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diff --git a/35449.txt b/35449.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c7b198e..0000000 --- a/35449.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4296 +0,0 @@ - The Negro And The Elective Franchise. A Series Of Papers And A Sermon - - The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. A Series Of Papers And A -Sermon (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimke, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, -Kelly Miller, and Rev. Frank J. Grimke - -Release Date: March 01, 2011 [EBook #35449] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: US-ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -at http://www.pgdp.net. - - - Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - - - The American Negro Academy. - - - - THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE - - - - *A SERIES OF PAPERS AND A SERMON BY* - - - - *Archibald H. Grimke, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, Kelly - Miller and Rev. Frank J. Grimke.* - - - - *PRICE: THIRTY-FIVE CENTS.* - - - - WASHINGTON, D. C. - - - - PUBLISHED BY THE ACADEMY. - - - - 1905. - - - - - -CONTENTS - - - - The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern - Representation--_ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE_ - - The Penning of the Negro--_CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK_ - - The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been - Specifically Revised--_JOHN HOPE_ - - The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West--_JOHN L. LOVE_ - - Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the - Elective Franchise--_KELLY MILLER_ - - The Negro and His Citizenship--_FRANCIS J. GRIMKE_ - - - - -The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern -Representation--_ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE_ - - -In 1787 when the founders of the American Republic were framing the -Constitution they encountered many difficulties in the work of -construction, but none greater than the bringing together on terms of -equality under one general government of the slave-holding and the -non-slave-holding states. The South was willing to enter the Union -provided always that its peculiar labor and institutions received -adequate protection in that instrument. And this the North had finally -to consent to incorporate into the organic law of the new nation. One of -these concessions was known as the Slave Representation Clause of the -Constitution, which gave to the Slave section the right to count five -slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of representatives. This -concession did not probably seem at the time like an exorbitant or -ruinous price for the North to pay for the Union, but subsequent events -proved it to be both exorbitant and ruinous in the political burden -which it imposed upon that section, and in the political perils which -grew naturally out of the situation, and which were produced by it. - -Everybody now-a-days seems to forget, or makes believe to have -forgotten, this lamentable chapter in our history, and its application -to present day evils--everybody but a few far-seeing Negroes, and a few -far-seeing white men at the North. It is well not to forget this chapter -ourselves, or to let the country make believe to have forgotten it, as -it contains a lesson which it is dangerous to forget. - -History repeats itself and will continue to do so just as long as men -are men, and the passion for power and the struggle for domination lasts -among them. Such a struggle set in between the two sections almost -immediately after the adoption of the Constitution. With industrial and -political ideas, interests, and institutions directly opposed to each -other, rivalry and strife between them became from the beginning -unavoidable. Any one not totally blinded by the then emergent needs of -the moment could not fail to foresee something of the consequences which -were sure to follow such a union of irreconcilable forces and passions -under one general government. Each set of antagonistic ideas and -interests was compelled by the great law of self preservation to try to -get possession of the government in its battle with the other set. And -in this conflict of moral and economic forces and ideas the three-fifths -slave representation clause of the Constitution gave to the South a -distinct advantage, an advantage which told immediately and powerfully -in its favor. For the right to count five slaves as three freemen in the -apportionment of representatives among the several states placed the -political power of the Southern states in the hands not of all the -whites but of a small and highly trained and organized minority only, -namely; the master class. This circumstance solidified the South, and -gave to its action a unity and energy of purpose which the industrial -democracy of the North always lacked. As a consequence, Southern men -obtained speedy possession of the National Government, and shaped -National Legislation and policy to advance best the peculiar ideas and -interests of their section. The big end of the National Government lay -plainly enough well to the south of Mason and Dixon's line during the -first twenty-five years of the existence of the Union. The course of -events during this period revealed this bitter fact to New England. For -she was outwitted, out-voted and over-matched again and again in -national legislation and administrative measures by the slave oligarchy, -which ruled the South and dominated in national affairs. - -For instance, New England opposed the embargo and the retaliatory -measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration, which destroyed her splendid -carrying trade, and bore distress to hundreds of thousands of her -people. She opposed the War of 1812 because it seemed to her inimical to -her interests, but regardless of protests and cries the embargo was laid -on her ports and shipping, the War against Great Britain was declared. -She was forced to dance, volens-nolens, to the rag-time music of her -Southern rival. She danced in both instances while discontent grew apace -in her hot, surcharged heart. She did not disguise the ugly fact that -she was sick of her bargain under the Constitution--was discontented -almost to disaffection with Southern domination in the Union. Out of -this widespread discontent and incipient disaffection sprang the -Hartford Convention to voice this growing Anti-Southern sentiment, and -to cast about for a remedy for what was rightly deemed bad political -conditions. The great question with which this celebrated convention -grappled was, in fact, the undue and disproportionate power wielded by -the slave oligarchy in national affairs, and how best to impose a check -upon its further growth. It could think apparently of but one remedial -measure to relieve the situation, and that was the imposition of a check -on any further increase in the then existing number of states. But while -the resolution which embodied this rather doubtful remedy referred to -states in general, it was intended when read between the lines, to refer -to slave states in particular. - -That was the first blow aimed by the industrial democracy of the North -at this aristocratic feature of the National Constitution, namely: the -right to count five slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of -representatives among the states. It was felt at the time and much more -strongly and generally afterward, that this three-fifths slave -representation clause which enabled a small minority of the people of -the South to wield the political power of that section, and in any -controverted question between the sections to neutralize the free-will -of every three freemen by the dummy-will of every five slaves, was an -unjust and dangerous advantage possessed by the slave oligarchy over its -sectional rival, the free democracy of the North. - -The consciousness of this political wrong and danger was at the bottom -of the bitter opposition on the part of the North to the admission of -Missouri as a slave state, to the annexation of Texas, and to the -Mexican War. It was at the bottom of the fierce cry which rose all over -that section at the close of that war, "No more slave territory, no more -slave states." It was the soul of the great movement which beat back the -slave tide from Kansas and saved that state to freedom. It was, in fact, -this struggle of the free states to reduce to a minimum the peril to its -industrial democracy which grew out of the slave representation clause -of the Constitution, and the resistance of the slave states to such a -movement, which produced the war between the sections. This war ended in -the destruction of slavery and as the North supposed and intended, in -the total destruction of this right of the South to count five slaves as -three freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the several -states in the newly restored Union. - -But wrong does not die under a single stroke. It has a strange power of -metamorphosis, i. e. ability to change its form without losing its -identity. The slave power, which everybody at the North imagined to be -dead, re-appeared almost at once as the Southern serf power, in -consequence of legislation enacted in the then lately rebellious states -by the old slave masters. They had lost their slaves, to be sure, and -the political power incident under the Constitution to such ownership, -but they had not lost the political cunning and determination to create -a similar power out of the social forces and material which lay in -disorder about them. - -The reconstruction of the South by the old slave oligarchy resulted in -the threatened rise in national affairs of an African serf power more -formidable to the North than was the old slave power than five is -greater than three in federal numbers. This threatened rise in national -politics of an African serf power aroused the North to the danger which -girt afresh the supremacy of its industrial democracy in the Union. It -thereupon set about the work of removing this peril forever. In doing -this work it unfortunately limited itself exclusively to the use of -political agencies. But there is no doubt that what it did in -reconstructing the old slave states was meant to be thorough. It meant -to extirpate root and branch, from the Constitution the right of the -South to count five slaves as three freemen, or five serfs as five -freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the states. This -was the plain purpose of the whole body of congressional legislation -looking to southern reconstruction. It is the plain purpose likewise of -the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution. - -All of these great acts were intended to destroy utterly the basis on -which rested the old slave power, and on which would rest the new serf -power, namely: inequality and race subjection. The 13th amendment -abolished slavery, the 14th raised the former slaves to citizenship, and -the 15th conferred on them the right to vote. The whole scheme for -removing forever this evil seemed on paper complete enough, and in -practice it would undoubtedly have proven effective had not an -unexpected difficulty arisen when it was put into operation. This -unexpected difficulty was the attitude of the Supreme Court in -interpreting the laws made in pursuance thereof. The effect of the -decisions of this tribunal has almost invariably been against the -Negro's claim to equality, and in favor of the Southern contention of -the existence of two races in the south, one permanently dominant and -the other permanently servile, and that the maintenance of this state of -race superiority on the one side, and of race inferiority on the other -furnished the only working plan of their living in peace together or of -their making any further progress in civilization. Owing to this -deplorable attitude the Supreme Court has been a hindrance rather than a -help in the settlement of this question. No relief need be looked for -from it, therefore, under the circumstances. Relief, if it comes at all, -must come from another quarter of the political system under which we -live. And for such relief fortunately, the 14th amendment has adequately -provided. All that is necessary to render the provision of this -amendment, which is applicable to the present situation, effective are -courage and common sense. But alas, courage and common sense in respect -to this subject seem to be sadly lacking to-day both at the North and -among the Negroes as well. - -The provision of the 14th amendment just referred to reads as follows: -"Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according -to their respective numbers counting the whole number of persons in each -state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any -election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of -the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and -judicial officers of a state, or the members of the Legislature thereof, -is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one -years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged -except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of -representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the -number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male -citizens twenty-one years of age in such state." - -Every Southern state has virtually by one device or another, since the -adoption of the 14th and 15th amendments, denied to its colored citizens -the right to vote. This was first done by the shot-gun method, which -gave place in time to fraudulent manipulations of electoral returns, and -this in turn to "grandfather" and "understanding clauses" administered -by prejudiced registration boards in those states which have revised -their constitutions. Says Professor Dunning in an article on "The -Undoing of Reconstruction" in the Atlantic Monthly for October, 1901: -"With the enactment of these constitutional amendments by the various -states, the political equality of the Negro is becoming extinct in law -as it has long been in fact, and the undoing of reconstruction is -nearing completion." Now this statement is exactly true. The South has -everywhere nullified in practice the 14th and 15th amendments to the -Constitution. It denies to black men the right to vote, but it counts at -the same time those same black men in the apportionment of its -representatives. The present serf power therefore, enjoys to-day a right -far greater than that enjoyed by the old slave power, for it counts five -of its disfranchised black citizens not as three but as five free men. -It has achieved the extraordinary feat of eating its political cake and -keeping it at the same time. - -In South Carolina, for example, where the blacks outnumber the whites by -224,326, and in Mississippi where the colored population is in excess of -the white by 263,640, "the influence of the Negroes in political -affairs," as put by Prof. Dunning, "is nil." And this is substantially -true of almost everyone of the old slave states whether they have or -have not revised their constitutions. Says Prof. DuBois: "To-day the -black man of the South has almost nothing to say as to how much he shall -be taxed, or how those taxes shall be expended, as to who shall make the -laws and how they shall be made. It is pitiable that frantic efforts -must be made at critical times to get law-makers in some states even to -listen to the respectful presentation of the black side of a current -controversy." - -Entrenched in the South to-day is an aristocracy based on race. The -whole tendency of things down there is to de-citizenize the blacks, to -reduce them to a state of permanent political and industrial -subordination to the whites. This is aristocratizing the republic with a -vengeance. For with the right to vote, the right to a voice in making -the laws, denied to any class of people in an industrial republic like -ours, such class must go from bad to worse in the struggle for bread, -for existence, in competition with more favored classes. It does more: -it reduces the efficiency of such a class as a producer of wealth not -alone in respect to itself, but in respect to the section in which it -lives as well. For whatever degrades and wrongs such a class degrades -and wrongs the community and the country of which it forms a part. And -there is no help for it, for such is the natural law of retribution -which no "understanding" and "grandfather clauses" and registration -boards, however adroitly devised, can in the long run possibly evade or -nullify. This then is the deplorable economic situation with regard to -whites and blacks alike in the Southern states, as a direct consequence -of the undoing of the 14th and the 15th amendments to the Constitution -by those States. The degradation of their black labor will ultimate in -the degradation of their white labor also. In fact, the disfranchisement -of the blacks operates practically everywhere down there as a -disfranchisement of the great body of the whites likewise. For disuse of -a power, whether physical or political, begets in time disinclination -and then incapacity for exercising the same. The right to vote, under -present political conditions which prevail throughout that section, is, -as a matter of fact, exercised but by a small minority of the whites -only. The total vote, for example, cast for representatives in Southern -congressional districts is surprisingly slight in comparison with that -cast in Northern congressional districts. The same is true of the vote -for presidential electors, and for the executive, legislative and -judicial officers of the various southern states for that matter. A -handful of ruling whites, and that not of the best class as in -antebellum times, casts to-day the entire vote of that section as -represented by all of its black and a large majority of its white -citizens, at national and state elections. - -For instance, the average vote cast for Congressmen by Northern -congressional districts during the election of 1898 was over 35,000, -while that cast by Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and South -Carolina, which are operated in effect on the Mississippi plan, was less -than 5,000. The total vote cast for 37 congressmen by those five -Southern states was only 184,602, while the total vote polled by the -state of New York for 34 congressmen was 1,250,000, i. e. 184,602 -electors in those five Mississippi-ized states had actually a larger -congressional representation by three than had the 1,250,000 voters of -the Empire state. Again, take the case of Kansas, which though casting -100,000 more votes at its congressional election in 1898, than were cast -by these same five Southern states combined, yet Kansas had but seven -representatives in Congress to guard and promote her peculiar interests -against the 37 who sat in the House to guard and promote the peculiar -interests of the ruling oligarchy of those five de-republicanized -Southern states. - -But let us look more closely into this matter. Alabama with a population -of 1,828,697, and nine representatives in Congress polled at the -Congressional election, in 1902 a total vote of 90,105 for the nine -districts, while the new state of Washington with a population of -518,103 and three representatives polled at the same election a total -vote of 93,681, i. e., there were 3,000 more votes polled to elect three -congressmen in Washington than Alabama polled to elect nine. Again, -Mississippi with a population of 1,531,270 and eight representatives in -Congress polled at the same election a total vote of 18,058 for the -eight congressional districts, while little Idaho with a population of -161,772 and one representative polled at the same time a vote of 57,712, -which exceeded more than three times the vote polled by Mississippi for -eight representatives. Or let us take Louisiana with a population of -1,381,625 and seven representatives in Congress, and her total vote of -26,265 during the same election for seven districts and contrast these -figures with those of Rhode Island with a population of 428,556 and two -representatives. The Rhode Island figures are 56,064, or nearly double -the vote of Louisiana for seven congressional districts. Or again, let -us glance in passing at South Carolina with a population of 1,340,316 -and seven representatives in Congress, and New Hampshire with a -population of 411,588 and two representatives. The first polled in 1902 -at the election of her seven congressmen 32,085 votes, and the second at -the election of her two representatives polled at the same time 74,833. -In other words, there were nearly 43,000 less votes polled in South -Carolina to elect seven Congressmen than were polled in New Hampshire to -elect two. To sum up: Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South -Carolina with an aggregate population of 6,106,908 and 31 -representatives in Congress cast in 1902 a total vote of 166,576 in 31 -congressional districts, while Idaho, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and -Washington with an aggregate population of 1,500,000, and eight -representatives polled at the same general elections a total vote of -282,294 in their eight congressional districts. The average vote for -each of the 31 Southern congressional districts was 5,530; while that -for each of the eight Northern districts was 35,287. Why Massachusetts -alone with a population of 2,805,346 and 14 representatives rolled up a -vote to elect these 14 congressmen more than double that which the four -Southern states with a population of over 6,000,000 polled to elect -their 31 representatives! - -Again: At the presidential election last November the combined vote of -Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina, for 39 electors was -less than 200,000 or to be exact was just 186,253, while the vote of -Massachusetts for 16 electors was 442,732. In other words, the vote of -Massachusetts for her 16 representatives in the electoral college, -exceeded that of the four Southern states for their 39 in the same body -by more than 250,000 polls. Once more: Is it not immensely ominous and -significant the marked shrinkage in 1904 of the popular vote for -electors in Alabama, North Carolina, and Virginia, states which had but -recently revised their constitutions, as compared with the popular vote -of the same states for electors in 1900? There was for example a -shrinkage of the popular vote in Alabama of nearly 50,000 polls; in -North Carolina the shrinkage amounted to nearly 85,000, and in Virginia -it ran up to more than 135,000. These figures are eloquent of great -wrongs done the Negro. They are not less eloquent of great dangers which -now threaten to subvert free institutions in the Republic. - -Since the elections of 1898 things in the South went rapidly in respect -to this subject from bad to worse. Alabama, North Carolina and Virginia -followed the example of Mississippi and revised their constitutions. -This reactionary movement of the Southern oligarchy has reached as far -north as Maryland, and the work of aristocratizing her constitution and -of Jim-Crowing her laws is now nearing completion. Where is this -movement to stop? Will it halt south of Mason and Dixon's line unless -drastic measures are speedily adopted by the National Government to -arrest it? No, this aristocratic revolution will certainly, unless -checked, invade the North, attacking and overthrowing first the -political rights of black men in that section, and later those of other -classes of citizens industrially and politically feebler than the rest -until one after another of the states now free shall have succumbed to -the rule of class and plutocratic power. Then indeed will the undoing of -the 14th and the 15th amendments, and of democratic institutions in -America, be complete. Not until then will the movement, which is fast -aristocratizing the Republic, stop its steady advance. I am no alarmist, -but am telling the sober truth. Those who have eyes to see, let them -look around at the ominous signs of this advancing evil. Those who have -ears to hear, may hear everywhere about them the foreboding sounds of -this rising flood of wrong and inequality, this growing disregard for -law, this denial to the people of a voice in government, whether state, -colonial or national, which characterize the present period of our -national history. - -It will not be impertinent for me to add by way of concluding this -article, a few words regarding some of the political consequences, which -would be sure to follow a reduction of Southern representation in -Congress and the electoral college. It would, in the first place, reduce -the political strength of the South as a factor in national legislation, -diminish its relative importance as an element in national politics. -That section is insolent, exacting and aggressive to-day on the Negro -question because it has so much numerical strength in Congress and the -electoral college by reason of its suppressed Negro vote. Reduce that -strength by a judicious blood-letting to the number of twenty-five or -thirty-five representatives and there will follow in due time a -corresponding reduction of its arrogance and aggressiveness on the race -question. For as it declines in relative strength in Congress and the -electoral college it will decline in relative importance in management -and leadership of the democratic party also. It will gradually lose its -controlling influence over that party, cease ultimately to dominate it -on the Negro question. The relative decline of the South in Congress and -the electoral college-means, of course, the relative increase of the -North in the same branch--means that in time the North will pay less -heed to the claims of the South, to its threats, and more to the claims, -to the case of the Negro. It means more. The relative decline of the -South as a factor in national politics means the relative increase of -the northern wing of the Democratic party in the control of that party, -in the shaping for that party of a more liberal policy on the Negro -question. For as the northern wing of this party gains in relative -strength, in numerical importance over that of the South, it will be -tempted more and more to solicit the support of the Negro vote of the -North. In close elections and in pivotal states the Democrats of the -North will thereupon make liberal declarations and positive bids in -order to win this vote from the Republican party. - -This consideration brings me to a second consequence, which would follow -a reduction of southern representation. And that is this: It will put an -end to the present period of good will and peace between the sections, -so disastrous to the rights of the Negro. Such a measure will usher in a -period of bitter difference and strife between the two sections again. -These differences will not arise merely between the Republicans of the -North and the white South, but between democrats of the North and -democrats of the South on the Negro question as well. For the northern -wing of the Democratic party cannot bid for the colored vote of its -section without offending the South and therefore sowing seeds of -alienation and strife between them on the question of the rights and -wrongs of the Negro, as a citizen. There will follow such differences -and strife between the sections, a reaction at the North in favor of the -Negro. Public sentiment for juster treatment of the race will gain -thereafter steadily in strength. It will influence the Republican party -to give to the question a more radical treatment than it now gives it, -to take steps to enforce by appropriate legislation the 15th amendment -of the Constitution. Such growing public sentiment in favor of according -the Negro fairer treatment may do more, it may be able to reach even -that pro-Southern tribunal, the Supreme Court, and put like the bees of -the Bible honey for the race in its hitherto cold and unresponsive body. -Even it may be influenced in time to twist the law in favor of human -liberty, not against it, as now. And lastly, it will give the silent -South a chance to be heard on the Negro question. It will give it a -chance to appeal from those states drunk on the race question, to their -sober second thought, a chance to show them the folly and madness of -their disfranchisement and consequent degradation of their Negro labor -as an economic factor in their development and civilization. And so -liberal sentiment towards the Negro may be awakened in the South and be -made thus to spread slowly downward as a leavening influence. - -And in the third place, reducing Southern representation in Congress and -the electoral college will not hurt the Negro. It will not take away -from him any right which he now enjoys down there. The doing so cannot -in any way change his actual status either in law or in fact. He is now -disfranchised; Congress will still have power to enforce the 15th -amendment by appropriate legislation and it will do so whenever it can -screw its courage to the sticking point. The reduction of Southern -representation will certainly break up the present apathetic state of -the country in respect to the Negro. With this breaking up there will -follow a reaction in favor of freedom, and there will arise in due time -a public sentiment which will bring legislation to enforce the right of -the Colored people of the South to the ballot well within the range of -the possible, yea of the probable, if the South persists after -reduction,--but it will not long persist,--in its present purpose to -nullify the 15th amendment, and to reduce its Colored people to a -condition of a permanently subordinate and servile class, without rights -as men or as citizens which southern white people are bound to respect. -Let southern representation in Congress be therefore reduced. The sooner -the better it will be for the Negro and the Nation. - -The law department of the United States Government has at last moved -effectively against the meat trust. And I see that the Interstate -Commerce Commission is looking into the charge that certain railroads -are practicing by a system of rebates discrimination against shippers of -live stock, and in favor of packing house products and dressed meats. -But alas, how different has been the attitude of the national government -toward investigating that greatest of all discriminations in the -Republic, namely: the wholesale disfranchisement of Negroes in the South -because they are Negroes. A few years ago one of the bravest and most -far-seeing of the representatives of Massachusetts in either branch of -Congress offered a resolution to investigate the subject merely. The -administration, which was then, and they say is now opposed to meddling -in this particular manner with the Southern question, was found equal to -the occasion. When it failed to silence the voice of Congressman Moody -regarding the matter, it lifted him with masterly state craft from the -floor of the House, and landed him safely in the Cabinet where he is -still, and where his silence might the better be secured. Thus passed -the Moody resolution to dusty death, and the place which knew it once in -Congress hath known it no more, and will know it no more forever. - -But there is another Congressman who for years has watched keenly the -growth of this threatening evil, the growth of this wrong so subversive -of the rights of the blacks at the South, and so harmful to the -interests of our industrial democracy at the North. Five years ago he -thought it was high time for the general government to address itself to -that subject, and accordingly proposed from his place in Congress -suitable measures for that purpose. Unfortunately for Congressman -Crumpacker's proposition the presidential election of 1900 was at the -time approaching and which, in the opinion of the McKinley -administration, called loudly then for silence and oblivion on this -vexed question. In obedience to this loud call of the Moloch of party -success at the polls, Mr. Crumpacker's bill suffered death by -asphyxiation in committee. - -The matter was, however, revived by Mr. Crumpacker in a subsequent -Congress in the form of a resolution which provided for the appointment -by the Speaker of a select committee of thirteen "whose duty it shall -be, and who shall have full and ample power to investigate and inquire -into the validity of the election laws of the several states and the -manner of their enforcement, and whether the right to vote at any -election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of -the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and -judicial officers of any of the states or the members of the legislature -thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of any of the states, -being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in -any way abridged, except for crime." This resolution so reasonable, -moderate, and just, fell a victim, so it was reported at the time, to a -shrewd bargain struck between the Southern oligarchy on the one hand and -the Republican managers of Cuban reciprocity on the other. The -Crumpacker resolution was put to sleep amidst the dust heaps of old -congressional documents, where it has slept without waking until the -present session of Congress, when its profound slumber has been -disturbed by renewed attempts made in both branches of the National -legislature to revive the subject, and to do what the Republican -national platform of 1904 pledged that party to do in the event of its -triumph at the polls, according to the plain meaning and purpose of the -following plank in that platform. - -"We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether, by -special discrimination, the elective franchise in any state has been -unconstitutionally limited: and if such is the case we demand that -representation in Congress and in the electoral college shall be -proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United -States." - -And while the Republican party hesitates to redeem its solemn pledge -made to the people before the elections last November, the tide of -intolerable wrong, of imminent peril:--of intolerable wrong to the -blacks and of imminent peril to the Republic, is advancing nearer and -rising higher and higher toward the point where to ignore it much longer -will mean widespread and far-reaching disaster to our industrial -democracy, to Republican institutions in America. On its crest I see -approaching forces strong enough to subvert the Constitution, not only -in the South but in the North--forces strong enough to uprear on its -ruins the vast fabric of plutocratic empire and despotism. - -The warning is sounding in our ears, it is sounding in the ears of the -people all over the land. Do we heed it, will they? - - - - -The Penning of the Negro--_CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK_ - - -*[The Negro in the States of the Revised Constitutions]* - -The following States have revised their constitutions for the purpose of -excluding colored voters, and in the following order:-- - -(1) MISSISSIPPI. - -Section 241, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, defining who are -electors: - - "Every male inhabitant of the state, except idiots, insane - persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the United - States, twenty-one years of age and upwards, who has resided in - the state two years, and one year in the election district * * * - in which he offers to vote and who is duly registered as - provided in this article, and who has never been convicted of - bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under - false pretence, perjury, embezzlement, or bigamy, and who has - paid on or before the 1st day of February of the year in which - he offers to vote, all taxes which may have been legally - required of him and who shall produce to the officer holding the - election satisfactory evidence that he has paid his taxes." - -Section 242 of Article 12, further provides that persons offering to -register shall take the following oath: - - "I do solemnly swear that I am twenty one years old and that I - will have resided in the state two years and (this) election - district for one year preceding the ensuing election, and am now - in good faith a resident of the same, and that I am not - disqualified from voting by reason of having been convicted of - any of the crimes mentioned in the constitution of this state as - a disqualification to be an elector, that I will truly answer - _all questions propounded to me concerning my antecedents so far - as they relate to my right to vote_ and also as to _my residence - before my citizenship in this district,_ that I will support the - constitution of the United States and of the state of - Mississippi and will bear true faith and allegiance to the - same--so help me God. - - Any willful and corrupt false statement in said affidavit or in - answer to any material question propounded as herein authorized - shall be perjury." - -Section 244, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, requires that: - - "On and after the first day of January, 1892, every elector in - addition to the foregoing qualifications, shall be able to read - any section of the constitution of this state; or shall be able - to understand the same when read to him, or give a reasonable - interpretation thereof." - -(2) SOUTH CAROLINA. - - Subdivision (c). "Up to January 1, 1898, all male persons of - voting age applying for registration, who can read any section - of this constitution submitted to them, _or understand and - explain it_ when read to them by the registration officer, shall - be entitled to registration and become electors." - - Subdivision (d). "Any person who shall apply for registration - after January 1, 1898, if otherwise qualified, shall be - registered: _Provided_ that he can both read and write any - section of the constitution submitted to him by the registration - officer or can show that he owns and has paid taxes collectible - during the previous year on property in this state assessed at - three hundred dollars ($300) or more." - -(3) LOUISIANA. - - Section 3. "He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and - shall demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for - registration, by making, under oath administered by the - registration officer or his deputy, written application - therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which - application shall contain the essential facts necessary to show - that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be entirely - written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of the - registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or - suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the - form of application hereinafter set forth: _Provided, however,_ - That if the applicant be unable to write his application in the - English language, he shall have the right, if he so demands, to - write the same in his mother tongue from the dictation of an - interpreter; and if the applicant is unable to write his - application by reason of physical disability, the same shall be - written at his dictation by the registration officer or his - deputy, upon his oath of such disability. The application for - registration, above provided for, shall be a copy of the - following form, with the proper names, dates, and numbers - substituted for the blanks appearing therein, to wit: - - "I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is ----. I - was born in the State (or country) of ----, parish (or county) - of ----, on the ---- day of ----, in the year ----. I am now - ---- years ---- months and ---- days of age. I have resided in - this State since ----, and am not disfranchised by any provision - of the constitution of this State." - - Section 4. "If he be not able to read and write, provided by - section 3 of this article, then he shall be entitled to register - and vote if he shall, at the time he offers to register, be the - bona fide owner of property assessed to him in this State at a - valuation of not less than $300 on the assessment roll of the - current year, if the roll of the current year shall not then - have been completed and filed and on which, if such property be - personal only, all taxes due shall have been paid." - - Section 5. "No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at any - date prior thereto, entitled to vote under the constitution or - statute of any State of the United States, wherein he then - resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less than - 21 years of age at the date of the adoption of this - constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was - naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1898, shall be - denied the right to register and vote in this State by reason of - his failure to possess the educational or property - qualifications prescribed by this constitution: _Provided_, He - shall have resided in this State for five years next preceding - the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall - have registered in accordance with the terms of this article - prior to September 1, 1898; and no person shall be entitled to - register under this section after said date." - -(4) NORTH CAROLINA. - - Section 4. "Every person presenting himself for registration - shall be able to read and write any section of the constitution - in the English language; and, before he shall be entitled to - vote, he shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the - year in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous - year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the constitution. - But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867, or at any time - prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws of any state in - the United States wherein he then resided, and no lineal - descendant of any such person, shall be denied the right to - register and vote at any election in this State by reason of his - failure to possess the educational qualification herein - prescribed, provided he shall have registered in accordance with - the terms of this section prior to December, 1908. - - "The general assembly shall provide for the registration of all - persons entitled to vote without the educational qualifications - herein prescribed, and shall, on or before November 1, 1908, - provide for the making of a permanent record of such - registration, and all persons so registered shall forever - thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by the people - in this State, unless disqualified under section 2 of this - article: _Provided_, Such person shall have paid his poll tax as - above required." - -(5) ALABAMA (in effect Nov. 28th, 1901.) entitled to register:-- - -These sections of the Alabama constitution were before the Supreme Court -in the case of _Giles v. Harris_, (189 U. S. 475,) and the general plan -of voting and registration was summarized by Mr. Justice Holmes, -delivering the opinion of the court as follows: - - "By section 178 of article 8, to entitle a person to vote he - must have resided in the State at least two years, in the county - one year and in the precinct or ward three months, immediately - preceding the election; have paid his poll tax, and have been - duly registered as an elector. By section 182, idiots, insane - persons and those convicted of certain crimes are disqualified. - Subject to the foregoing, by section 180, before 1903 the - following male citizens of the State, who are citizens of the - United States, were entitled to register, viz: First. All who - had served honorably in the enumerated wars of the United - States, including those on either side of the 'war between the - States.' Second. All lawful descendants of persons who served - honorably in the enumerated wars or in the war of the - Revolution. Third. 'All persons who are of good character and - who understand the duties and obligations of citizenship under a - republican form of government.' By section 181 after January 1, - 1903, only the following persons are entitled to register: - First. Those who can read and write any article of the - Constitution of the United States in the English language, and - who either are physically unable to work or have been regularly - engaged in some lawful business for the greater part of the last - twelve months, and those who are unable to read and write solely - because physically disabled. Second. Owners or husbands of - owners of forty acres of land in the State, upon which they - reside, and owners or husbands of owners of real or personal - estate in the State assessed for taxation at three hundred - dollars or more [...] [By section] 183, only persons qualified - as electors can take part in any method of party action. By - section 184, persons not registered are disqualified from - voting. By section 185, an elector whose vote is challenged - shall be required to swear that the matter of the challenge is - untrue before his vote shall be received. By Section 186, the - legislature is to provide for registration after January 1, - 1903, the qualifications and oaths of the registrars are - prescribed, the duties of the registrars before that date are - laid down, and an appeal is given to the county court and - Supreme Court if registration is denied. There are further - executive details in section 187, together with the - above-mentioned continuance of the effect of registration before - January 1, 1903. By section 188, after the last-mentioned date - applicants for registration may be examined under oath as to - where they have lived for the last five years, the names by - which they have been known, and the names of their employers." - -(6) VIRGINIA. (in effect July 10th, 1902.) - - Article II, Section 18. "Every male citizen of the United - States, twenty-one years of age, who has been a resident of the - State two years, of the county, city or town one year, and of - the precinct in which he offers to vote, thirty days, next - preceding the election in which he offers to vote, has been - registered, and has paid his state poll taxes, as hereinafter - required, shall be entitled to vote for members of the General - Assembly and all officers elected by the people; but removal - from one precinct to another, in the same county, city or town - shall not deprive any person of his right to vote in the - precinct from which he has moved, until the expiration of thirty - days after such removal." - - Section 19. "There shall be general registrations in the - counties, cities and towns of the State during the years - nineteen hundred and two and nineteen hundred and three at such - times and in such manner as may be prescribed by an ordinance of - this Convention. At such registrations every male citizen of the - United States having the qualifications of age and residence - required in Section Eighteen shall be entitled to register, if - he be: - - "First. A person who, prior to the adoption of this - Constitution, served in time of war in the army or navy of the - United States, of the Confederate States, or of any State of the - United States or of the Confederate States; or - - "Second. A son of any such person; or - - "Third. A person, who owns property, upon which, for the year - next preceding that in which he offers to register, state taxes - aggregating at least one dollar, have been paid; or - - "Fourth. A person able to read any section of this Constitution, - submitted to him by the officers of registration and to give a - reasonable explanation of the same; or, if unable to read such - section, able to understand and give a reasonable explanation - thereof when read to him by the officers. - - "A roll containing the names of all persons thus registered, - sworn to and certified by the officers of registration, shall be - filed, for record and preservation, in the clerk's office of the - circuit court of the county, or the clerk's office of the - corporation court of the city, as the case may be. Persons thus - enrolled shall not be required to register again, unless they - shall have ceased to be residents of the State, or become - disqualified by section Twenty-three. Any person denied - registration under this section shall have the right of appeal - to the circuit court of his county, or the corporation court of - his city, or to the judge thereof in vacation." - - Section 20. "After the first day of January, nineteen hundred - and four, every male citizen of the United States, having the - qualifications of age and residence required in section - Eighteen, shall be entitled to register, provided: - - "First. That he has personally paid to the proper officer all - state poll taxes assessed or assessable against him, under this - or the former Constitution, for the three years next preceding - that in which he offers to register; - - "Second. That, unless physically unable, he make application to - register in his own hand-writing, without aid, suggestion or - memorandum, in the presence of the registration officers, - stating therein his name, age, date and place of birth, - residence and occupation at the time and for the two years next - preceding, and whether he has previously voted, and, if so, the - state, county and precinct in which he voted last; and, - - "Third. That he answer on oath any and all questions affecting - his qualifications as an elector, submitted to him by the - officers of registration, which questions, and his answers - thereto, shall be reduced to writing, certified by the said - officers, and preserved as a part of their official records." - - Section 21. "Any person registered under either of the last two - sections, shall have the right to vote for members of the - General Assembly and all officers elective by the people, - subject to the following conditions: - - "That he, unless exempted by section Twenty-two, shall, as a - prerequisite to the right to vote after the first day of - January, nineteen hundred and four, personally pay, at least six - months prior to the election, all state poll taxes assessed or - assessable against him under this Constitution, during the three - years next preceding that in which he offers vote; provided - that, if he register after the first day of January, nineteen - hundred and four, he shall, unless physically unable, prepare - and deposit his ballot without aid, on such printed form as the - law may prescribe; but any voter registered prior to that date - may be aided in the preparation of his ballot by such officer of - election as he himself may designate." - - Section 22. "No person who, during the late war between the - States, served in the army or navy of the United States, or the - Confederate States, or any State of the United States, or of the - Confederate States, shall at any time be required to pay a poll - tax as a prerequisite to the right to register or vote." - - Section 23. "The following persons shall be excluded from - registering and voting: Idiots, insane persons, and paupers; - persons who, prior to the adoption of this Constitution, were - disqualified from voting, by conviction of crime, either within - or without this State, and whose disabilities shall not have - been removed, persons convicted after the adoption of this - Constitution, either within or without this State, of treason, - or of any felony, bribery, petit larceny, etc." - -The intention of these acts needs no showing. They have three points in -common: (a) Some device enabling all the white voters to evade the force -of the disfranchising clauses; (b) The limiting clauses themselves which -deprive a majority of the colored voters of their franchise; (c) The -reservation of sufficient discretionary power in boards of registrars to -enable them to give full effect to the acknowledged purpose of the -framers of the constitutions. I know of no lesson they can teach us, -except how to do the things we ought not to do. In some cases, by -knowing the way down, one may, by reversing the steps taken, regain the -lost height. But it is not so here; our fall, like our rise, has been -too sudden. We have been thrown from a window, and before we could -understand our position, legislated out of a back gate. Only by superior -chicane can we repair the second injury, only by superior force repair -the first--unless there be justice in the heart of the nation. It -behooves us then to study carefully the state of public opinion in the -country, which underlies these laws, and gives them whatever stability -they possess. - -There is, of course, a series of events leading up to this radical -change in the institutions of the Republic, a history beginning before -the formation of the Union itself. The first part was African slavery. -Religious, moral and economic forces had acted upon serfdom, the more -common sort of slavery in Europe, and aided by the resulting increase of -vigor among the serfs themselves, had disintegrated it. But these forces -either did not act upon the trade in Negro slaves, when profits to be -obtained from that traffic filled the minds of merchants, or were -helpless to stop it. The New World was not, like the Old, overcrowded, -but in need of laborers--and the slaves were blacks. Tropical South -America, the West Indies, and the hot belt of the United States absorbed -hundreds of thousands of Negro slaves. All the forces above enumerated -set to work again after a time and slavery once more began to -disintegrate. In this country it had become firmly rooted in the -Southern states, where the same American people who had fought in '76 -for the freedom of two million white men, women and children fought as -stubbornly to keep in slavery four million black men, women and -children. But victory was again to crown the cause of freedom, and by -the will of the victors, forced forward by the unbroken spirit of -resistance of the conquered, these four millions of slaves were declared -possessed of freedom, civil rights and political privileges. - -Said Lord Shaftesbury to Charles the Second, when called on for his -resignation as Lord Chancellor, "It is only to lay aside the gown and -take up the sword." The South, defeated in arms, reversed the process, -and laying down the musket, put on the gown of the law-maker, and began -to accomplish by legislation, the reenslavement of the millions set -free. Hampered in this, for a time by the armies and the northern civil -officers, who obtained power largely by the suffrage of the colored -people, and by the colored voters themselves, the Southern men waited -for the withdrawal of the Union armies--an event hastened by outcry at -home--and then taking out the side-arms, which the generous terms of -surrender had permitted them to retain, they rapidly dispersed the -opposing force, and took the reins of government again into their own -hands. With musket in one hand to retain political power, and pen in the -other to undo the Reconstruction legislation, they soon deprived the -black millions of all their transitory political and civil rights. It is -hard to see that anything remained to be done. Emancipation laws and -proclamations to the contrary, the Negro seemed safely penned. But moral -and economic forces were still at work, and the end was not yet reached. - -The South could no longer close its eyes to the want of prosperity. In -1890, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi and -Louisiana, in spite of their 262,175 square miles and abundant -resources, had but 8,346,667 people and 288,405,107 dollars worth of -manufactured products. An equal territory in the States of the North, -namely; Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, -Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio and -Illinois with 260,823 square miles had 25,074,143 people and -6,484,643,842 dollars worth of manufactured products--which is to say, -the Southern states had but one-third of the population, and -one-twenty-second of the manufactures of the same area North. The South -wanting prosperity began to seek ways of obtaining it. This led to the -consideration of obstacles: and first among these was the large and -economically inefficient colored population. It must be made, for want -of other labor, productive, a contributory agent to the new industrial -prosperity of the South--and not the less, cut off from any sort of -control, even of the industries, which by its labor must mainly be built -up. The problem was a difficult one, yet such as the South felt itself -able to solve. And many in the North stood ready to help. - -In 1890, however, came troubles so serious as to require a diversion of -attention from economical to political problems. The Republican party -pledge to secure for all citizens 'a free ballot and a fair count' was -yet unredeemed; and in that year a debate broke out in Congress over the -fulfilling of its promise, with an Elections bill as the means. -Simultaneously, the Populist movement was growing to threatening -proportions. Before this, the cry had been that the Negro by sheer -numbers could dominate, if not prevented from doing so. But now there -presented itself a new and more threatening danger. "In any state where -the whites divide," said Mr. Tillman in the Senate in 1900, "and they -have divided in every Southern State except mine and Mississippi--into -Populists and Democrats--the Negro has been the balance of power." The -Populist movement died, but this phantasm once evoked, of a black man -poised at the centre of the party see-saw, continued to hover at the -beck of its creators until again wanted. The occasion, this time a -lasting one, has been found in the balance of the Republican and the -Democratic parties in the "border" states. So in Maryland, for a while, -a "doubtful" state, where the colored population is but one-fifth of the -whole, a disfranchising law is justified, apparently, by the danger to -good government of allowing the Republican party to obtain control. -Again, in the county and town election contests, even in the Southern -states where the Democratic party is in entire possession of the State -government, this compact(?) and mobile(?) army of black voters occupies -a position of such strategical importance that unless they be dislodged -by the most radical method their mastery must be forever -acknowledged(?). Now, to conclude, since a dozen colored voters might -hold the balance of power in town or county, the bitter irony of the -situation is overwhelming.[1] The South is simply driven by its own -irrefutable(?) logic to total disfranchisement of the Negro, there being -no safe stopping point short of the practical exclusion of the colored -inhabitants of a dozen or more states from any part in the making or -administering of the laws, national, state or municipal under which they -live(!). All this the South, impelled by her honest desire(!) for good -government, and resolutely turning her back upon past methods of fraud -and violence,(!) means to accomplish legally--provided Congress and the -Supreme Court throw over her naked but unalterable will the broad mantle -of legality. - - [1] In West Virginia there are, on the Census basis (958,800 = whole - population, less 43,499-colored population = 915,301-white - population, divided by 3.6 = ratio of white population, generally - to white males of voting age.) 254,250 white voters; and (43,499 = - colored population, divided by 4.3-ratio of colored population to - colored male adults = 10,116 colored voters, of whom 32.3 per cent. - are illiterate, = 3267 illiterate colored men,) but 3,267 - illiterate colored voters, or about one eightieth of the electorate - (257,517 divided by 3,267): yet, even though the national ticket - threatened to be hurt by it, it was impossible to stifle the cry - for disfranchisement of ignorant black voters as the paramount - issue of the West Virginia democratic campaign of 1904. - -We are reminded of the story of the princess, who wandering in rags, -came to a palace and begged accommodation there befitting one of royal -blood. The old queen, not sure that she was a princess, determined to -test her veracity in this way: She lay a pea upon the floor and piled -upon it a dozen feather-beds. If she felt the pea, it was plain that she -was a true princess. Morning came none too soon for the unhappy lady, -who confessed to the queen having spent a miserable night, something -hard in her bed having bruised her till she was black and blue. No -longer could the queen doubt that she was a real princess, for who else -could have been so delicate. And she was forthwith married to the heir -apparent to the throne. So the South acts on the belief that if she be -absolutely intolerant of the slightest degree of political power in the -hands of colored men, that the North must see in the very violence of -her antipathy, the hopelessness of any other solution. - -This happily settled, the South after fifteen years of uncertainty, -hopes to be able to turn her attention to material problems. But though -the Caesars may rob February of days to enrich July and August, the -seasons remain unchanged. The economic and moral laws of the universe -remain in operation and give assurance that no solution can be more than -temporary in which the Negro is dealt with falsely and unjustly. - -Meantime what had been the course of the Republican party, which, by its -own declaration "had reconstructed the Union with freedom instead of -slavery as its corner-stone?" Listen to the reading of the suffrage -planks in the platforms of ten presidential campaigns:-- - -[1868.] - -The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the -South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of -gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question of -suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those -States. - -The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be cordially -sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are -law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate -legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be entrusted only to -the party that secured those amendments. - -[1872.] - -Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, -political and public rights should be established and effectually -maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and -Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit -any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, -color or previous condition of servitude. - -[1876.] - -The Republican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth -anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the -great truth spoken at its cradle--"that all men are created equal; that -they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among -which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that for the -attainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men, -deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Until -these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, -the work of the Republican party is unfinished. - -The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union and the -complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all -their rights is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly -pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles -embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is vested by those -amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be -the solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of -the Government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their -constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent on the -part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete -liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and -public rights. To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief -Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter -until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall. - -[1880.] - -The dangers of a "Solid South" can only be averted by a faithful -performance of every promise which the Nation has made to the citizen. -The execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate -them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be -secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South. -Whatever promises the Nation makes the Nation must perform. A Nation -cannot with safety relegate this duty to the States. The "Solid South" -must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all honest -opinions must there find free expression. To this end the honest voter -must be protected against terrorism, violence or fraud. - -[1884.] - -The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free -ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and -violence practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the -will of a voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free -institutions; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the -guilty recipient of fruits of such fraud and violence. - -We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former -party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them our most -earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will -secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and -complete recognition, possession and exercise of all civil and political -rights. - -[1888.] - -We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitution and to -the indissoluble union of the States; to the autonomy reserved to the -States under the Constitution; to the personal rights and liberties of -citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially -to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or -poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in -public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free -and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all -the people to be the foundation of our republican government, and demand -effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, -which are the fountains of all public authority. - -[1892.] - -We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to -cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and that -such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws shall -be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich or -poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign right -guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot, the -just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their just -and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our -Republican institutions, and the party will never relent its efforts -until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be -fully guaranteed and protected in every State. - -[1896.] - -We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to -cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot to be -counted and returned as cast. - -[1900.] - -It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution -to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the -elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory -or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are -revolutionary, and should be condemned. - -[1904.] - -We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special -discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been -unconstitutionally limited, and, if such is the case, we demand that -representation in Congress and in the electoral colleges shall be -proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United -States. - -From '68 till '96 there was posted on the bill-boards of the party, the -same declaration in favor of a free and unrestricted ballot, supported -by the unyielding determination of the party to protect this right. But -in that year there came a change. Perhaps it was that the mass of -unredeemed pledges fell of their own weight, and the time seemed -opportune to substitute a less weighty declaration; perhaps the party -only sought a more efficient means of accomplishing its unalterable -purpose. Whatever the cause, there began from this time, a diminuendo -which has grown fainter until in 1904 the 15th Amendment was heard no -more. To time, some say, must be left this task, too great for a -political party to perform. But there is grave danger in leaving to time -the execution of justice. The evil grows, the power of correcting it -diminishes. Early in its course injustice may be stopped, later perhaps -not at all. The future course of the party with regard 'to the supreme -and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, white or -black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that -ballot duly counted,' is gravely complicated by the rapid and momentous -changes taking place in American society. - -The gulf between the sections, which the Constitution merely bridged -proved so deep, because it grew out of differences in the social, if not -the moral natures of the inhabitants of the two parts of the country. -These types have been compared to those opposed in the English Civil -War, and hence called Puritan and Cavalier. But whatever the name, the -differential fact was this: in the North men and women did their own -work, while in the South others did their work for them. Until this -great economic and social difference, which made diverging ideals, -diverging habits, diverging tastes, ceased to be, real sympathy was -impossible. That gulf, which widened into bitter civil war, is now -closing; the two types are drawing nearer; the divorce between sections -is shifting around to a divorce between classes. Therefore it is that in -a part of the writing and ruling class, we feel that there is a -gravitating of morals southward.[2] The North, which spent millions in -lives and money to destroy Negro slavery in the South, seems engaged in -making white slaves at home. If the political and social position of the -white laborer in the North is declining, our chance of obtaining justice -through active Northern sympathy is greatly lessened. In this issue -which remains that of the comparative "hideousness" of the slave-holder -and the slave, every foot added to the social separation of the Northern -employer and employee is a stroke in the knell of political equality for -the Negro. - - [2] "The Republican party in its work of imposing the sovereignty of - the United States upon eight millions of Asiatics, has changed its - views in regard to the political relation of races and has at last - virtually accepted the ideas of the South upon that subject. The - white men of the South need now have no further fear that the - Republican party, or Republican administrations, will ever again - give themselves over to the vain imagination of the political - equality of man." - - --[Burgess--Reconstruction and the Constitution, page 298.] - -It is a mistake, therefore, to assume that there is active in the -country a spirit of freedom strong enough to set us free; a power -employed in doing justice, strong enough to do justice to us. The -country is returning to the conditions existing before '61, even passing -these and returning to the conditions existing before 1776,--in -politics, because it is doing the same in _morals_. Moral betterment -requires that we put a deeper, broader and stronger foundation under the -old foundation of our lives; and this can only be done by removing each -day a bit of sand and filling in the space with stone. Days of -tremendous business activity, or national triumph are not likely to be -so spent. - -We _must_ not make the mistake of assuming that there is power in the -nation to do us justice. "Not in a republic," some one may ask? No! Von -Holst says: "That virtue is the specific vital principle of republics is -a delusion. The historical course of development, natural circumstances, -material interests and political and social customs are the elements by -which, in all states without exception, the form of the state is in the -first place conditioned." Not after the pledges of the Constitution, -again it may be asked? No, the Constitution is an ideal, not a real body -of law. Von Holst wrote: "Polk had once stated that the nature of -American institutions offered the world ample security that the United -States would never pursue a policy of aggressive conquest. -Notwithstanding the commentary that he had himself given on this -proposition, it contained a kernel of significant truth. The nature of -their institutions forbade the United States to hold in violent -subjection, under the iron hand of conquest, a realm of the extent of -Mexico for any length of time. This would soon have become so perfectly -clear to the people that they would either have driven the originator -and guiding spirit of the war in shame and disgrace from his office and -dignity, and have reduced all these conditions of peace to the utmost -moderation, or they would have proceeded to a formal and complete -incorporation of Mexico with the Union." And before 1900, as a result of -the war with Spain, the impossible, the absolutely forbidden by the -nature of their institutions had been accomplished. How obscure the -vision of the historian! The Constitution is not written in the hearts -of the American people, but in the sky, where it is hidden every cloudy -day. And yet again, it will be asked: Not in the New World, not in -America? Justice demands a careful consideration of every case; it -cannot be machine-made; it cannot be wholesaled. The exact measure of -justice is hard to find, harder to administer; it cannot be had without -patient search, calm temper, righteousness, courage. I know not whether -America has time to seek the intricate path of justice, or patience and -courage to follow it when found. The cry 'forward' grows even louder, -more insistent, more passionate. Can the country safely put down the -brakes; dare it turn from its rapid way to material prosperity? But a -little greater momentum is needed and reactionaries will rise only to be -irresistibly swept aside. Doubts, weariness, exhaustion even will not -stop the rapidly revolving wheels. Only in the _wake_ of such frenzied -progress there will follow rest, the rest of death. Study the wreckage -in the South in the trail of slavery, black, and what is far worse, -white illiteracy, brutality, wretched sloth. Observe the turning of -defeat in the struggle into despair, then stagnation upon which forms a -film, a scum, a crust which becomes strong enough to defy efforts to -break it. So is brought about the stratification of society called -caste. Above, the upper world, ever turning to law and punishment to -crush those who threaten this floor, upon which they stand from beneath, -ever appealing to the prejudices of their class to persecute into -submission those whose sense of justice or generosity threatens the -crust from above. Beneath, the under world, sweating, spawning, -gathering from its own misery and the dregs of vice and luxury from -above poison, and shaping from its own eager thousands of ambitious -men,--yes, and after the boldest men of the class above, fangs, that it -may become all that revolution is wont to be. - -In such a society is born the conqueror, man of destiny, as he seems. In -mountain, in desert or in slum, he may have his birth. Oftenest he is a -military, yet sometimes a spiritual conqueror. In the west of Europe, -two thousand years ago was born Julius Caesar; in the East, Jesus -Christ. From mountain, wilderness and slum, each drew his followers. -Caesar gathered the driftwood of the decaying Republic into an army, and -upon this bridge crossed the Rubicon and established empire. Christ, -too, gathered up the driftwood of decaying Rome and fashioned out of it -that noble band which is the inspiration of every true Church in the -Christian world. The classes you would disfranchise will become the -makers of a political slum. They are materials for working out the glory -or the ruin of the nation. Exclude them from the benefits, the -privileges of other classes and you invite criminality: from outcast to -outlaw is but one step. Include them, and who can measure the addition -to the sum of human happiness? In the answer to the question: what -forces are at work checking the too great increase of a people? what is -the principle of selection? what sort are disappearing, what sort -preserved?--may be read the country's destiny. - -Outside of the slave states, equal participation in the government by -all citizens has been the foundation stone of the Republic. For a brief -moment slavery was dead, and all men were freemen. But slavery is alive -again, and if its growth is not resisted, will again be restored in all -but name. The words of Calhoun deserve to be called a prophecy. -"_Without political and social equality_," he said, "_to change the -condition of the African race would be but to change the form of -slavery."_ The South accepts the alternative and resolves that, whatever -the cost, political and social equality shall never be. The North must -yield; _she_ will not. While some are trusting to the finality of the -13th Amendment, others to industrial opportunity, others still to -political without social equality, the South with bull-dog tenacity -sticks to her resolution that there shall be none of these. But a year -ago Carl Schurz declared: "There will be a movement either in the -direction of reducing the Negro to a permanent condition of serfdom ... -or a movement in the direction of recognizing him as a citizen in the -true sense of the term. One or the other will prevail." - -Are there reasons wanting why the nation should keep true to its -foundation principles? Granting that the pathway to freedom is now -harder to follow, should the forward movement be abandoned? How else -than by manfully pressing on to a broad humanity, can the Republic, -reconstructed with freedom as its corner-stone, remain? As the old cords -fail to hold together the more distant and divided political and ethnic -units of population, there must be woven new bonds of sympathy,--at -least, of toleration, else some must be hung with chains. There are -many, many reasons, rulers of the commonwealth, why the electorate -should not be reduced:-- - -Above all, it is selfish. "The continual and diligent elevation of that -lower mass which human society everywhere is constantly precipitating," -to borrow the words of Cable, is incompatible with the _spirit_ of -restriction. - -It is inequitable. For, again quoting from this author: "There is no -safe protection but self-protection: poverty needs at least as much -civil equipment, for self-protection as property needs: the right and -liberty to acquire intelligence, virtue and wealth are just as precious -as the right and liberty to maintain them, and need quite as much -self-protection." - -It is subversive of the republican basis of the state,--tending as it -does to deposit more and more political power in the hands of fewer and -fewer men. From "all up" to "some down" in the matter of political -rights is a precipitous leap: but this step once taken, a gentle slope -succeeds. From many to fewer members of the privileged class, the mind -advances easily, with no intrusive principle to block the way. If a poll -tax of one dollar can be made a condition of voting regardless of -ability to pay it, then why not ten or twenty? If a poll tax, why not a -property tax, or wealth? If ability to interpret the Constitution, why -not a college education? - -As restriction is practiced in the South, it breeds contempt for the -law: - -And increasing unrest, for like a snowball it swells and gathers fresh -resistance as it goes: - -And dishonesty, for the disfranchising laws are not being lived up to. -This is inherent, for the acquisition of the required knowledge or -wealth would defeat the very object of the law. It puts a premium upon -ignorance, for thereby the desired end of disfranchisement is -furthered:--And upon thriftlessness, for the same reason;--And upon -criminality and false charges of crime, since even this price must be -paid by those determined to work their will. - -What evils of universal suffrage are equal to these? Can an appeal be -made in the name of minority rights by those who would themselves efface -minorities?[3] When slaves were escaping, they demanded that the -constitutional guarantees be fulfilled to the letter, clamored like -Shylock for the pound of flesh which the law allowed. Now, too, they -demand of the amendments as before of the clauses of the instrument -reserving power to the states, that they be construed by the -letter:--but with what a change of object,--no longer that the rights of -minorities may be respected but that they may be utterly suppressed. - - [3] In two states, viz; Mississippi and South Carolina, the colored - people are in the majority. In the other four disfranchising - states, as well as all other Southern states, they are in the - minority. In the group of states disfranchising the colored voters, - viz; N. C., S. C., Va., Ala., Miss., and La., the - - white population is - 5,396,649 = 55 per cent. - - colored " " - 4,453,253 = 45 per cent. - - total " " - 9,849,902 = 100 per cent. - - --BY THE 12TH CENSUS (1900.) - -And if it be asserted that the superior must be allowed to rule, is -superiority to be proved by a fiat of brute force? Is mere armed -lawlessness the index of superior worth? When the nations agreed to fix -limits to the cruelties of war, did they thereby place a penalty upon -brains? - -Finally, is it claimed that a free ballot signifies unlimited -corruption? Read the answer in England's purification of her politics: I -quote from Sir Thomas Erskine May:-- - -"Political morality may be elevated by extending liberties: but bribery -has everywhere been the vice of growing wealth." "The first election of -George the Third's reign was signalized by unusual excesses:" A seat in -Parliament was for sale, like an estate and they bought it without -hesitation or misgiving. "Nor were they regarded with much favor by the -leaders of parties; for men who had bought their seats,--and paid dearly -for them,--owed no allegiance to political patrons. "They sought -admission to Parliament, not so much with a view to a political career, -as to serve mere personal ends, to forward commercial speculations, to -extend their connections and to gratify their social aspirations. But -their independence and ambition well fitted them for the service of the -court.... They soon ranged themselves among the king's friends: and thus -the court policy,--which was otherwise subversive of freedom became -associated with parliamentary corruption. "When the return of members -was left to a small but independent body of electors, their individual -votes were secured by bribery: and where it rested with proprietors or -corporations, the seat was purchased outright." Gatton e. g. was sold -for L75,000. Of the 658 members of the House of Commons 487 were -returned by nomination ... not more than one third of the House were the -free choice of the limited bodies of electors then intrusted with the -franchise.... Representatives holding their seats by a general system of -corruption could scarcely fail to be themselves corrupt. What they had -bought, they were but too ready to sell. And how glittering the prizes -offered as the price of their services! Peerages, baronetcies, patronage -and court favor for the rich--places, pensions and bribes for the needy. -All that the government had to bestow they could command.... Another -instrument of corruption was found in the raising of money for the -public service. In March 1763, Lord Bute contracted a loan of three -millions and a half; and having distributed shares among his -friends,--the scrip immediately rose to a premium of 11 per cent.... -Here the country sustained a loss of L385,000.... Stock jobbing became -the fashion; and many members of Parliament were notoriously concerned -in it. Again in 1781 ... a loan of L12,000,000 was contracted to defray -the cost of the disastrous American war.... Its terms were so favorable -that suddenly the scrip rose nearly 11 per cent. It was computed by Mr. -Fox that a profit of L900,000 would be derived from the loan; and by -others that half of the loan was subscribed for by members of the House -of Commons. Lord Rockingham said. "The loan was made merely for the -purpose of corrupting the Parliament to support a wicked, impolitic and -ruinous _war_. - -Now as to the electorate. "In Scotland in 1831, the total number of -county voters did not exceed 2500; and the constituencies of the 66 -boroughs amounted to 1440.... The county of Argyll, with a population of -100,000 had but 115 electors: Caithness with 36,000, contained 47 free -holders. Edinburgh and Glasgow, the two first cities of Scotland, had -each a constituency of 33 persons.... A great kingdom, with more than -two millions of people,--intelligent, instructed, industrious and -peaceable,--was virtually disfranchised.... According to a statement -made by the Duke of Richmond in 1780, not more than 6,000 men returned a -clear majority of the British House of Commons.... It was alleged in the -petition of the Society of the Friends of the People (presented in -1793.) that 84 individuals absolutely returned 157 members to Parliament -... and that a majority of the House were returned by 154 patrons.... - -"The glaring defects and vices of the representative system which have -now been exposed,--the restricted and unequal franchise, the bribery of -a limited electoral body, and the corruption of the representatives -themselves,--formed the strongest arguments for Parliamentary reform.... -The theory of an equal representation, had in the course of ages, been -entirely subverted.... The Reform bill of 1832 supplied the cure. "It -was," says May, "a measure, at once bold, comprehensive, moderate and -constitutional. Popular: but not democratic:--it extended liberty, -without hazarding revolution. In 1850 the representation of the country -was reconstructed on a wider basis. Large classes had been admitted to -the franchise: and the House of Commons represented more freely the -interests and political sentiments of the people. The reformed -Parliament, accordingly, has been more liberal and progressive in its -policy than the Parliaments of old, more vigorous and active; more -susceptible to the influence of public opinion: and more secure in the -confidence of the people." - -Here let us leave the history of English political corruption and the -remedy which was found in a fairer representation of the people. In -truth, we might well have left it sooner--if not altogether; for it is -likely to be said that all of this is nothing to the purpose. The South -has before her the practical problem of dealing with some millions of -Negroes, to the solution of which, the experience of the English people -furnishes no aid. Once more, then, we must consider the actual situation -in this country to-day. - -The Negro problem has been stated: What does justice to the Negro -demand? Approaching our subject from this point of view, we may try to -conclude:-- - -1st. What justice _does_ demand; and - -2nd. What the Negro must do to get it. - -What, to begin with, is the answer of the South to the former? It is -familiar to us all and would seem to be the nearly unanimous voice of -the Southern people. The Negro, they say, is ignorant, lazy and vicious. -Slavery, so far as its effect on the slave is concerned, was a -beneficent institution, raising him from his previous savagery to a -plane of humble usefulness. There, however, his incurable inferiority -destines him forever to remain. This, the South insists she has settled -in wisdom and kindliness. The North, so runs her speech, -misunderstanding the South and the Negro, unjustly forced on the Civil -war, to compel her to change her domestic institutions. But that -attempt, foredoomed to failure, has resulted in nothing more than the -abolition of slavery, and a cruel loss of life and property, partly -compensated for by the consequent revelation of her boundless resources -of courage, loyalty and united resolve. Slavery, while a Southern -institution, was not a bond of perfect union; but upon the platform of -black inferiority and white domination, every Southern man has his foot -squarely planted. Her answer, therefore, to all criticism is to point -with pride to the solid South. - -How often are we called upon to see with pain and wonder that opinions, -theories, even the mind itself is shaped by actions. Nature, aiming at -preservation of life, is quick to heal all possible wounds, to reconcile -warring impulses, to gloss and beautify deformities, and even to conceal -dangers and snares. She gives men language to justify their misdeeds, -teaches them how to embalm their errors in the secretion of their -intellects, and even preserves the lying epitaphs which they inscribe -over the remains of their vanity and pride. To change an opinion, it is -necessary commonly to change a course of action, and until the life of -the South changes, there seems no reasonable expectation that her -opinions will change. Disfranchisement is but a symptom of the diseased -Southern body politic, and who can tell whether the surgeon's knife will -not reach the sources of life itself in seeking for a cure. - -Sufficient then to herself,--wholly insufficient, false, and cruel to -us, is this answer. If there were but these two parties to the cause, -there would be no need to consider it. There remains, however, the still -hesitating, ever-divided public opinion of the North--now the judge in -the Freedmen's case. It is fitting that in her court, our replication -should be boldly made. There we proclaim that the South is not doing -justice to colored men. - -The Negroes, say Southern men, are ignorant, lazy, vicious,--a perpetual -menace to the rule and order of white men. Is this believable? Did God -so make the world that after three thousand years of progressive white -civilization;--in a country where there are sixty millions of white men, -entrenched in their possession of armies and navies, wealth, power and -endless resources of trained intellect;--that nine millions of colored -people, rich in nothing but their sufferings, threaten to put the bottom -on top? And if chance rules the world, and ignorance, laziness and vice -are as likely to prevail as knowledge, industry and virtue, we may as -well believe that ignorance and laziness and vice underlie white -civilization and supremacy. No, we may confidently answer: this is not -believable. Either these nine millions of colored people are not -ignorant, lazy and vicious, or there are no grounds for the fear that -they can for an hour put into danger the continuance of white -domination, even in the blackest portion of the black South. - -There is indeed proof obtainable that they are neither ignorant, lazy -and vicious, nor a menace to rule and order. If they were near neighbors -of the brutes would the elaborate defensive preparations be necessary -which the South continues feverishly to make? Do the savages of Africa -enact disfranchising clauses to keep apes and monkeys out of their -political affairs? If ignorance so submerges the black man, why does not -the Massachusetts principle of protecting the ballot prevail in the -South? Why is it necessary to require the voter to read, yes, and -_interpret satisfactorily, any_ clause in the state constitution?[4] If -sloth curses the Negro with unfruitfulness, why require property to the -assessed value of $300? If the assessed value be two thirds of the real -value, this means that nearly $500; if one third, then nearly $1000 is -fixed as the minimum possession of the black voter. Does this precaution -point to shiftlessness? If viciousness be indelibly stamped upon his -nature, why not rely upon his disfranchisement for crime to eliminate -the colored voters? Are the white juries not to be trusted to condemn -the accused? Are the leased convicts not worth their cost of keeping? It -has been more than once said that 90,000 of the 90,000 colored people in -the District of Columbia are criminals. If the same proportion maintains -elsewhere, what more is needed to accomplish the desired end? - - [4] The requirement that the voter be able to read (or write) _and_ - interpret satisfactorily, in the Virginia registration requirement - before Jan. 1, 1904, is an advance upon the earlier clauses, which - left the alternative. I am not sure but that it reappears in the - Maryland law not yet in operation. It is an interesting fact that - it was _Senator Daniels of Virginia_ who once called the attention - of the Senate to the injustice done the South by Senator Spooner's - assertion that voters were, without alternative, required to - interpret passages from the Constitutions. - -Yet disfranchisement for ignorance, for thriftlessness, and vice all -together are acknowledged to be insufficient, and resort must be had -again to manipulation, juggling, and confessed dishonesty. Rev. Edgar -Gardiner Murphy, Executive Secretary of the Southern Education Board, a -distinguished witness, testifying against interest, says: "The -instrument of discrimination has been found in the discretionary powers -lodged in the board of registrars, by which worthy Negro men, fairly -meeting every test of suffrage have been excluded from registration."(?) -Where the fact is so freely admitted, proof seems wasted, yet abundant -corroboration may easily be had[5]. - - [5] The following clipping from the Baltimore American, I cannot - refrain from reading:-- - - "In the recent election the democratic judges of election in many - of the counties proved that they were unable even to count ballots - properly marked, and when it came to putting a reasonable - interpretation on the intention of a voter they were either wholly - ignorant or wholly dishonest. It is perfectly safe to say that not - one-third of the democratic judges who served at the Maryland - election of last week could themselves give an intelligent - interpretation of any section in the Constitution. Many of them do - not even know what the Constitution is, and the man who suggested - that they would take it to be a new kind of drink did not overshoot - the mark. Fine professors of constitutional history these men would - make!" - -The fact as well as the extent of disfranchisement is revealed by the -statistical summaries:-- - - - *STATISTICAL SUMMARIES* - - - - _TABLE_ 1 - ---------------------------------------- - ADULT MALE OR COLORED VOTING - POPULATION, 1900, ESTIMATED AT 1 IN - 4.3. - ---------------------------------------- - Virginia 660,722 / 46,122. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Nor. Car. 624,469 / 127,114. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - South Car. 782,321 / 152,860. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Alabama 827,307 / 181,471. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Mississippi 907,630 / 197,936. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Louisiana 650,804 / 147,348. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Total 4,453,251. - ---------------------------------------- - - - _TABLE_ 2 - ------------------------------------------------------ - CENSUS OF NEGROES BEFORE PASSAGE OF REVISED - CONSTITUTIONS. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Virginia 1900 115,865 (T.Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Nor. Car. " 133,081 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - South Car. 1892 13,384 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 1900 55,512 Pres. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Mississippi 1888 30,096 - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1888 30,701 - ------------------------------------------------------ - - - _TABLE_ 3 - ------------------------------------------------------ - CENSUS OF NEGROES AFTER PASSAGE OF REVISED - CONSTITUTIONS. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Virginia 1904 47,880 (W. Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Nor. Car. " 82,442 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - So. Car. 1900 3,579 Pres. (T.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - So. Car. 1904 2,554 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 1904 22,472 (W. Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Miss. 1900 5,753 Pres. (T. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Miss. 1904 3,189 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1900 14,234 Pres. (T. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1904 5,205 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - - - _TABLE_ 4 - ---------------------------------------------------- - REGISTRATION OF COLORED VOTERS. (Newspaper - estimate.) - ---------------------------------------------------- - State Literate _Registered_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - Virginia equal 69,358 - ---------------------------------------------------- - North Carolina 59,625 _"Less than - 6,000"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - South Carolina 69,242 - ---------------------------------------------------- - Alabama 73,474 _"Hardly - 2,500"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - Mississippi 92,605 - ---------------------------------------------------- - Louisiana 57,086 _"1,147"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - - - _TABLE_ 5 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE SIX STATES; VOTE AFTER DISFRANCHISEMENT - SCORED. (World Almanac of 1904.) - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - YEAR VA. NORTH SOUTH ALA. MISS. LA. - CAR. CAR. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1872 93,468 94,783 72,290 90,272 82,175 59,975 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1876 76,093 108,419 92,081 68,230 52,605 75,315 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1880 83,639 115,874 58,071 56,178 34,854 38,016 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1884 139,356 125,068 21,733 59,144 43,509 46,347 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1888 150,438 134,784 13,736 57,197 30,096 30,701 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1892 113,217 100,846 13,384 9,197 1,406 26,563 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1900 115,865 133,081 3,579 55,512 5,753 14,234 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1904 47,880 82,442 2,554 22,472 3,189 5,205 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - 1872, 1876, Va., N.C., S.C., Ala. (Tribune Almanac of 1896.) - 1872, Louisiana (World Almanac.) - 1892, Louisiana (Republican and Populists.) - 1892, N.C.; 1900, 1904 (Due to Populists.) - -Every fresh barrier erected in the South simply publishes to the world -the weakness and inefficiency of those already raised. Each time -dishonest methods are newly justified, and violent declarations, -applauded, fresh evidence is given that these Southern men cannot on its -merits win their case. The policy of white domination is stripped to -unblushing nakedness, and confident of the fear of those who remained -for two hundred years enslaved, the South narrows the issue to one of -physical courage, inviting the Negro to wrest from her the power, which -stands between him and justice, freedom, happiness. _It is not then in -the ignorance, laziness, and vice of the Negro, that the white South -trusts, for the continuance of her policy, but in his defencelessness._ - -_To these Southern men, we can make but one reply. Unmistakably our -courage is the issue._ But before considering how best to treat their -sinister challenge, let us answer to the Republican party the question: -What does justice to the Negro demand? Our reply is simple,--the -fulfillment of the promise, which was treasured up in the hearts of four -million men as they passed through the doors of slavery into the light -of freedom;--the promise, which they have left to their children as -their one priceless inheritance: "The guarantee by Congress of equal -suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every -consideration of public safety, of gratitude and of justice, and must be -maintained"--this was the promise of the Republican party in 1868. The -freedman appeals to the creator of his political rights, as Tennyson to -the Creator of his being:-- - - Thou wilt not leave us in the dust; - Thou madest man, he _knows_ not why; - He thinks he was not made to die; - And Thou hast made him,--Thou art just. - -Is it then fair to leave to us the vindication of the Reconstruction -policy against men of the South, the North and even influential members -of the party's own councils? Must we meet the charge that the Republican -party was moved by revenge and folly, and prove that there was no other -way to secure the foundation of freedom, which hundreds of thousands had -died to win? Were those terrible years of death a mere night over the -gaming table, with two haggard players, 'breaking even' at dawn? Is it -left to us to rescue from their own sons the fame of the heroes of the -war against slavery and restore the honorable inscriptions recorded on -their tombs? When men talk of 'the greatest error of Reconstruction,' -has the murder of Lincoln no claim to the place? Does not John Wilkes -Booth better merit derisive canonizing than "Saint" John Brown? If it -was irony for the "Reconstruction" legislatures to impose heavy taxes -upon a people who had just emerged from a ruinous war and by bonded -indebtedness extend the obligation to future generations, was it not -also irony to punish and re-enslave by vagrancy laws the men who without -an acre or a dollar were now _called_ free? - -And if it _was_ hate, and revenge, and folly, which brought about the -'War Amendments,' can they be honorably withdrawn now? Is there no -doctrine in law, which forbids one's renouncing an act after he has -profited by it? But could the elections have been won and the policies -maintained without the aid of the colored voter? Is there need of a -statute of limitations to stop a political party from withdrawing the -promises upon which it has encouraged millions of trusting people to -build for forty years? Can it be honestly claimed that three-fourths of -the States of the Union gave the ballot to the slave just out of the -slave pen, with the implied condition that if he failed to prove himself -able from the outset to resist temptation to childish indulgence and -childish dishonesty, seduced as he was by the Northern men whom -gratitude bade him trust and follow, he should lose it forever? Is this -the Eden where we met our "fall?" A sober Anglo-Saxon definition of -justice is given by Sidgwick: "Justice is realized (1) in the observance -of law, and contracts, and definite understandings, and in the -enforcement of such penalties for the violation of these as have been -legally determined and announced; and (2) in the fulfilment of natural -and normal expectations." That the nation's laws will be upheld is the -first requirement of justice.[6] - - [6] Here is an instance of a President's devotion to existing laws: - *With the Confederate government fully installed two weeks - before*,--Lincoln said in his inaugural address, that "he had no - purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of - slavery." Is a manual needed in the United States to tell for what - purposes and under what circumstances the law will be enforced? - -But yet again are we brought back to the ignorance, shiftlessness and -criminality of the Negro. Their fathers, so say these wiser Northern -sons, could not know of these evils, which to them have been revealed. -No, they could not: had their lives been spared till now there had been -no such evils to reveal. Under freedom's blaze ignorance was sucked up -as the stagnant waters from a pool. With nearly the entire number of -slaves illiterate, with no schools yet built, and only those large -hearted teachers to face the enormous educational work whose -ministrations to the needy were their only pay, more was done in the -years just after the liberation of the slaves, to remove, their -ignorance, than twenty-five thousand teachers in hundreds of schools -have done in the last decade since.[7] Progress in earning and saving -corresponded. And there was little increase of crime. A few years more -of the sunlight and who doubts that these charges could never have been -brought against us! And by whom are we charged with being criminal? -Surely not by the South? - - [7] Per cent. of illiteracy. - - Colored population in 1860 4,441,830. - - Of this about 9 per cent. (488,070) was free--perhaps 1/2 of this - was literate, i.e., about 5 per cent. of the whole. - - Equal 95 per cent. or higher. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1870 equal whole population, - 4,880,009, less 28.7 per cent. equals under 10 leaving 3,464,806. - Above 10, unable to write, 2,789,689. - - Equal 80 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1880 4,601,207. Above 10, - unable to write, 3,220,878. - - Equal 70 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1890 5,328,972. Above 10, - unable to write, 3,042,668. - - Equal 57.1 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1900 6,415,581. Above 10, - unable to write, 2,853,194. - - Equal 44.5 per cent. - -Is it credible that our millions lived under the benign influence of -slavery, almost without crime and continued even after the Emancipation -Act to live peacefully and honestly:--and then, upon the passage of the -14th Amendment dropped suddenly from this moral zenith? Such sudden -transformations are not natural: either slavery made the criminality of -the African: or held it in a grip barely strong enough to prevent its -issue in acts of violence: or, else this record of crime is false. One -of these three explanations, we cannot choose but accept. The South at -least, cannot admit the first, for slavery, they declared, even before -God at His Altar, to be a benign institution; neither can they admit the -second, for it, too, is inconsistent with the gentleness and benignity -of slavery. But will they admit the third? "Nine tenths of the illicit -gains," says James Bryce, speaking of Reconstruction, "went to the -whites." Into like parts, Woodrow Wilson divides the responsibility and -the discredit. "Negroes," he writes, constituted the majority of their -electorates, but political power gave them no advantage of their own. -Adventurers swarmed out of the North, to cozen, beguile and use them.... -They gained the confidence of the Negroes, obtained for themselves the -more lucrative offices, and lived upon the public treasury, public -contracts and their easy control of affairs. For the Negroes there was -nothing but occasional allotments of abandoned or forfeited land, the -pay of petty offices, a per-diem allowance as members of the -conventions, and the state legislatures, which their new masters made -business for, or the wages of servants in the various offices of -administration. Their ignorance and credulity made them easy dupes. A -petty favor, a slender stipend, a trifling perquisite, a bit of poor -land, a piece of money satisfied, or silenced them." This is the record -of crime until the quickly passing day of freedom was ended. And if -crime has increased since, so presently will ignorance increase and -idleness unless their growth is checked by the restoration of freedom -and justice and hope. Punishment will fail to stop the growth of -idleness, vice and crime, as it has always failed, and if brutal -punishments are next resorted to when milder ones have failed, one -sickens at the prospect. Can Southern, abetted by Northern men strew the -earth with the seeds of accursed slavery, bastardy and treason, secret -conspiracy, callous, sneering fraud and the brutality of the mob, and -think to stop by lynching the harvest of black duplicity, bred of fear, -and black criminality, bred of misery and hate,--when they have gathered -enough of the fruits to make an exhibit of Negro vice? The departure of -lynching waits for two events: the breeding of the animal out the most -wretched Negroes until they find greater satisfaction in something -higher than sensuality and revenge; and the breeding of savage cruelty -out of the white man until he can find pleasure in something more humane -than torture by fire. As our counsellors bid us turn our attention to -the dark side of our life, we bid them turn theirs from it. Your boasted -civilization on its under side is but a progress from rape to adultery, -from brute to devil. The savage honors the brute and tortures the devil; -the civilized man tortures or crushes the brute and honors the devil. -There is a pitcher plant of California, which is so described: Above a -funnel shaped stem, it flaunts a crimson banner. The hood of the flower -is transparent, so that the wary are caught even in their efforts to -flee. From the mouth downwards the walls exude intoxicating sweets but -multitudinous hairs, all pointing downward, lower the victim farther -with every struggle. At its bottom a charnel heap, poisoning the air. -Such plants flourish amidst civilization, and millions are their -victims, who debauch their appetites until their intellects shrink to -the size of their already shrunken consciences, and they are helpless to -do anything but die. Liberty _is_ perilous, a very 'valley of the shadow -of death,' but the history of every nation which has lived and died -teaches us that the danger of a false step is even greater near the end -of the journey than at the beginning. Egypt, Assyria, Judea, Greece, -Rome--the history of every nation is a light-house marking a _reef_ in -the harbor of humanity. - -When Cain had killed Abel, he hid the body, and when God called, -replied, "Am I my brother's keeper?" A chill foreboding comes over us -with these Northern doubts of the wisdom of Reconstruction, and we -cannot refrain from wondering if the North still retains the sense of -duty of 61; if the North can do, can even will to do justice. And here -let us turn from our first question: What does justice to the Negro -demand? To the second: What can the Negro do to get justice? My end has -been reached if there is felt more than before the need of answering the -latter question. - -Underlying the civil laws of the nation are certain high ideals. The -fidelity of the nation to these is measured by the quality and the force -of public opinion. Just as long therefore as the republic endures, the -executive, legislative and judicial powers will obey the people's will. -To this oracle the rulers have again appealed, and its answer has been -an expression of renewed and increased confidence in the Republican -party. The hour of the new administration has almost come, and the -message may be now on its way to the country that the party pledges are -to be redeemed. It may be that there are brighter days before us; but -if, as in the past, we stand on no securer footing than two men -wrestling on a steep and icy hill-side, where both roll over and over, -and there is no chance between throwing and being thrown,--then it -matters not whether we appeal to President, or Congress, or Supreme -Court; to the 14th or 15th amendment, for the righting of our wrongs. - -Congress is empowered to enforce the 14th and 15th amendments by -appropriate legislation. Such legislation has been enacted and by one -President, at least, enforced. But, now, it is held that it must be -shown that the amendments are being violated, and this cannot be done -until the Supreme Court fully interprets them. What a mockery it has all -become! Insolently, sneeringly, the violators of the plain intent of the -law rise from their seats in Congress and demand how far they are going -to be obliged to walk around these Amendments instead of kicking them -aside. By law, or by force, colored men are being deprived of the right -to hold office; by law or by force excluded from the jury; by law or by -force sent into slavery for crimes of which they were convicted by these -juries from which they are excluded; by law or by force, they are being -disfranchised. The alternative is clear. Southern men do not evade it. -The revised Constitutions stand boldly for disqualification by law. -Southern Congressmen in debate as boldly proclaim the force. More -cautiously Mr. Murphy testifies to the same effect, denying that "the -abuse of discretionary power by the registrars of elections,--an abuse -which the State permits, but which the State does not necessitate or -prescribe, brings the State within reach of the penalties of the -Constitution." - -If not by law then the Constitution is nullified by force, and it -becomes the duty of Congress to maintain it. But is Congress so near the -performance of this obligation that we can profitably advise as to the -method? Shall we say that candidates for Congress, by force or fraud -elected, shall be refused their seats or that an election bill shall be -passed, guaranteeing just laws; or that the penalty clause of the 14th -Amendment shall be first enforced? At least, we had better wait until -the House has reversed the policy outlined by its Committee on -Elections, whose concluding words in the Dantzler-Lever case follow:-- - - "However desirable it may be for a legislative body to retain - control of the decision as to the election and qualification of - its members, it is quite certain that a legislative body is not - the ideal body to pass judicially upon the constitutionality of - the enactments of other bodies. We have in this country a proper - forum for the decision of constitutional and other judicial - questions. If any citizen of South Carolina who was entitled to - vote under the constitution of that State in 1868 is now - deprived by the provisions of the present constitution, he has - the right to tender himself for registration and for voting, and - in case his right is denied, to bring suit in a proper court for - the purpose of enforcing his right or recovering damages for its - denial. - - "That suit can be carried by him, if necessary, to the Supreme - Court of the United States. If the United States Supreme Court - shall declare in such case that the "fundamental conditions" in - the reconstruction acts were valid and constitutional and that - the State constitutions are in violation of those acts, and - hence invalid and unconstitutional every state will be compelled - to immediately bow in submission to the decision. The decision - of the Supreme Court would be binding and would be a positive - declaration of the law of the land which could not be denied or - challenged. - - "On the contrary, the decision of the House of Representatives - upon this grave judicial question would not be considered as - binding or effective in any case except the one acted upon or as - a precedent for future action in the House itself. - - "A majority of the Committee on Elections No. v doubt the - propriety in any event of denying these Southern States - representation in the House of Representatives pending a final - settlement of the whole question in proper proceedings by the - Supreme Court of the United States. Some of the members of the - committee believe the "fundamental conditions" set forth in the - reconstruction acts to be valid and the constitutions and - election laws of these States to be in conflict with such - conditions, and hence to be invalid. - - "Some of the members of the committee believe the "fundamental - conditions" set forth in the reconstruction acts to be invalid - and the constitutions and election laws of the States claimed to - be in conflict with such conditions to be valid. Some members of - the committee have formed no opinion and express no belief upon - the subject. - - "Your Committee on Elections No. i therefore respectively - recommend the adoption of the following resolution: - - "'_Resolved_. That Alexander D. Dantzler was not elected a - member of the Fifty-eighth Congress from the Seventh - Congressional district of South Carolina, and is not entitled to - a seat therein.'" - -If not by force then the Constitution is nullified by law, and the -Supreme Court must be looked to to maintain its vigor. Turning to the -Supreme Court, what do we find to be its answer? In the following words, -the Court concludes in the case of Giles vs Teasley, (the 4th Alabama -case) decided Feb. 23d, 1904:--(from this decision Justice Harlan -dissented.) - - "It is apparent that the thing complained of, so far as it - involves rights secured under the Federal Constitution, is the - action of the State of Alabama in the adoption and enforcing of - a constitution with the purpose of excluding from the exercise - of the right of suffrage the Negro voters of the State, in - violation of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the - United States. The great difficulty of reaching the political - action of a State through remedies afforded in the courts, State - or Federal, was suggested by this court in _Giles v. Harris, - supra_. - - "In reaching the conclusion that the present writs of error must - be dismissed the court is not unmindful of the gravity of the - statements of the complainant charging violation of a - constitutional amendment which is a part of the supreme law of - the land; but the right of this court to review the decisions of - the highest court of a State has long been well settled, and is - circumscribed by the rules established by law. We are of opinion - that plaintiffs in error have not brought the cases within the - statute giving to this court the right of review." - -Far be it from me to imply that the Supreme Court will never decide the -State constitutional clauses to be in violation of the national -constitution; but as Von Holst has said: "The wit of man is not equal to -the task in the shaping of political life of inventing forms which may -not be employed as weapons against their own legitimate substance or -contents." The law, it might be added, without strong-siding conscience, -is a mere magician's handkerchief, and surely we can no longer think of -ante-election promises embodied in the Republican party platform as -binding obligations. - -To those who ask: how long shall men wait for justice? I can only -answer: Wait we must, but we need not idly wait. Our future is largely -our own to make. Our radius of activity is slowly enlarging. Our daily -question: what shall we do? settles into a demand for a defined policy. -A bitter and perplexed,--What shall I do?--we are coming to find "worse -than worst necessity." Mere agitation, we know will not suffice. The -country is not floating upon a rising tide of indignation at the -unjustness of our treatment, as it was fifty years ago. And even if the -doing of justice hung upon the casting of a die, I do not know why the -throw should be the higher for violent shaking of the box. Some sort of -planning of our future and united effort of at least a few to realize -their plans is indispensable. - -Resolved, therefore, that we strive for all happiness whatsoever, which -may be fairly won. A good name and a level glance from those around us -are essentials of happiness. If that is social equality, then, resolved -that we strive for social equality. "This," says Cable, "is a fool's -dream." If so let us not shrink along with Christ, to be called fools. -Once past slavery there is no insuperable barrier between us and -freedom. Where is this line between civil and private rights? Is not the -path from one to the other continuous? Workshops and offices, public -conveyances, the theatre, hotels and restaurants, apartment-houses, the -boarding table, barber-shops and bath rooms, the public school and -college, the scientific society, the church, the alumni dinner, the -church sociable--in city, town and village:--what are these but the way -to the home?[8] There is an upward slope from slavery, where a man is a -thing, to freedom, where a man is a man. Millions, the better part of -mankind, live and die on the hill-side; but all push on, as long as hope -and manhood survive. That those above should acknowledge the brotherhood -of those below and descend to help them is not to be generally expected; -for that requires such love of their fellows as few possess. It _is -foolish_ then to _demand_ the concession of social equality; but it is -quite as _cowardly_ to give up obtaining it, as long as an upward way -exists. That the path is open is proved by the cry of those who hate us: -Turn the hill-side into a precipice,--slavery is the only alternative to -equality; build an unscalable wall of caste founded upon the color of -the skin, the lowest white man by law and force raised higher than the -highest black. Yes, the first of all our resolutions must be this one, -to strive for social equality. - - [8] That public conveyances come within the social sphere is asserted - by Burgess: Reconstruction and the Constitution pp. 150---- - - "During the winter and spring of 1867-8 the work of these - conventions went on under the greatest extravagance and - incompetence of every kind. (The constitutions which came from them - provided for complete equality in civil rights, and *in some cases, - in advantages of a social character, such as equal privileges in - public conveyances etc."*) - -Not only, however, our indomitable instinct, but an urgent reason makes -this our foremost consideration. National responsibilities, great civic -or industrial responsibilities we are as yet cut off from. Through -_private relations then we must educate ourselves to the realization, -that only through the just performance of duties can true rights be -won_. As we perform our trust over a few things will we perform our -trust over many. Already we are reminded that our claims as individuals -are mixed with those of the mass of our people. In vain we urge our -greater culture or refinement, we are judged by the average of our race. -In our own interest then, if not from a higher motive, we must turn to -the lifting of our fellows. Our solidarity is already great: let us hold -to it and increase it. Far from being a curse it is a people's greatest -blessing. Yet we are losing it; our fellow sympathy and active -helpfulness are not as great as were our fathers'. This is of crucial -importance, since our best chance of winning friends among the women and -poor of the other race is by justice to the women and poor of our own. -And it is the women and the poor of the other race that we need most to -win: for it were hard to say which is the greater obstacle to our -progress, those left behind among the race ahead, or those left behind -among our own. We must face sex inequality and class inequality among -ourselves, _lest we bitterly denounce others' injustice when the same -spirit of uncharitableness is deep buried in our own natures_. - -Why is there such intense emphasis placed upon this issue of social -equality? Largely because it arouses the jealousy of the white woman and -the white poor. She, with her heart full of fear and distrust, is the -first to shut the door upon the stranger. The next step after being a -slave is wanting one; and she, who has been for untold ages in forced -servitude to man clings jealously to that social order which provides a -place for another more to be pitied than she. She, it is who holds the -keys of the home, and with them, of church, school, restaurant, theatre -and car. - -And with women are joined the poor. _They_ bar our way to industrial -employment; they stand guard over the polls. Why? Because they have -learned uncharitableness in the school of bitter experience; because -they, who have themselves never known aught but inequality, cannot even -_think_ of an even balance between men. _Of little avail, then, the -wisdom and bounty of the few enlightened, when the serried ranks of the -masses bar our upward way_.... As each occasion of hardship or slight -works upon them,--high prices made by monopoly, failure of strikes, the -miseries of war, unequal laws, the scorn of the rich and -well-born,--they turn and empty the full reservoir of their discontent, -through the ever open vent of race hatred upon any that are weaker than -they. And ever and again the crafty among the ruling class, discovering -this means of averting danger to themselves make haste to profit by it. -The greater our show of progress,--the more active the resentment of -these classes of those above us becomes. Upon the removal of this -antagonism much of the welfare of the Republic as well as our own -depends, and I know of no other way to accomplish it than through -fairness to the women and poor of our own race. Then those just ahead -will see that they have no cause to fear that among us are to be found a -new set of masters to make fresh multitudes of slaves. We cannot, then, -afford to go on, confident that justice and wisdom will prevail; for the -best among ourselves know how difficult it is to be just and wise. Let -us who know the way to justice and can follow it, but strive to do so, -and others, and yet others will be drawn into the current until its -pressure becomes too great to resist. - -Resolved, secondly, that we will continue to form party ties from -fundamental principle and not momentary prospect of advantage. Last of -all classes, can we afford to consider trimming our political sails to -catch a chance breeze. Before it can even be granted that we hold the -actual balance of power, this opportunism must have become our settled -policy,--else we are _not_ the most precarious body of voters. But -suppose we were able to bargain for our vote, how wise would it be to do -so? Can our voters afford to indulge in a prospect of profit to be -obtained from their franchise? No, beyond question, our position is yet -too insecure to warrant our driving a bargain with the Republican party, -backed by the threatened withdrawal of our ballots. For not only would -an artificial value, given to our vote because it was pivotal,--which, -to repeat, it could only be if it were the most precarious,--double its -venality, but the likelihood of our being put off with mere promises -would be increased. Would not the prize be made just tempting enough to -keep us vainly hoping? Would the rich with all their abundance do more -than "rub our chains with crumbs?" We have all to fight to keep up our -faith in the Republican party and its fidelity to the pledges of forty -years, but all our political funds are invested with it, and unless in -pursuit of some better principle than gratitude the time has not yet -come to withdraw them. - -Resolved, thirdly, that we will contend for the political and social -rights we crave, by modern rules of war, using every protective means we -can, but scorning every dishonorable stratagem. Under the present stress -a line of division is appearing between those among us who believe in -open, and those who believe in secret methods of protection. In spite -however of the merciless fire we are subjected to by the press, which -makes any one a mark, who so much as strikes a match, we will resolutely -oppose secret bodies, secret measures, secret policies. Nothing so -quickly brings out all the cruelty of hatred as fear of secret danger. -Let not the awful power and unrebuked successes of Ku Klux Klan or white -caps mislead us. We must be free from the charge of having suggested -_even_ such means to those whom oppression has made desperate, but for -whom imitation would spell merciless revenge without even the check of -Northern censure. And another evil scarce less results: a premium is -hereby put upon treachery. Temptation is already too great to those -among us who might be induced to betray. - -On the other hand, no reasonable precaution should be left untaken. Our -position is hardly yet so perilous that we need seek the mountains, -deserts or swamps for safety. Other protective measures however should -be sought. First among these, is organization, which, however is only -worthful when there is real community of interest and feeling. These it -will be hard to secure without neighborhood and common business -dealings. By such means too, we shall better come under the protection -of the common law, with its broad mantle spread over all contractual -relations. It is hard to get justice wholesale, harder still when one -cannot offer the market price. The earlier resolutions leading up to the -15th Amendment forbade restriction of the franchise on account of creed, -ignorance or poverty. These additions were laid aside before the passage -of the bill. The Civil Rights bill in its earlier stages required -equality in the public schools and the jury service. These failed first. -The best help--this cannot be said too often--is self-help. -Self-dependence will not only strengthen our own defenses, but it has a -value yet higher--it strengthens the Republic. Appealing as we now do to -central authority, embodied in the Republican party, we help -unconsciously to build up centralized power. This disadvantage of our -faithful adherence to that party must be confessed. By striving to -obtain land and independent businesses, and towards municipal political -privileges, we will increase our responsibilities, our interest in good -government and our stake in the democracy of America,--and by so doing -become sturdier defenders of the Republic. To the man _who works_, the -man who _wants and consumes_, in short to every man belong the common -benefits and privileges due to his common humanity; but if we mean to -secure these heights which in the United States only have yet been won, -we must win firm ground to stand on. The law is not grounded in such -principles, he who would fight for the rights of men, must be _more_ -than a mere man to get standing in her courts. - -By such protective measures we may so shield ourselves from attack, that -if any should wish to destroy us they must first destroy what they have -themselves built. This means much: but who so thoughtless as to suppose -that ownership of land and home, or business interests or even municipal -or other corporate franchises,--with the knowledge needed to maintain -them--are of themselves enough! Who so weak as to trust in mere -segregation, that if we only stay on our side of a high board fence we -will be let alone! What of Africa? What of China? What so absurd as -unguarded wealth? The day of high board fences is passing. While -segregation will supply certain opportunities, which we may profit by, -if we use them as stepping-stones to higher things, it can only do so, -if there is courage to defend what has been won. Without courage no man -can hope to keep anything another covets. _Somewhere in the foreground -of all our policies,--if we are true men and women,--must be the -determination to part with them only at a reasonable price._ Let common -sense, and scorn of dishonesty, or pretence, guide us in moulding them, -but then let us adhere to them. Let all be done in God's name, as does -the man who builds an altar, gathers wood, then cleanses himself from -all impurity before he approaches it to do sacrifice. When these steps -have been taken, we may appeal to the God of justice, and with the -confidence of him who dares ask, and receive an answering sign from -Heaven, strike for the right. - - - - -The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been -Specifically Revised--_JOHN HOPE_ - - -So much has been said about almost every phase of the so-called "Race -Problem," so many good things and so many bad things, that we are apt to -believe all has been said that can be said and to wish that if there is -anything that has not yet been said, it may remain unsaid. Certainly -little that is new can be said on the franchise until we have some new -developments. You will get nothing new from me. I am to speak on a -current topic that is as well known to you as to me. Yet it is sometimes -helpful to hear your own thoughts expressed by some one else. With this -possibility of doing a service, I apologize for having consented to -write on the subject of "Negro Suffrage in the States whose -Constitutions have not been Specifically Revised." But even here I feel -unable to speak about all these States and prefer to confine myself to -my own state, for of this I may speak with the assurance that comes from -contact. - -The State of Georgia probably shows as little revulsion and reversion of -sentiment and law as any distinctly Southern state, except perhaps -Texas, since the Reconstruction period. Republican rule was short lived -and, while it remained, was less aggressive and revolutionary than in -other states. The population has been fairly evenly divided between the -two races with a majority always on the white side. The agrarian class -has been less powerful than in some Southern states and the ignorance of -both races has been rather mitigated and softened by centres of -information, towns and cities, less remotely distant from one another -than is the case in several other Southern states, railroads and -factories exerting a great influence in this respect. So Georgia may be -taken as a type of those states in which the best things have happened -or rather the worst things have not happened for Colored people. - -Of course, in Reconstruction times Georgia Democrats did act harshly, -but my remarks rather have to do with the period after that. For -instance, more than thirty Colored Republicans were expelled from the -Georgia legislature and the state had to have a sort of second -reconstruction before it was finally recognized by the United States -Government. - -Georgia had only one Republican governor, and sent to the National House -of Representatives at least one Colored Representative. But for many -years, even this has been a thing of the past. White men have held all -offices, occasionally having the monotony of complexion broken by a -Colored representative from Camden, McIntosh or Liberty county in the -state legislature. - -The passing of the Republican party in the state as an aggressive -elective organization has been due to several causes, but so hidden and -studied have two of them been, so free from shotguns, leaving out, of -course, the Ku Klux and Patrollers of the '60's and '70's, that you -cannot lay your hands on these causes so easily as in some other states -where the change has been revolutionary and sudden rather than gradual. -You will notice that I say Republican party, for when the Colored vote -was most effective it was organized by the Republican party. One of the -causes of this passing of the Republican vote was intimidation at the -polls on election day, threats and intimidation before the day in -communities of Colored people, and official rascality in the counting of -ballots actually cast. Probably, as a result of these a third cause -came--the indifference of the state and municipal Republican -organizations to making a canvass for the state and city officers. - -Then the Colored vote began to divide on Democratic candidates and was -exceedingly effective, holding the balance of power, as it did, in -choosing white Democratic governors, congressmen, state legislators, -city and county officers. This went well for awhile, but white -office-seekers soon began to fear this Colored balance of power. They -wanted their certainty of a majority of the white vote to guarantee -their office; so the Georgia legislature passed a law making it legal to -have primaries to nominate candidates for office and also throwing such -safeguards about the management of primaries as aimed to secure lawful -practices on these occasions. Here was a perfectly harmless movement, -apparently harmless. The next step was made by the Democratic party -assembled in State Convention when it decided that candidates for state -and county officers on the Democratic ticket should be nominated by a -primary, but leaving the conduct of the primary to the community in -which it might be held, provided this should not run counter to the -primary law as passed by the State. Here too, was a perfectly fair and -harmless provision, apparently fair and apparently harmless. But the way -was then open for the primary to take on a local coloring. In -communities where the colored vote was an embarrassment, the Democratic -party there decided to have a _white_ primary. In one of these -communities a colored man that I know went to vote at the primary. He -was a "good Negro" a very good Negro, his goodness dating back to the -time when the "Yankees" were about to confiscate his master's cotton and -he claimed the cotton as his. Even this transaction did not enlarge his -cranium, and after saving his master thousands of dollars and gradually -amassing a fortune for himself, he still knew how to approach his former -master from the kitchen door. Well, this good Negro went to cast his -ballot. The courteous man at the polls said: "George, this is a -Democratic primary." "Yes," said George, "but I am a Democrat." "Well," -said the courteous gentleman, "but George, this is a _white_ primary." -This colored man found himself without a Republican for whom he might -vote, and was informed that the Democratic party was a close corporation -so far as the Colored man was concerned. This is quite interesting when -I tell you that white Republicans, avowedly Republicans, have not only -been permitted but even requested to participate in the primaries of the -Democratic and Populist parties. - -The reason for the elasticity of the primary is quite evident, that is, -why Colored people are allowed to take part in the primary in one -community and not in another, or why they are allowed at one time to -vote and at another time in that same community are not allowed to vote. -The purpose is to have the Colored voters as a harmless balance of power -between the Democrats and any other party that may show strength, that -is, to have the Colored man to settle disputes among white people -without becoming obstreperous because of this valuable assistance. There -were some communities where the Populists used the Colored voter to -defeat Democrats and others where the Democrats used this vote to defeat -Populists. Of the State as a whole, it may be said that Populism was -defeated by the Colored voters espousing the Democratic side. And be it -said to the common sense and good reason of many Democrats that this -fact is acknowledged and to an extent appreciated by the party now in -power--to the extent at least of staving off any further -disfranchisement measures thus far. - -But the most flagrant high-handedness and palpable confession of purpose -on the part of white people with reference to our citizenship rights is -to be found in a state legislative enactment that looks to the municipal -management of two Georgia towns where the Colored voters are so -overwhelmingly in the majority that ordinary subterfuges would not -fulfill the requirement. Darien and St. Mary's are two coast towns with -a large Colored population. The mayor and aldermen are not elected by -the voters in these towns; but, instead, these towns enjoy the unique -distinction of being managed by officials appointed by the governor of -the State. What is more simple; what more high-handed; what more -un-Democratic and subversive of national principles of government than -this? - -Now let us ask the question: Can the Colored man cast his ballot in -Georgia? - -In the first place, any party of any race may hold a primary. - -Second, any man of any party or race may vote in the _general_ election -for any candidate he may wish. - -Let us ask next, whether these ballots will be counted? That depends -entirely upon whether the need is to count them or destroy them; or -furthermore, to count them as ballots for some one for whom they were -not cast. The election boards and the management at the polls are not -bipartisan and the party in power may do what it chooses. - -We raise the question now whether it is for our best interest -economically to exercise the franchise? Do men vote to help their -economic interests? Are not taxation and other fiscal policies settled -by the ballot? May not property be enhanced or lessened in value by -voters? Colored people have some real estate and securities, but their -practical capital is their labor; yet they have not the least power, the -real power, of influencing legislation in reference to a single labor -measure that may arise, although in Georgia nearly half the population -is colored and in the laboring class the colored people are in the -majority. Now suppose, as white union labor in the South grows stronger, -it should influence such legislation as would eliminate colored labor -where it came into competition with white labor, the colored laborer -would be politically powerless to resist this legislation. Now is this a -mere idle dream when we reflect that within the past few months a Texas -legislator introduced a bill to confine Colored labor to the farm -whenever it was found in city and town communities to be competing with -white labor. - -Then there is another side that really has its argument, effective, -though perhaps not very logical. The fact that we are, as a people, -laborers and not capitalists, makes us, as any other people similarly -placed would be, under obligation to the capitalist who, in our case, -are white. The point is made that to enter politics against the wishes -of this people would raise such antagonism as to lower our earning -power. Hence we are told to keep out of politics until we get a better -money basis. Here we stand between two difficulties, staying out of -politics might jeopard our earning and entering politics might jeopard -our earnings. Many honest and thoughtful white and colored men stand on -both sides of this question. - -Now, is it educationally best for us to vote? This question requires -some amplifying. Do we mean what educational value comes from this -training in citizenship? If so, then certainly the value is great. There -was a time when we knew conditions in our state and town, but so little -influence does a Colored man have in politics now that I do not even -know the name of the alderman in my ward, although I am a registered -voter, have paid my poll tax and voted for President Roosevelt. I know -of nothing more benumbing to us as citizens than this deprivation. Men -who are philosophic may consider matters that are not of material -concern, but the average person does not load his mind and spend his -time with things that, for one reason or another, have no concern for -him. Any discussion as to the fitness and honesty of municipal and state -candidates hardly touches me, as I know I cannot lift a finger to -promote the interests of any one of them. I have no voice. - -There is another position from which this question may be viewed and -that is whether the advantages from schools would be lessened or -increased from participation in politics. It is quite evident that -without the ballot any people are suppliant and must beg rather than -make a manly demand. But, assuming that the lack of the ballot has -become a condition with us, would a demand or threat about our ballot -result in a counter threat that if we forced the issue, we should not -only be denied our ballot, but that for our arrogance the appropriation -for Colored public schools would be cut down and we should receive only -what we paid in as our share of the school tax? This too, is no dream; -but has actually been considered by colored men as a possible reason for -not causing such antagonism as would arise from Colored men endeavoring -to enter aggressively into politics again. - -What now about fears for disfranchisement such as has been compassed by -the revised constitutions in many Southern states? Some one may say that -there is no difference between constitutional disfranchisement and that -_quasi_ disfranchisement effective for all practical purposes such as we -have spoken of as now obtaining in Georgia. There is a tremendous -difference. If a wave of civic righteousness should sweep over those -states still without constitutional disfranchisement, the primaries -would be a very slight embarrassment to those willing to do right by all -races alike; while in the states possessing constitutional -disfranchisement, the reactionaries would have such means of stopping -fair play and honest elections free for all, that they could easily -check the purpose of the fair-minded citizens for a long while. - -Now, do we really have to fear disfranchisement? I say disfranchisement -must at all times be feared and be guarded against as far as it lies -within our power in an honorable and manly way to hold it off. Just at -the time North Carolina and Maryland seemed most secure to us we found -ourselves deprived of our rights; and it may be safely stated that -whenever on a specific occasion the Colored vote exerts the balance of -power over any considerable area, there disfranchisement may be feared. -We need to fear disfranchisement because it is founded upon the spirit -of injustice and that same spirit fosters it. So palpable is this, that -the South bewails the fact. Governor Warfield in speaking about the -repeal of the Fifteenth amendment says: "The privilege to vote could -then be bestowed without respect to the expedient of unwise -constitutional amendments that strain the conscience of our best people -and arouse criticism." Yet the repeal of the Fifteenth amendment would -not relieve those apostles of disfranchisement of the odium of violating -the spirit of truly American democracy and of setting at naught that -mighty decision on human rights that was rendered by the bloody -arbitrament of war--Disfranchisement of whatever sort, if designed to -embarrass a citizen because of his race, must always "strain the -conscience of our best people." - -Does Georgia show any signs of the disfranchising spirit? We fear it -does. The State Legislature now expects some measure of this sort at -each session, and in recent years has not been disappointed, although -good sense has thus far triumphed. Then again men in high places, -congressmen and at least one of our U. S. Senators from Georgia have -begun to say some things that may easily be construed as an advocacy of -disfranchisement. It occurs to me that the marked difference between the -condition in my boyhood and to-day is this: then the opposition was to -Republicans, to-day it is to Negroes. It is not a party line, but a race -line. - -Now the white primary has not done all that was claimed for it. In the -first place it has not purified elections. Far from doing away with the -purchase and sale of votes, it has, by lowering the supply, relatively -increased the demand and brought up the price to a really fancy figure. -In the second place it has failed to do that for which it was ostensibly -introduced especially to do, namely; to put into office those men most -eminently fitted by ability and character to administer the office to -which they might be chosen. On the contrary, primary elections have been -questioned on the ground of fraud; and the mayor of one very prominent -Georgia city has been arrested for drunkenness. Then why is the primary -kept? Well, the "fixers" for instance, can more easily fix things. With -the Colored man's vote eliminated, the work becomes simplified and even -though the amount of money spent illegally may now be more than the -total amount in the days when colored as well as white were in the -market yet those interested in "fixing" elections can now work with more -assurance; and promises may more easily be carried out in the matter of -delivering the goods. - -For instance, I know of a city election where the voters in one ward -were so evenly divided and the candidates had calculated their strength -so accurately, that one candidate felt safe in buying three white votes -at the rate of one hundred ten dollars. Large corporations may now -operate easily in state and city; and some of the most flagrant cases of -political jobbery that have been charged against Reconstruction rule are -easily equalled by the bare-faced graft and bribery by which large -business interests win their way through the assistance of white voters. - -What are the possibilities of white aspirants bolting the primary? It is -my impression that they are fewer than they were twenty years ago. Judge -Gartrell once ran independently against Alexander Stephens for Governor -and Judge Emory Speer in his younger days ran on an independent ticket; -but such a step on the part of a candidate means outlawry for life. -Speer was read into the Republican party, Thomas Watson into the -Populist; and since the exile of such giants, the small fry find it easy -to be good and not to lift their heads in rebellion, no matter what -rascality has compassed their defeat at the Primary. No. It is my -impression that the primary is more firmly established to-day than when -it was first started. White unity has become white slavery; and while -the yoke galls, the white aspirant prefers the yoke to extermination. - -But, suppose there should be a general Democratic "rough house" and the -colored vote should be called in to quell the disturbance, the Colored -voter would have no guarantee that such would mean his return to -political standing. On the contrary, it might, as in several states, -cause the passage of constitutional disfranchisement that would make his -last state worse than the former. Our status is truly unenviable, and -the ground on which we stand is exceedingly uncertain. - -I desire now to treat more fully what has already been touched upon: Why -do the Republicans not nominate candidates for state, county and city -offices and make a general canvass? There are two classes of Colored -men, those who think the party should and those who think it should not. -Unfortunately each of these classes makes severe charges against the -other with reference to this matter. I much prefer to accept the -explanations of both as honest. The following are at least some of the -reasons for not making a canvass: first, it is difficult to get -desirable men to accept the nomination; second, it would be still more -difficult to secure sufficient funds to pay the ordinary and perfectly -legitimate expenses of a campaign; third, the injustice of the party in -power would make a fair election an impossibility. Hence a candidate -would be doomed to defeat from the moment of his nomination and the fact -that he and the party would know this, would make the campaign lifeless, -futile and perfunctory. Fourth, the prominence of Colored people in -politics and the extra trouble to which they would put the ascendant -party might result in still further curtailment of the few rights still -left to us. - -To all of this the side that clamors or appears to clamor for a ticket -says: You assume too much, you see ghosts. Yet supposing the worst, it -is far better to keep Colored voters organized for several reasons: -first, because the organization gives a valuable training in citizenship -that cannot be gained by standing aloof and waiting for better things; -second, because if an opening should come suddenly, the Colored people -would be better able to decide quickly and intelligently where to throw -their strength solidly on one side or another for their own best -interests and the interests of the government; thirdly, because a show -of opposition to existing political injustice and repression would -relieve us of the charge of indifference to our condition and would -strengthen the courage of those who might champion our cause--our -efficient, powerful champions, who have grown doubtful about our real -manhood. I believe in the honesty of both these classes of colored men; -and it is exceedingly difficult for a man, living in the midst of these -conditions and knowing the temperament, attitude and unlimited power of -the white people, to say which one of these two courses is the more -rational and helpful to pursue. - -What have the Colored people lost through disfranchisement? They have -lost the privilege of influencing legislation, since the legislator -feels under no obligation to them. The "Jim Crow" car law, the separate -tax bill and almost any other bill may be passed so far as pressure from -Colored people is concerned. A very clear case is the public library in -Atlanta which is supported by the taxes of all citizens, yet not a -single Colored person may enter that library to read or borrow a book. -Some months ago Mr. Carnegie offered the city ten thousand dollars for a -library for the Colored people on the condition that the city furnish a -lot and agree to appropriate one thousand dollars _per annum_ for the -maintenance of the library. The whole matter has been tabled and the -Colored people have no redress, since their mayor and aldermen were -elected without the Colored vote. Do you suppose the city of Atlanta -would have refused so paltry a favor, if its city council were dependent -upon our vote? - -Not only have we lost influence among the law makers but among those who -interpret the law and administer justice. Neither judge nor jury has to -consult the Colored man's wish. This independence of us makes the court -a place of injustice as frequently as of justice, and policemen may be -cruel with impunity. - -Then too, the chain-gang with its revolting influences on men and women, -boys and girls; the lack of Negro reformatories in some places where -they do exist for white boys find much of their meaning in the fact that -the Colored voter cannot make sentiment and bring things to pass through -the ballot. We have had the "Jim Crow" law forced upon us, our public -schools have become poorer in equipment and teaching force, and the -salary of teachers has been lowered. - -In a word, the loss of the franchise has changed our status to such a -degree that we no longer demand, but beg and supplicate even for those -fundamental needs, without which education and general improvement would -be very doubtful. - -Now are there some things to be effected that are regarded as of more -vital interest to Colored people at present than the ballot? In the face -of what has already been said, this seems almost an unnecessary -question, since the ballot is no abstract thing, no merely academic -theory, but a vital agent in the promotion of improvement and happiness. -Yet as obvious as all this seems, when people have already lost the -ballot they may ask this question: Are there some things to be effected -that are of more vital interest to Colored people at present than the -ballot? - -I heard a sweet-spirited Colored man say at the conclusion of his -remarks one day--he was a college president and is now in Heaven away -from this turmoil--well I heard him say: "I have come to the conclusion -that all we can do in this country is to take what the white man gives -us." An eminent Colored preacher said recently in my hearing: "You can't -drive these white folks, you must knuckle to them and you can get -anything you want." Within the last two months an interesting white -southern clergyman in his exhortation to Colored people to be good -Negroes, told them not to get mad about "Jim Crow" cars and to be slow -to urge their rights. Said he: "You Colored people are undertaking a -heavy task when you attempt to reform the Anglo-Saxon." Now our present -needs are numerous and vital, many growing out of the curtailment of -privileges, a condition made possible through our lack of the ballot. -Many Colored men believe that we can get these needs supplied most -quickly and surely by begging and not resorting to a futile ballot; -many, moreover, think that the voting would retard the granting of these -much needed privileges. On the other hand, others say our condition -grows steadily worse and our only redress, our only hope, is in the -ballot. - -Now what do I believe about all this? I believe that we ought to vote, -and I vote on every public question when the privilege is accorded me. I -believe that our leaders ought to give us the opportunity to vote and -let us stand forth as men, whether successful or not, willing to do all -within our power to be full-fledged citizens. Certainly our attitude -ought never to allow the white people to say: the Negro cares nothing -for the franchise and does not exercise it when he does have the -opportunity. What are we waiting for? Not more education, I hope. And -here I must remind you that one thing is much over-talked: the -forwardness of the Colored child and the backwardness of the white child -in the matter of getting an education. Colored children are not being -fitted as are white for their responsibilities. A real intellectual -awakening is going on among the whites of the South--more and better -school houses, better teachers and longer school terms; and the white -children are learning with avidity. The Colored children are getting -poor school houses, poorer teachers, more poorly paid teachers and -shorter school terms; and we cannot change this disparity by begging the -state and city. Unless we force better things for ourselves by the -ballot or go into our own pockets, the next generation of colored voters -will be relatively less prepared for the educational qualification in -comparison with the white voter than the Colored voters of to-day. Oh! -you say: "Pessimist, looking on the dark side." Away with that -contemptible sentimentality and aversion to ugly facts that make some of -my people call a man a pessimist every time he lifts a warning voice. I -know the white country school house and the Colored country school -house. There is a tremendous difference. - -Now I believe in education, but I also believe in manhood; and any -education bought at the price of manhood is worthless and a mill-stone -about the neck. I believe in the ballot as a developer of manhood and as -it procures the right of men. I believe in the ballot in spite of -threats of disfranchisement, if we use this ballot. I see no difference -in purpose between the states that have outrightly disfranchised us and -those states that do it stealthily or by indirection. - -I believe that the purpose of all is the same: a hatred for Colored -people and a determination to have white supremacy at any cost of life -and honor. I do not think Northern sentiment is a deterring force, -though I think Northern sentiment _could_ become a deterring force to -disfranchisement. In the face of all this, why _delay_ voting in the -hope of better things; better _welcome_ disfranchisement as _men_ than -_suffer_ from it as _cowards_. - - - - -The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West--_JOHN L. LOVE_ - - -The potential voting strength of the Negro population in the United -States is, according to the last census, three times as great as was -that of the white population in 1775 when the Declaration of -Independence published to the world the modern, though sound, practical -and eminently safe political creed that governments derive their just -powers from the consent of the governed. The number of Negro males of -voting age is approximately three millions, a number equal to the entire -white population at the beginning of the war for Independence. The total -Negro population in the United States in 1900 was three times larger -than was the total white population which battled against King George -and the British Parliament for the purpose of securing a voice in the -choice of those who levy taxes and enact the laws whose weight and -obligation fall equally upon the whole body of citizens. - -In the North Atlantic, the North Central, and the Western census -divisions of the United States, the potential voting strength of the -Negroes is more than a quarter million. It is larger than was the -combined prohibition and socialist vote in 1900 and exceeds by nearly a -hundred thousand the total combined vote cast for the present governors -of the four states of Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana and -Alabama. In many sections of the North and West the Negro population is -sparse and scattering, varying all the way from one in Scott County in -Indiana to 63,000 in Philadelphia. Yet in many localities where there is -almost an even balance of the two chief parties, the Negro vote is -competent to decide the results of election. In the states of Delaware -Indiana, Ohio, Connecticut, New Jersey, and several districts in New -York, Massachusetts, and Illinois, a united, coherent Negro vote may -frequently determine both local and national elections. This is shown by -the returns in 1902 for Congressional election in four districts in -Indiana, two in New Jersey, four in Ohio, and two in Massachusetts and -Connecticut, where the Negro vote was of sufficient size to have thrown -the election to either party. In state and local elections where party -fealty is not always so strong as in national elections, owing to -dissatisfaction with both men and measures, the potentiality of the -Negro vote can be made very real and effective as well as respectable. -The municipal wards and legislative districts in the large commercial -and manufacturing centers of the North and West furnish undoubted -opportunities for the Negro vote to make itself felt and to win regard -and respect as far away as the United States Senate. - -The foregoing facts and considerations suggest interesting possibilities -and, in view of the conditions affecting the political, civil, and -economic well being of the people of color in the United States, they -create a demand and an obligation with reference to the use of which the -Negro voter should make of his right of the franchise. - -The chief tenet of modern political philosophy is that the participation -of the people in the government is the only way by which their liberties -can be guaranteed and their economic and industrial happiness -safeguarded. Out of this conviction which has taken hold of men almost -everywhere has resulted in the universal movement towards democracy. The -democratic triumph which has marked the past hundred years and has been -accompanied by marvelous achievements of human endeavor--achievements -which could not have been accomplished except under conditions of -freedom--has not been won without stupendous struggle and temporary -defeats and disappointments. At every forward step, the movement has -encountered unrelenting and seemingly irresistible opposition of -privilege. Even here in the United States where, barring absurd -contradictions, the spirit of democracy began so conspicuously to assert -itself under the fostering genius of Jefferson, skillful and powerful -resistance has been constant and implacable. Aristocratic privilege, -intrenched in power, has grudgingly given way to the demands of manhood -rights, and manhood suffrage, and even to-day, in the attempt to -rehabilitate itself, it is bold enough to make the ridiculous assertion -that the right of suffrage, even in a republican form of government, is -not a natural and inherent right of citizenship, but merely a privilege -to be granted or withheld at pleasure by a select few for whose assumed -authority no power on earth or in heaven is responsible. - -Whatever opinions may be entertained contrary to the doctrine and -increasing practice of government by the consent of the governed, the -fact is undeniable that as man has gained and exercised the right of -participation in government, special privilege for the few has had to -give way to the condition of equal opportunity for all. Abuses have been -swept away and the door of opportunity has been opened for all. Thus has -the ballot proven to be man's sure and effective weapon of defense -against tyranny and proscriptive government. - -All classes of our varied population, with possibly one exception, have -recognized this truth and have acted in accordance with it. German, -Irish, Jew; artisan, farmer and merchant--all have found the ballot a -remedy for social, economic, and political ills that have had their -origin in unjust laws or the partial administration of law. All have -used it with wonderful effect towards the betterment of their condition. -Grievances of one group have been allied with those of another group; -industrial discontent growing out of capitalistic wrongs, political -distempers due to governmental abuses or the enforcement of -discriminatory laws; the deep seated consciousness of ethnic injustice -in the industrial or political scheme--all have combined and arrayed -themselves for redress which every branch of the political machinery has -in the end endeavored to grant. The demands of the Slavonic yeomanry of -the Northwest that a check be placed upon railroad combinations are not -less effective in securing compliance than those of the merchants and -shippers of our commercial centers that just and equal rates of -transportation shall be enforced. The underground toilers of the mining -regions of Pennsylvania and Illinois know that their grievances will -receive the same respectful attention and consideration as the mandates -of the coal barons, and they systematically scrutinize the attitude and -the actions of public servants and hold them to a strict performance of -promise and duty in so far as their rights and interests are concerned. -Thus it is that in the United States as in all representative -governments the ballot is the surest means of securing a "square deal;" -and it is incumbent upon the three hundred thousand Negro voters of the -north and west to recognize its value and to make the same use of it as -is made by all other aggrieved elements of the body politic. - -A catalogue of the wrongs and injuries suffered by the Negro citizens of -the United States, first on account of discriminatory and proscriptive -legislation; secondly, on account of the failure to enforce the laws -designed to uphold and protect their citizenship; and thirdly, on -account of the most palpable and outrageous violation of the sacred -rights of life, liberty and property, make the "long train of abuses and -usurpations" committed, according to the Declaration of Independence, by -the King of Great Britain against his colonies in America appear as the -gentle chastisements of a benificent ruler. Of all the complex elements -of American citizenship, the Negro is the solitary victim of legal, -social, industrial, and political discrimination. He alone is singled -out by the law for disparagement which fact encourages and enforces the -multitude of civil and industrial discriminations and injuries that tend -to deprive him of the respectability due not only to a citizen but to -man. To the tax levy, to the obligation to bear arms for the common -defense as well as to all other mandates of the government, he is -equally amenable with other citizens; but he is excepted from a full -share of the benefits of citizenship. In all stations of society and in -all departments of government, his protests fall upon deaf or -indifferent ears, and the very sufferings and wrongs which he suffers -are frequently made the text for sermonizings on his short-comings. If -the homilies published from the pulpits, in the press, and even -sometimes from the higher branches of the government are to be believed, -the Negro is the most unsaintly citizen of the republic, in spite of the -fact that he seldom commits "the robust crimes of the whites" or has the -chance to defraud the government, to wreck financial institutions, or -rob widows and orphans. - -The burden of these outrages lies heavily upon the hearts and minds of -the black men of America, yet the remedy, if they could but realize it, -lies largely within their power. Throughout the republic, every man -identified with the Negro race, though he may not be personally or -locally subjected directly to the humiliations and wrongs which oppress -and degrade the great mass of his kind, feels their bitter sting and -resents them. In public assemblies, upon the public highways and common -carriers, in the drawing room and around the secrecy of the fireside, -the fact of injustice is the one inevitable and irrepressible theme of -conversation and reflection; and the perennial and ever present question -in the minds of all, whether of low or high degree, is _By what means -can the situation be altered?_ Men of different opinions are endeavoring -more or less honestly to answer the question, but one of the surest and -quickest means is at the command of the three hundred thousand Negro -voters of the north and west, who have it in their power by an -intelligent, united, and courageous exercise of their high privilege and -right to demand the same respect and consideration for their interest -and well being as any other class of men who register their wills at the -ballot-box. - -Thaddeus Stevens once said that control of republics depends upon -numbers and not upon the quality of the citizens. In the last analysis -this is true, but in all governments by parties the smaller number is -often more important than the larger. The strength of the Negro vote in -the North and West in times of party crises consists not so much in the -number of that vote as in the use which is made of it. In thirty -northern and western cities, it can very effectively contribute to the -improvement of existing conditions. It is wonderfully powerful, if -intelligently directed, in the cities of Boston, Baltimore, Chicago, -Cincinnati, Cleveland, Columbus, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and New York. - -The effectiveness of this vote depends more upon the use which is made -of it in local and state elections than in national elections. The bonds -which unite the interests of the local, state and national officials and -politicians are very real and subtle--the weakest point being always the -local politician. His election and success often turns upon less than a -score of votes and consequently he is not inclined to disdain a single -voter. His interests are inseparably connected with the interests and -ambitions of the men who occupy luxurious berths in Congress and in the -national or state government. In all matters concerning the interests of -the Negro, the local politician's position can be known and his actions -are open to close view. When his acts do not accord or square with the -interest of the colored voter, he can be left to find other friends and -supporters. - -In the second place, the effectiveness and potentiality of the Negro -vote in the North and West depends upon an absolute and courageous -disregard of traditions. There are times when party fealty may be both -proper and commendable. There is to be sure a great deal of hypocrisy -and humbuggery in our political parties, yet back of these they do stand -for certain great and vital principles. When the latter are put to the -test our fealty may properly be demanded, but under normal conditions, -when stress and strife of class and selfish interests, invidious -discriminations and outrageous injustice prevail, the only safe and -prudent course for the individual or class of individuals to pursue is -absolute independence of parties and uncompromising devotion to the -paramount interest. When we cannot act advantageously, we may act -punitively, so that the public servant may know that if he ignores or -hypocritically juggles with our interests, he will be held to a strict -accountability. If on the eve of an election the party or the individual -candidate attempts to cajole by a statement of principles or policy -which is ignored after a successful contest, reprisal should be swift -and terrible as soon as the opportunity permits. - -In the third place, the Negro vote of the North and West needs, if it -does not at present lack, intelligent, honest, straightforward, and -unselfish leadership. Until it has this, its potentiality will be _nil_. - -To impute dishonesty or insincerity to those who from time to time act -in the role of leaders of the Negro voters would be unpardonably -reprehensible. Men generally act according to their light and it is not -an uncommon observation that the average public man gets his light -through the medium of a self-interested reflector. Amid the competitions -and conflicts, the struggle for place and temporary power and emoluments -which characterize all phases of modern life and especially political -life in the United States, the calm, clear-eyed, far-seeing man is rare. -Yet men of unusual foresight, of clear perception of the fundamental and -vital issues with the tact and ability to gain an advantage and an -uncompromising determination to hold what has been gained--such is the -type of men needed to make the Negro vote potent. The leadership which -boasts of its capacity to keep silent under terrible wrongs is not -calculated to carry the race far on the road towards real and permanent -betterment. - -Redress of political wrongs is not the fruit of grim and sanctimonious -silence. Whenever it has come, it has been forced by long, continuous -and implacable outcry, and Negro leadership must follow the example of -men in other lands and in other times who fearlessly cried out against -the wrongs which their people suffered. In "The Making of England," John -Richard Green states that the Roman conquerors were able to completely -subjugate and enslave the Britons because they were able to make terms -with their leaders. The finest skill of the dominant element in -governments founded upon tyranny has always been employed in making -terms with the leaders of the oppressed. - -Silence has its part in our fight and many times the cause has been lost -because of failure to observe it, but it is not silence in respect to -wrongs. Neither upon battlefields nor in the mad clash of passions and -ambitions that mark the control of states is victory won or success -achieved by a boisterous parade of the plan of attack. In the subtle -operation of American political methods, silence is the sphinx that -baffles the most astute and insinuating politician. The silent vote is a -greater dread to the party leaders than was the sword to Damocles. - -The Negro ballot has almost lost its potency on account of the -unconcerned cocksureness of one political party that the other side will -not get the benefit of it. The party managers have no concern about the -certainty of the Negro vote and therefore spend all of their effort in -trying to satisfy the demands of the other elements and are never able -to know whether or not they have succeeded until the vote is counted. -They fear the silent vote. It is thoughtful, analytic, decisive. It -scans, records, and registers every dodge, retreat, and juggle which the -honorable candidate or the party has been guilty of in matters which -concern it. - -In the exercise of the suffrage, the Negro voter has never been -indifferent to the best and noblest interests of the republic. For more -than forty years he has voted with the majority of his fellow countrymen -on all the great questions which have divided the people. This he has -done out of regard more for what men have considered the welfare of the -country than for what he has deemed advantageous to himself. There is -now a need of a change. He must now consider his well-being and safety -identical with the well-being and safety of the republic and must -require all men who seek his vote to consider it likewise. - -To-day we are on the eve of a great national festival. The peaceful -succession of government is a boon not enjoyed by all the peoples of the -world. It is an event which deservedly appeals to the enthusiasm and -civic pride of the nation. From all corners of the state have come -delegations of citizens representing all classes, who come not only to -honor and grace by their presence the event but, I believe, to pay -honest and manly tribute to a man who is beloved and trusted by the -whole American people. His battles against civic wrongs and in behalf of -weaker classes and his policy of "all men up and no men down," not only -make him the paragon of public officials, but a lovable and trusted man. -Among the throngs that shall honor him and in turn be honored in the -escort which will make the Avenue the most splendid pageant which can -adorn any modern government, none will march more proudly than the brave -and valiant regiment of black men who, with him whom they honor, risked -all and won glory on the field of San Juan. Yet by the laws of the land -and by the policy of the government, their rights and their manhood are -not on a parity with those of other citizens who with less desert shall -follow in his train. It is the possibility of such a state of affairs, -that the Negro vote of the North and West, yea the great body of all -good citizens must exercise itself to prevent. - - - - -Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the -Elective Franchise--_KELLY MILLER_ - - -Population lies at the basis of all human problems. The first command -given by the Creator to the human race was to multiply and replenish the -earth. The growth and expansion of the Negro population in the United -States must be the controlling factor in the many complex problems to -which his presence gives rise. In order to gain adequate as well as -accurate knowledge on this subject, it is necessary to take a -comprehensive view of its progress since its transplantation in America. -It is well known that the first ship load of African slaves was landed -at Jamestown, Va. in 1619. This original handful augmented by fresh -importation and by its own rapid multiplication had swollen to three -quarters of a million when the first Census was taken in 1790. The -following table will reveal the essential facts as to the expansion of -this population. - - - _TABLE_ 6 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - NEGRO POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - YEAR. NUMBER OF DECENNIAL PER CENT OF PER CENT OF - NEGROES. INCREASE. INCR. TOTAL - POPUL. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1790 757,208 - - 19.27 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1800 1,002,037 244,829 32.33 18.18 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1810 1,377,808 375,771 37.50 19.03 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1820 1,771,656 393,848 28.50 18.39 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1830 2,328,642 556,986 31.44 18.10 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1840 2,873,648 545,006 23.44 16.84 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1850 3,683,808 765,169 26.63 15.69 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1860 4,441,830 803,022 14.13 14.13 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1870 4,880,009 438,179 9.87 11.68 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1880 6,580,793 1,700,784 34.85 13.12 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1890 7,470,040 889,247 13.51 11.93 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1900 8,840,789 1,370,749 18.35 11.57 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - - -There are certain noticeable irregularities in this table, due in part -to known disturbing causes, and in part to imperfections in census -methods. It is thus seen that the Negro constitutes a rapidly increasing -element, though a slowly diminishing minority of the total population. -This relative diminution is due wholly to the influx of white -immigrants, more than 14,000,000 of whom have come to our shores since -1860. If the two races should continue to grow at the same relative rate -of increase as during the last decade, according to the law of -diminishing ratios, it would require more than one hundred years to -reduce the Negro to one-tenth of the total population. So far as any -practical calculation is concerned, we may regard this as an irreducible -minimum. So long as the Negro constitutes one-tenth of the entire body -of the American people we may expect to have the race problem, both in -its general and in its political features. - -From the foundation of our government the Negro has constituted a -serious political problem, mainly because of his unequal geographical -distribution. If agricultural and economic conditions had been uniform, -and the slaves had been evenly scattered over the whole area, the -political phase of the race problem would have been far different from -what it is and has been throughout our national life. The fact that the -bulk of this race has been congested in one section has constituted the -cause of political friction from the foundation of the Constitution till -the present hour. This population persists in remaining in that section -where it was most thickly planted by the institution of slavery. The -center of gravity is still moving slowly towards the gulf of Mexico. -Ninety-two per cent of the race is still found in the sixteen states -where slavery prevailed at the outbreak of the civil war. The coastal -states, from Maryland to Texas, contain three-fourths of the total -number. - -While there has been a steady stream of Negro immigration towards the -North and West, yet it has not been sufficient to materially affect the -mass tendency. It would seem, on first view, that the Negro who -complains so bitterly against political restrictions in the South would -rush to the freer conditions of the North as a gas from a denser to a -rarer medium. But political and civil freedom offered by the North are -more than off-set by industrial restrictions and by the inertia of a -population devoid of the pioneer spirit. The warm blooded, warm hearted -child of the tropics is chilled alike by the rigid climate and frigid -social atmosphere that prevail in the higher latitudes. In all New -England there are fewer Negroes than are to be found in a single county -in Tennessee. - - - _TABLE_ 7 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - SECTION. POPULATION. INCREASE, 1890 RATE OF INCR. - TO 1900 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - United States 8,840,789 1,370,749 18.35 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Georgia 1,034,813 175,998 20.50 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Mississippi 907,630 165,071 22.20 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 827,307 148,818 21.90 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - So. Carolina 782,321 93,387 13.60 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - 31 Northern 759,788 181,876 31.50 - States - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - - -We learn from this table that there are four states in the union, each -of which contains a larger number of Negroes than all the 31 free states -combined. While such free states show a much more rapid decennial -increase than any of the far south states, still the total increment -scarcely exceeds that of the single state of Georgia. These figures -reveal no mad hegira to a fairer and better land. The increase in the -Northern states is due almost wholly to immigration from the South. It -is entirely probable that the Negro population, left to itself, would -not be a self sustaining quantity in the higher latitudes. During the -last decade there was an absolute decline of the Negro population in -Vermont, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, New Mexico, Nevada, -Oregon and California. - -The political significance of this Northern movement is out of all -proportion to its absolute weight. It is only in the North that the -Negro vote has dynamic power. In several of the border states, this vote -is at present unhampered, but there is no guarantee of future security. -In Mississippi there are 197,936 Negro males of voting age, but this -potential vote does not affect the choice of a single official of that -state. The black vote of that commonwealth is as completely nullified as -the last two amendments had never been appended to our national -constitution. On the other hand the 5,193 adult Negro males in Mich. are -accounted of considerable consequence in the political equation of that -state. In the Northern and Western states where men feel free to align -themselves according to conviction, the two parties are so nearly even -that the Negro vote constitutes the balance of power. Owing to unusual -political conditions, which cannot be counted on to continue, the last -three presidential elections were practically one-sided. The Republican -party triumphed by a margin that far exceeded the entire Negro -Contingent. It is only in several of the border states that this vote -could in any way have affected the fate of presidential electors. The -Negro vote, however, has been quite effective in state elections, and in -the choice of congressmen. As the parties gravitate to normal -conditions, the Negro vote will again become the balance of power in the -controlling states of the North. At the beginning of every campaign each -party feels that it has a chance of success. At such times the black -vote looms up large and significant. In national affairs the colored -vote usually adheres to the party of Lincoln and Sumner. As the margin -between the two parties is a shifting and uncertain quantity, the rapid -increase of the Negro vote in the Northern States becomes a matter of -great political importance. - - - _TABLE_ 8 - ---------------------------------------------- - NEGRO MALES OF VOTING AGE IN THE NORTHERN - STATES. - ---------------------------------------------- - STATE. 1890. 1900. - ---------------------------------------------- - Pennsylvania 34,873 51,668 - ---------------------------------------------- - New York 24,231 31,425 - ---------------------------------------------- - Illinois 18,200 29,762 - ---------------------------------------------- - Ohio 25,922 31,235 - ---------------------------------------------- - Indiana 13,079 18,186 - ---------------------------------------------- - New Jersey 14,564 21,474 - ---------------------------------------------- - Massachusetts 7,967 10,456 - ---------------------------------------------- - Rhode Island 2,261 2,765 - ---------------------------------------------- - Connecticut 3,497 4,576 - ---------------------------------------------- - Kansas 12,543 14,695 - ---------------------------------------------- - Michigan - 5,193 - ---------------------------------------------- - - -These figures tell their own story when we consider the normal relation -between the two parties in these several states. It is also interesting -to note that the Negroes in the North are found very largely in the -cities. This makes this vote of considerable importance in municipal -elections. There is, however, a tendency on the part of this vote to -distribute itself between the two parties in purely municipal and local -matters, which to a great degree neutralizes its special significance. - - - _TABLE_ 9 - -------------------------------- - NEGRO VOTERS IN NORTHERN - CITIES, 1900. - -------------------------------- - CITY NEGROES OF - VOTING AGE - -------------------------------- - Philadelphia 20,095 - -------------------------------- - New York 18,651 - -------------------------------- - Chicago 12,424 - -------------------------------- - Pittsburg 6,541 - -------------------------------- - Indianapolis 5,200 - -------------------------------- - Boston 4,441 - -------------------------------- - Cincinnati 4,997 - -------------------------------- - Detroit 1,732 - -------------------------------- - - -The most effective use that the Negro in the North can make of his -political privilege is to uphold civic righteousness in municipal -affairs, and to support those men and measures pledged to support the -integrity of the constitution and its vital amendments. - - - - -The Negro and His Citizenship--_FRANCIS J. GRIMKE_ - - - ACTS 22:25-29.--_And when they had tied him up with the thongs, - Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you - to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned? And when the - centurion heard it, he went to the chief captain and told him, - saying, What art thou about to do? for this man is a Roman. And - the chief captain came and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a - Roman? And he said, Yea. And the chief captain answered, With a - great sum obtained I this citizenship. But Paul said, But I am a - Roman born. They then that were about to examine him straightway - departed from him: and the chief captain also was afraid when he - knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound him._ - - -In this passage attention is directed to four things: To the fact that -Paul was a Roman citizen; to the fact that he was about to be treated in -a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; to the fact that he stood -up for his rights as a Roman citizen; and to the fact that those who -were about to infringe upon his rights were restrained, were overawed. - -I. Attention is directed to the fact that Paul was a Roman citizen. -Citizenship was a possession that was very highly esteemed, and that was -obtained in several ways,--by birth, by purchase, as a reward for -distinguished military services, and as a favor. Paul's came to him by -inheritance; his father before him had been a Roman citizen: how it came -to the father we do not know. At one time the price paid for it was very -great. The chief captain, in the narrative of which our text is a part, -tells us that he obtained his with a great sum; and therefore he seemed -surprised to think that a man in Paul's circumstances should have it. At -first he seemed a little incredulous, but it was only for a moment. The -penalty for falsely claiming to be a Roman citizen was death; this fact -together with the whole bearing of the apostle finally left no doubt in -his mind: he accepted his statement. - -It was not only a great honor to be a Roman citizen, but it carried with -it many rights and privileges that were not enjoyed by others. These -rights were either private or public,--_Jus Quiritium_, and _Jus -Civitatis_. Among Private Rights, was the Right of Liberty. This secured -him against imprisonment without trial; exemption from all degrading -punishments, such as scourging and crucifixion; the right of appeal to -the emperor after sentence by an inferior magistrate or tribunal, in any -part of the empire; and also the right to be sent to Rome for trial -before the emperor, if charged with a capital offence. - -Among Public Rights belonging to Roman citizens the following may be -mentioned: (1) The right of being enrolled in the censor's book, called, -_Jus Census_. (2) The right of serving in the army, called, _Jus -Militiae_. At first only citizens of the empire were permitted to engage -in military operations, to bear arms and fight in its behalf. (3) The -right to vote in the different assemblies of the people, called, _Jus -Suffragii_. This has always been and is to-day one of the most important -functions of citizenship, and one that should be highly prized and -sacredly guarded. (4) The right of bearing public offices in the state. - -There were many other rights enjoyed by Roman citizens, but I will not -take the time to enumerate them: these are sufficient to show us the -value, the importance of Roman citizenship; and this citizenship the -apostle Paul was invested with, with all the rights and privileges which -were involved in it. On one occasion he said, "I am a citizen of no mean -city," referring to Tarsus, which was one of the free cities of Asia -Minor; but more than that, as he tells us here, he was a citizen of the -empire. - -II. Attention is called to the fact that Paul was about to be treated in -a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; that was contrary to Roman -law. He had gone up to Jerusalem to attend the feast of Pentecost. After -meeting the brethren and rehearsing to them the wonderful things which -God had wrought through his ministry among the Gentiles, they -congratulated him upon his success, but said to him: "Thou seest, -brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of them that have -believed; and they are all zealous for the law: and they have been -informed concerning thee, that thou teachest all the Jews who are among -the Gentiles to forsake Moses, telling them not to circumcise their -children neither to walk after the customs. What is it therefore? they -will certainly hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to -thee: We have four men that have a vow on them; these take, and purify -thyself with them, and be at charges for them, that they may shave their -heads: and all shall know that there is no truth in the things whereof -they have been informed concerning thee but that thou thyself walkest -orderly, keeping the law." It was in compliance with this request, that -Paul went into the temple to do as he was asked to do: and while there -was seen by certain Jews of Asia, i. e., the province of Asia, who at -once stirred up the multitude and laid hands on him, crying out, "Men of -Israel, help: This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against -the people, and the law, and this place; and moreover he brought Greeks -also into the temple and hath defiled this holy place." It was like -touching a match to a powder magazine. The people were aroused. -Instantly there was a response to the call; and dragging the apostle out -of the temple they were in the act of beating him to death, when the -chief captain, learning of the tumult, rushed down with a squad of -soldiers and rescuing him, brought him into the castle. The next day -with a view of ascertaining what the trouble was, the real ground of -complaint against the apostle, the chief captain proposed to examine him -by scourging, and issued orders to that effect. In obedience to this -order the apostle was stripped and actually tied up. The process of -examination proposed was very severe. The culprit was stripped and tied -in a bending posture to a pillar, or stretched on a frame, and the -punishment was inflicted with a scourge made of leathern thongs weighted -with sharp pieces of bone or lead, the object being to extort from the -sufferer a confession of his guilt or the information desired. - -If the chief captain had understood the Hebrew language, and could have -followed the address of the apostle which was delivered on the steps of -the palace, he would have understood what the trouble was, without -attempting to resort to this brutal method of finding out; but evidently -he did not. Everything indicated, however, that it was something very -serious, judging from their treatment of him, and from the intense -excitement which his words produced upon them, and hence, he was all the -more anxious to find out. If the apostle was guilty of any offence -against the law, it was the duty of the chief captain to take cognizance -of it, and to punish him accordingly, but if he was innocent, if he had -in no way transgressed the law, it was his duty to release him. The law -also provided how the guilt or innocence of an accused person was to be -ascertained; and it was the duty of the chief captain to have followed -the course prescribed by the law; but it is clear from the narrative -that he had determined upon another course: the prisoner is ordered to -be scourged, instead of calling upon those who had assaulted him to make -their charges, and to substantiate them, and then giving the apostle an -opportunity of defending himself. - -III. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that the apostle -stood up manfully for his rights. After they had tied him up, as if -waiting to see just how far they would go, and just as the process of -scourging was about to begin, he challenged their right to proceed: he -said to the centurion, who was standing by, and who was there as the -representative of the chief captain, to see that the scourging was -properly done, and to make note of what he confessed,--he said to this -man: "Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and -uncondemned?" The law expressly forbade the scourging of Roman citizens; -it was an indignity to which no Roman citizen was to be subjected. This -was what was known as the Porcian law, and took its name from Porcius, -the Tribune through whose influence its adoption was secured. And this -is the law to which the apostle here appeals, whose protection he -invokes. Paul, as a Roman citizen, not only knew what his rights were, -but he stood up for his rights. He insists here upon being treated, as -he was entitled to be treated, as a citizen of the empire. They are -about to scourge him, contrary to law, and he says to them, Stop; you -have no right to treat me in this way, intimating and they evidently -understood it, that if they did not desist, they would hear from him; he -would bring the matter to the attention of the emperor. - -This is not the only place where Paul falls back upon his rights as a -Roman citizen. He did the same thing a little later on. He was removed -from Jerusalem to Caesarea, as you will remember, where he remained a -prisoner for two years. During that time he was frequently placed on -trial before various officials,--before Felix, before Festus, before -Agrippa. It was during one of these hearings, that Festus the governor, -in order to curry favor with the Jews, intimated that he might be sent -back to Jerusalem to be tried: and doubtless this was his intention, -having entered into a secret arrangement with the enemies of the -apostle, who had resolved to kill him at the first opportunity. This -they felt that they would have a better chance of doing if they could -only induce the governor to return him to Jerusalem. The apostle, of -course, knew all this; he knew how intensely they hated him, and what -their plans and purposes were, and he was determined not to be entrapped -in this way. The record is: "Paul said in his defence, 'Neither against -the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I -sinned at all.' But Festus, desiring to gain favor with the Jews, -answered Paul and said, 'Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be -judged of these things before me?' But Paul said, 'I am standing before -Caesar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I -done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest. If then I am a wrong -doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die; -but if none of these things is true whereof these accuse me, no man can -give me up to them. I appeal unto Caesar.' Then Festus, when he had -conferred with the council, answered, 'Thou hast appealed unto Caesar, -unto Caesar thou shalt go.'" - -One of the great privileges of a Roman citizen was the right of appeal; -the right of being heard directly by the emperor, of taking his case out -of the hands of all inferior judicatories, up to the highest: and this -is the right which the apostle here avails himself of. It was the only -thing that saved him from being turned over by a corrupt official into -the hands of his enemies; and it forcibly illustrates the importance of -citizenship. Had he not been a Roman citizen clothed with the sacred -right of appeal he would have been basely sacrificed to the malice of -his enemies; or, though he had been a Roman citizen, if he had cowardly -surrendered his right, if he had failed to exercise it, he would have -equally perished; but the apostle stood upon his right, and so succeeded -in thwarting the purposes of his enemies. - -IV. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that those who were -about to scourge this man, were restrained by the knowledge of the fact -that he was a Roman citizen. The moment they became aware of this fact; -at the mere mention of that sacred name, citizen, everything came to a -stand still; the uplifted hand, ready to smite, is arrested, and we find -the centurion running off, in great excitement in search of the chief -captain, and saying to him, "What are you about? Do you know that this -man is a Roman?" and we see the chief captain coming in great haste and -saying to the apostle, "What? can it be possible! Are you really a -Roman?" "Yes," said the apostle, "I am; and my father before me was." -The chief captain is astonished; yea, more, fear takes hold of him; he -becomes suddenly alarmed. - -There are two things in this incident that are worthy of note: first, -this indignity that was offered to the apostle was through ignorance. It -was not known that he was a Roman citizen. The law was violated, but it -was not purposely done. It was not the intention of the chief captain to -ignore the rights involved in citizenship; for he himself was a Roman -citizen, and was interested in maintaining those rights. And, second, to -trample upon the rights of a Roman citizen was a very grave offense, a -very serious matter; and it became a serious matter because back of this -citizenship was the whole power of the empire. These rights were -carefully guarded, were rigidly enforced, so that the term, Roman -citizen, was everywhere respected. No one could infringe those rights -with impunity: hence you will notice what is said here, "The chief -captain was afraid when he knew that he was a Roman because he had bound -him." He recognized at once the gravity of the offense. That was old -pagan Rome; but under its rule citizenship meant something; it was a -sacred thing; back of it stood the strong arm of the Government to give -efficacy, power to it. This man was afraid when he realized what he had -done; and that is the feeling which outraged citizenship ought -everywhere to inspire. It ought to mean something; and there ought to be -power somewhere to enforce its meaning. - -But it is not of Roman citizenship that I desire to speak at this time, -but rather of American citizenship, and of that citizenship as it -pertains to ourselves. In the providence of God we are citizens of this -great Republic. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution declares: -"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to -the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the -State wherein they reside." Under this provision of the Constitution we -are all citizens; and we have earned the right to be citizens. We have -lived here as long as any other class in the Republic; we have worked as -hard as any other class to develop the country; and we have fought as -bravely as any other class in the defense of the Republic. If length of -residence, if unstinted toil, if great sacrifices of blood, if the -laying of one's self on the country's altar in the hour of peril, of -danger, give any claim to citizenship, then our claim is beyond dispute; -for all these things are true of us. - -We are _citizens_ of this great Republic: and citizenship is a sacred -thing: I hope we realize it. It is a thing to be prized; to be highly -esteemed. It has come to us after 250 years of slavery, of unrequited -toil; it has come to us after a sanguinary conflict, in which billions -of treasure and rivers of blood were poured out; it has come to us as a -boon from the nation at a time when it had reached its loftiest moral -development; when its moral sense was quickened as it had never been -before, and when it stood as it had never stood before upon the great -principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, not as -glittering generalities, but as great realities: it was at that sublime -period in our history, when the national conscience was at work; when -the men who were in charge of affairs were men who stood for -righteousness; when the great issues before the country were moral -issues, issues involving human rights,--that the nation saw fit to -abolish slavery and to decree the citizenship of all men, black and -white alike. When we think of what this citizenship has cost, in blood -and treasure; of the noble men through whose influence it was brought -about; and of the fact that it came to us from the Nation when it was at -its best, when it was living up to its highest light, and to its noblest -conceptions of right and duty,--we ought to prize it, to set a high -value upon it. - -And we ought to show our appreciation of it: (1). By being good -citizens; by doing everything in our power to develop ourselves along -right lines, intellectually, morally, spiritually, and also materially: -and to do everything in our power to promote the general good; -everything that will help to make for municipal, state, and national -righteousness. We are to remember that we are part of a great whole, and -that the whole will be affected by our conduct, either for good or bad. -If we live right, if we fear God and keep his commandments, and train -our children to do the same, we ennoble our citizenship; we become a -part of the great conservative force of society, a positive blessing to -the community, the state, the nation. It is especially important for us, -in view of the strong prejudice against us, the disposition to view us -with a critical eye, to hold up and magnify our short-comings, that we -be particularly concerned to be constantly manifesting, evidencing our -good citizenship by allying ourselves only with the things that are -true, and just, and pure, and lovely, and of good report. We ought not -to lose sight of the fact that the strongest fight that is being made -against us to-day is by those who are doing most to discredit us, to -array public sentiment against us,--those who are parading our -short-comings and imperfections, who are giving the greatest publicity, -the widest circulation to them. There are persons in this country, who -are determined, and who never lose an opportunity to blacken our good -name. Dr. DuBois, in that splendid document of his, "Credo," said among -other things, "I believe in the Devil and his angels, who wantonly work -to narrow the opportunity of struggling human beings, especially if they -be black; who spit in the faces of the fallen, strike them that cannot -strike again, believe the worst and work to prove it, hating the image -which their Maker stamped on a brother's soul." And this is one of the -conditions that confront us in this country, and that we must not lose -sight of. The fact that there is this determination on the part of our -enemies to prove that we are utterly unworthy of this great boon of -citizenship, should have the effect of creating within us a counter -determination to show that we are worthy,--to do our level best in every -sphere of life. Now I do not mean by this to say that we are not proving -ourselves to be good citizens; for we are: a great many of us are; but I -have called attention to it because I feel that it ought to be -emphasized; that we need to feel more keenly and more widely than is -felt, the meaning of this great boon and the demand which it makes upon -us. It is a challenge to every man to live a straightforward, upright, -worthy life. And what is needed is, not only that _we_, who have had -exceptional opportunities, should feel this way, but that the great mass -of our people should be educated to feel the same, to be animated by the -same spirit. And _we_ are to be their educators; it is through _us_ that -this spirit is to descend upon them, and take possession of them. If -this citizenship means anything, it means that we should be concerned -about everything which makes for law, for order, for good government, -for individual, municipal, state, and national purity and righteousness; -it means that each one of us ought to be a living example of the best -type of what a citizen ought to be. - -But this is not all: if we value our citizenship we will not only seek -to make the most of ourselves, to live on the highest plane but we will -also stand up manfully for our rights under that citizenship. I have no -patience with those who preach civil and political self-effacement. I -never have believed in that pernicious doctrine, and never will. When -you have effaced a man, civilly and politically, in a government like -our own, what is he? What does he amount to? Who cares for him? What -rights has he which any other class is bound to respect? He is a mere -nonentity, entitled to no consideration, and with no refuge to which he -can fly in the hour of his need. To be civilly and politically effaced -is to be civilly and politically dead; and to be civilly and politically -dead is to be at the mercy of any and every political party or -organization, and to be under the iron heel of the worst elements in the -community without any means of redress. - -We are _citizens_ of this Republic: and I want to direct attention to -this fact for a moment; and I am glad of the opportunity of doing it at -this time, when we are in the midst of celebrating the inauguration of -our President. I thank God for the man at the White House; for his -courage; for his high sense of righteousness; for the many splendid -things which he has said; and for the noble stand which he has taken on -human rights; on equality of opportunity; on the open door for every man -in the Republic irrespective of race or color. I rejoice in the fact -that we have such a President. I commend him heartily for what he has -done. I hope he will do more; I hope there are yet larger things in -store for this race through him. But whether he does more or not; or -whatever may be his future policy, or the future policy of the leaders -of either of the great political parties, or the rank and file of those -parties, it cannot, it will not affect in the least, our attitude in -regard to our rights under the Constitution. We are citizens, clothed -with citizenship rights; and, there is no thought or intention on our -part of ever surrendering a single one of them. Whatever others may -think of it, or desire in regard to it, we do not propose to retreat a -single inch, to give up for one moment the struggle. I say, _we_ and in -this, I believe I speak for those who represent the sentiment that is -taking more and more firmly hold of the heart of this race. I belong to -what may be called the radical wing of the race, on the race question: I -do not believe in compromises; in surrendering, or acquiescing, even -temporarily, in the deprivation of a single right, out of deference to -an unrighteous public sentiment. I believe with Lowell, - - "They enslave their children's children, - Who make compromise with sin." - -And this, I believe, at heart, is the sentiment of the race; at least, -it is the sentiment of some of us. There is where we have taken our -stand and there is where we propose to stand to the end. What belongs to -us as citizens we want; and we are not going to be satisfied with -anything less. We are in this country, and we are here to stay. There is -no prospect of our ever leaving it. This is our home, as it has been the -home of our ancestors for generations, and will be the home of our -children, and of our children's children, for all time. It is of the -greatest importance to us, therefore, that our status in it, as it is -permanently fixed, should be, not that of a proscribed class, but that -of full citizenship with every right, civil and political, accorded to -us that is accorded to other citizens of the Republic. This is the thing -that we are to insist upon; this is the evil against which we are to -guard. - -What our enemies are seeking to effect is to make this a white man's -government; to fix permanently our status in it, as one of civil and -political inferiority. The issue is sharply drawn; and it is for us to -say whether we will be thus reduced, whether such shall be our permanent -status or not. One thing we may be assured of: such will surely be our -fate unless we clearly comprehend the issue, and set ourselves earnestly -to work to counteract the movement, by resisting in every legitimate way -its consummation, and by using our influence to create a counter public -sentiment. - -What are some of these citizenship rights for which we should earnestly -contend? - -(1) The right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In one -section of this country, at least, and the area is growing, and is fast -including others, the life of a Negro isn't worth as much as that of a -dog. He may be shot down, murdered, strung up to a tree, burnt to death, -by any white ruffian, or band of lawbreakers and murderers with -impunity. The color of his skin gives any white man liberty to maltreat -him, to trample upon him. He has no rights which white men are bound to -respect. If he goes to law, there is no redress; his appeals avail -nothing with judge and jury. That is a condition of things that we ought -not to rest satisfied under. As long as the life of a black man is not -just as sacred as that of a white man, in every section of the Republic; -as long as wrongs perpetrated upon him are treated with greater leniency -than wrongs perpetrated upon white men, his status is not the same as -that of the white man; and as long as it is not the same an injustice is -done him, which he ought to resist; against which he ought to protest, -and continue to protest. - -(2) Another citizenship right is that of receiving equal accommodations -on all common carriers and in all hostelries; on railroads, steamboats, -in hotels, restaurants, and in all public places. When we travel, -whatever we are able to pay for we are entitled to, just as other -citizens are. To-day this is largely denied us. The hotels are not open -to us; the restaurants are not open to us, even the little ten cent -lunch counters, in this the capital city of the nation, are not open to -us: we are shut out from all such places, and shut out because of the -color of our skin. If we attempt to travel, and turn our faces -southward, we must ride in Jim Crow cars; we must be segregated, shut up -in a little compartment by ourselves. The privilege which we once -enjoyed without stint of taking a sleeper or Pullman car, even that now -is being taken from us. One state has even gone so far as to make it -unlawful to sell a ticket to a person of color on a sleeper. That is the -state of Georgia; a State that has in it Atlanta University, and Clark -University, and the Atlanta Baptist College, and Spelman Seminary, and -the Gammon Theological Seminary, and Haines Institute, and many other -schools of learning; a State that has within its borders some of the -very best type of Negroes in this country. The meaning of all this, -don't let us misunderstand: it is a part of the general policy, which is -being vigorously pushed by our enemies, to fix our status as one of -inferiority, by shutting us out from certain privileges. The whole thing -is wrong. Such invidious distinctions ought not to be permitted in a -republic. It is inconsistent with citizenship. Everything ought to be -open to all citizens alike:--railroad cars, hotels, restaurants, -steamboats, the schools and colleges of the land: our public schools -ought to be open to all the children alike. There ought not be separate -schools for the whites, and separate schools for blacks: all the -children of the Republic ought to be educated together; and sooner or -later it is bound to come to that. Some one has said, "It isn't so much -the Jim Crow car, as it is the Jim Crow Negro in the car." The fallacy -of this statement, and its attempted mitigation or justification of the -Jim Crow car, lies in the fact that the Jim Crow car has nothing -whatever to do with the Jim Crow Negro. It was not instituted for him, -but for all Negroes, whether Jim Crow or not: in fact, it was designed, -particularly, not for the Jim Crow Negro, but for the intelligent, -progressive, self-respecting Negro. If there are Jim Crow Negroes among -us we owe them a duty; we ought to seek to improve them, to lift them to -higher levels; but while we are doing this, don't let us forget that -there is a Jim Crow car, and what it stands for. It stands for a hostile -public sentiment; it is a part of a concerted plan which seeks to -degrade us, to rob us of our rights, to deprive us of privileges enjoyed -by other citizens, because of the color of our skin. If there were no -Jim Crow Negroes, we would have the Jim Crow car all the same. We should -fight the Jim Crow cars, therefore, not only because of the personal -discomfort to which we are subjected in travelling, but also because of -the general system of which it is a part,--a system which seeks to -establish a double citizenship in the Republic, based upon race and -color; the one superior to the other, and carrying with it privileges -which are denied to the other. - -(3) Another citizenship right is that of serving in the Army and Navy; -the right to take up arms and to fight in behalf of the country. This is -our right, and we have exercised it, and are still exercising it. We -have fought in all the wars of the Republic; and are represented to-day -in both Army and Navy. We have made a glorious record for ourselves in -this respect. There is no better soldier in the Army of the Republic, -than the black soldier. This right has not been denied us, but let us, -nevertheless, keep our eyes on it. There are some things even here that -need to be looked into. It has been many years since we have had a -representative in the great Naval or Military school of the country; and -there have been some rumors about limiting the aspirations of Negroes in -the Army, of not permitting them to advance beyond a certain point. If -there is such a thought or intention on the part of those in authority, -it must be resisted. The Negro must be free--in the Army, in the -Navy,--in every part of the Army and Navy,--as other citizens are free; -to advance according to his merit. His color must not be allowed to -operate against him. - -(4) Another citizen right is that of suffrage, the right of the ballot; -the right to have part in the government; to say who shall make the laws -and who shall execute them; and what the laws shall be; the right to -have an opinion, and to have that opinion counted in determining what -shall be and what shall not be. This is one of the greatest of rights. -In a republic citizenship means very little without it. It is this which -marks the difference between a representative government, a government -of the people, by the people, and for the people, and a despotism, an -absolute monarchy. The glory of the age in which we live is the triumph -of democracy; and what is the triumph of democracy but the right of the -_people_ to say who shall rule; and how is the will of the people -expressed? Through the ballot; at the polls. The ballot therefore is the -symbol of the sovereignty of the people. If we are to be sovereign -citizens of the Republic therefore, this right to vote must be -preserved. The old despotic idea of government was, that some people -were born to rule, and that others were born to be ruled; and the idea -that exists in the minds of some people in this country, in democratic -America, in face of the affirmation of the Declaration of Independence, -that all men are born free and equal, is that in this country, there are -some people who are born to rule, and others who are born to be ruled; -and that the people who are born to rule are the whites, and those who -are born to be ruled are the blacks: hence the effort that is being made -to divest us of this symbol of sovereignty,--the ballot. Let us not be -deceived; let us give no heed to any teaching, never mind from what -source it may come, which seeks to minimize the importance of the -ballot. What difference does it make whether we vote or not? I have -heard some weak-kneed, time-serving representatives of our own race say; -and the thought has been caught up by the men in the south who have been -seeking to rob us of our rights, and by those in the North who have been -playing into their hands; and they have said, Yes, What difference does -it make? Are you not just as well off without it? What difference does -it make? It makes all the difference in the world: the difference -between a sovereign citizen of the Republic, and one who has been -stripped of his sovereignty; between one who has a say in what is going -on, and one who has not; between one who is ruled with his consent, and -one who is ruled without it. If we are just as well off without the -ballot, how is it that the white man is not just as well off without it? -And if he is unwilling to give it up, why should he ask us to give it -up? Why should we give it up? If he needs it in order to protect -himself, much more do we, for we are weaker than he is, and need all the -more the power which comes from the ballot. - -(5) Another citizenship right is, that of holding office, the right to -be voted for, and of being appointed to positions of honor and trust by -the executive power. This is also a right that belongs to us, and that -we must contend for. It is one of our rights that is now being -especially contested in the South. The Negro must not be appointed to -any office, is the demand of Southern white sentiment. I am glad that -the President has not yielded wholly to that sentiment. The fight which -he made in the Crum case was a notable one, and clearly indicated that -he was not willing to shut that door of opportunity to the Negro; that -he was not willing to take the position that a man was to be debarred -from public office simply because of the color of his skin. That was the -right position for him to take, and the only one that was consistent -with his oath of office, and his position as President of _all_ the -people. I hope that he will continue to act upon that principle; and -that he will do more than he has done. There is room for improvement in -this direction. A few more appointments of colored men in the North, as -well as in the South, would be a good thing. It ought to be done. The -right of colored men to receive appointments ought to be clearly and -distinctly emphasized by multiplying those appointments. There is -nothing like an object lesson in impressing the truth. I hope that the -President will give us many such object lessons during the next four -years. - -The right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; the right to -receive equal accommodation on railroads, steamboats, in hotels, -restaurants, and in all public places of amusement; the right to be -represented in the Army and Navy; the right to vote; the right to hold -office: these are some of our citizenship rights, for which we should -earnestly contend. Sometimes, we are told, that it would be better to -say less about our rights, and more about our duties. No one feels more -the importance of emphasizing our duties than I do,--I think I have done -about as much of it as anybody,--but among the duties that I have always -emphasized, and still emphasize, is the duty of standing up squarely and -uncompromisingly for our rights. When we are contending for the truth; -when we are resisting the encroachments of those who are seeking to -despoil us of our birth-right as citizens; when we are keeping up the -agitation for equal civil and political privileges in this country, are -we not in the line of duty? If not, where is the line? Duties? Yes. Let -us have our duties preached to us,--line upon line, and precept upon -precept, here a little and there a little; but at the same time don't -let us forget that we have also _rights_ under the Constitution, and to -see to it that we stand up for them; that we resist to the very last -ditch those who would rob us of them. And in doing this, let us remember -that we are called to it by the stern voice of Duty, which is the voice -of God; and that we need not apologize for our action. - -And now in conclusion but a word more and then I am done. The fight -before us is a long one. You will not live, nor will I live to see the -triumph of the principles for which we are contending; let us not become -discouraged however. Things look pretty dark at times, but it isn't all -dark. Now and then there are gleams of light, which indicate the coming -of a better day. There are forces working _for_ us, as well as against -us; and with what we can do for ourselves, we need not despair. - - "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; - He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes - of wrath are stored! - He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; - His truth is marching on. - - He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; - He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment seat; - O, be swift, my soul, to answer him! be jubilant, my feet! - While God is marching on." - -Let us take courage; let us gird up our loins; let us stand at our post; -let us be true to duty; let us hold ourselves to the highest; let us -have nothing to do with the unfruitful works of darkness; let us be -temperate, industrious, thrifty; let us do with our might what our hands -find to do; let us trust in God, and do the right: and then, whether the -struggle be long or short, there can be no doubt as to the final issue. -We shall come out victorious; we shall be accorded every right belonging -to us under the Constitution, and every avenue of opportunity will be -opened to us, as to other citizens of the Republic. The future is -largely in our own hands. If we allow ourselves to be permanently -despoiled of our rights; to be reduced to a position of civil and -political inferiority, the fault will be, not "in our stars," as -Shakespeare has expressed it, "but in ourselves." Others can help us; -others will help us, as they have already done; but the final outcome -will depend mainly upon what we do _for_ ourselves, and _with_ -ourselves. If we are to grow in the elements that make for a strong, -intelligent, virtuous manhood and womanhood, _we_ have got to see to it, -to be concerned about it; to be more deeply concerned about it than -anybody else. And so, if the agitation for equality of rights and -opportunities in this country is to be kept up, and it ought to be kept -up, _we_ are the ones to see to it. As long as there are wrongs to be -redressed, from which we are suffering, we ought not to be silent, ought -not for our sake as well as for the sake of the nation at large. -Whatever can be done to develop ourselves; whatever can be done to -create a healthy and righteous public sentiment in our behalf; whatever -can be done to check the encroachments of our enemies upon our rights, -_we_ must do it, whether others do or not. May God help us all to -realize this, and to address ourselves earnestly to the work that lies -before us. - - "Be strong! - We are not here to play, to dream, to drift. - We have hard work to do, and loads to lift. - Shun not the struggle; face it. Tis God's gift." - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -This is one group of papers from a series of papers presented to the -American Negro Academy. Founded by Alexander Crummell in March 1897, -with 40 of the leading black scholars and writers of the day, the -Academy's purpose was to promote literature, science and art, foster -higher education and high culture, and to defend the Negro aginst racist -attacks. The Academy was active until 1924. - -This project was scanned from a facsimile reprint included in a -collection of all 22 Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy. - -Original spelling varieties have been maintained; tables and footnotes -were renumbered. - - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. 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