +Franklin's _Works_, III, 248).] + +[Footnote 54: Stephen Potts and William Parsons were among the original +members of the Junto (Writings, I, 299-300). See note on Parsons in +_Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, XXXIII, 340 (1909).] + +[Footnote 55: Henry Home, Lord Kames (1696-1782). See _Dictionary of +National Biography_, XXVII, 232-4; A. F. Tytler's _Memoirs_ of Lord +Kames, 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1814 (2d ed.). Franklin writes an interesting +letter to Kames (London, Jan. 3, 1760) affirming that he rejoices "on +the reduction of Canada; and this is not merely as I am a colonist, but +as I am a Briton. I have long been of opinion, that the _foundations of +the future grandeur and stability of the British empire lie in America_; +and though, like other foundations, they are low and little seen, they +are, nevertheless, broad and strong enough to support the greatest +political structure human wisdom ever yet erected." Concerning his +recent visit to Kames in Scotland he writes, "On the whole, I must say, +I think the time we spent there, was six weeks of the _densest_ happiness +I have met with in any part of my life ..." (_Writings_, IV, 3-7). In a +letter (London, Nov., 1761) he praises Kames's _Introduction to the Art +of Thinking_ and inquires "after your _Elements of Criticism_." He also +tells Kames about his plans to write an _Art of Virtue_ (_ibid._, IV, +120-3). From Portsmouth, Aug. 17, 1762, he sends his farewell: "I am +going from the old world to the new; and I fancy I feel like those, who +are leaving this world for the next: grief at the parting; fear of the +passage; hope of the future" (_ibid._, IV, 174).] + +[Footnote 56: _The Interest of Great Britain Considered?_] + +[Footnote 57: If ever written, not extant.] + +[Footnote 58: Daughter of Mrs. Margaret Stevenson, Franklin's landlady +at Number Seven, Craven Street, Strand, London. Miss Mary later married +Dr. Hewson (see note 77, below).] + +[Footnote 59: Dr. Thomas Bray's philanthropic schemes for education of +Negroes is here referred to. See E. L. Pennington's "The Work of the +Bray Associates in Pennsylvania" for Franklin's connection with this +work. Mr. Wm. Strahan wished to prevail on Franklin to remove +permanently to England. Franklin writes to Deborah, March 5, 1760 +(_Writings_, IV, 9-10), offering two reasons for his veto of Strahan's +plan: "One, my Affection to Pensilvania, and long established +Friendships and other connections there: The other, your invincible +Aversion to Crossing the Seas." The remainder of the letter indicates, +however, that he was not dead to the hope that his wife would relent.] + +[Footnote 60: For Franklin's friendship with Ingersoll consult L. H. +Gipson's _Jared Ingersoll_. _A Study of American Loyalism in Relation to +British Colonial Government_ (New Haven, 1920).] + +[Footnote 61: Richard ("Omniscient") Jackson (d. 1787), member of +Parliament, friend of the colonial cause. See _Dictionary of National +Biography_, XXIX, 104-5.] + +[Footnote 62: John Hawkesworth (1715?-1773). From 1752 to 1754 he edited +the _Adventurer_, aided by Johnson, Bathurst, and Wharton. Edited +Swift's writings in 1755, Swift's letters in 1766, and Cook's, Byron's, +Carteret's, and Wallis's _Voyages_ in 1773. (_Dictionary of National +Biography_, XXV, 203-5.)] + +[Footnote 63: John Stanley (1714-1786). Blind organist who composed the +music for Hawkesworth's oratorio, _Zimri_ (1760); and for his _The Fall +of Egypt_ (1774). (_Dictionary of National Biography_, LIV, 74-5.)] + +[Footnote 64: Benjamin West (1738-1820).] + +[Footnote 65: James Ralph (d. 1762); see _Dictionary of National +Biography_, XLVII, 221-4. His _Night: A Poem_ (London, 1728), dedicated +to the Earl of Chesterfield, is a jejune imitation of Thomson's +_Seasons_. He professes himself "a bigotted Admirer of the Antients, and +all their Performances" (p. 197) in _The Touch-Stone ..._ (London, +1728): "My Design was, to animadvert upon the Standard Entertainments of +the present Age, in Comparison with those of Antiquity" (p. 237). He +aided Fielding in bringing out _The Champion_ (1741 ff.). Hallam +characterized his _History of England_ (1744-1746) as one of the best +accounts of the time of Charles II. Succinct survey of Ralph in M. K. +Jackson's _Outlines of the Literary History of Colonial Pennsylvania_, +37-42.] + +[Footnote 66: John Fothergill (1712-1780). See _Dictionary of National +Biography_ XX, 66-8. See J. C. Lettsom's _Memoirs of John Fothergill_ +(4th ed., London, 1786) for a full treatment of his friendship with +Franklin. J. J. Abraham's _Lettsom, His Life, Times, Friends and +Descendants_ (London, 1933, chap. XVIII), contains an account of the +"conciliation negotiations" between Hyde and Dartmouth (representing +Lord North) and Barclay and Fothergill (representing Franklin and the +colonial cause). Only George III could not be persuaded. Also see R. H. +Fox, _Dr. John Fothergill and His Friends ..._ (London, 1919). + +For Franklin's quarrel with the Proprietors see _Cool Thoughts on the +Present Situation of Our Public Affairs_ (April 12, 1764, _Writings_, +IV, 226-41). A month later he writes to Wm. Strahan: "Our petty publick +affairs here are in the greatest confusion, and will never, in my +opinion, be composed, while the Proprietary Government subsists" +(_ibid._, IV, 246).] + +[Footnote 67: His son William Franklin (1731-1813), governor of New +Jersey, and wife. See _Dictionary of American Biography_, VI, 600-1.] + +[Footnote 68: The barbarities of the "Paxton boys" virtually "threatened +a civil war, which Franklin and others averted. This episode marks the +beginnings of the predominance of the Ulster Scotch and other Calvinists +in Pennsylvania affairs, replacing the old Quaker supremacy." (A. +Nevins, _The American States During and After the Revolution_, +1775-1789, New York, 1924, 12.) This uprising, suggests Mr. Nevins, may +be viewed as a fragment of that "struggle between East and West, +Tidewater and Uplands" which "cut in the later Colonial period across +the alignment between people and Crown" (_ibid._, 11).] + +[Footnote 69: Pope's translation. Franklin omits lines not essential to +the thought in a particular sequence.] + +[Footnote 70: From Herodotus refracted through Rabelais? See C. E. +Jorgenson's "Benjamin Franklin and Rabelais."] + +[Footnote 71: For Franklin's activities in behalf of the repeal of the +Stamp Act see especially _The Examination of Dr. B. F. Etc. in the +British House of Commons, Relative to the Repeal of the American Stamp +Act, in 1766_ (_Writings_, IV, 412-48).] + +[Footnote 72: A. F. Tytler, in _Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the +Honourable Henry Home of Kames ..._ (2d ed., Edinburgh, 1814, II, 99, +112), suggests that this letter never reached its destination, but "was +in all probability intercepted." Brackets in excerpt from letter to Lord +Kames, June 2, 1765, pp. 318-21 above, are the result of Smyth's +collation of Tytler's and Sparks's versions.] + +[Footnote 73: Sir John Pringle (1707-1782). Physician (student of +Albinus and Boerhaave) whose "great work in life was the reform of +military medicine and sanitation" (_Dictionary of National Biography_, +XLVI, 386-8). From 1772 to 1778 he was President of the Royal Society. +In 1778 he was made one of the eight foreign members of the Academy of +Sciences at Paris. Since Pringle was physician to the queen, Parton +thinks it probable that he was used by Franklin "to forward to the king +such papers and documents as tended to show how loyal to his person and +his throne were the vast majority of the American colonists" (_op. +cit._, I, 506). George III, having sided with Dr. Wilson who championed +_blunt_ lightning rods, asked Pringle to use his influence to have the +Royal Society rescind its opinion in favor of _pointed_ ones. Pringle's +answer "was to the effect that duty as well as inclination would always +induce him to execute his majesty's wishes to the utmost of his power: +but 'Sire,' said he, 'I cannot reverse the laws and operations of +nature'" (_ibid._, II, 217 note).] + +[Footnote 74: The full title of Dupont de Nemours's work is +_Physiocratie, ou constitution naturelle du gouvernement le plus +avantageux au genre humain_. 2 vols. Leyden and Paris, 1767, 1768. Peter +Templeman (1711-1769) was Secretary of the London Society of Arts, +Manufactures, and Commerce and in 1762 corresponding member of the Royal +Academy of Sciences at Paris (_Dictionary of National Biography_, LVI, +53-4). "Ami des hommes" is the Marquis de Mirabeau (1715-1789) who wrote +_L'Ami des hommes, ou traité de la population_. [1756] 5th ed., Hamburg, +1760, 4 vols. The "crowning work" of the Physiocrats is François +Quesnay's _Tableau économique_. Published by the British Economic +Association, London, 1894. + +Dupont's letter of May 10, 1768, to which Franklin's is an answer, is +printed in _Writings_, V, 153-4. From London (Oct. 2, 1770) Franklin +writes to Dupont: "Would to God I could take with me [to America] +Messrs. du Pont, du Bourg, and some other French Friends with their good +Ladies! I might then, by mixing them with my Friends in Philadelphia, +form a little happy Society that would prevent my ever wishing again to +visit Europe" (_Writings_, V, 282). Elision marks in letter of July 28 +are Franklin's own.] + +[Footnote 75: John Alleyne. See his The _Legal Degrees of Marriage +Stated and Considered ..._, London, 1774. The second edition (London, +1775) includes Franklin's letter to Alleyne, Appendix, pp. 1-2.] + +[Footnote 76: Compare _To the Printer of the London Public Advertiser_ +(August 25, 1768; _Writings_, V, 162-5): "And what are we to gain by +this war, by which our trade and manufactures are to be ruined, our +strength divided and diminished, our debt increased, and our reputation, +as a generous nation, and lovers of liberty, given up and lost? Why, we +are to convert millions of the King's loyal subjects into rebels, for +the sake of establishing a new claimed power in P---- to tax a distant +people, whose abilities and circumstances they cannot be acquainted +with, who have a constitutional power of taxing themselves; who have +never refused to give us voluntarily more than we can ever expect to +wrest from them by force; and by our trade with whom we gain millions a +year!" (_Ibid._, 164-5.)] + +[Footnote 77: William Hewson (1739-1774). He was married to Miss +Stevenson in 1770. Hewson received the Copley medal in 1769 and was made +a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1770. (_Dictionary of National +Biography_, XXVI, 312-3.)] + +[Footnote 78: Daughter of Jonathan Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, who +wrote _A Speech Intended to have been Spoken on the Bill for Altering +the Charters of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay_. New York. Ed. +1774. (Cf. _Writings_, I, 164-6.) Urging that "the true art of government +consists in NOT GOVERNING TOO MUCH" (cited in Parton, _op. cit._, I, +549), Shipley lent sanction to colonial resistance. Franklin writes to +Thomas Cushing (London, Oct. 6, 1774): "The Bishop of St. Asaph's +intended speech, several Copies of which I send you, and of which many +Thousands have been printed and distributed here has had an +extraordinary Effect, in changing the Sentiments of Multitudes with +regard to America" (_Writings_, VI, 250). + +Mungo was a "fine large grey Squirrel" which Deborah sent to her husband +(_ibid._, VI, 16).] + +[Footnote 79: Printed in _Experiments and Observations on Electricity_. +London, 1769.] + +[Footnote 80: Printed in _Éphémérides du Citoyen_ (edited by Dupont +after 1767), periodical of the French Physiocrats; and in the _London +Chronicle_ in 1766.] + +[Footnote 81: J. Parton observes that this brilliant illustration of +Franklin's use of Swiftian hoax and irony "was the nine-days' talk of +the kingdom" (_op. cit._, I, 518).] + +[Footnote 82: See R. M. Bache, in Bibliography. In addition, article in +New York _Times_, Dec. 3, 1896, and notes in E. P. Buckley's "The +Library of a Philadelphia Antiquarian," _Magazine of American History_, +XXIV, 388-98 (1890). Mr. Buckley reviews the making of the prayer book; +"Column after column of the calendar disappeared with a single stroke of +the pen--nearly the whole of the Exhortation, a portion of the +Confession, all the Absolution, nearly all the Venite, exultemus Domino. +Likewise, the Te Deum, and all the Canticle. Of the Creed all he +retained was the following: 'I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker +of Heaven and Earth, and in Jesus Christ His Son our Lord. I believe in +the Holy Ghost, the forgiveness of sins, and the life everlasting, +Amen'" (_ibid._, 393). Franklin collaborated with Lord Le Despencer in +this work. For Franklin's own comments see _Writings_, IX, 358-9, 556. +Smyth brackets parts of the _Preface_ found in an incomplete MS draft.] + +[Footnote 83: Date unknown. For history of this hoax see _Writings_, I, +179-81, and L. S. Livingston, _Benjamin Franklin's Parable against +Persecution_. _With an Account of the Early Editions_ (Cambridge, Mass., +1916).] + +[Footnote 84: Date unknown.] + +[Footnote 85: This letter was never sent.] + +[Footnote 86: A. H. Smyth thinks that the friend might have been David +Hartley.] + +[Footnote 87: A photostat in the W. S. Mason Collection from the +Huntington Library gives the date as July 20, 1776.] + +[Footnote 88: Time and place of first publication unknown. For an +interesting discussion of this piece, see M. C. Tyler's _Literary +History of the American Revolution_, II, 367-80. "A British magazine of +1786, says that there was then a transfer made at the Bank of England of +£471,000 to Mr. Van Otten on account of the Landgrave of Hesse, for so +much due for Hessian soldiers lost in the American war, at £30 a head, +thus making the total number lost to be 15,700 men." (Cited in J. F. +Watson, _Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania_, Philadelphia, 1857, +II, 294.)] + +[Footnote 89: He writes to M. Lith (April 6, 1777); "If I were to +practise giving Letters of Recommendation to Persons of whose Character +I knew no more than I do of yours, my Recommendations would soon be of +no Authority at all" (_Writings_, VII, 39); and to George Washington +(June 13, 1777), apropos of foreign applicants for American posts: "I +promise nothing" (VII, 59). In another letter (Oct. 7, 1777) he admitted +that "the Numbers we refuse" are "incredible" (VII, 66). Elsewhere he +confesses that "These Applications are my perpetual Torment" (VII, 81). +Consult E. Repplier, "Franklin's Trials as a Benefactor" (in +Bibliography).] + +[Footnote 90: This controversy evoked the following verse: + + "While you, great George, for safety hunt, + And sharp conductors change for blunt, + The Empire's out of joint. + Franklin a wiser course pursues, + And all your thunder fearless views, + By keeping to the _point_." + +(Cited in Parton, _op. cit._, II, 217.)] + +[Footnote 91: Son of the philosopher, David Hartley. Hartley the younger +(1732-1813) met Franklin about 1759. A Lord Rockingham man, he opposed +the war with the colonies. He and Franklin drew up the Peace Treaty of +1783. See _Dictionary of National Biography_, XXV, 68-9.] + +[Footnote 92: A. H. Smyth thinks that this dialogue was "written soon +after Franklin's arrival in France" (_Writings_, VII, 82 note).] + +[Footnote 93: A Charles de Weissenstein included in his letter from +Brussels, June 16, 1778, a "Plan of Reconciliation," plans for a future +American government: he wished to have a secret conference with +Franklin (_Writings_, VII, 166; Smyth note).] + +[Footnote 94: _Arcana imperii detecta: or, divers select cases in +Government_, London, 1701. [A trans. of _Disquisitiones politicae_ by +Mark Zuirius Boxhorn.] (A. H. Smyth note, _Writings_, VII, 169.)] + +[Footnote 95: Franklin writes to William Carmichael (Passy, June 17, +1780): "The Moulin Joli is a little island in the Seine about two +leagues hence, part of the country-seat of another friend [Claude-Henri +Watelet], where we visit every summer, and spend a day in the pleasing +society of the ingenious, learned, and very polite persons who inhabit +it. At the time when the letter was written, all conversations at Paris +were filled with disputes about the music of Gluck and Picini, a German +and Italian musician, who divided the town into violent parties. A +friend of this lady [Madame Brillon] having obtained a copy of it, under +a promise not to give another, did not observe that promise; so that +many have been taken, and it is become as public as such a thing can +well be, that is not printed; but I could not dream of its being heard +of at Madrid! The thought was partly taken from a little piece of some +unknown writer, which I met with fifty years since in a newspaper, and +which the sight of the Ephemera brought to my recollection" (_Writings_, +VIII, 100). A. H. Smyth observes that it is generally thought that the +Ephemera is a reworking of an essay on "Human Vanity" which appeared in +the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, Dec. 4, 1735. Also see M. K. Jackson, _op. +cit_; 75; and L. S. Livingston, _Franklin and His Press at Passy_ (New +York, 1914), 30. Compare Wm. Bartram's similar description of Ephemera +in his _Travels_ ed. by M. Van Doren (An American Bookshelf), New York, +1928, 88-9. See H. H. Clark's Introduction to _Poems of Freneau_ (New +York, 1929), xlvii-lviii, for provocative discussion of the degree to +which naturalism may motivate an obsession with transience, mutability, +and death.] + +[Footnote 96: On Oct. 22, 1779, Bache wrote to Franklin explaining that +Lee and Izard objected to his employing William Temple Franklin, his +grandson.] + +[Footnote 97: Benjamin Franklin Bache (1769-1798), son of Richard Bache, +Franklin's son-in-law. See B. Faÿ, _The Two Franklins: Fathers of +American Democracy_ (Boston, 1933). See _The Diary of B. F. B. Aug. 1, +1782, to Sept. 14, 1785. Trans. from the French by William Duane_, 1865 +(in W. S. Mason Collection). A charming self-portrait of a precocious +lad who is grief-stricken when rain prevents him from going to the +mountains to witness M. du Villard's experiments, who follows avidly the +ascensions of "aërostatic globes," who takes M. Charles's course in +natural philosophy. Franklin had Didot, the master type founder, come to +Passy to teach Ben how "to cast printing types." On July 12, 1785, he +records the patriarch's exodus from Passy: "A mournful silence reigned +around him and was only interrupted by sobs."] + +[Footnote 98: Barbeu Dubourg (June 28, Paris) wrote to Franklin, +"sending Franklin's manuscript on 'The Morals of Chess,' of which he has +retained a copy; expects to have it printed shortly in _le Journal de +Paris_; hopes to follow it with a few reflections of his own on the +subject." (_Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library +of the American Philosophical Society_, III, 102.) [XIV, 218.] Brackets +in selection indicate Smyth's collation of incomplete MS copy and +printed version.] + +[Footnote 99: _The Parable against Persecution._] + +[Footnote 100: Consult _Benjamin Franklin's Story of the Whistle, with +an Introductory Note_ by L. S. Livingston, and _A Bibliography to 1820_ +(Cambridge, Mass., 1922).] + +[Footnote 101: Matthew Arnold in _Sweetness and Light_ appraises +Franklin as "a man the most considerable, ... whom America has yet +produced." Missing the irony of Franklin's burlesque, however, Arnold +exclaimed after reading the _Proposed Version_: "After all, there is a +stretch of humanity beyond Franklin's victorious good sense!"] + +[Footnote 102: Two days before, he wrote to Richard Price: "We make +daily great Improvements in _Natural_, there is one I wish to see in +_Moral_ Philosophy; the Discovery of a Plan, that would induce and +oblige Nations to settle their Disputes without first Cutting one +another's Throats" (_Writings_, VIII, 9). One remembers Franklin's +classic utterance (in a letter to David Hartley, Passy, Feb. 2, 1780): +"There hardly ever existed such a thing as a bad Peace, or, a good War" +(_ibid._, VIII, 5; also see VIII, 506). An interesting comment on +Franklin's devotion to peace may be found in _A Project of Universal and +Perpetual Peace_. Written by Pierre-André Gargaz, a former Galley-Slave, +and printed by Benjamin Franklin at Passy in the Year 1782. Here +reprinted, together with an English Version, Introduction, and +Typographical Note by George Simpson Eddy, New York, 1922.] + +[Footnote 103: Sainte-Beuve asks, "Is not that a comparison which, by +the sweetness of its inspiration and the breadth of its imagery, recalls +the Homeric comparisons of the Odyssey?" (_Portraits of the Eighteenth +Century, Historic and Literary_, 366.)] + +[Footnote 104: The famous Orientalist, later Sir William Jones. Married +Georgiana Shipley. In 1779 Jones attempted unofficially to bring about a +reconciliation between the colonies and England. See Parton, _op. cit._, +II, 333-4.] + +[Footnote 105: _Essay on the Population of England_, 2d ed., 1780.] + +[Footnote 106: London Coffee House.] + +[Footnote 107: Madame Helvétius. Consult A. Guillois, _Le salon de +Madame Helvétius_ (Paris, 1894).] + +[Footnote 108: Georgiana Shipley (in a letter, May 6, 1781) acknowledges +his _Dialogue with the Gout_ and this piece. See _Calendar of the Papers +of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical +Society_, III, 371 (XXII, 8). This delightful letter is printed in +Sparks, IX, 25; Bigelow, VII, 230; and Stifler, "_My Dear Girl_" ... +(New York, 1927). Smyth brackets a passage, not in the MS draft, which +is printed in the W. T. Franklin edition.] + +[Footnote 109: Date uncertain. A. H. Smyth notes that since Miss Shipley +replied May 6, 1781 (cf. note 108), it was probably written between +January and May, 1781. MS incomplete at both beginning and end.] + +[Footnote 110: For Hartley's letter see _Calendar of the Papers of +Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society_, +III, 398 (XXII, 162), Sept. 26, 1781. From Passy (Jan. 15, 1782) +Franklin writes to Hartley: "Whatever may be the Fate of our poor +Countries, let you and I die as we have lived, in Peace with each other" +(_Writings_, VIII, 361).] + +[Footnote 111: Excellent summary of the effect of this hoax may be found +in L. S. Livingston, _Franklin and His Press at Passy_, 59-67. Walpole +wrote to the Countess of Ossory, Oct. 1, 1782; "Have you seen in the +papers an excellent letter of Paul Jones to Sir Joseph York? _Elle nous +dit bien des verités!_ I doubt poor Sir Joseph cannot answer them! Dr. +Franklin himself, I should think, was the author. It is certainly +written by a first-rate pen, and not by a common man-of-war" (_ibid._, +62). A. H. Smyth quotes Wm. Temple Franklin's note: "The deception +intended by this supposed 'Supplement,' (which was very accurately +imitated with respect to printing, paper, the insertion of +advertisements, etc.,) was, that, by transmitting it to England, it +might actually be taken for what it purported to be" (_Writings_, VIII, +437). To Charles W. F. Dumas, Franklin writes (Passy, May 3, 1782): +"Enclosed I send you a few copies of a paper that places in a striking +light, the English barbarities in America, particularly those committed +by the savages at their instigation. The _Form_ may perhaps not be +genuine, but the _substance_ is truth; the number of our people of all +kinds and ages, murdered and scalped by them being known to exceed that +of the invoice. Make any use of them you may think proper to shame your +Anglomanes, but do not let it be known through what hands they come" +(_ibid._, 448). Brackets are Franklin's.] + +[Footnote 112: William Cowper. See _Correspondence of William Cowper_, +ed. by Thomas Wright, I, 479, for his note that Thornton, a merchant, +had sent Franklin his poems.] + +[Footnote 113: Henri-Léonard-Jean-Baptiste Bertin (1719-1792).] + +[Footnote 114: President of the Royal Society (1743-1820). See +_Dictionary of National Biography_, III, 129-33.] + +[Footnote 115: Dr. Pierre-Marie-Auguste Broussonet (1761-1807) met Sir +Joseph Banks in 1782.] + +[Footnote 116: A. H. Smyth believes that this was "written in September, +1782" (_Writings_, VIII, 603 note). It was often translated and may well +have drawn many immigrants to the colonies.] + +[Footnote 117: Probably written after signing of the peace treaty. +Compare his letter to Richard Oswald, Passy, Nov. 26, 1782 (_Writings_, +VIII, 621-7); and his _The Retort Courteous_ (_ibid._, X, 105-16).] + +[Footnote 118: Sir Charles Blagden (1748-1820), physician and physicist, +friend to Sir Joseph Banks, F. R. S., in 1772. (_Dictionary of National +Biography_, V, 155-6.)] + +[Footnote 119: B. Faÿ in "Franklin et Mirabeau collaborateurs" (see +Bibliography) shows that Franklin furnished information for +_Considerations on the Order of Cincinnatus ..._ (London ed., 1785). +Mirabeau thunders, "Must we then own, with the enemies of freedom, that +the noble ideas of Sidney, Locke, Rousseau, and others, who have +indulged dreams of political happiness, may be the object of a sublime +theory, but cannot possibly be reduced into practice?" (Mirabeau, _op. +cit._, 73.) The members of the order will in time become "Gothic +tyrants" (_ibid._, 14). He warns America against paralleling the +decadence of Rome (_ibid._, 25), suggesting a Rousseauistic +equalitarianism. Other references to Franklin's antipathy for the Order +are _Writings_, IX, 222, 269-70. Smyth observes that "passages in +brackets are not found in the draft in Library of Congress."] + +[Footnote 120: The Quinquet lamp was invented in 1784. A. H. Smyth +suggests that March 20, 1784, is the exact date of composition, from +Franklin's sentence, "In the six months between the 20th of March and +the 20th of September...."] + +[Footnote 121: Son of Cotton Mather. Died June 27, 1785.] + +[Footnote 122: Benjamin Vaughan (1751-1835), unitarian, pro-colonial, +and a Lord Shelburne man. He edited the first collective edition of +Franklin's works in London (1779). See _Dictionary of National +Biography_, LVIII, 158-9.] + +[Footnote 123: See _Writings_, IX, 264. Sparks (II, 383-426) reprints +George Whately's _Principles of Trade_. Elision marks indicate that +parts of this letter are omitted.] + +[Footnote 124: A. H. Smyth quotes W. T. Franklin, who observes that the +book was Paley's _Moral Philosophy_ (_Writings_, IX, 488 note).] + +[Footnote 125: A. H. Smyth thinks _The Retort Courteous_ (_ibid._, IX, +489 note).] + +[Footnote 126: At Rancocas, New Jersey.] + +[Footnote 127: Sparks (X, 281-2) prints this letter as to Thomas Paine. +Smyth, suggesting that Paine's "deistical writings" were not done before +1786, denies that Paine is the correspondent. H. H. Clark has argued +shrewdly (and with evidence) that since part of _The Age of Reason_ was +written before 1781 (this M. C. Conway in his _Life of Paine_ admits), +it is not implausible that Franklin's letter was directed to Paine. ("An +Historical Interpretation of Thomas Paine's Religion," _University of +California Chronicle_, XXXV, 84, 1933.)] + +[Footnote 128: Since Franklin was acquainted with John Ray's _Wisdom of +God ..._, it is not improbable that he was acquainted with his aphorisms +published in 1670 (Cambridge), in which this wit occurs. It is also +found in Wollaston's _Religion of Nature Delineated_, but as in Ray, in +crude form: "It is as when a man spits at heaven, and the spittle falls +back upon his own face" (1725 ed., 132). Remembering that Franklin +helped set up this piece while working for Samuel Palmer in 1725, his +use of it may not be wholly fortuitous.] + +[Footnote 129: His speech (delivered June 11, 1787) _On the Proportion +of Representation and Votes_ (_Writings_, IX, 595-9) shows how with +gift for compromise he helped to bring together the large and small +states through his dual scheme of equal and proportional representation +in the Senate and House.] + +[Footnote 130: Compare _Writings_, IX, 659. He observes to Dupont de +Nemours (June 9, 1788), "The wisest must agree to some unreasonable +things, that reasonable ones of more consequence may be obtained." +Brackets are Franklin's.] + +[Footnote 131: Clergyman of Boston and friend of Mrs. Mecom, Franklin's +sister. Elision marks indicate that parts of this letter are omitted.] + +[Footnote 132: Charles Carroll (1737-1832). He had accompanied Franklin +on his Canada commission. See _Dictionary of American Biography_, III, +522-3.] + +[Footnote 133: Compare _Writings_, IX, 636-9.] + +[Footnote 134: Compare _Writings_, X, 60-3, 127-9.] + +[Footnote 135: He writes (Nov. 2, 1789) to Benjamin Vaughan: "The +revolution in France is truly surprising. I sincerely wish it may end in +establishing a good constitution for that country. The mischiefs and +troubles it suffers in the operation, however, give me great concern" +(_Writings_, X, 50). He confesses (Nov. 13, 1789) to Jean Baptiste Le +Roy: "The voice of _Philosophy_ I apprehend can hardly be heard among +those tumults" (_ibid._, 69).] + +[Footnote 136: Rev. Ezra Stiles (1727-1795), member of the American +Philosophical Society (1768), theologian and Newtonian scientist, +President of Yale (1778-1795). For the activities of this versatile +clergyman, see his _Literary Diary_, ed. by F. B. Dexter (3 vols., New +York, 1901), and I. M. Calder (ed.), _Letters and Papers of Ezra Stiles_ +(New Haven, 1933). Also see Abiel Holmes's _Life of Ezra Stiles_ +(Boston, 1798).] + +[Footnote 137: Dr. Stuber's note, cited in _Writings_, X, 86-7: "Dr. +Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was signed to +the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of the United +States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to exert the full +extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in discouraging the +traffic of the human species. This was his last public act. In the +debates to which this memorial gave rise, several attempts were made to +justify the trade. In the _Federal Gazette_ of March 25th, 1790, there +appeared an essay, signed _Historicus_, written by Dr. Franklin, in +which he communicated a Speech, said to have been delivered in the Divan +of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the petition of a +sect called _Erika_, or Purists, for the abolition of piracy and +slavery. This pretended African speech was an excellent parody of one +delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the arguments, urged in favour +of negro slavery, are applied with equal force to justify the plundering +and enslaving of Europeans. It affords, at the same time, a +demonstration of the futility of the arguments in defence of the +slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity of the author, at +his advanced period of life. It furnishes, too, a no less convincing +proof of his power of imitating the style of other times and nations, +than his _Parable against Persecution_. And as the latter led many +persons to search the Scriptures with a view to find it, so the former +caused many persons to search the bookstores and libraries for the work +from which it was said to be extracted." According to the _Pennsylvania +Magazine of History and Biography_, XX, 50, the memorial was presented +in 1790.] + +[Footnote 138: Date of composition uncertain. Printed as pamphlet in +1784.] + +[Footnote 139: Date unknown.] + +[Footnote 140: A. H. Smyth dates this piece as during the summer of 1786 +(_Writings_, X, 131-2 note). Sparks and Bigelow had conjecturedly dated +it 1772.] + + + + * * * * * + +Transcriber's Notes: + +5. Minor punctuation corrections have been made without comment and + include missing or misplaced periods, opening or closing quotation + marks and parentheses, apostrophes, hypens, etc., however no + punctuation has been added, a specific example being on: + + p. 281, In the speech of "Father Abraham", p. 281-288, added closing + quote at end of speech to match opening quote at beginning, however + intervening paragraphs are without quote punctuation in the original + and have been retained so in this e-text. + +6. Minor spacing corrections have been made as follows: + + p. v, Contents, page numbers have been right justified in a column. + p. 13, "some how" to "somehow" (was once somehow or other) + p. 21 "De foe" to "Defoe" (Defoe in his Cruso) + p. 206, replaced blank space with double emdash, (are under ---- + Years of Age) + p. 410, "TitlePage" to "Title Page" (Lines in the Title Page) + +7. p. 3, In "Selections from BENJAMIN FRANKLIN", moved note about the + "Notes" section from the bottom to the top of selection, above the + header, as it pertains to ALL remaining pages. + +8. SPELLING CORRECTIONS: (not otherwise marked by editor) + + p. xxxix, "strengthned" to "strengthened" (14) (strengthened by long + prescription) + p. ci, "transfererd" to "transferred" (1) (transferred from the Penn + Charter) (in Footnote i-327) + *p. 9, "Wharf" to "Wharff" (My proposal was to build a Wharff) + p. 16, "Shaftsbury" to "Shaftesbury" (33) (reading Shaftesbury and + Collins) + p. 67, "preceeding" to "preceding" (16) (a preceding Wife) + p. 184, "hear" to "here" (I have here described) + *p. 266, "harrassed" to "harassed" (past has harassed them) + *p. 369, "harrassed" to "harassed" (order them to be harassed) + p. 347, "exhilirates" to "exhilerates" (exhilerates me more) + p. 451, "Univers" to "Universe" (greatest in the Universe;) + + *Correction made because word occurs correctly or alternately spelled + elsewhere in the SAME document. + +9. WORD VARIATIONS: (found to be valid spellings in W. E. D.) + + "abovementioned" (1) and "above-mentioned" (1) + "abridgment" (15) and "abridgement" (2) + "agreable" (11) and "agreeable" (26) + "ale-house" (1) and "alehouse" (1) + "Algernon Sidney" (1) and "Algernoon Sidney" (1) + "allege" (7) and "alledge" (2) + "Almanac" (10) and "Almanack" (38) + "antient" (15) and "ancient" (50) + "apetite" (1) and "appetite" (7) + "arithmetic" (9) and "arithmetick" (5) + + "balance" (13) and "ballance" (5) + "beforementioned" (1) and "before-mentioned" (1) + "bias" (4) and "biass" (2) + "Boulogne" (2) and "Bouloigne" (1) + "boundlessly" (1) and "boundlesly" (1) + "Brientnal" (3) (in Autobiography), "Breintnal" (1) (in Introduction) + and "Breintnall" (3) (in footnotes) + "Broussonet" (1) and "Broussonnet" (1) + "burden" (7) and "burthen" (12) + + "Cabin" (5) and "Cabbin" (2) + "Caesar" (1) and "Cesar" (1) + "characteris'd" (1) and "characterized" (1) + "chearfulness" (1) and "cheerfulness" (1) + "Chelsea" (2) and "Chelsey" (1) + "Chesnut Street" (1) and "Chestnut Street" (1) + "chuse" (8) and "choose" (7) + "Classics" (2) and "Classicks" (1) + "Clothes" (4) and "Cloaths" (4) + "Coffee House" (2) and "Coffee-house" (2) + "compleat" (10) and "complete" (11) + "control" (3) and "controul" (4) + "courthouse" (1) and "court-house" (1) + "croud" (3) and "crowd" (12) + "Curiositee" (1) and "Curiosity" (8) + "Customhouse" (1) and "Custom-house" (1) + + "d'Alibard" (2) and "Dalibared" (2) + "dependence" (5) and "dependance" (6) + "disagreable" (3) and "disagreeable" (5) + "drove" (3) and "drave" (1) + + "Edinborough" (1) and "Edinburgh" (9) + "Eliptic" (1) and "Eliptick" (1) + "Encyclopædia" (4) and "Encyclopedia" (2) + "Encyclopædists" (2) and "Encyclopedists" (1) + "enlightened" (2) and "enlightned" (2) + "enter" (7) and "entre" (5) + "entitled" (8) and "entituled" (Old Fr. Sp.) (2) + "expel" (1) and "expell" (1) + "Expence" (22) and "Expense" (3) + "extreme" (21) and "extream" (26) + + "Falsehood" (2) and "Falshood" (4) + "Favor" (1) and "Favour" (26) + "fixt" (3) and "fixed" (14) + "Folger" (1) and "Folgier" (1) (Peter ----) + "foretell" (1) and "fortel" (1) + "Free-will" (1) and "Free-Will" (1) + "froze" (2) and "Frose" (1) + + "Good-Will" (1), "Good-will" (3), and "Goodwill" (1) + "Governor" (47) and "Governour" (1) + "Grub-Street" (1) and "Grub-street" (1) + + "Hawksworth" (1) and "Hawkesworth" (4) + "hainous" (1) and "heinous" (1) + "height" (6), "heigth" (1), and "heighth" (1) + "hindered" (2) and "hindred" (1) + "home-spun" (1) and "homespun" (1) + "Humor" (1) and "Humour" (5) + + "Ill-will" (2) and "Ill-Will" (1) + "Increase" (114) and "Encrease" (8) + "indiscrete" (1) and "indiscreet" (3) + "intolerable" (2) and "intollerable" (1) + + "Jealousy" (3) and "Jealousie" (1) + "Job" (12) and "Jobb" (4) (as in work) + "Joli" (1) and "Joly" (3) (Moulin ----) + "Journey-man" (1),"Journeyman('s)" (3) and JourneyMen (1) + + "Knicknacks" (1) and "Nicknack" (1) + + "Labors" (1) and "Labours" (5) + "land-holder" (1) and "Land-holder" (1) + "Latinè" (1) and "Latine" (1) + "laught" (3) and "laughed" (3) + "Linnaeus" (1) and "Linnæus" (2) (a Naturalist) + "Livlihood" (4) and "Livelyhood" (1) + + "Mama" (1) and "Mamma" (1) + "mankind" (35) and "man-kind" (1) (in quoted material) + "Mathmatics" (4) and "Mathmaticks" (1) + "Mechanic" (7) and "Mechanick" (4) + "melancholy" (4) and "melancholly" (2) + "Merchandise" (1) and "Merchandize" (2) + "middle-ag'd" (1) and "middle-aged" (1) + "music" (7) and "musick" (4) + + *"natural" (193) and "naturall" (1) (in Bacon Quote) + "Negro" (3) and "Negroe" (11) + "Neighbor" (1) and "Neighbour" (11) + "News-Paper" (2) and "NewsPapers" (1) + "News-writers" (1) and "Newswriters" (1) + "nonsense" (5) and "nonsence" (1) + + *"obtain" (28) and "obteyn" (1) (in Mather quote) + "Offence" (14) and "Offense" (2) + "Optics" (1) and "Opticks" (1) + + "partial" (7) and "partiall" (1) + "Penny-worth" (1) and "Pennyworth(s)" (1) + "Pennsylvania" (159) and "Pensilvania" (15) and "Pensylvania" (1) + "persuaded" (16) and "perswaded" (2) + "Physic" (1) and "Physick" (2) + "Polly" (9) and "Polley" (1) (---- Stevenson) + "Portrait" (9) and "Pourtrait" (1) + "possest" (1) and "possessed" (10) + "printing-house" (2), "Printing-house" (2), "Printing-House" (7) and + "Printinghouse" (2) + "Priviledge" (1) and "Privilege" (3) + "Public" (22) and "Publick" (43) + *"Puffendorf" (3) and "Puffendorff" (1) + + "rejoicing" (5) and "rejoycing" (1) + "rendered" (7) and "rendred" (1) + "rendering" (3) and "rendring" (1) + "Rhetoric" (6) and "Rhetorick" (1) + "rhime" (3) and "rhyme" (3) + "Rhode Island" (4) and "Rhodeisland" (3) + "Ribands" (1) and "Ribbands" (4) + "Rochefoucauld" (2), "Rochefoucault" (1) and "Larochefoucault" (1) + "role" (5) and rôle (2) + "rouse" (1) and "rouze" (1) + + "satirize" (1) and "satyrize" (1) + "Scolar" (7) and "Scollar" (1) + "seacoasts" (1) and "sea-coasts" (1) + "Silinc" (1) and "Silence" (4) (---- Dogood) + "smoke" (3) and "smoak" (2) + "soured" (1) and "sowred" (1) + "staied" (2) and "stayed" (2) + "straight" (4) and "strait" (8) + "subtle" (1) and "subtile" (1) + "sunset" (1) and "sun-set" (1) + "surprise" (11) and "surprize" (16) + "Surveyor-General" (1) and "Surveyor General" (2) + "Susquehannah" (1), "Susquehanah" (1) and "Sasquehannah" (1) + + "threatened" (5) and "threatned" (1) + "tiger" (1) and "tyger" (1) + "to-day" (6) (in text) and "today" (5) + "topic" (2) and "topick" (1) + + "Une loge" (1) and "Un loge" (1) + + "virtuous" (19) and "vertuous" (1) + + "Watergruel" (1) and "Water-gruel" (1) + "wellmeaning (1) and "well-meaning" (1) + "wondered" (4) and "wondred" (1) + "Wool" (3) and "Wooll" (4) + + (* found within directly quoted material) + +10. Several instances of mixed case words appear in the text as follows: + footPath, JourneyMen, mySelf, thySelf, etc., and have been retained. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Benjamin Franklin, by +Frank Luther Mott and Chester E. Jorgenson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BENJAMIN FRANKLIN *** + +***** This file should be named 35508-0.txt or 35508-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/5/5/0/35508/ + +Produced by Mark C. Orton, Christine Aldridge and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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