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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Boke of Noblesse, by Unknown
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Boke of Noblesse
+
+Author: Unknown
+
+Editor: John Gough Nichols
+
+Release Date: October 1, 2010 [EBook #33953]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they
+are listed at the end of the text.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE
+
+ADDRESSED TO KING EDWARD THE FOURTH
+
+ON HIS INVASION OF FRANCE
+
+IN 1475
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+WITH AN INTRODUCTION
+
+BY JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Illustration]
+
+BURT FRANKLIN
+NEW YORK
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+  Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin)
+  235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017
+  Reprinted: 1972
+  Printed in the U.S.A.
+
+  Burt Franklin: Research and Source Works Series
+  Selected Studies in History, Economics, & Social Science:
+  n.s. 17 (b) Medieval, Renaissance & Reformation Studies
+
+  Reprinted from the original edition in the University of
+  Minnesota Library.
+
+  Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
+
+  The Boke of noblesse.
+
+  Reprint of the 1860 ed. printed for the Roxburghe Club.
+
+  1. Chivalry--History. 2. Hundred Years' War, 1339-1453. 3. Great
+  Britain--History--Edward IV, 1461-1483. I. Roxburghe Club, London.
+  CR4515.B64 1972    394'.7'09       73-80201
+  ISBN 0-8337-2524-6
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+          THE ROXBURGHE CLUB.
+
+                  MDCCCLX.
+
+  THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G.
+                  PRESIDENT.
+
+  THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON.
+  THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G.
+  HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER.
+  MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN.
+  EARL OF CARNARVON.
+  EARL OF POWIS, V.P.
+  EARL CAWDOR.
+  EARL OF ELLESMERE.
+  LORD VERNON.
+  LORD DELAMERE.
+  LORD DUFFERIN.
+  LORD WENSLEYDALE.
+  RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS.
+  HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN.
+  SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART.
+  SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART.
+  SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART.
+  SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART.
+  SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES.
+  NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ.
+  BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. Treasurer.
+  REV WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY.
+  PAUL BUTLER, ESQ.
+  FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ.
+  THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ.
+  RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ.
+  REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D.
+  ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ.
+  ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ.
+  ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ.
+  REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER, M.A.
+  JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ.
+  EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ.
+  WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ.
+  SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ.
+  GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ.
+  CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS
+
+OF
+
+THE ROXBURGHE CLUB
+
+THIS INTERESTING HISTORICAL TREATISE,
+
+WRITTEN IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE
+
+INVASION OF FRANCE BY KING EDWARD THE FOURTH IN 1475,
+
+IS DEDICATED AND PRESENTED
+
+   BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT,
+
+   DELAMERE.
+
+June 23, 1860.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{i}
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Book of Noblesse, which is now for the first time printed, was
+addressed to King Edward the Fourth for a political purpose, on a great and
+important occasion. He was in the midst of his second reign, living in high
+prosperity. He had subdued his domestic enemies. His Lancastrian rivals
+were no longer in existence, and the potent King-maker had fought his last
+field. Edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate reason to
+dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and treacherous we now
+know them to have been. He was the undisputed King of England, and, like
+his predecessors, the titular King of France. His brother-in-law the duke
+of Burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile in 1470, was continually
+urging, for his own ambitious views, that the English should renew their
+ancient enterprises in France; and Edward, notwithstanding his natural
+indolence, was at last prepared to carry his arms into that country. The
+project was popular with all those who were burning for military fame,
+indignant at the decay of the English name upon the continent, or desirous
+to improve their fortunes by the acquisitions of conquest. The Book of
+Noblesse was written to excite and inflame such sentiments and
+expectations.
+
+Its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited by
+the occupation of the English provinces in France, and particularly with
+the celebrated sir John Fastolfe, knight of the Garter, whom the writer in
+several places mentions as "myne autor."
+
+Sir John Fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in France, and
+died at an advanced age in the year 1460. It seems not at all improbable
+that the substance of this book was written during his life-time, and that
+it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of Edward the Fourth's
+invasion of France. All the historical events which are mentioned in it
+date at least some five-and-twenty years before that expedition.
+
+The author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how necessary it
+is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace of God: and
+then {ii} introduces a definition of true nobility or Noblesse, in the
+words of "Kayus' son," as he designates the younger Pliny.
+
+He next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the realm
+had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of France, the duchies
+of Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, and the counties of Maine and Ponthieu;
+which had been recovered by the French party, headed by Charles the
+Seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year 1450.
+To inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the
+ancestral glories of the English nation, from their first original in the
+ancient blood of Troy, and through all the triumphs of the Saxons, Danes,
+Normans, and Angevyns. Of the Romans in England he says nothing, though in
+his subsequent pages he draws much from Roman history.
+
+The next chapter sets forth how every man of worship in arms should
+resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. In
+illustration of this it may be remarked, that Froissart, when describing
+the battle of Poictiers, says of the Black Prince, "The Prince of Wales,
+who was _as courageous and cruel as a lion_, took great pleasure this day
+in fighting and chasing his enemies." So our first Richard is still
+popularly known by his martial epithet of Coeur de Lyon: and that the lion
+was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour is testified by
+its general adoption on the heraldic shields of the highest ranks of feudal
+chivalry. The royal house of England displayed three lions, and the king of
+beasts was supposed to be peculiarly symbolic of their race--
+
+  Your brother Kings and monarchs of the earth
+  Do all expect that you should rouse yourself
+  As did the former Lions of your Blood.
+                      Shakspere's Henry V. Act I. scene 1.
+
+In the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the French
+party began first to offend, and break the truce." This truce had been
+concluded at Tours on the 28th of May 1444. The French are stated to have
+transgressed it first by capturing certain English merchant-men on the sea;
+and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore allegiance to the
+English king. Of such are enumerated sir Giles son of the duke of
+Bretagne[1]; sir Simon Morhier, the {iii} provost of Paris, taken at
+Dieppe[2]; one Mansel an esquire, taken on the road between Rouen and
+Dieppe, in January 1448-9[3]; and the lord Fauconberg, taken at Pont de
+l'Arche on the 15th May 1449.[4] The writer is careful to state that these
+acts of aggression on the part of the French, or some of them, were
+committed "before the taking of Fugiers," for it was by that action that
+the English party had really brought themselves into difficulty.[5]
+
+There is next discussed (p. 6) "a question of great charge and weight,
+whether it be lawful to make war upon Christian blood." This is determined
+upon the authority of a book entitled The Tree of Batailes, a work which
+had evidently already acquired considerable popularity whilst still
+circulated in manuscript only, {iv} and which so far retained its
+reputation when books began to be multiplied by the printing-press as to be
+reproduced on several occasions. Our author frequently recurs to it, but
+his references do not agree with the book as it now remains; and it is
+remarkable that he attributes it, not to Honore Bonnet its real author,[6]
+but to one dame Christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. 54) as an
+inmate of the house of religious ladies at Passy near Paris. It would seem,
+therefore, that he made use of a somewhat different book, though probably
+founded on the celebrated work of Honore Bonnet.
+
+The fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or
+revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions I have
+distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some
+remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between the
+houses of Burgundy and Orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty and
+violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century.
+
+King Edward is next reminded "how saint Louis exhorted and counselled his
+son to move no war against Christian people;" but, notwithstanding that
+blessed king's counsel,[7] it is declared on the other hand that "it is
+notarily and openly {v} known through all Christian realms that our adverse
+party hath moved and excited war and battles both by land and sea against
+this noble realm without any justice or title, and without ways of peace
+showed; and consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king
+of England to defend (or drive away) those assailants upon his true title,
+and to put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance."
+
+The writer then bursts forth into a passionate exhortation to the English
+nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he proceeds
+to set forth in several subsequent chapters. He enumerates the examples of
+king Arthur, of Brennus, Edmond Ironside, William the Conqueror, Henry the
+First, his brother Robert elect king of Jerusalem, Fulke earl of Anjou,
+Richard Coeur de Lyon, Philip Dieudonne of France, Edward the First, and
+Richard earl of Cornwall and emperor of Almaine. He rehearses how Edward
+the Third had the victory at the battle of Scluse, gat Caen by assault, won
+the field at the great and dolorous battle of Cressy, captured David king
+of Scots and Charles duke of Bretany, and took Calais by siege; how Edward
+prince of Wales made John king of France prisoner at Poictiers; and how the
+battle of Nazar was fought in Spain.
+
+In the following chapter it is related how king Henry the Fifth conquered
+Normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the defence of
+Harfleur against the power of France. Here it is that the name of sir John
+Fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a circumstance
+of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed themselves of the
+assistance of mastiffs--"and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I
+herd the seyd ser Johan Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache
+had a masty hound at a lyes (_or_ leash), to barke and warne yff ony
+adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to aproche the towne for to
+scale yt."
+
+The chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of Agincourt and the
+marriage of king Henry to the French king's daughter.
+
+The following chapters (pp. 17 et seq.) contain how in the time of John
+duke of Bedford, who was for thirteen years Regent of France, the victory
+of Cravant was obtained by his lieutenant the earl of Salisbury; how the
+duke in his own person won the battle of Verneuil in Perche; how that the
+greater part of the county of Mayne, and the city of Mauns, with many other
+castles, were brought {vi} into subjection; and how that Henry the Sixth,
+by the might of great lords, was crowned King in Paris; after which the
+writer bursts forth into another exhortation, or "courageous recomforting"
+of the "valiauntnes of Englishemen."
+
+The author now flies off (p. 20) to more remote examples, to the noblesse
+of that vaillant knight Hector of Troy, to the deeds in arms of Agamemnon
+the puissaunt king of Greece, and to those of Ulysses and Hercules.
+
+He recites, from the book of Vegetius on Military Tactics,[8] how a
+conqueror should especially practise three things,--the first, a scientific
+prudence or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms:
+and the third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people.
+
+He next argues how men of noblesse ought to leave sensualities and
+delights.
+
+In the following chapters (p. 22 et seq.), he sets forth the King's title
+to the duchy of Normandy, to the inheritance of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine,
+and to the duchies of Gascoigne and Guienne.
+
+The "historier" proceedeth (p. 25) in his matter of exhortation,
+strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous authority of master Alanus
+de Auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence Tullius," of Caton, the famous poet
+Ovid, and Walter Malexander. The work of the first of these authors, Alain
+Chartier, seems to have been at once the source from which many of our
+author's materials were derived, and also to have furnished the key-note
+upon which he endeavoured to pitch his {vii} appeals to the patriotism and
+prowess of his countrymen. Alain Chartier[9] had been secretary to king
+Charles the Seventh, and wrote his Quadrilogue[10] in the year 1422, in
+defence of the native party in France, and in opposition to the English
+usurpation. Our author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some
+of his verbal artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against
+the party of their original deviser.
+
+In the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from Alain
+Chartier[11]; and further advice is drawn from the Arbre des Batailles (pp.
+27, 30), and from the treatise of Vegetius (p. 29).
+
+It is related (p. 33) how king John lost the duchy of Normandy for lack of
+finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next follows (p. 34) a long and
+important chapter recounting the various truces made between the kings of
+England and France, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the
+French party, to the decay of the English power, except when revived by the
+victories of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth. This part of the
+discussion is concluded with a representation (p. 41) of the lamentable
+condition of the French subjects of the English crown, when put out of
+their lands and tenements. "Heh allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme
+(they saide) that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe
+partie or theire allies in any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde
+tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled
+trewes!"
+
+Yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is
+expressed that the inheritance of France will at length be brought to its
+true and right estate.
+
+The writer then proposes (p. 41) a question to be resolved by divines, How
+be {viii} it that at some times God suffereth the party that hath a true
+title and right to be overcome, yet for all that a man should not be
+discouraged from pursuing his right. He mentions the last unfortunate
+overthrow sustained at Formigny[12] in 1450, and the consequent loss of
+Guienne and Bordeaux.
+
+After which follows (p. 43) "another exhortation of the historier,"
+addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englonde and of
+France, and alle y^e other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and
+nobles of divers astates olde or yong."
+
+A brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful prince
+of renommee Henry the Fifth and the three full mighty and noble princes his
+brethren; where, in the commendation of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the
+second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as yt ys seyd to the
+value of M^l marks, of the vij sciences, of dyvinite, as of law spirituall
+and cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford."
+
+Allusion is made (p. 46) to the order of the Garter, "founded (as yt ys
+seyd) in token of worship that he being in bataile, what fortune fille,
+shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende;" of
+which fellowship sir John Chandos, seneschal of Poictou, had been a right
+noble exemplar. The historical reminiscences of the author then again lead
+him on to the disastrous period during which the continental possessions of
+England had been lost, "within the space of one year and fourteen (fifteen)
+weeks, that is to wete, from the xv. day of May in the year 1449 unto the
+xv. day of August in the year 1450, that every castle, fortress, and town
+defensable of the said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to
+the adverse party."
+
+After a break (p. 50), in consequence of the loss of a leaf of the
+Manuscript, we find ourselves in the midst of a discussion of the merits of
+astrology. The author addresses himself to combat the prevalent confidence
+in prophecies and in the influence of the stars: "which judgments (he
+avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely contingent or likely, and, he
+adds, "as likely not to be as to be." For if, he puts the case, "a
+constellation or a prophecy signified that such a year or within {ix} such
+a time there should fall war, pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country
+or region, or privation of a country, it is said but dispositively, and not
+of necessity or certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies,
+constellations, and influence of the stars were masters over God's power,
+and that would soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." After this
+pious determination upon a question that at that period presented great
+difficulties, the author adds, that he believed God to have bestowed that
+sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even turn
+the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary disposition:
+to which effect he quotes the bold assertion of the famous astrologian
+Ptolemy,
+
+_Quod homo sapiens dominatur astris._
+
+With these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of the
+age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of the
+recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of prudence
+and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from "havyng no
+consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and enriche one
+silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffering
+extorcions over the pore peple." On this subject he subsequently speaks
+still more plainly.
+
+This leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries that
+had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old Bretons were, when
+driven out of England by the Saxons into Cornwall and Wales. "And where (he
+exclaims[13]) is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the
+gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy and
+Thebes, ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of
+connyng and of wisdom?" Carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme,"
+had been burnt to ashes by the Romans. Rome {x} herself had for the greater
+part been overthrown; and Jerusalem had shared the like fate.
+
+In the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his
+matter from Roman history: which he derives from the decades of Titus
+Livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "Tree of Batailes."
+Tullius and Cato are also repeatedly cited.
+
+It is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus
+introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but
+attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable passages in the
+book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir John
+Fastolfe:--
+
+"I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and nobles
+at his solasse (_i.e._ tuition), how that there be twey maner condicions of
+manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a hardye man; but he
+sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then the hardy man; for
+the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth
+hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth grete aventur he
+scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his felyshyp detrussed (or
+disordered). And the manly man, hys policie ys that (if) he avaunce hym and
+hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn racountre, he wulle so discretely
+avaunce hym that he wulle entend [_i.e._ be sure] to hafe the over-hand of
+hys adversarye, and safe hymself and hys felyshyp."
+
+It was thus that the experienced captain sir John Fastolfe distinguished
+between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on some feasible
+and well conceived exploit. It is evident that the term "hardy" was then
+sometimes understood in the sense we now call fool-hardy.[14] The author
+himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. 63.
+
+{xi}
+
+At p. 68 will be found another anecdote of sir John Fastolfe. It shows that
+the writer had access to those books of accompt which sir John had kept
+when a captain in France. "I fynde (he says) by his bookes of hys purveonds
+how yn every castell, forteresse, and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete
+providence of vitaille, of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh
+and saltfysh owt of England commyng by shyppes." It was because of his good
+management in this respect that the regent and lords of the council
+intrusted so many castles to his custody that he yearly had under his
+command three hundred spears (or mounted men-at-arms) with their
+attendants. Also in like manner he purveyed yearly for his soldiers a
+livery of red and white; and equipments sufficient for any naked man that
+was able to do the king and regent service. The good result of this
+provision was manifested on a memorable occasion, when the duke of Exeter
+was captain of the city of Paris, and Fastolfe captain of the bastille of
+St. Anthoine. It happened, in consequence of the arrest of the lord de
+Lisle Adam,[15] a favourite with the commons of the city, that they
+suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of Exeter, who found it
+necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. {xii} At his coming
+the first question he asked of Fastolfe was how far he was furnished with
+corn, with wheat, beans, peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other
+vitail. Fastolfe replied, With sufficient for a half-year or more: which
+gave the prince great "comfort," or re-assurance. So he made ready his
+ordnance, and discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty
+shot of arrows: by which means, and because the French king and queen, who
+were in the city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a
+short time constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of Exeter.[16]
+
+At p. 69 occurs a curious chapter in the praise of agriculture, or
+"labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, illustrated by a
+description of the gardens and herbers of king Cyrus.
+
+But the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical point of
+view, is the chapter commencing at p. 71, intended to inforce the wisdom
+and necessity of making just pay to soldiers, for eschewing of great
+inconveniences that may otherwise insue. It is here admitted that in this
+respect there had been more neglect in the English possessions in France
+than was elsewhere known[17]: {xiii} that in consequence the people had
+suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their vitail without
+payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for ten or twelve
+years previously to the country being lost. Our author advises that the
+chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, either monthly, as
+had been usual during the time of the regent Bedford, or quarterly, and
+that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, defalcation, or abridgment, or
+any undue assignation; and that such payments be made content without
+delay, or long and great pursuit. It appears from the writer's statements,
+that the royal officers, deputies, and commissioners had not only been
+guilty of the practices thus denounced, but that those officers themselves
+had been needlessly numerous, living as they did upon bribery and
+extortion, and neglecting the exercise of arms necessary for the defence
+and protection of the territory. Oftentimes they had wasted of the
+subjects'[18] livelode more than was necessary, and oftentimes had suffered
+them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved their beasts with their
+weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits for sorrow, and thus
+enforced "for duresse" to forsake the title and laws of their English
+sovereign. Moreover, they had been so often grievously surcharged with
+paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and impositions, besides
+their rents paid either to the crown or their landlords, and many of them
+dwelling upon the marches having also patised (or compounded?) to the
+adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that these innumerable charges and
+divers torments had effected their uttermost undoing. The author cannot
+quit these reflections without this passionate appeal to the Almighty: "Oh
+God! which art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein and just, how
+maist thou long suffre this (misery) regnyng without the stroke of
+vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of
+that Dukedom?"
+
+The next chapter (p. 74) appears to intimate that the writer personally
+sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. "Moreover, (he exclaims,) in
+way of gret pitee, and in the worship of God, suffre ye not the prelates of
+the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis,
+priours, denes, archedenes, and their ministrours, to be oppressid,
+revaled, ne vileyned, as in your predecessour's {xiv} daies they have been
+accepted in fulle litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges
+been privily coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the
+marches and countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to
+live at rest upon their livelodes. And oftentimes they were visited by
+strangers of great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by
+those intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless
+people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of
+their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers,
+praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of
+necessity.
+
+The following chapter (p. 76) is a remarkable one in respect to ancient
+chivalric usages. It sets forth "How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe,
+for the defense of her londe, shulde exercise hem in armes lernyng." It is
+urged that "the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle
+tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis,
+esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, while they ben of grene age,
+(should be) drawen forthe, norisshed, and excercised in disciplines,
+doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to renne with
+speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to
+wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver,
+and wele brethed;" ... "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for
+to take entrepresis, to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in
+worship to doo armes in liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein
+pointis, or in a quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend
+their sovereign and his realm. Such was the ancient custom of the kings
+both of France and of England: as especially of king Edward the Third, and
+of Henry duke of Lancaster. That chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a
+chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by
+sir John Fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions,
+as out of Spain, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and France, their children,
+young knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his noble court,
+in scole of armes, and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship."
+
+This useful custom had been maintained by other noble princes and lords of
+great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the greater pity
+is! many that be descended of noble blood and born to arms, as the sons of
+knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set themselves to "singuler
+practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn "the practique of law or
+custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so waste greatly their time in
+such needless business, as to undertake the holding of manorial courts, to
+keep and bear out a proud {xv} countenance at the holding of sessions and
+shire-motes,[19] and "there to embrace[20] and rule among youre pore and
+symple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest." And it
+is added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such
+matters, was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates
+than he who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great
+jeopardies in the conquests and wars of his sovereign. The author pursues
+the argument at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his
+decided opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather
+learn to be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to
+be a captain or ruler at a sessions or shire-day; leaving such matters to
+the king's justices and officers,[21] and that "suche singuler practik
+shulde not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come
+of noble birthe,"--except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the
+younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly.
+
+The following chapter (p. 78) discusses "How officers of the law shulde be
+{xvi} chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and
+they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe." There is nothing
+however in this chapter so remarkable as in that which has preceded.
+
+The author next shows (p. 79) "How over gret cost and pomp in clothing
+shulde be eschewed;" in which respect he asserts that in France "alle
+costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige
+of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away:" whilst in England
+the like "costues arraymentis and disguising of clothing, of so many divers
+facion," had caused impoverishing of the land, and excited great pride,
+envy, and wrath amongst the people.
+
+Whether this was truly a national grievance may be doubted. It is, however,
+more probable that the "pore comyns" of England had really suffered, as set
+forth in the succeeding chapter (p. 80), "gret hurt and inconvenientis
+because the creditours have not been duelie paid of here lonys and prestis
+made to high sovereins." This, it is stated, had been oftentimes the case
+in the reign of Henry the Sixth. They had advanced loans, "prests of
+vitails and other merchandise," of which the payment was so long delayed
+that great part of their property was previously expended, and they were
+sometimes fain to defalke and release part of their dues, in order to
+recover the rest. As an alternative for this inconvenience the writer
+recommends a course that would scarcely have proved more efficacious. "Let
+your riche tresours (he advises the king) be spradde and put abrode, both
+juellis (and) vesselle of golde and silver, among youre true subgettis, and
+inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the
+relief of your indigent and nedie peple, and inespecialle to tho that have
+lost theire londis, livelode, and goode in the werres, so that the saide
+tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and
+socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre
+roiaume from your adversaries."
+
+In another chapter (p. 81), having recommended the king, "after the blessed
+counceile of Saint Louis," to cherish and favour the good cities and towns,
+the author pursues the former argument of raising supplies, urgently
+exhorting all classes to strain their utmost for that object. "Youre saide
+citesins and burgeis and good comyns if they be tendred shalbe of power and
+of good courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to
+be yoven for to resist the adversaries." Those who had not able bodies nor
+usage in arms, were yet to come forth with a good courage, spiritual men as
+well as temporal, and, as true Englishmen should do, "every man put forthe
+of his goodes after that his power is."
+
+With this strain the Epistle terminates, its last chapter (p. 83) being an
+illustration of the same argument from the _Punica bella_ of Titus Livius,
+consisting of {xvii} "A noble history of the largesse of Romaynys, how
+amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite, to make an
+armee yn to the contree of Auffrique."
+
+These final passages of the book, which so urgently recommend a voluntary
+contribution in aid of the intended war, were certainly written in the year
+1475, with which date the whole composition concludes: for it is recorded
+by the historians of the day that it was on this occasion that king Edward
+the Fourth, after he had already raised all the supplies he could obtain by
+the ordinary methods of taxation, adopted the new device of a contribution
+nominally voluntary and its amount optional, and therefore termed a
+Benevolence,[22] but which eventually, when repeated, was regarded with
+peculiar repugnance and discontent.
+
+
+
+After this review of the contents of the Work, we will proceed to notice
+the circumstances of the occasion for which it was professedly composed.
+
+The English invasion of France in the year 1475 originated in the events of
+1470 and 1471. The temporary deposition of Edward the Fourth from his
+throne had been abetted by the aid which the King-making earl of Warwick
+derived from that forger of all mischief Louis the Eleventh of France. At
+that time Edward took refuge with his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy,
+a man as ambitious of aggrandisement as king Louis, but whose disposition
+instigated him to pursue it by the more ordinary path of martial
+enterprise. His enmity to the king of France was bitter and inveterate; and
+it doubtless formed the topic of much of his discourse with the exiled
+English monarch. Edward, on his part, vowed an ample revenge when the
+forces of England should be again at his command: and the result was a
+mutual understanding between these princes to prosecute their common
+quarrel at the earliest opportunity.
+
+Having this object in view, Edward summoned a parliament[23] in the autumn
+{xviii} of 1472, in order to obtain the requisite supplies; and on the last
+day of November an act was passed whereby the commons granted to the king a
+force of 13,000 archers (the like number which had been granted to his
+predecessor in the 31st year of his reign[24]), assigning as their motives
+for so doing, that "for the wele and suerte of this your reame inward, and
+the defence of the same outeward, to assiste youre roiall astate, ye
+verraily entendyng, in youre princely and knightly corage, with all
+diligence to youre highnes possible, all your bodely ease leyde apart, to
+resiste the seid confedered malice of youre and oure seide ennemyes, in
+setting outeward a myghty armee, able by the helpe of God to resiste the
+seid ennemyes." The archers were to abide in the king's service by the
+space of a year, each receiving the pay of six pence a day; and the commons
+granted for their support a disme, or tenth part of the income from lands,
+tenements, and possessions of every temporal person, not being a lord of
+parliament: but, if the said army held not before the feast of Saint
+Michael in 1473, the grant was to be void, and the money repaid. [25]
+
+The lords spiritual and temporal made a similar grant, on the consideration
+"that the kyng oure soverayn lord is disposed by the grace of God in his
+owne persone to passe forth of this his seid reame with an armee roiall,
+for the saufegarde of the same reame, and the subduyng of the auncien
+ennemyes of hym and of his seid reame."[26] In the next session, on the 8th
+April 1473, the commons granted to the king a fifteenth and a tenth,
+because, among other causes, "that ye verraily entend, as we understond, to
+aredye youre self, by all measnes to you possible, in youre moost noble
+persone to goo, departe, and passe with an arme roiall to the parties
+outward, to subdue by the myght of God youre and oure auncien enemyes, to
+the weele of you and prosperite of this youre reame."[27]
+
+Notwithstanding these earnest intentions and costly preparations, the
+season of 1473 wore away without any embarkation for France; and, at the
+close of the session on the 1st of February 1473-4, the chancellor, by the
+king's command, informed the commons that the parliament was prorogued to
+the 9th of May following,[28] "because in the matter of foreign war the
+king was not certainly {xix} informed of the disposition of his brother of
+Burgundy, and on that account he had lately sent his ambassadors to his
+said brother."
+
+The treaty with Burgundy was concluded in July 1474. The principal
+documents[29] respecting it bear date on the 25th of that month, on which
+day they were ratified both by king Edward and duke Charles. The former
+undertook to land in Normandy, or in other parts of France, with more than
+ten thousand men, before the 1st of July following (_i.e._ 1475); and the
+latter agreed to support the king's part in person and with his forces, in
+order to accomplish the recovery of the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine,
+and the kingdom and crown of France, from Louis, then unjustly occupying
+them. The king engaged not to treat with Louis, without the consent of the
+duke of Burgundy; and the duke in like manner covenanted not to treat with
+him without the consent of king Edward. Henceforth Louis was to be deemed
+and proclaimed their common enemy.
+
+By further articles, dated on the next following day, the contracting
+parties agreed that, when either of them waged war, they should have
+liberty to demand from the other aid to the amount of six thousand armed
+men; which were to be paid at the expense of the party requiring them,
+unless the war were in his own defence, in which case he was to pay only
+three fifths, and the other party two fifths of the soldiers' wages. By a
+further treaty, also dated on the 26th July 1474, king Edward ceded to the
+duke of Burgundy the duchy of Barr, the counties of Champagne, Nevers,
+Rethelle, Eu, and Guise, the barony of Douzi, the cities of Tournay and
+Lingon, with their dependencies, the castle and town of Picquigny, all the
+towns and lordships on either side the Somme before pledged to him, and
+further all the lands and lordships then possessed by Louis de {xx}
+Luxemburgh count of St. Paul: retaining no feudal sovereignty over the
+same, but conceding that the duke and his successors should in future be
+esteemed as the sovereign princes thereof. It was further agreed that
+Edward should be crowned and anointed king of France at Rheims,
+notwithstanding that the county of Champagne was ceded to the duke of
+Burgundy.
+
+From this time the whole military population of England made constant and
+earnest preparation for hostilities. They were retained by indenture to
+serve the king for a whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of
+France, each receiving the wages assigned to their respective ranks. These
+were,--to a Duke xiij s. iiij d. by the day, to an Earl vj s. viij d., to a
+Baron or Banneret iiij s., to a Knight ij s., to a Man at Arms xij d. by
+the day and vj d. more as of reward, and to an Archer vj d. by the day.[30]
+
+{xxi}
+
+In December proclamations were made throughout England for all bowyers and
+fletchers to pursue their labours with the utmost haste and diligence, the
+latter to make only "shefe arrowes;" and purveyors were sent into several
+circuits to superintend the delivery of their supplies.[31] Other
+commissions were issued for impressing into the king's service carpenters,
+wheelers, cartwrights, masons, smiths, plumbers, and other artificers; and
+also for taking all ships of the burden of sixteen tons and upwards, for
+the transport of the army.[32]
+
+For all these expenses the large sums already voted by the lords and
+commons in parliament, together with those granted by the clergy in their
+convocation, were not sufficient. It was then that recourse was had to the
+collections called Benevolences, to which allusion has been already made,
+from their being so strongly advocated by the author of The Boke of
+Noblesse. The process by which they were first brought into operation is
+thus described by Fabyan the London chronicler:
+
+"He sent for the mayer of London and his brethren the aldermen, and them
+severally examined and exorted to ayde and assyst hym towarde the sayd
+great journaye; of whiche the maier (Robert Drope, draper,) for his parte
+granted xxxli. and the aldermen some xx marke, and the leest xli. And that
+done he sent for all the thryfty commoners within the sayd cytie, and theym
+exortyd in lyke maner, whiche for the more partye granted to hym the wages
+of halfe a man for a yere, the whiche amounted to iiijli. xjs. iijd. And
+after that he rode about the more part of the lande, and used the people in
+suche fayre maner, that he reysed therby notable summes of money, the
+whiche way of the levyinge of this money was after named a Benevolence."
+
+"But here (adds the chronicler Hall on this subject) I wil not let passe a
+prety conceyt that happened in this gathering, in the which you shall not
+onely note the humilitie of a kyng, but more the fantasie of a woman. Kyng
+Edward had called before hym a wydow, muche aboundynge in substance, and no
+lesse grown in yeres, of whome he merely demaunded what she gladly woulde
+geve him towarde his greate charges. By my treuth, (quod she,) for thy
+lovely countenance thou shalt have even xxl. The kyng, lokyng scarce for
+the halfe of that summe, {xxii} thanked her, and lovingly kyst her. Whether
+the flavor of his brethe did so comfort her stommacke, or she estemed the
+kysse of a kynge so precious a juell, she swore incontinently that he
+should have xxl. more, which she with the same will payed that she offered
+it.
+
+"The kynge, willing to shew that this benefite was to hym much acceptable,
+and not worthy to be put in oblivion, called this graunt of money a
+Benevolence, notwithstanding that many with grudge and malevolence gave
+great summes toward that new-founde Benevolence. But the using of such
+gentill fashions toward them, wyth frendly prayer of their assistance in
+his necessitie, so tempted theim, that they could not otherwise do, but
+frankely and frely yelde and geve hym a reasonable reward."
+
+In the spring of 1475 the season for the campaign had at length arrived;
+and on the 1st of May proclamation was made that all "the lordes and
+capitaignes" who were retained for the army should muster at Portsdown in
+the county of Southampton on the 26th of the same month.[33] John lord
+Dynham, by letters patent dated the 15th of April, was appointed to conduct
+the army across the sea.[34]
+
+The transport of the army to Calais occupied the greater part of the month
+of June. The king, having left London on the 4th of that month,[35]
+proceeded towards the coast through the county of Kent. On the 6th and 10th
+he was at Canterbury, and on the 20th at Sandwich, where on that day he
+made his will,[36] and executed the instruments by which he constituted his
+son Edward prince of Wales to be Custos and Lieutenant of the kingdom
+during his absence.[37] There was still some further delay, and the king
+appears not to have crossed the channel until the 4th of July,[38] just one
+month after his quitting London.
+
+The king was accompanied in this expedition by his two brothers, the dukes
+of Clarence and Gloucester, by the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, the
+marquess of {xxiii} Dorset, the earls of Northumberland, Rivers, and
+Pembroke, the earl of Ormond, the earl of Douglas, and lord Boyd, the
+barons Grey of Ruthyn, Scrope, Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers,
+Howard, Lisle, and probably others[39]; together with a long train of
+knights, among whom were sir Thomas Mountgomery and sir Ralph Hastings
+bannerets and knights for the king's body, sir John Astley a banneret, sir
+John Parre a knight for the body, sir William Parre, and sir Richard
+Tunstall.
+
+When the king had landed at Calais his sister the duchess of Burgundy came
+thither to welcome him, on the 6th of July. She was followed by the duke
+her husband on the 14th; at which time the duchess was at St. Omer's with
+her brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester. On the 18th the
+sovereigns of England and Burgundy went together to the castle of Guisnes,
+where the duke was entertained at king Edward's expense, as he had been at
+Calais.[40]
+
+{xxiv}
+
+Meanwhile, (relates Molinet,) "the army spread itself through the
+neighbouring countries, numbering about twenty-two thousand men in the
+king's pay, of which the archers were badly mounted, and little used to go
+on horseback. The English were then inflated with high expectations, and
+thought that France might well tremble before them. They brought a new
+engine of artillery in the form of a carriage, which required, to put it in
+action, more than fifty horses, and it was calculated to make at every
+stroke breaches both deep and wide. Many of the English, who were natives
+of the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, brought with them the deeds of
+purchase, and registrations duly sealed, of the inheritances and rents that
+they used to possess in those duchies before their expulsion, looking
+forward to recover their title and enjoyment thereof.
+
+"The king (continues the same chronicler) drew his army towards
+Fauquenbergh, where he raised the richest tent ever seen; then he moved on
+Rousseauville, and stayed for two nights in the place where king Henry, the
+father of his predecessor, had obtained a glorious victory over the French,
+in the year 1415--_i.e._ at Agincourt; from thence he marched to Blangy,
+and from Blangy towards Peronne. Supplies came to his army from the
+countries and lordships of the duke of Burgundy. The English repeatedly
+passed and repassed the river Somme; and the duke of Burgundy, in person
+departing from Valenciennes, (where he had been honourably received, and
+where many pageants had been exhibited and performed before him in
+compliment to the king of England and himself,) came to view the army of
+the English, whom he caused to march and countermarch at his orders, to
+show his desire to lead them. The duke and king Edward, who then kept the
+field, held a conference for the space of three hours. A dove was observed
+to remain on the king's tent for a whole day and a half[41]: and after its
+departure there {xxv} followed a terrible thunder-storm, which did great
+damage to the army, by the hail stones which fell, as large as walnuts.
+From that day forward the English were in trouble enough, and began to
+murmur, saying that the king had kept badly the promises that had been made
+to them. The time passed away without anything being accomplished. The duke
+of Burgundy parted from them, and went to Lorraine, where he had left part
+of his forces, to conquer the duchy and county of Vaudemont."
+
+Our own historians have not discoursed at any length of the campaign made
+in France on this occasion. It has not offered to them the attractions of a
+Creci, a Poictiers, or an Agincourt; nor even presented any minor
+achievement that might have inspired their eloquence or stimulated their
+researches. Its laurels in fact withered under the wily diplomacy of Louis
+the Eleventh; and, besides the chapter of Molinet from which the preceding
+passages have been taken, it is in the pages of that monarch's vivid
+biographer, Philippe de Commines, that we are most fully informed of its
+transactions. Its results were entirely in correspondence with the personal
+characteristics of the three sovereigns concerned. The obstinate self-will
+of Charles the Rash, the luxurious indolence of king Edward, and the timid
+but crafty time-serving of Louis the Eleventh, all contributed to work out
+their natural effects.
+
+When the English began to land in France, the duke of Burgundy, already
+engaged in warfare with the German princes, was besieging the town of
+Neuss, upon the Rhine; and, until he could effect his object there, he
+would not be persuaded to leave the spot, although other projects of far
+greater political importance were now at stake. Commines states that "the
+lord Scales (meaning Anthony then earl Rivers, the king's brother-in-law,)
+was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke[42]; but the
+duke was perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and
+understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the
+English over to invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all
+things prepared to receive them both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he
+obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him
+to succeed."
+
+{xxvi}
+
+There was an apostolic legate at that time with the emperor, and the king
+of Denmark was quartered in the same neighbourhood, and they both
+endeavoured to negociate a peace, by which means the duke of Burgundy
+might, if he would, have had honourable terms, and thus have been free to
+join the king of England, but he would not accept their overtures. To the
+English he excused himself as plausibly as he could, telling them that his
+honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to raise
+the siege of Neuss, with other like excuses. "The Englishmen (adds the
+historian) were not the same who had flourished in his father's days, and
+had conducted themselves with so much valour and skill in the old wars with
+France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with French
+affairs; so that the duke acted very unwisely, if he had any design to make
+a future use of them, for in that case he ought to have led them on, as it
+were step by step, at least during the first campaign."
+
+The earliest bad consequence that resulted to the duke of Burgundy from his
+lingering at the seige of Neuss, was the loss of the three towns of
+Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, which were taken by the king of France,
+shortly after the termination of his truce with Burgundy, which expired on
+the 1st of May 1475. Still the duke would not quit the siege of Neuss
+before the 13th of June.
+
+In the meanwhile, king Edward landed at Calais. His army is described by
+Commines as "the most numerous, the best mounted, and the best equipped,
+that ever any king of England had invaded France withal. He was attended by
+all the lords of England, with few exceptions. He had 1500 men of arms,
+richly accoutred after the French fashion, well mounted, and most of them
+barded,[43] and every one of them had several persons on horseback in his
+retinue. The archers were 15,000, all on horseback; besides a great number
+of footmen, and others to pitch the tents and pavilions, take care of the
+artillery, and inclose the camp; and there was not one varlet in the whole
+army. There was besides a body of 3000 men who were to be landed in
+Bretagne."
+
+After these particulars, Commines repeats his censures of the duke of
+Burgundy's infatuated conduct, in throwing away that advantage of English
+aid, which he had been labouring all his life to procure. He ought (it is
+remarked) to have known that it was necessary for him to have made at least
+one campaign with the English, in order to have instructed them in the
+method of the French wars; for, though no nation is more raw or
+undisciplined than the English on their first coming over, yet a little
+time makes them excellent soldiers, equally brave and skilful. But the
+duke's conduct was just the reverse; and, among other {xxvii} disadvantages
+which ensued, the season was almost lost, and his own army so worn out and
+diminished, that he was ashamed they should be seen, for he had lost before
+Neuss 4000 of his soldiers, the very flower of his army.
+
+The English were, however, assisted in the transport of their horses by the
+duke of Burgundy providing them five hundred flat-bottomed vessels of
+Holland and Zeeland; yet, notwithstanding that large number, and all the
+vessels king Edward could procure from his own ports, the passage of his
+forces occupied more than three weeks: "from whence one may observe
+(remarks Commines) with what amazing difficulty the kings of England
+transport their armies into France; and, if the king of France had
+understood maritime affairs as well as he did those of the land, king
+Edward would never have crossed over, at least that year; but king Louis
+had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he committed his authority
+knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, belonging to Eu,
+took two or three of their transports.
+
+"Before the king of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his
+heralds, named Garter, who was a native of Normandy,[44] to the king of
+France, with a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in
+such polite language, that I can scarcely believe any Englishman indited
+it. The contents were, that our king should surrender France to the king of
+England, as his right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the
+church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve
+them from the great oppression and burthens they groaned under; and, if
+king Louis refused, it was declared that all the ensuing miseries and
+calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such
+occasions.
+
+"The king of France read the letter to himself, and then, withdrawing into
+another room, commanded the herald to be called in; to whom he said,--I am
+very sensible that your master has not made this invasion of his own
+seeking, but at the importunity of the duke of Burgundy and the commons of
+England. He then remarked that the season was visibly far spent, and that
+the duke of Burgundy {xxviii} had returned from Neuss in so weak and
+miserable a condition, that he would not be in a capacity to assist the
+invaders; that, as to the constable,[45] he was satisfied he held
+intelligence with the king of England, who had married his niece,[46] but
+there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would deceive king
+Edward, as he had often deceived himself; and, after enumerating the
+favours which he had conferred upon him, Louis added, 'His plan is to live
+in eternal dissimulation, to traffic with everybody, and to make his
+advantage of all.' Besides these, the king used several other arguments to
+induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him,
+giving him 300 crowns with his own hand, and promising him 1000 more upon
+the conclusion of the peace; and afterwards, in public, his majesty ordered
+him to be rewarded with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in
+length.
+
+"The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute
+all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master would
+be glad to entertain the proposal; but nothing could be done until he was
+landed in France, and then, if king Louis pleased, he might send a herald
+to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind to send any to
+king Edward; but withal Garter desired the king to address letters to the
+lords Howard or Stanley,[47] and also to himself, that he might introduce
+the French herald.
+
+"There was a host of people attending outside during the king's private
+discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the king
+would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. When he
+had done, (continues Commines,) he called me, and charged me to entertain
+the herald till he {xxix} ordered him an escort, that I might keep him from
+talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a
+piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which the king
+addressed himself to the rest of the company, giving them an account of the
+letters of defiance; and, having called seven or eight of them apart, he
+ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and
+valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was
+much revived by what he had learned from the herald."
+
+When the duke of Burgundy first came to wait on the king of England at
+Calais, he was attended only by a small retinue,[48] having dismissed his
+army into the countries of Barrois and Lorraine to plunder and refresh
+themselves (the duke of Lorraine having declared himself his enemy). The
+English had expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least
+2500 men at arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot;
+and that he should have opened the campaign in France three months before
+their descent, when they might have found king Louis already harassed with
+the war and in great distress.
+
+King Edward (by the stages already described from Molinet,) marched to
+Peronne, a town belonging to the duke of Burgundy. The English, however,
+except in small companies, were not received within its gates, but they
+formed their encampment in the adjacent fields.[49] At this place a
+messenger arrived from the constable of France, bringing letters both for
+the duke and the king.[50] To the former he made strong professions of
+friendship and service, declaring that he would assist him and his allies,
+and particularly the king of England, against all persons and princes
+whatever. In his letter to king Edward he referred his good-meaning to the
+duke of Burgundy's testimony. The duke communicated also to the king the
+contents of his own letter from the constable, somewhat exaggerating them,
+and assuring Edward that the constable would receive him into the town of
+St. Quentin, and all the other towns under his control; and king Edward
+really believed it, because he had married the constable's niece, and he
+thought him so terribly afraid of the king of France, that he would not
+venture to break his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the duke of
+Burgundy less credulous than king Edward. {xxx} But neither the
+perplexities of the constable, nor his dread of the king of France, had as
+yet carried him so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them
+(according to his custom), and suggest to them such plausible reasons as
+might prevail with them not to force him to declare himself openly.
+
+"The king of England and his nobility (remarks Commines,) were not so well
+skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of France, but went more
+bluntly and ingenuously about their business; so that they were not so
+sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side of
+the water. The English that have never travelled are naturally headstrong,
+as the people generally are in all cold countries."
+
+Commines next relates how the English, when they attempted to occupy the
+town of St. Quentin, were driven off with the loss of some killed and
+others taken prisoners; and how on the following morning the duke of
+Burgundy took his leave of king Edward, in order to return to his forces in
+Barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the English; but the
+English, being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the
+water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an ill
+opinion of their ally, and were not satisfied he had any army at all;
+besides, the duke of Burgundy could not reconcile them to the constable's
+manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was
+well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the
+duke of Burgundy's arguments did not pacify them, and, being disheartened
+at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more
+inclinable to peace than war.
+
+Meanwhile, king Louis was thinking upon the suggestions which had been made
+to him by Garter king of arms; and a message he received from the lords
+Howard and Stanley by a dismissed prisoner determined him to put them in
+action. With the assistance of Commines, he tutored a clever servant to act
+as a herald, equipping him for the occasion in a coat of arms formed from
+the banner of a trumpeter,--for king Louis was not so stately nor so vain
+as to maintain a herald in his train as other princes did.
+
+The man was sent off to the English camp, where, on his arrival, he was
+immediately conducted to the tent of king Edward. Being asked his business,
+he said he was come with a message from the king of France to the king of
+England, and had orders to address himself to the lords Howard and Stanley.
+He was taken into a tent to dinner, and very gently entertained. When king
+Edward had dined, he sent for the herald, who then said that his errand was
+to acquaint his majesty that the king of France had long desired to be at
+amity with him, that {xxxi} both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy
+the blessings of peace; that, since his accession to the crown of France,
+he had never made war or attempted anything against king Edward or his
+kingdom; and, as for having formerly entertained the earl of Warwick, he
+had done that more from opposition to the duke of Burgundy than from any
+quarrel with the king of England. He next proceeded to represent that the
+duke of Burgundy had invited king Edward over, only in order to make his
+own terms the better with France; and, if others had joined with him, it
+was to secure themselves against their former offences, or to advance their
+private objects; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard
+the interests of the king of England, provided they had attained their own
+ends. He represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was
+approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charges king Edward
+had been at, and that he knew that in England there were many, both of the
+nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side of the
+water; yet, if the king should be inclined to a treaty, his master would
+not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and
+to his subjects; and if the king of England had a mind to be more
+particularly informed of these matters, on his giving a passport for 100
+horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or,
+if king Edward should prefer to depute certain commissioners, king Louis
+would gladly consent to that arrangement, and send them a passport to hold
+a conference in some village between the two armies.
+
+The king of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased with
+these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his
+request, and, having been rewarded with four nobles in money, he was
+attended by a herald from the king of England to obtain the king of
+France's passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the
+next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the part of
+the king of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon admiral of France,
+the lord of St. Pierre, and the bishop of Evreux. On the king of England's
+side, there were the lord Howard, doctor Morton then master of the rolls
+and afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, William Dudley dean of the king's
+chapel, and Thomas Selynger.[51] Many overtures passed between these
+negociators. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the
+crown of France; and then gradually fell to Normandy and Guienne. The
+French commissioners replied as became them; so that the demands were well
+urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very
+first day {xxxii} of the treaty there was great prospect of an
+accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to
+reasonable proposals.
+
+King Louis was exceedingly pleased when matters had taken this favourable
+turn, and he employed all his arts to bring the negociation to a peaceful
+termination. He sent every hour to entertain and wheedle the treacherous
+constable, and prevent him from doing any harm. He resolved to raise
+without delay the money required to buy off the invaders,[52] declaring
+that he would do any thing in the world to get the king of England out of
+France, except putting any towns into his possession, for, rather than do
+that, which had been suggested by the constable, he would hazard all.
+
+The conclusion of the terms of the treaty was made on the 13th of August,
+king Edward being then "in his felde beside a village called Seyntre,[53]
+within Vermondose, a litell from Peronne," attended by his brothers the
+dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the
+bishop of Lincoln his chancellor, the marquess of Dorset, the earls of
+Northumberland, Riviers, and Pembroke, the lords Grey de Ruthyn, Scrope,
+Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers, Howard, the earl Douglas, lord
+Lisle, the master of the Rolls, the dean of the king's chapel, the deans of
+Wells and Westminster, sir Thomas Mountgomery, sir Thomas Borough, sir
+William Parre, sir Richard Tunstall, Thomas Selynger, and John Elkyngton
+treasurer of the king's wars; most of whom signed the public
+declaration[54] of the king's determination, which is stated to have been
+founded on these three considerations,--"the povertie of his armyes, the
+nygh approachyng of wynter, and small assistance of his allies."
+
+It was at the same time agreed, that the two kings should have an
+interview, and swear mutually to the performance of certain articles; after
+which the king of England should return to his own country, upon the
+receipt of 72,000 crowns (as stated by Commines, but the amount finally
+settled was 75,000), leaving the lord Howard and sir John Cheyne as
+hostages until his arrival in England. In addition, pensions amounting to
+16,000 crowns were promised to the privy councillors {xxxiii} of the king
+of England, viz. to the lord Hastings[55] 2000 crowns a-year, to the
+chancellor (Rotherham) 2000, and the remainder to the lord Howard, the
+master of the horse (Cheyne), Thomas St. Leger, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and
+several others, besides a great deal of ready money and plate[56] that was
+distributed among the rest of the king of England's retinue.
+
+Louis contrived to carry his corruption through every grade of his
+adversaries. He purchased from one of the English secretaries for sixty
+silver marks two letters which had been addressed by the seigneur d'Urfe,
+who was then in the duke of Bretagne's service, (and afterwards master of
+the horse of France,) one directed to the king of England, and the other to
+the lord Hastings, lord chamberlain of England. They were shown to
+Commines, who noticed in them this, among other expressions, That the duke
+of Bretagne would do more by his intelligence in a month, than the king of
+England and the duke of Burgundy both, with all the force they could make.
+
+The duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxembourg, having intimation of
+these negociations, came in great haste to the king of England, attended
+only with sixteen horse.[57] King Edward was much surprised at his
+unexpected arrival, and inquired what it was that had brought him, for he
+saw by his countenance that he was angry. The duke told him that he came to
+talk with him. The king of England asked whether it should be in public or
+private? Then the duke demanded whether he had made a peace? The king
+replied, that he had made a truce for nine years, in which the duke of
+Bretagne and himself were {xxxiv} comprehended,[58] and his desire was that
+they should accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent
+passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to
+recount the glorious achievements of Edward's predecessors on the throne of
+England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains,
+nor refused any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them
+immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and
+told the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any
+necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of
+recovering their own right and inheritance; and, to convince them he could
+subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the
+truce until the king had been three months in England. Having unburthened
+himself in this manner, the duke took his leave, and returned to
+Luxembourg. The king of England and his council were extremely irritated by
+his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it.
+
+But, however dissatisfied the duke was with the truce, the constable of
+France had cause to be still more so: for, having deceived all parties, he
+could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He made one more attempt to
+ingratiate himself with king Edward, by offering him the towns of Eu and
+St. Valery for winter quarters, and a loan of 50,000 crowns; but king Louis
+immediately received intimation of this, and at once ordered the two towns
+to be burned. King Edward returned to the constable this answer, "That the
+truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but, had the
+constable performed his former promise (as to the town of St. Quentin), the
+truce would never have been made." This answer stung the constable to the
+very soul, and made him desperate on all sides.
+
+In order to bring the treaty to a conclusion, king Edward advanced within
+half a league of Amiens; and the king of France, being upon one of the
+gates of the city, (where he had arrived on the 22d of August,) viewed from
+a distance the English army marching up. "Speaking impartially, (continues
+Commines,) the troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for
+they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king
+sent the king of England 300 cartloads[59] of the best wines in France as a
+present, and I think the {xxxv} carts made as great a show as the whole
+English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came
+into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without
+the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the streets all
+armed, and in great companies, so that if the king of France could have
+dispensed with his oath, never was there so favourable an opportunity of
+cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty's design was
+only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that
+might endure during his reign. The king had ordered two long tables to be
+placed on either side the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which
+were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of viands most
+likely to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the
+richest that France could produce, with a troop of servants to wait on
+them; but not a drop of water was drank. At each of the tables the king had
+placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to
+entertain those who had a mind to take a hearty glass, amongst whom were
+the lord of Craon, the lord of Briquebec, the lord of Bressure, the lord of
+Villiers, and several others. As the English came up to the gate, they saw
+what was prepared, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take
+their horses by the bridles and lead them to the tables, where every man
+was treated handsomely, as he came in his turn, to their very great
+satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or
+whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten
+taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, the French king
+bearing all the costs of that entertainment, which lasted three or four
+days."
+
+On Childermas day (the 28th of August[60]) the license of the English
+visitors had grown to such a height, that it was. estimated that there were
+at least 9000 of them in the town. The councillors of Louis were alarmed,
+and although on that day the superstitious monarch never spoke upon
+business, nor allowed any one else to address him thereon, but took it as
+an ill omen, Commines was induced to disturb his devotions, in order to
+inform him of the state of affairs. The king commanded him immediately to
+get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English captains
+of note, to persuade them to order their troops to retire, and if he met
+any of the French captains to send them to him, for he {xxxvi} would be at
+the gate as soon as Commines. Commines met three or four English commanders
+of his acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king's directions;
+but for one man that they directed to leave the town, there were twenty
+that came in. In company with the lord of Gie (afterwards marechal of
+France) Commines went into a tavern, where, though it was not yet one
+o'clock, there had already been a hundred and eleven reckonings that
+morning. The house was filled with company; some were singing, others were
+asleep, and all were drunk; upon observing which circumstance, Commines
+concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came
+immediately to the gate, well attended, having commanded 200 or 300 men at
+arms to be harnessed privately in their captains' houses, some of whom he
+posted at the gate by which the English entered. The king then ordered his
+dinner to be brought to the porter's lodgings at the gate, where he dined,
+and did several English captains the honour of admitting them to dinner
+with him. The king of England had been informed of this disorder, and was
+much ashamed of it, and sent to the king of France to desire him to admit
+no more of his soldiers into the town. The king of France sent him word
+back he would not do that, but if the king of England pleased to send a
+party of his own guards thither, the gate should be delivered up to their
+charge, and they then might let in or shut out whomever they pleased, which
+was done accordingly.
+
+In order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, consultation was now
+taken for the place that might be most convenient for the proposed
+interview between the two kings, and commissioners were appointed to survey
+it,--the lord du Bouchage and Commines on the French part, and the lord
+Howard, Thomas St. Leger, and a herald on the English. Upon taking view of
+the river, they agreed upon Picquigny, where the Somme is neither wide nor
+fordable. On the one side, by which king Louis would approach, was a fine
+open country; and on the other side it was the same, only when king Edward
+came to the river, he was obliged to traverse a causeway about two
+bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, "which might (remarks
+Commines) have produced very dangerous consequences to the English, if our
+intentions had not been honourable. And certainly, as I have said before,
+the English do not manage their treaties and capitulations with so much
+cunning and policy as the French do, let people say what they will, but
+proceed more openly, and with greater straightforwardness; yet a man must
+be careful, and take heed not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling
+with them."
+
+When the place of meeting was settled, the next business was to build a
+bridge, {xxxvii} which was done by French carpenters. The bridge was large
+and strong, and in the midst was contrived a massive wooden lattice, such
+as lions' cages were made with, every aperture between the bars being no
+wider than to admit a man's arm; at the top were merely boards to keep off
+the rain, and the area was large enough to contain ten or twelve men on a
+side, the bars running full out to either side of the bridge, to hinder any
+person from passing either to the one side or the other. For passage across
+the river there was provided only one small boat, rowed by two men.
+
+The incident in French history which suggested these extraordinary
+precautions had occurred fifty-six years before; when, at a similar meeting
+upon a bridge at Montereau fault Yonne, John duke of Burgundy and his
+attendants were treacherously slaughtered in the presence of Charles the
+Seventh (then Dauphin), in revenge for the murder of Louis duke of Orleans.
+In the barricade of that fatal bridge there was a wicket, which the duke
+himself incautiously opened; a circumstance which the timid Louis well
+remembered, and he now repeated the story to Commines, and expressly
+commanded that there should be no such doorway.
+
+When the bridge at Picquigny was ready, the interview between the two kings
+took place on the 29th of August 1475. The description which Commines gives
+of it is highly graphic and interesting: "The king of France came first,
+attended by about 800 men of arms. On the king of England's side, his whole
+army was drawn up in battle array; and, though we could not ascertain their
+total force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the
+body of troops which was with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison
+with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. It was
+arranged that twelve men of a side were to attend each of the kings at the
+interview, and they were already chosen from among their greatest and most
+trusty courtiers. We had with us four of the king of England's retinue to
+view what was done among us, and they had as many of ours, on their side,
+to have an eye over their actions. As I said before, our king came first to
+the barriers, attended by twelve persons, among whom were John duke of
+Bourbon and the cardinal his brother.[61] It was the king's pleasure
+(according to his old and frequent custom) that I should be dressed like
+him that day.[62]"
+
+{xxxviii}
+
+"The king of England advanced along the causeway very nobly attended, with
+the air and presence of a king." Commines recognised in his train his
+brother the duke of Clarence, the earl of Northumberland, his chamberlain
+the lord Hastings, his chancellor, and other peers of the realm; "among
+whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of gold like
+himself. The king wore a black velvet cap upon his head, and on it a large
+fleur-de-lis made of precious stones--[probably as a compliment to the
+French king]. He was a prince of a noble and majestic presence, but a
+little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before when the earl of
+Warwick drove him out of his kingdom, in 1470[63]; then I thought him much
+handsomer, and, to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a
+more handsome person. When he came within a little distance of the barrier
+he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of the ground;
+and the king of France, who was then leaning against the barrier, received
+him with abundance of reverence and respect. They embraced through the
+apertures of the barriers, and, the king of England making him another low
+bow, the king of France saluted him thus, 'Cousin, you are heartily
+welcome! There is no person living I was so desirous of seeing; and God be
+thanked that this interview is upon so good an occasion.' King Edward
+returned the compliment in very good French[64]."
+
+{xxxix}
+
+"Then the chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and bishop of Lincoln)
+began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are always
+provided), that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded between
+the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the instrument
+was produced containing the articles which the king of France had sent to
+the king of England. The chancellor demanded of the king, whether he had
+dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? The king
+replied, Yes; and when king Edward's letters were produced on our side, he
+made the like answer. The missal being then brought and opened, both the
+kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the other upon the holy
+true cross, and both of them swore religiously to observe the contents of
+the truce.
+
+"This solemnity performed, king Louis (who had always words at command)
+told king Edward in a jocular way that he should be glad to see him at
+Paris, and that if he would come and divert himself with the ladies, he
+would assign the cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who he knew would
+willingly absolve him if he should commit any peccadillo in the way of love
+and gallantry. King Edward was extremely pleased with his raillery, and
+made him many good repartees, for he was aware that the cardinal was a gay
+man with the ladies, and a boon companion.
+
+"After some further discourse to this purpose, the French king, to shew his
+authority, commanded those who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind
+to have a little private discourse with the king of England. They obeyed;
+and those who were with king Edward, seeing the French retire, did the
+same, without waiting to be commanded. After the two kings had conversed
+together alone for some time, our master (continues Commines) called me to
+him, and asked the king {xl} of England whether he knew me. King Edward
+said that he did, naming the places where he had seen me, and told the king
+that I had formerly endeavoured to serve him at Calais, when I was in the
+duke of Burgundy's service. The king of France demanded, If the duke of
+Burgundy refused to be comprehended in the treaty--as might be suspected
+from his obstinate answer--what the king of England would have him do? The
+king of England replied, he would offer it to him a second time, and, if he
+then refused it, he would not concern himself any further, but leave it
+entirely to themselves. By degrees king Louis came to mention the duke of
+Bretagne, who was really the person he aimed at in the question, and made
+the same demand as to him. The king of England desired that he would not
+attempt anything against the duke of Bretagne, for in his distress he had
+never found so true and faithful a friend. Louis then pressed him no
+further, but, recalling the company, took his leave of king Edward[65] in
+the politest and most flattering terms imaginable, and saluted all his
+attendants with especial courtesy; whereupon both monarchs at the same time
+retired from the barrier, and, mounting on horseback, the king of France
+returned to Amiens, and the king of England to his army. King Edward was
+supplied from the French household with whatever he required, to the very
+torches and candles."
+
+By the treaty thus concluded king Edward engaged to return to England with
+his army so soon as king Louis had paid him the sum of 75,000 crowns. A
+truce for seven years was concluded between the two sovereigns; and they
+mutually undertook to assist each other in case either prince should be
+attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and, to make this
+alliance still closer, Charles the son of Louis was to wed the princess
+Elizabeth, king Edward's eldest daughter, so soon as they were both of
+marriageable age.
+
+By the fourth and last article, the king of France engaged to pay annually
+to the king of England, in two instalments, the sum of 50,000 crowns.
+
+Commines states that the duke of Gloucester, king Edward's younger brother,
+and some other Englishmen of high rank, being averse to the treaty, were
+not present at the interview; though (he adds) they afterwards recollected
+themselves, and the duke of Gloucester waited upon king Louis at Amiens,
+where he was splendidly entertained, and received noble presents both of
+plate and of fine horses.
+
+{xli}
+
+The chronicler Jean de Molinet also mentions the duke of Gloucester's
+disapproval of the peace, although, as we have seen, he had signed the
+preliminary articles of agreement on the 13th of August. It is by no means
+inconsistent with the aspiring character of Richard duke of Gloucester--who
+at this period was not twenty-three years of age--that he should have
+affected to place himself at the head of the more martial and chivalrous
+party of the English nobility, and that Commines had good information of
+his policy in that respect.
+
+The same delightful historian, who, not content with barren facts,
+confidentially introduces his readers into the secret motives and
+reflections of the actors in his story, supplies some remarkable
+particulars of the sentiments of his master king Louis on the result of
+this memorable interview, which form as it were the finishing touches of
+his picture.
+
+Whilst Louis was riding back to Amiens, he expressed his misgivings upon
+two incidents in what had passed. One was that the king of England had so
+readily caught at the idea of visiting Paris. "He is (said Louis,) a
+handsome prince, a great admirer of the ladies, and who knows but that he
+might find one of them at Paris, who would say so many pretty things to
+him, as to make him desirous to come again? His ancestors have been too
+often in Paris and Normandy already; and I do not care for his company so
+near, though on the other side of the water I shall be ready to esteem him
+as my friend and brother." Louis was also displeased to find the English
+king so resolute in relation to the duke of Bretagne, upon whom he would
+fain have made war; and to that purpose he made him further overtures by
+the lord de Bouchage and the lord de St. Pierre; but when Edward found
+himself pressed, he gave them this short but honourable answer, that if any
+one invaded the duke of Bretagne's dominions he would cross the sea again
+in his defence. Upon which the French king importuned him no more.
+
+When Louis was arrived at Amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three or
+four of the English lords, who had attended upon the king of England at the
+interview, came to sup with his majesty; and one of them, the lord Howard,
+told the king in his ear that, if he desired it, he would readily find a
+way to bring the king his master to him to Amiens, and perhaps to Paris
+too, to be merry with him. Though this proposition was not in the least
+agreeable to Louis, yet he dissembled the matter pretty well, and began
+washing his hands, without giving a direct answer; but he whispered to
+Commines, and said that what he had dreaded was really coming to pass.
+After supper the subject was renewed, but the king then put it off with the
+greatest quietness and tact {xlii} imaginable, alleging that his expedition
+against the duke of Burgundy would require his departure immediately.
+
+Thus, (as our pleasant friend remarks,) though these affairs were of the
+highest moment, and required the gravest caution to manage them discreetly,
+yet they were not unattended by some agreeable incidents that deserve to be
+related to posterity. Nor ought any man to wonder, considering the great
+mischiefs which the English had brought upon the kingdom of France, and the
+freshness of their date, that the king should incur so much trouble and
+expense to send them home in an amicable manner, and endeavour to make them
+his friends for the future, or at least divert them from being his enemies.
+
+The next day the English came into Amiens in great numbers, and some of
+them reported that the Holy Ghost had made the peace, producing some
+prophecy in support of the assertion: but their greatest proof was that
+during the interview a white dove came and sat upon the king of England's
+tent, and could not be frightened away by any noise they could make. The
+less superstitious, however, explained the incident more rationally; a
+shower having fallen, and the sun afterwards shining out very warm, when
+the pigeon, finding that tent higher than the others, came thither to dry
+herself. This was the explanation given to Commines by a Gascon gentleman
+named Louis de Bretailles,[66] who was in the king of England's service.
+This gentleman was one of those who saw further than others into the state
+of affairs, and, being an old acquaintance of Commines, he privately
+{xliii} expressed his opinion that the French were making sport of the king
+of England. During the conversation, Commines asked him how many battles
+king Edward had fought. He answered nine, and that he had been in every one
+of them in person. Commines then asked how many he had lost. Bretailles
+replied, Never but one; and that was this, in which the French had
+outwitted him now; for in his opinion the ignominy of king Edward's
+returning so soon after such vast preparations, would be a greater disgrace
+and stain to his reputation than all the honour he had achieved in his nine
+previous victories. Commines repeated this smart answer to his master, who
+replied, He is a shrewd fellow, I warrant him, and we must have a care of
+his tongue. The next day Louis sent for him, had him to dinner at his own
+table, and made him very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his
+master's service, and live in France; but, finding he was not to be
+prevailed upon, he presented him with a thousand crowns, and promised he
+would do great matters for his brothers in France. Upon his going away,
+Commines whispered him in his ear, and desired him to employ his good
+offices to continue and propagate that love and good understanding which
+was so happily begun between the two kings.
+
+Though Louis could scarcely conceal his delight and self-gratulation at the
+success of his policy, yet his timidity was continually revived when he
+imagined that he had dropped any expressions that might reach the ears of
+the English, and make them suspect that he had overreached and deluded
+them. On the morning following the interview, being alone in his closet
+with only three or four of his attendants, he began to droll and jest upon
+the wines and presents which he had sent into the English camp, but,
+turning suddenly round, he became aware of the presence of a Gascon
+merchant who lived in England, and was come to solicit license to export a
+certain quantity of Bordeaux wines without paying the duties. Louis was
+startled at seeing him, and wondered how he had gained admission. The king
+asked him of what town in Guienne he was, whether he was a merchant, and
+whether married in England. The man replied yes, he had a wife in England,
+but what estate he had there was but small. Before he went away, the king
+appointed one to go with him to Bordeaux, and Commines had also some talk
+with him, by his majesty's express command. Louis conferred on him a
+considerable post of employment in his native town, granted him exemption
+from duty {xliv} for his wines, and gave him a thousand francs to bring his
+wife over from England, but he was to send his brother for her, and not go
+personally to fetch her; and all these penalties the king imposed upon
+himself for having indulged in too great freedom of speech.
+
+As soon as king Edward had received his money, and delivered the lord
+Howard and sir John Cheyne as hostages until he was landed in England, he
+retired towards Calais by long and hasty marches, for he was suspicious of
+the duke of Burgundy's anger, and the vengeance of the peasants; and,
+indeed, if any of his soldiers straggled, some of them were sure to be
+knocked on the head.
+
+"Uppon the xxviijth daye of Septembre folowynge he was with great tryumphe
+receyved of the mayor and cytezeyns of London at Blakheth, and with all
+honoure by theym conveyed thorugh the cytie unto Westmynster, the mayer and
+aldermen beynge clade in scarlet, and the commoners to the nombre of v C.
+in murrey."[67]
+
+The treacherous constable of France again turning round, in order if
+possible to recover his lost favour with his own sovereign,[68] sent a
+messenger to Louis, offering to persuade the duke of Burgundy to join his
+forces with the king's, and destroy the king of England and his whole army
+on their return. But this last shift of the baffled traitor only
+contributed to confirm his ruin. King Edward communicated to Louis
+(probably before this offer) two letters which the constable had addressed
+to him, and related all the proposals he had from time to time made; so
+that his three-fold treasons were revealed to all the princes with whose
+rival interests he had endeavoured to play his own game, and they were all
+alike provoked to join in his destruction.
+
+Louis contemplated his punishment with the bitterest animosity. When he
+received the overture above stated, there were only in his presence the
+lord {xlv} Howard the English hostage, the lord de Coutay, who was newly
+returned from an embassy to the duke of Burgundy, the lord du Lude, and
+Commines, which two had been employed to receive the constable's messenger.
+The king, calling for one of his secretaries, dictated a letter to the
+constable, acquainting him with what had been transacted the day before in
+relation to the truce; and adding that at that instant he had weighty
+affairs upon his hands, and wanted such a head as his to finish them. Then
+turning to the English nobleman and to the lord de Coutay, he said, "I do
+not mean his body. I would have his head with me, and his body where it
+is." After the letter had been read, Louis delivered it to Rapine the
+constable's messenger, who was mightily pleased with it, and took it as a
+great compliment in the king to write that he wanted such a head as his
+master's, for he did not perceive the ambiguity and sting of the
+expression.
+
+We are now arrived at the closing reflections of Commines upon the course
+which events had taken in France at this memorable crisis. "At the
+beginning of our affairs with the English, you may remember that the king
+of England had no great inclination to make his descent; and as soon as he
+came to Dover, and before his embarkation there, he entered into a sort of
+treaty with us. But that which prevailed with him to transport his army to
+Calais was first the solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, and the natural
+animosity of the English against the French, which has existed in all ages;
+and next to reserve to himself a great part of the money which had been
+liberally granted him for that expedition; for, as you have already heard,
+the kings of England live upon their own demesne revenue, and can raise no
+taxes but under the pretence of invading France. Besides, the king had
+another stratagem by which to content his subjects; for he had brought with
+him ten or twelve citizens of London, and other towns in England, all fat
+and jolly, the leaders of the English commons, of great power in their
+countries, such as had promoted the wars and had been very serviceable in
+raising that powerful army. The king ordered very fine tents to be made for
+them, in which they lay; but, that not being the kind of living they had
+been used to, they soon began to grow weary of the campaign, for they
+expected they should come to an engagement within three days of their
+landing, and the king multiplied their fears and exaggerated the dangers of
+the war, on purpose that they might be better satisfied with a peace, and
+aid him to quiet the murmurs of the people upon his return to England; for,
+since king Arthur's days, never king of England invaded France with so
+great a number of the nobility and such a formidable army. But, as you have
+heard, he returned immediately into England upon the conclusion of the
+peace, and then reserved for his own private use the {xlvi} greater part of
+the money that had been raised to pay the army; so that, in reality, he
+accomplished most of the designs he had in view. King Edward was not of a
+complexion or turn of mind to endure much hardship and labour, and such any
+king of England must encounter who designs to make any considerable
+conquest in France. Besides, our king was in a tolerable posture of
+defence, though he was not so well prepared in all respects as he ought to
+have been, by reason of the variety and multitude of his enemies. Another
+great object with the king of England was the arrangement of a marriage
+between our present king Charles the Eighth and his daughter; and this
+alliance, causing him to wink at several things, was a material advantage
+to our master's affairs.
+
+"King Louis himself was very desirous to obtain a general peace. The vast
+numbers of the English had put him into great alarm; he had seen enough of
+their exploits in his time in his kingdom, and he had no wish to witness
+any more of them."
+
+When Louis went to meet the duke of Burgundy's plenipotentiaries at a
+bridge half-way between Avesnes and Vervins, he took the English hostages
+with him, and they were present when he gave audience to the Burgundians.
+"One of them then told Commines that, if they had seen many such men of the
+duke of Burgundy's before, perhaps the peace had not been concluded so
+soon. The vicomte of Narbonne, (afterwards comte of Foix,) overhearing him,
+replied, 'Could you be so weak as to believe that the duke of Burgundy had
+not great numbers of such soldiers? he had only sent them into quarters of
+refreshment; but you were in such haste to be at home again, that six
+hundred pipes of wine and a pension from our king sent you presently back
+into England.' The Englishman was irritated, and answered with much warmth,
+'I plainly see, as everybody said, that you have done nothing but cheat us.
+But do you call the money your king has given us a pension? It is a
+tribute; and, by Saint George! you may prate so much as will bring us back
+again to prove it.' I interrupted their altercation, and turned it into a
+jest; but the Englishman would not understand it so, and I informed the
+king of it, and his majesty was much offended with the vicomte of
+Narbonne."
+
+King Edward, being highly disgusted with the duke of Burgundy's rejection
+of his truce, and his subsequent offer to make a distinct peace with the
+king of France, despatched a great favourite of his, named sir Thomas
+Mountgomery, to king Louis at Vervins, and he arrived whilst the
+negociation was proceeding with the duke of Burgundy's envoys. Sir Thomas
+desired, on the behalf of the king his master, that the king of France
+would not consent to any other truce with the {xlvii} duke than what was
+already made.[69] He also pressed Louis not to deliver St. Quentin into the
+duke's hands; and, as further encouragement, Edward offered to repass the
+seas in the following spring with a powerful army to assist him, provided
+his majesty would continue in war against the duke of Burgundy, and
+compensate him for the prejudice he should sustain in his duties upon wool
+at Calais, which would be worth little or nothing in war time, though at
+other times they were valued at 50,000 crowns. He proposed likewise that
+the king of France should pay one-half of his army, and he would pay the
+other himself. Louis returned Edward abundance of thanks, and made sir
+Thomas a present of plate: but as to the continuation of the war, he begged
+to be excused, for the truce with Burgundy was already concluded, and upon
+the same terms as those which had been already agreed to between them; only
+the duke of Burgundy had pressed urgently to have a separate truce for
+himself; which circumstance Louis excused as well as he could, in order to
+satisfy the English ambassador, who with this answer returned home,
+accompanied by the hostages. "The king (adds Commines) felt extremely
+surprised at king Edward's offers, which were delivered before me only, and
+he conceived it would be very dangerous to bring the king of England into
+France again, for between those two nations, when brought into contact, any
+trifling accident might raise some new quarrel, and the English might
+easily make friends again with the duke of Burgundy." These considerations
+greatly forwarded the conclusion of the king of France's treaty with the
+Burgundians.
+
+In fact, the duke of Burgundy at last overreached his brother-in-law king
+Edward, for he concluded a truce with France for nine years, whilst that of
+England with France was for seven years only. The duke's ambassadors
+requested king Louis that this truce might not be proclaimed immediately by
+sound of trumpet, as the usual custom was, for they were anxious to save
+the duke's oath to king Edward (when he swore in his passion that he would
+not accept of the benefit of the truce until the king had been in England
+three months), lest Edward should think their master had spoken otherwise
+than he designed.
+
+As for Edward himself, whatever selfish satisfaction he may have derived
+from the result of the campaign,--such as Commines has already
+suggested--it must have weakened his popularity both with his nobles and
+with his people, whilst it terminated the former cordiality that had
+existed with his brother of Burgundy. The king of England had now become
+the pensioner of France, the great {xlviii} absorbing power of that age,
+which was soon to swallow up England's nearest and best allies, the duchies
+of Burgundy and Britany.
+
+The French pension of 50,000 crowns was, as Commines relates, punctually
+paid every half-year in the Tower of London; and by a treaty made in Feb.
+1478-9 it was renewed for the lives of Edward and Louis, and extended for a
+hundred years after the death of both princes: which seemed to give it more
+directly the character of a tribute, a term that Commines says the English
+applied to it, but which the French indignantly repelled. However, after
+little more than four years longer, it had answered its purpose, and its
+payment ceased. The English voluptuary then found himself entirely
+outwitted by the wily Frenchman. After the duke of Burgundy's death (in
+1477) and that of his only daughter the wife of the archduke Maximilian (in
+1482) his grand-daughter Margaret of Austria was suddenly betrothed to the
+Dauphin, in the place of the lady Elizabeth of England. Louis caught at
+this alliance in order to detach the counties of Burgundy and Artois from
+the territory of the Netherlands, and annex them to the crown of France;
+and the turbulent citizens of Ghent, in whose keeping the children[70] of
+their late sovereign lady were, were ready to make this concession, without
+the concurrence of the children's father, in order to reduce the power of
+their princes. This infant bride was then only three years and a half old;
+and had consequently made her appearance on the stage of life subsequently
+to the Dauphin's former contract with the English princess.[71]
+
+Commines describes at some length the mortification experienced by king
+Edward when he heard of this alliance,--"finding himself deluded in the
+hopes he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the Dauphin, of which
+marriage both himself and his queen were more ambitious than of any other
+in the world, and never would give credit to any man, whether subject or
+foreigner, that endeavoured to persuade them that our king's intentions
+were not sincere and honourable. For the parliament (or council) of England
+had remonstrated to king Edward several times, when our king was in
+Picardy, that after he had conquered {xlix} that province he would
+certainly fall upon Calais and Guines, which are not far off. The
+ambassadors from the duke and duchess of Austria, as also those from the
+duke of Bretagne, who were continually in England at that time, represented
+the same thing to him; but to no purpose, for he would believe nothing of
+it, and he suffered greatly for his incredulity. Yet I am entirely of
+opinion that his conduct proceeded not so much from ignorance as avarice;
+for he was afraid to lose his pension of fifty thousand crowns, which our
+master paid him very punctually, and besides he was unwilling to leave his
+ease and pleasures, to which he was extremely devoted."
+
+The enervated temper of Edward's latter years is faithfully depicted in the
+opening lines of one of the best-known works of our great Dramatic Poet:
+
+  Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths,
+  Our bruised arms hung up for monuments;
+  Our stern alarums chang'd to merry meetings,
+  Our dreadful marches to delightful measures.
+  Grim-visaged War hath smooth'd his wrinkled front,
+  And now, instead of mounting barbed steeds,
+  To fright the souls of fearful adversaries,
+  He capers nimbly in a lady's chamber,
+  To the lascivious pleasing of a lute.
+                      _Shakspeare's Richard the Third, act i. sc. 1._
+
+In another place Commines attributes the death of Edward the Fourth to the
+vexation he conceived at the great reverse in his political prospects,
+which disclosed itself on his loss of the French alliance. This conclusion
+is probably imaginary, though Edward's death certainly occurred whilst the
+Dauphin's new betrothal was in progress. The treaty of Arras, by which the
+arrangement was made, was signed on the 23d Dec. 1482, and the lady
+Margaret was delivered to the French, and met the Dauphin at Amboise, on
+the 22d of June following. King Edward died on the intervening 9th of
+April, a victim, as is generally thought, to his long course of intemperate
+living. It is obvious, however, that the failure of the French alliance
+must have been a very serious loss to Edward's family, who were left
+defenceless on his death, although he had previously contracted his
+daughters to the heirs of France, Scotland, Spain, and Burgundy.
+
+Altogether, the ruin of the house of York, if we may credit Commines, was
+the eventual result of the fatal compromise made in the campaign of 1475,
+and of {l} the enervating and corrupting influences exercised by the French
+pensions which were then accepted by king Edward and his ministers.
+Thenceforward, any hope of recovering the English provinces of France was
+indefinitely deferred; the very echoes of those martial glories which had
+once made the English name so dreadful in that country were allowed to die
+away; the dreams of conquest were dissipated; and the hands of Englishmen
+again turned to internecine contests, which resulted in the total
+destruction of the royal house of Plantagenet, and the ruin of a large
+proportion of the ancient nobility.
+
+THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE, after the total failure of those more generous
+sentiments and aspirations which it was intended to propagate, at once
+became, what it is now, a mere mirror of by-gone days; and, considering
+these circumstances, we cannot be surprised that it was never again
+transcribed, nor found its way to the press.
+
+It is with regret that I relinquish to some future more fortunate inquirer
+the discovery of the author of this composition. The manuscript from which
+it is printed is certainly not his autograph original; for its great
+inaccuracy occasionally renders the meaning almost unintelligible. And yet
+the corrections and insertions, which I have indicated as coming _a secunda
+manu_, would seem to belong to the author.
+
+I have already, in the first page of this Introduction, intimated the
+possibility of the work having been composed in the lifetime of sir John
+Fastolfe, and merely re-edited, if we may use the term, upon occasion of
+the projected invasion of France in 1475. There are three circumstances
+which decidedly connect the book with some dependent of sir John
+Fastolfe:--
+
+1. That the writer quotes sir John as "mine autour," or informant, in pp.
+16 and 64, as well as tells other anecdotes which were probably received
+from his relation.
+
+2. His having access to sir John's papers or books of account (p. 68); and
+
+3. There being still preserved in the volume, bound up with its fly-leaves,
+the two letters, probably both addressed to Fastolfe, and one of them
+certainly so, which are printed hereafter, as an Appendix to these remarks.
+
+Sir John Fastolfe is not commemorated as having been a patron of
+literature. In the inventory of his property which is printed in the
+twentieth volume of the Archaeologia, no books occur except a few missals,
+&c. belonging to his chapel. Though William of Worcestre, now famous for
+his historical collections, (which have been edited by Hearne, Nasmith, and
+Dallaway,) was Fastolfe's secretary, he was kept in a subordinate position,
+and valued for his merely clerical, {li} not his literary, services. Sir
+John Fastolfe's passion was the acquisition of property; whilst William of
+Worcestre, on his part, followed (as far as he could) the bent of his own
+taste, and not that of his master; being (as his comrade Henry Windsore
+declared) as glad to obtain a good book of French or of Poetry as his
+master Fastolfe was to purchase a fair manor.[72]
+
+The translation of Cicero de Senectute, which was printed by Caxton in
+1481, is indeed in the preface stated to have been translated by the
+ordinance and desire of the noble ancient knight sir John Fastolfe;[73]
+and, though Worcestre's name is not mentioned by Caxton, we may conclude
+that it was the same translation which from Worcestre's own memoranda we
+know was made by him.[74] Still, it was but a very slight deference to
+literature, if the ancient knight approved of his secretary's translating
+"Tully on Old Age," and did not make any further contribution towards its
+publication.
+
+But on the particular subject of the loss of the English provinces in
+France, and the causes thereof, there can be no question that sir John
+Fastolfe, the "baron {lii} of Sillie le Guillem," once governor of Anjou
+and Maine, and lord of Piron and Beaumont, took the deepest interest;
+considering that he had spent his best days in their acquisition,
+administration, and defence, and that he was one of the principal sufferers
+by their loss. He may, therefore, well have promoted the composition of the
+work now before us.
+
+William of Worcestre has the reputation of having written a memoir[75] of
+the exploits of sir John Fastolfe; but this is not traceable beyond the
+bare assertion of Bale, and a more recent misapprehension of the meaning of
+one of the Paston letters.
+
+{liii}
+
+Another person whose name has occurred as having been employed in a
+literary capacity for sir John Fastolfe[76] is Peter Basset[77]; who is
+commemorated with some parade by Bale as an historical writer, but whose
+writings, though quoted by Hall the chronicler, have either disappeared or
+are no longer to be identified.
+
+I have, however, mentioned the names of William of Worcestre and Peter
+Basset only from the circumstance of their being connected with that of sir
+John {liv} Fastolfe; and not from there being any other presumptive proof
+that either of them wrote "The Boke of Noblesse." We have no known
+production of Basset with which to compare it; and as to Worcestre his
+"Collectanea" and private Memoranda can scarcely assist us in determining
+what his style might have been had he attempted any such work as the
+present.
+
+Altogether, The Boke of Noblesse is more of a compilation than an original
+essay. It has apparently largely borrowed from the French; and I have
+already shown that it was partly derived from former works, though I cannot
+undertake to say to what extent that was the case. In its general character
+our book resembles one which was popular in the middle ages, as the
+_Secretum Secretorum_, falsely attributed to Aristotle,[78] and which was
+also known under the title _De Regimine Principum_. The popularity of this
+work was so great that MS. copies occur in most of our public libraries,
+and not less than nine English translations and six French translations are
+known.[79] A Scots translation by sir Gilbert de Hay, entitled "_The Buke
+of the Governaunce of Princis_," is contained in a MS. at Abbotsford,
+accompanying a version of _The Tree of Batailes_, already noticed in pp.
+iii. vi.
+
+Another work of the same class is that of which Caxton published (about the
+year 1484) a translation entitled _The booke of the ordre of Chevalrye or
+Knyghthode_, and of which the Scots translation by sir Gilbert de Hay was
+printed for the Abbotsford Club by Beriah Botfield, esq. in 1847.
+
+To his translations of the treatises of Cicero on Old Age and Friendship,
+which Caxton printed in 1481, he also appended two "declaracyons," or
+orations, supposed to be spoken by two noble Roman knights before the
+senate, in order "to know wherein Noblesse restith," or, as otherwise
+expressed in the title-page, "shewing wherin Honoure should reste." These
+imaginary orations were the work of an Italian, who styled himself, in
+Latin, Banatusius Magnomontanus.
+
+After a time, the term Noblesse, which we here find synonymous with Honour,
+and (in p. xv. _ante_) with Chivalry, in the sense of a class or order of
+society, {lv} became obsolete as an English word. In the former sense, at
+least, it was changed into our English "Nobleness;" and about the year 1530
+we find published a "Book of Noblenes," printed by Robert Wyer, without
+date.[80] This work had been translated from Latin into French, and "now
+into English by John Larke." I have not seen it, but I imagine it was a far
+smaller and slighter composition than the present.[81]
+
+Ames[82] mentioned our "Boke of Noblesse" as a printed work, on the
+authority of Tanner's MSS., but this was evidently a misapprehension.
+
+It only now remains that I should describe the Manuscript, which is
+preserved in the Royal Collection at the British Museum, and marked 18 B.
+XXII.
+
+It is written in a paper book, which is formed of four quires of paper,
+each consisting of six sheets, and is of the size of a modern quarto
+volume. The quires are marked in the lower margin with the signatures of
+the scribe: the first quire consisting of six sheets, placed within one
+another, and marked j. ij. iij. iiij. v. vj.; the second also of six
+sheets, marked .a.i. .a.ij. .a.iij. .a.iiij. .a.v. and .a.vj.; the third,
+b.1. .b.3. .b.4. .b.5. .b.6.; the fourth .c.1. c.2. c.3. c.4. c.5. c.6.
+Thus it is seen that the sheet containing the leaf b.2. and the attached
+leaf (b.11. as it might be called) is lost: and this loss occasions the
+defects which will be found in the present volume at p. 50 and p. 68.
+
+In front of the volume are bound three leaves of vellum, on the last of
+which is fastened a slip of the like material, inscribed, apparently
+
+  Edwarde w [iiij?]
+  wych ys
+    bold
+
+On the back of the same leaf is the name of
+
+  _Symond'_
+  _Samson._
+
+At the foot of the first paper leaf is the autograph name of
+
+  _Lumley._
+
+_i. e._ John lord Lumley, the son-in-law of the last Earl of Arundel, into
+whose {lvi} possession the volume probably came by purchase in the reign of
+Elizabeth or James the First.
+
+On the leaf .c.2. is the autograph name of _Robert Savylle_.
+
+On the last leaf are many scribblings, and attempts in drawing grotesque
+heads and figures, apparently done about the time of queen Mary. Among them
+occurs again the name of
+
+  _Symeon Sampson p._
+
+Also those of _Richarde Dyconson_ and _Edward Jones of Clemente in the Jor
+of_ ---- and these sentences,
+
+  John Twychener ys booke he that stellys thys booke
+  he shall be hangid a pon a hooke and that wylle macke
+  ys necke to brake & that wyll macke ys neck awrye
+
+  A nyes wiffe & a backe dore makythe }
+  outon tymys a Ryche man pore.       }
+
+  In the name of the father of the Sonne and the holey Gost. So be itt.
+    Jhesus nazerinus Rex iudior[=u] fillij dei miserere mei.
+  Jhesus.) God save the king o^r souu'ain lorde.
+    Jhesus Nazarinus. God save king p. & mary.
+  O gloryous Jesu o mekest Jesu o moost sweteste Jesu have m'cye on us.
+
+Quite at the bottom of the page is the name of
+
+  _Edward Banyster._
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+LETTERS ADDRESSED TO SIR JOHN FASTOLFE.
+
+(Royal MS. 18 B. XXII. f. 44.)
+
+From JOHN APPULTON, captain of Pontdonne and the Haye de Puis.
+
+Mon treshonnoure et Redoubte Sr., toute humble Recommendacion primier mise,
+plaise vous savoir que Jay entendu que piecha vous aviez quittie et
+transporte afin de heritaige a Degory Gamel vostre terre et seignourie de
+Piron pour le prix de deux mille francs lesquelx il devoit paier a chinq
+annees enssuit du dit transport, cest assavoir pour la premir ann six cens
+francs, et le demourant es autres quatres anns ensuit, a chacun par egalle
+porcion; de la quelle chose J'entens que le dit Degory na pas acompli ces
+termes ne ses {lvii} paiemens, car il nest pas tousjours prest de paier, et
+est de tel gouvernement que p..... que navez eu que peu de chose de vostre
+ditte s'rie dempuis quil en a eu le gouvernement. Et pour ce, mon
+treshonnoure et Redoubte, Janvois grant desir davoir icelle terre afin de
+heritaige si c'estoit vostre plaisir et volente. Car elle est pres de mes
+et bien a mon aise. Sy vous prie et requier tant humblement comme Je puis
+et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, qu'il vous pla[ira] que J'aie
+icelle terre et seigneurie de Piron par les prix et condicions dessus
+descleres et que l'aviez accordee au dit Degory en cas que [sera] vostre
+plaisir de vous en des faire, et que Je la puisse avoir aussi tost que ung
+autre, et J'en seay a tousjours mais tenu ... car vous estes le seigneur
+qui vive en monde a qui Je suis plus tenu et a qui Jay greigno' service, et
+que elle me soit confe[rme?] par le Roy nostre seigneur tellement que Je ny
+puisse avoir empeschement. Et je vous promet que Je vous paieray loyalment
+es termes qui seront assignes sans aucune faulte, et se faulte y avez per
+moy que le marchie ne fust nul, et sur paine de perdre s ... que Jen avoie
+paie. Et sy est ce grant chose pour le present de deux mille Francs
+attendans la guerre qui est a present ou ... a l'occasion de la prinse et
+perte de la place de Grantville. Car se remede ny est mis de brief tout le
+bailliage de Costentin est en voie destre destruit, et estre comme le pais
+de Caulx, que Dieu ne vueille. Car se seroit grant dommaige et grant pitie.
+Et pour ceste cause Jenvoie Jehan Dotton devers vous, qui est vostre
+serviteur, porteur de ces presentes, auquel Jay donne pouvoir et puissance
+den composer et appointier avecque vous ainsi quil vous plaira, et que
+regarderez quil sera bon a faire, tout aussi comme se Je y estoie present,
+et lequel vous parlera plus a plain de lestate et gouvernement de vostre
+ditte seigneurie de Piron et comme elle a este gouvernee. Et pour ce que
+autrefois Je vous avoie rescript de vostre terre et seigneurie de Beaumont,
+que Jeusse volentiers eue se ceust este vostre plaisir et volente, pour ce
+que ma terre d'Asineres est parmys la vostre et joingnent ensemble, Et en
+cas que se ne seroit vostre plaisir que Jeusse vostre ditte seigneurie de
+Piron, jentend' encores volentiers a icelle de Beaumont, et quil vous
+pleust la mettre a prix de raison, car Je ne scay pas bien que elle peult
+valloir, mes vous le savez bien, car vous en avez fait fe presn(?) et en
+avez eu la desclaracion, non obstant que les terres depar de cha sy sen
+vont en tres grant diminucion pour la cause dessus dict. Sy vous plaise de
+vostre grace a y avoir sur le tout advis, et den faire tant que Jen puisse
+estre tous jours vostre petit et humble serviteur, et comme Jay tousjours
+este et seray tant que je vivray. Et se il vous plaist faire quelque
+appointe des choses dessus dictes, quil vous plaise a le faire vous mesmes,
+et que ne menvoiez a Raouen ne ailleurs, car les chemins sont trop
+dangereux, et ne voudroie pas aler a Rouen voulentiers pour gaignier deux
+cens frans. Mon treshonnoure et redoubte seigneur, Je me recommande a vous
+tant humblement comme Je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, et
+se il est chose que faire puisse pour vous, mandez le moy et Je
+l'acompliray de tout mon cuer et volentiers, en priant le Saint Esprit
+qu'il soit garde de vous et vous donne bonne vie et longue et
+acomplisse(ment) de vous nobles desirs. Escript a la Haie du Puis, le
+derrain jour de May. {lviii}
+
+Mon treshonnoure et redoubte seigneur, Je vous recommande ma fille qui est
+demour' veufue, et quil vous plaist qelle soit (en) vostre bonne grace et
+service, et la conseiller et conforter en tous ses afaires.
+
+  Letout vostre humble serviteur Jhon 'Appulton, cap(itaine)
+  du Pont donne et de la Haie du Puis.
+
+  (_Directed on the back_,)
+
+  A mon treshonnoure et tresredoubte sire
+  Messire Jehan Fastouf, chevalier,
+  seigneur de Piron et de Beaumont
+  en Normendie.
+
+
+
+From the BAILIFFS of WINCHESTER.[83]
+
+Right Worshipfulle Sire,--We recommande ws unto you, latyng you wete of
+howre taryng that we brynge nat hoppe (up) howre money for howre ferme ys
+for be cawse that we wholde receyve of howre dewte of the Cete, and of the
+awnage sum of xiij. li.; the wheche money we cannat receyve in to the time
+that we have a wrette to the mayre and to ws Ballys, for the Cete scholde
+have of the awnage as Easter terme xx. marcs, for that the Cete grant(ed)
+us to howre eryste ferme, and here a pon we tryst; and now the fermeris of
+the awnage sey it pleynli that the Cete schale nat have a peny in to
+Mighelmas terme but zyffe so be that ye sende us a wrytt that we mowe
+brynge the fermers in to the Cheker, and ther to pay ws thys xx. marcs, for
+we lacke no money but that, for the fermers makit hyrr a skowsce apon the
+refuson that was thys tyme thre zere, for they fere laste they schold pay
+agen, and there for they sey it they whole nat pay us no peni but in the
+Cheker, also howre Mayre takyt no hede of ws, nother howe whe schal be
+servyd of the mony, theirefore we pray you sende a wrett down to the Mayre
+and to ws for to brynge ho(ppe, _i.e._ up) howre ferme for the halfe zere,
+for dowt hyt nat ze schale be as wel payd of ws as zevr (ever) ye w(ere) of
+zeny men, for in trowyf we pay of howre money more than xiiij. li. No more,
+but God kepe you. I-wretyn at Wynchester the viij. day of May.
+
+  By the baillifes of Wynchester.
+
+  (To this letter no address is preserved.)
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{lix}
+
+ADDITIONAL NOTES.
+
+Page liv. _De Regimine Principum._--Sir John Paston (temp. Edw. IV.) had a
+copy of this work, which formed part of a volume which he thus described in
+the catalogue of his library:--
+
+"M^d. my _Boke of Knyghthode_ and the maner off makyng off knyghts, off
+justs, off tornaments, ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden by soldiers and
+chalenges, statutes off weere, and _de Regimine Principum_." (Paston
+Letters, vol. iii p. 302.)
+
+It is more fully described by William Ebesham, the scribe who had written
+the book, in his bill of accompt, which is also preserved in the same
+volume, p. 14:--
+
+  "Item as to _the Grete Booke_.
+
+  "First for wrytyng of the _Coronacion_ and other _tretys of Knyghthode_
+  in that quaire, which conteyneth a xiij. levis and more, ij^d. a lefe
+                                                            ij^s. ij^d.
+
+  "Item for the _Tretys of Werre_ in iiij. books, which conteyneth lx.
+  levis, after ij^d. a leaff                                   x^s.
+
+  "Item for _Othea pistill_, which conteyneth xliij. levis vij^s. ij^d.
+
+  "Item for the _Chalenges_ and the _Acts of Armes_, which is xxviij^{ti}.
+  lefs                                                  iiij^s. viij^d.
+
+  "Item for _de Regimine Principum_, which conteyneth xlv^{ti}. leves,
+  after a peny a leef, which is right wele worth           iij^s. ix^d.
+
+  "Item for rubriesheyng of all the booke                iij^s. iiij^d.
+
+The "Treatise of Knighthood" here mentioned, may probably have resembled
+_The Booke of the Ordre of Chyvalrye or Knyghthode_ printed by Caxton (see
+p. liv.); and the "Treatise of War" may have been a version of _The Boke of
+Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye_, which Caxton also published from the
+_Arbre de Batailes_, &c. as before noticed in p. vi.
+
+The "Othea pistill" was certainly the same book which passes under the name
+of Christine de Pisan, and which was printed at Paris by Philippe
+Pigouchet, in 4to, under the title of "_Les cent Histoires de troye._
+Lepistre de Othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit cheualereux Hector
+de troye, auec cent hystoires." In every page of this book there is a
+_Texte_ in French verse, and a _Glose_ in prose, which agrees exactly with
+sir John Paston's description in his catalogue (where it appears as
+distinct from Ebesham's "Great Book,") in this entry,--"Item, a _Book de
+Othea_, text and glose, in quayers."
+
+
+
+Page 15. _Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset._ This personage, whose name
+has been inserted by the second hand, was a very distinguished warrior in
+the French wars, and has been supposed to have been the model of the Knight
+in Chaucer's Canterbury {lx} Pilgrims. His epitaph at Stoke upon Hampden in
+Somersetshire, which has been preserved by Leland, describes him as "le
+noble et vaillant chivaler Maheu de Gurney, iadys seneschal de Landes et
+capitain du chastel Daques por nostre seignor le Roy en la duche de Guyene,
+qui en sa vie fu a la batail de Beaumarin, et ala apres a la siege
+Dalgezire sur les Sarazines, et auxi a les batailles de Lescluse, de
+Cressy, de Yngenesse, de Peyteres, de Nazara, Dozrey, et a plusiurs autres
+batailles et asseges, en les quex il gaina noblement graund los et honour
+per lespece de xxxxiiij et xvj ans, et morust le xxvj jour de Septembre,
+l'an nostre Seignor Jesu Christ Mccccvj, que de salme Dieux eit mercy.
+Amen." (See Records of the House of Gournay, by Daniel Gurney, esq. F.S.A.
+p. 681.)
+
+
+
+Page 68. _Sir John Fastolfe's victualling of the Bastille._ This anecdote
+is illustrated by the following passage of one of sir John's books of
+accompt:--
+
+  "Item, in like wise is owing to the said Fastolfe for the keeping and
+  victualling of the Bastile of St. Anthony in Paris, as it appeareth by
+  writing sufficient, and by the creditors of sir John Tyrel knight, late
+  treasurer of the King's house, remaining in the exchequer of Westminster
+  of record, the sum of                                            xlij li.
+
+  (Paston Letters, iii. 269.)
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{1}
+
+THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE.
+
+[MS. REG. 18 B. XXII.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    The Boke of Noblesse, compiled to the most hyghe and myghety prince
+    Kynge Edward the iiij^{the} for the avauncyng and preferryng the comyn
+    publique of the Royaumes of England and of Fraunce.
+
+First, in the worship of the holy Trinite, bring to mynde to calle, in the
+begynnyng of every good work, for grace. And sithe this litille epistle is
+wrote and entitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes to be in
+perpetuite of remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right convenient is soo
+to bee. And as it is specified by auctorite of the noble cenatoure of Rome
+Kayus son, in these termes foloweng: "Hoc igitur summum est nobilitatis
+genus, posse majorum suorum egregia facta dicere, posse eorum beneficiis
+petere honores publicos, posse gloriam rei publicae hereditario quodam jure
+vendicare, posse insuper sese eorum partes vocare, et clarissimas in suis
+vultibus ymagines ostendere. Quos enim appellat vulgus nisi quod
+nobilissimi parentes genuere."
+
+De remedio casus Reipublicae.
+
+[Sidenote: Anglorum nacio originem sumpsit ex nacione Trojanorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota j^{o}. quod lingua Britonum adhuc usitatur in Wallia et
+Cornibea, que lingua vocabatur corrupta Greca.]
+
+Here folowethe the evident Examples and the Resons of comfort for a
+reformacion to be had uppon the piteous complaintes and dolorous
+lamentacions made for the right grete outragious and most {2} grevous losse
+of the Royaume of Fraunce, Duchee[gh] of Normandie, of Gascoyne, and Guyen,
+and also the noble Counte of Mayne and the Erledom of Pontife. And for
+relevyng and geting ayen the said Reaume, dukedoms, [and earldoms,] undre
+correccion of amendement ben shewed the exortacions and mocions, be
+auctorite, example of actis in armes, bothe by experience and otherwise
+purposid, meoved and declarid, to corage and comfort the hertis of [the]
+Englisshe nacion, havyng theire first originalle of the nacion of the noble
+auncient bloode of Troy more than M^l. yere before the birthe of Crist; in
+token and profe wherof the auncient langage of the Brutes bloode at this
+day remayneth[84] bothe in the Princedome of Walis and in the auncient
+provynce and Dukedom of Cornewale, whiche was at tho daies called corrupt
+Greke.
+
+[Sidenote: ij^{o}. lingua Saxonum alias lingua Germanorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dux Cerdicius applicuit in Britania tempore Regis Arthuri, et
+sic per favorem regis inhabitavit, et . . ex natione Grecorum.]
+
+And next after the mighty Saxons' bloode, otherwise called a provynce in
+Germayne, that the vaileaunt Duke Cerdicius arrived in this reaume, with
+whom[85] Arthur, king of the Breton bloode, made mighty werre, and suffred
+hym to inhabit here. And the Saxons, as it is writen in Berthilmew in his
+booke of Propreteis, also were decendid of the nacion of Grekis.
+
+[Sidenote: iij^{o}. Lingua Danorum ex nacione Grecorum. Rex Danorum Knott
+conquestum fecit.]
+
+And next after came the feers manly Danysh nacion, also of Grekis bene
+descendid, that the gret justicer king Knowt this land subdued and the
+Saxons' bloode.
+
+And sithen the noble Normannes, also of the Danys nacion, descendid be
+William Conquerour, of whome ye ben lyniallie descendid, subdued this
+lande.
+
+And, last of alle, the victorius bloode of Angevyns, by mariage of that
+puissaunt Erle Geffry Plantagenet, the son and heire of Fouke king of
+Jherusalem, be mariage of Dame Maude, Emperes, soule doughter and heire to
+the king of grete renoune, Henry the first of Inglond, and into this day
+lineally descendid in most prowes.
+
+And whiche said Englisshe nacion ben sore astonyed and dulled {3} for the
+repairing and wynnyng ayen, uppon a new conquest to be hadde for youre
+verray right and true title in the inheritaunce of the saide Reaume of
+Fraunce and the Duche of Normandie. Of whiche Duchie, we have in the yere
+of oure Lorde M^l.iiij^cl., lost, as bethyn the space of xv monithes be put
+out wrongfullie, tho roughe subtile wirkingis conspired and wroughte be the
+Frenshe partie undre the umbre and coloure of trewis late taken betwyxt
+youre antecessoure king Harry the sext then named king, and youre grete
+adversarie of Fraunce Charles the vij^{the}.
+
+And where as the saide piteous complaintes [and] dolorous lamentacions of
+youre verray true obeisaunt subjectis for lesing of the said countreis may
+not be tendrid ne herde, [they] many daies have had but litille comfort,
+nether the anguisshes, troubles, and divisions here late before in this
+reaume be cyvyle batailes to be had, may not prevaile them to the repairing
+and wynnyng of any soche manere outrageous losses to this Reaume, whiche
+hathe thoroughe sodein and variable chaunces of unstedfast fortune so be
+revaled and overthrow; the tyme of relief and comfort wolde not be
+despendid ne occupied so: namely with theym whiche that have necessite of
+relief and socoure of a grettir avauntage and a more profitable remedie for
+theire avauncement to a new conquest: or by a good tretie of a finalle
+peace for the recovere of the same: but to folow the counceile of the noble
+cenatoure of Rome Boicius in the second prose of his first booke of
+consolacion seieng _Sed medicine_ (inquid) _tempus est_, _quam querele_.
+
+Therfor, alle ye lovyng liege men, bothe youre noble alliaunces and
+frendis, levithe suche idille lamentacions, put away thoughte and gret
+pensifnes of suche lamentable passions and besinesse, and put ye hem to
+foryetefulnesse. And doo not away the recordacion of actis and dedis in
+armes of so many famous and victorious Kingis, Princes, Dukis, Erles,
+Barounes, and noble Knightis, as of fulle many other worshipfulle men
+haunting armes, whiche as verray trew martirs and blissid souls have taken
+theire last ende by werre; {4} some woundid and taken prisonneres in so
+just a title and conquest uppon youre enheritaunce in Fraunce and
+Normandie, Gasquyn and Guyen; and also by the famous King and mighty Prince
+king Edward the thrid, first heriter to the said Royaume of Fraunce, and by
+Prince Edwarde his eldist son, and alle his noble bretherin, [who] pursued
+his title and righte be force of armes, as was of late tyme sithe the yere
+of Crist M^l.iiij^cxv. done, and made a new conquest in conquering bothe
+the saide Reaume of Fraunce and Duche of Normaundie by the Prince of
+blissid memorie king Harry the v^{the}. Also be the eide of tho thre noble
+prynces his bretherne and be other of his puissant Dukes and lordis, being
+lieutenaunt[gh] for the werre in that parties, as it is notorily knowen
+thoroughe alle Cristen nacyons, to the gret renomme and[86] worship of this
+Reaume.
+
+How every good man of [worshyp yn[87]] armes shulde in the werre be
+resembled to the condicion of a lion.
+
+And therfor, in conclusion, every man in hym silf let the passions of
+dolours be turned and empressid into vyfnes of here spiritis, of egre
+courages, of manlinesse and feersnesse, after the condicion of the lion
+resembled in condicions unto; for as ire, egrenesse, and feersnesse is
+holden for a vertu in the lion, so in like manere the said condicions is
+taken for a vertue and renomme of worship to alle tho that haunten armes:
+that so usithe to be egre, feers uppon his advers partie, and not to be
+lamentable and sorroufulle after a wrong shewed unto theym. And thus withe
+coragious hertis putting forthe theire prowes in dedis of armes, so that
+alle worshipfulle men, whiche oughte to be stedfast and holde togider, may
+be of one intencion, wille, and comon assent to vapour, sprede out,
+according to the flour delice, and avaunce hem forthe be feernesse of
+strenght and power to the verray effect and dede ayenst the untrew
+reproches of oure auncien adversaries halding uppon the Frenshe partie,
+whiche of late tyme by unjust dissimilacions, undre the umbre {5} and
+coloure of trewis and abstinence of werre late hadde and sacred at the cite
+of Tairs the .xxviij. day of Maij, the yere of Crist of
+M^l.iiij^cxliiij^{to}. have by intrusion of soche subtile dissimilacion
+wonne uppon us bethyn v yeres next foloweng withyn the tyme of [the
+last[88]] trieux the said Reaume and duchees, so that in the meane tyme and
+sethe contynued forthe the saide trewes from yere to yere, to this land
+grete charge and cost, till they had conspired and wrought theire
+avauntage, as it approvethe dailie of experience. And under this they bring
+assailours uppon this lande and begynneris of the trewis breking.
+
+How the Frenshe partie began firste to offende and brake the Trewis.
+
+[Sidenote: Tempore Regis H. vj^{th}.]
+
+First by taking of youre shippis and marchaundises upon the see, keping men
+of noble birthe undre youre predecessoure obedience and divers other true
+lieges men prisoneris under arest, as that noble and trew knight ser Gilis
+the Duke is son of Bretaine, whiche for his grete trouthe and love he hadde
+to this youre Royaume warde, ayenst all manhode ungoodely entretid, died in
+prison. And also before the taking of Fugiers ser Simon Morhier knight, the
+provost of Paris, a lorde also of youre partie and chief of the Kingis
+counceile, take prisoner by Deepe and paieng a grete raunson or he was
+deliverid. And sone after one Mauncelle a squier, comyng fro Rone, with
+.xx. parsones in his company, to Deepe, pesibly in the monythe of Januarij
+next before the taking of Fugiers, were in Deepe taken prisoneris
+wrongfullie undre the umbre of trewis. And sithen the lord Faucomberge take
+prisoner by subtile undew meanys of a cautel taken under safconduct of
+youre adversarie at Pountelarge the xv day of Maij, the yere of Crist
+M^l.iiij^cxlix. And also the said forteresse of Pountlarge take the said
+day be right undew meanys taken uppon the said lorde Faucomberge contrarie
+to the said trewis, {6} forging here colourable matieris in so detestable
+unjust quarellis. For reformacion of whiche gret injuries conspired,
+shewed, and doone, alle ye put to youre handis to this paast and matier.
+Comythe therfor and approchen bothe kyn, affinitees, frendis, subgectis,
+allies, and alle wellewilleris. Now at erst the irnesse be brennyng hote in
+the fire thoroughe goode courage, the worke is overmoche kindelid and
+begonne, thoroughe oure dulnesse and sleuthe slommering many day, for be
+the sheding of the bloode of good cristen people as hathe be done in youre
+predecessours conquest that now is lost: is said be the wordis of Job:
+Criethe and bewailethe in the feelde, frendis and kyn, take heede pitously
+to your bloode.
+
+A question of grete charge and wighte,[89] meoved first to be determyned,
+whethir for to make werre uppon Cristen bloode is laufulle.
+
+[Sidenote: 1: p^{a}]
+
+[Sidenote: 2: ij^{da}]
+
+[Sidenote: 3: iij^{d}]
+
+But first ther wolde be meoved a question, whiche dame Cristyn makithe
+mencion of in the seconde chapitre of the Tree of Batailles: whethir that
+werres and batailes meintenyng and using ben laufulle according to justice
+or no. And the oppinion of many one wolde undrestond that haunting of armes
+and werre making is not lefull, ne just thing, for asmoche in haunting and
+using of werre be many infinite[90] damages and extorsions done, as
+mourdre, slaugheter, bloode-sheding, depopulacion of contrees, castelles,
+citees, and townes brennyng, and many suche infinite damages. Wherfor it
+shulde seme that[91] meintenyng of werre is a cursid deede: not dew to be
+meyntened. As to this question it[92] may be answerd that entrepruises and
+werris taken and founded uppon a just cause and a trew title is suffred of
+God, for dame Cristen seiethe and moevithe, in the first booke of the Arbre
+of Bataile, how it is for to have in consideracion why that princes shuld
+maynteyne werre and use bataile; and the saide dame Cristin saiethe v.
+causes principalle: thre of them {7} bene of righte: and the other tweyne
+of vallente. The first cause is to susteyne right and justice; the second
+is to withestande alle soche mysdoers the whiche wolde do foule[93] greif
+and oppresse the peple of the contre that the kyng or prince is gouvernoure
+of; the thrid is for to recuver landes, seignories and goodes [that] be
+other unrightfully ravisshed, taken away be force, or usurped, whiche
+shulde apperteine to the kyng and prince of the same seignorie, or ellis to
+whome his subgettys shuld apparteine [and] be meinteined under. And the
+other tweyne be but of violence, as for to be venged for dammage or griefe
+done by another; the othir to conquere straunge countrees bethout[94] any
+title of righte, as king Alexandre conquerid uppon the Romayne: whiche
+tweine last causes, though[95] the conquest or victorie by violence or by
+roialle power sownethe worshipfulle in dede of armes, yet ther ought no
+cristen prince use them. And yet in the first thre causes, before a prince
+to take an entreprise, it most be done be a just cause, and havyng righte
+gret deliberacion, by the conduyt and counceile of the most sage approuved
+men of a reaume or countre that the prince is of: and so for to use it in a
+just quarelle as[96] the righte execution of justice requirithe, whiche is
+one of the principalle iiij. cardinall virtues. And if that using of armes
+and haunting of werre be doone rather for magnificence, pride, and
+wilfulnesse, to destroie Roiaumes and countreis by roialle gret power, as
+whan tho that wolde avenge have noo title, but sey _Vive le plus fort_,
+[that] is to sey, Let the grettest maistrie have the feelde,--
+
+    [In this place the following insertion is made by a second hand in the
+    margin:]
+
+Lyke as when the duc off Burgoyn by cyvyle bataylle by maisterdom expelled
+the duc of Orlyance partie and hys frendis owt of Parys cytee the yere of
+Christ M^l.iiij^cxij, and slow many thowsands and[97] hondredes bethout
+title of justice, but to revenge a synguler querel betwen both prynces for
+the dethe of the duc off Orlyans, {8} slayn yn the vigille of Seynt Clement
+by Raulyn Actovyle of Normandie, yn the yeer of Crist M^l.iiij^cvij^o. And
+the bataylle of Seynt-clow besyde Parys, by the duc of Burgoyn with help of
+capteyns of England owt of England, waged by the seyd duc, was myghtly
+foughten and had the fielde ayenste theyr adverse partye. Albeyt the duc of
+Orlyance waged another armee sone aftyr owt of England to relyeve the
+ovyrthrow he had at Seyntclowe. And the dyvysyon betwene the duc of
+Orlyance and the duc of Burgoyn dured yn Fraunce continuelly by .xj.
+yeerday, as to the yeere of Crist M^liiij^cxviij, yn wyche yeere Phelip duc
+of Burgoyn, a greet frende to the land, was pyteousely slayn at Motreaw,
+and the cyte of Parys ayen taken by the Burgonons; lord Lyseladam
+pryncipalle capteyn and the erle of Armonak conestable sleyn by the comyns
+the seyd yere. (_End of the insertion._)
+
+in soche undew enterprises theire can be thought no grettir tiranny,
+extorcion, ne cruelte [by dyvysyons[98]].
+
+How seint Lowes exorted and counceiled his sonne to moeve no werre ayenst
+Cristen peple.
+
+[Sidenote: Seynt Lowys. 1270.]
+
+And the blissid king of Fraunce seint Lowes exhortid and comaunded in his
+testament writen of his owne hand, that he made the tyme of his passing of
+this worlde the year of Crist M^l.cclxx to his sonne Philip that reigned
+after hym, that he shulde kepe hym welle, to meove no werre ayenst no
+christen man, but if he had grevously done ayenst him. And if he seke waies
+of peace, of grace and mercie, thou oughtest pardon hym, and take soche
+amendis of hym as God may be pleasid. But as for this blessid kingis
+counceile, it is notorily and openly knowen thoroughe alle Cristen Royaumes
+that oure[99] adverse party hathe meoved [and] excited werre and batailes
+bothe by lond and see ayenst this noble Royaume bethout any justice [or]
+title, and bethout waies of pease shewed; and as forto {9} defende them
+assailours uppon youre true title may be bethout note of tiranye, to put
+yow in youre devoire to conquere youre rightfulle enheritaunce, without
+that a bettir moyene be had.
+
+A exortacion of a courageous disposicion for a reformation of a wrong done.
+
+[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]
+
+O then, ye worshipfulle men of the Englisshe nacion, which bene descendid
+of the noble Brutis bloode of Troy, suffre ye not than youre highe auncien
+couragis to be revalid ne desceived by youre said adversaries of Fraunce at
+this tyme, neither in tyme to come; ne in this maner to be rebuked and put
+abak, to youre uttermost deshonoure and reproche in the sighte of straunge
+nacions, without that it may be in goodely hast remedied [as youre
+hyghnesse now entendyth,[100]] whiche ye have be conquerours of, as ye[101]
+to be yolden and overcomen, in deffaute of goode and hasty remedie,
+thoroughe lak of provision of men of armes, tresour, and finaunce of
+suffisaunt nombre of goodes, in season and tyme convenable to wage and
+reliefe them. For were ye not sometyme tho that thoroughe youre gret
+[prowesse,[102]] corages, feersnes, manlinesse, and of strenght overleid
+and put in subgeccion the gret myghte and power of the feers and puissaunt
+figheters of alle straunge nacions that presumed to set ayenst this lande?
+
+How many worthi kinges of this lande have made gret conquestis in ferre
+contrees in the Holy Lande, and also for the defence and right of this
+lande, and for the duche of Normandie.
+
+[Sidenote: Arthur.]
+
+[Sidenote: Brenus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edmondus Ironside.]
+
+[Sidenote: Willelmus Conquestor.]
+
+[Sidenote: Henricus primus fundator plurimorum castrorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Robertus frater Henrici primi, electus Rex de Jherusalem, sed
+renuit.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fulco comes de Angeu, Rex Jerusalem.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1131.]
+
+[Sidenote: De Ricardo Rege primo in terra sancta.]
+
+[Sidenote: Archiepiscopus Cant', Robertus Clare comes Glouc', comes
+Cestr'.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philippus Rex Francie, vocatus Deo datus, in terra sancta.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edwardus Rex primus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sanctus Lodowicus rex Francorum obiit in viagio antequam
+pervenit ad terram sanctam.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ricardus Imperator Alemannie et comes Cornewayle.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edwardus primus rex.]
+
+And for an example and witnes of King Arthur, whiche discomfit and sleine
+was undre his banere the Emperoure of Rome in bataile, and conquerid the
+gret part of the regions be west of Rome. And many othre conquestis hathe
+be made before the daies of the said {10} Arthur be many worthi kinges of
+this roiaume, as Brenus, king Belynus' brother, a puissaunt chosen duke,
+that was before the Incarnacion, wanne and conquerid to Rome, except the
+capitoile of Rome. And sithen of other victorious kinges and princes, as
+Edmonde Irensede had many gret batailes [and] desconfited the Danes to safe
+Englond. And what victorious dedis William Conqueroure did gret actis in
+bataile uppon the Frenshe partie [many conquestys [103]]. And also his son
+[kyng[103]] Harry after hym defendid Normandie, bilded and fortified many a
+strong castelle in his londe, to defende his dukedom ayenst the Frenshe
+partie. And how victoriouslie his brother Roberd did armes uppon the
+conquest of the holy londe, that for his gret prowesse there was elect to
+be king of Jherusalem, and refusid it for a singuler covetice to be duke of
+Normandie, returned home, and never had grace of victorie after. And to
+bring to mynde how the noble worriour Fouke erle of Angew, father to
+Geffrey Plantagenet youre noble auncetour, left his erledom to his sonne,
+and made werre upon the Sarasynes in the holy land, and for his noble dedis
+was made king of Jherusalem, anno Christi M^l.cxxxi. As how king Richarde
+the first, clepid Cuer de lion, whiche in a croiserie went in to the holy
+londe, and Baldewyne archebisshop of Caunterburie, Hubert bisshop of
+Salisburie, Randolfe the erle of Chestre, Robert Clare erle of Gloucestre,
+and werreied uppon the hethen paynemys in the company of king Philip
+Dieu-donne of Fraunce, whiche king Richard conquerid and wanne by roiall
+power uppon the Sarrasyns in the yere of Crist M^l.c.iiij^{xx}vij^o. and
+toke the King of Cipres and many other gret prisonneris. Also put the londe
+of Surie in subjeccion, the isle of Cipres, and the gret cite of Damask
+wanne be assaut, slow the king of Spayne clepid Ferranus. And the said king
+Richard kept and defendid frome his adversarie Philip Dieu-donne king of
+Fraunce, be mighty werre made to hym, the duchees of Normandie, Gascoigne,
+Gyen, the countee[gh] of Anjou and Mayne, Tourayne, {11} Pontyve, Auverne,
+and Champaigne, of alle whiche he was king, duke, erle, and lorde as his
+enheritaunce, and as his predecessours before hym did. Also in like wise
+king Edward first after the Conquest, being Prince, in about the yere of
+Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx, put hym in gret laboure and aventure amonges the
+Sarrasins in the countye of Aufrik, was at the conquest of the gret cite of
+the roiaume of Thunes. [Yn whiche cuntree that tyme and yeere seynt Lowys
+kyng of Fraunce dyed, and the croyserye grete revaled by hys trespasseinte,
+had not the seyd prince Edward ys armee be redye there to performe that
+holy voyage to Jerusalem, as he dyd wyth many noble lordes off
+England.[104]] Also fulle noblie ententid about the defence and saufegarde
+of the gret cite of Acres in the londe of Sirie, that had be lost and
+yolden to the Sarrazins had not [hys armee and[104]] his power bee, and by
+an hole yere osteyng and abiding there in tyme of gret pestilence and
+mortalite reigning there, and by whiche his peple were gretly wastid, where
+he was be treason of a untrew messaunger Sarrasin wounded hym in his
+chambre almost to dethe, that the souldone of Babiloyne had waged hym to
+doo it, becaus of sharpe and cruelle werre the seide Edwarde made uppon the
+Sarrasines, of gret fere and doubte he had of the said prince Edward and of
+his power; whiche processe ye may more groundly see in the actis of the
+said prince Edwarde is laboure. And his father king Harry thrid decesid
+while his son was in the holy londe warring uppon the Sarasines. And how
+worshipfullie Richard emperoure of Almaine and brother to the said king
+Henry did gret actis of armes in the holy londe uppon the Sarasynes and in
+the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.xl. And overmore the said king Edwarde first
+kept under subjeccion bothe Irelond, Walis, and Scotlond, whiche were
+rebellis and wilde peple of condicion. And also protectid and defendid the
+duchees of Gascoigne and Guyen, his rightefull enheritaunce.
+
+{12}
+
+How King Edward [the] thrid had the victorie at the bataile of Scluse, and
+gate Cane by assaute, and havyng the victorie at the batelle of Cressye
+[and wanne Calix by sege.[105]]
+
+[Sidenote: T. Regis E. iij^{cii} et ejus filiorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Comes de Ew captus. Comes Tankervyle captus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cressye.]
+
+[Sidenote: Comes Derbye.]
+
+And sithen, over that, how that the most noble famous knighte of renomme,
+king Edwarde the thrid, the whiche, with his roialle power, the yere of
+Christ M^l.ccc.xl. wanne [the day of seynt John baptiste[105]] the gret
+bataile uppon the see at Scluse ayenst Philip de Valoys callyng hym the
+Frenshe King and his power, and alle his gret navye of shippis destroied,
+to the nombre of .xxv.M^l. men and CCxxx^{ti}. shippis and barges. And also
+after that, in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xlvj. the said king Philip
+purposid to have entred into Englond and had waged a gret noumbre of Genues
+shippis and other navyes. And the said king Edward thrid thought rather to
+werre withe hym in that countre rather: tooke his vyage to Cane withe
+xij^c. shippis, passed into Normandie by the Hagge,[106] wynnyng the
+contrees of Constantine [from Chyrburgh[105]] tylle he came to Cane, and by
+grete assautes entred and gate the towne, and fought withe the capitaine
+and burgeises fro midday till night; where the erle of Eu, connestable of
+Fraunce, the erle of Tancarville, and others knightes and squiers were take
+prisoneris: but the castelle and donjoune held still, where the bisshop of
+Baieux and othre kept hem; and than the king departid thens, for he wolde
+not lese his peple [by segyng yt.[105]] And after that the yere of Crist
+M^l.iij^c.xlvj descomfit the said king Philip and wanne the feelde uppon
+hym at the dolorous and gret bataile of Cressy in Picardie the .xxvj. day
+of August the said yere, where the king of Beame was slayne the son of
+Henry the Emperoure, and alle the gret part of the noble bloode of Fraunce
+of dukes, erlis, and barons, as the erle of Alaunson king of Fraunce is
+brother, the duke of Lorraine, the erle of Bloys, the erle of Flaundres,
+the erle of Harecourt, the erle of Sancerre, the erle of Fennes, to the
+nombre of .l. knightis sleyne, as well as to othre gret {13} nombre of his
+liege peple, as in the .39. chapitre of the Actis of the said King Philip
+more plainly is historied. And also the full noble erle of Darby, havyng
+rule under the said king Edwarde in the duchie of Guyen, hostied the said
+tyme and yere, and put in subjeccion fro the towne of saint Johan
+Evangelist unto the citee of Peyters, whiche he wanne also, be the said
+erle of Derbye is entreprises.
+
+How David King of Scottis was take prisoner.
+
+[Sidenote: David Rex Scotorum captus est apud Doraham.]
+
+And in the said king Edward tyme David king of Scottis was take prisoner,
+as I have undrestond, at the bataile beside Deram upon the marchis of
+Scotlond.
+
+[Sidenote: Karolus dux Britanniae captus est per E. iij^{m}.]
+
+[Sidenote: Calicia capta est eodem tempore per Edwardum iij^{m}.]
+
+[Sidenote: Calicia reddita est in manus Regis Edwardi iij.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edwardus princeps cepit Johannem vocantem se Regem Franciae
+a^{o}, d'ni M^{o}ccc^{o}lvj^{o}.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edwardus Rex Angliae iij^{us} retribuit xx.M^{l}.li. Edwardo
+principi filio suo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Karolus filius Regis Johannis Fraunciae ac nominando se pro duce
+Normandiae captus est.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edwardus princeps navim ascendit cum Johanne nominando se pro
+rege Franciae et applicuerunt prope Dover iiij^{o}. die Maij, a^{o} d'ni
+M^{l}. &c.]
+
+[Sidenote: De redempcione Johannis dicentis [se] Regem Franciae.]
+
+[Sidenote: De bello de Nazar.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chandos.]
+
+[Sidenote: Beauchamp comes.]
+
+[Sidenote: D'n's Hastyngys.]
+
+[Sidenote: D'n's Nevyle.]
+
+[Sidenote: D'n's Rays.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rad's Hastyngys ch'l'r.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tho's Felton.]
+
+[Sidenote: Robertus Knolles.]
+
+[Sidenote: Courteneyes. Tryvett.]
+
+[Sidenote: Matheu Gournay.]
+
+[Sidenote: Et quam plures alii milites hic nimis diu ad inscribendum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bertl's Clekyn, locum tenens adversae partis, captus est
+prisonarius.]
+
+And also the said king kept Bretaine in gret subjeccion, had the victorie
+uppon Charles de Bloys duke of Breteine, and leid a siege in Breteine to a
+strong forteresse clepid Roche daryon, and kept be his true subjectis.
+After many assautes and grete escarmisshes and a bataile manly foughten,
+the said duke was take, and havyng .vij. woundes was presentid to the said
+king Edward. And he also wanne Calix after, by a long and puissaunt sieges
+keping[107] by see and be londe; and they enfamyned couthe have no socoure
+of king Philip, and so for faute of vitaile yeldid Calix up to king Edwarde
+the .iiij. day of August in the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xlvij. And also put
+Normandie gret part of it in subgeccion. And therto in his daies his eldist
+sonne Edward prince of Walis the .xix. day of Septembre the yere of Crist
+M^l.iij^c.lvj had a gret discomfiture afore the cite of Peyters uppon John
+calling hym King of Fraunce, where the said king was taken prisoner, and in
+whiche bataile was slaine the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Athenes, the
+lord Clermont, ser Geffrey Channy that bare the baner of the oriflamble,
+and also take withe king Johan ser Philip duc [le hardye[108]] of Bourgoine
+his yongist sonne, and for whois raunson and othres certaine lordes {14}
+king Edwarde rewarded the Prince xx.M^l.li. sterlinges. Also taken that day
+ser Jaques de Bourbon erle of Pontieu [and] Charles his brother erle of
+Longville, the kingis cosins germains, ser John Meloun erle of Tancarvile,
+ser William Meleum archebisshop of Sens, the erle Dampmartyn, the erle
+Vendosme, the erle Vaudemont, the erle Salebruce, the erle Nanson, ser
+Arnolde of Doneham mareshalle of Fraunce, and many other knightis and
+gentiles to the nombre of M^l.vij^c. prisonneris, of whiche were taken and
+sleine .lij. knightis banerettis. And the kingis eldist sonne Charlis
+calling hym duc of Normandie, the duc of Orliauns the kingis brother, the
+duc of Anjou, the erle of Peiters that after was clepid [Johan[109]] the
+duc of Berrie, the erle of Flaundris, withe a few other lordis, withdrewe
+hem and escapid from the seide bataile. And sone after, the yere of Crist
+M^l.iij^c.lvij. the .xvj. day of Aprill the said prince Edward with king
+Johan tooke the see at Burdeux to Englond, and londed the .iiij. day of
+Maij and came to London the .xxiiij. day of Maij, the said king Edwarde his
+father meeting withe king Johan in the feelde, doing hym gret honoure and
+reverence. And after in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxvij the month of Maij
+the said king Johan was put to finaunce and raunson of thre millions of
+scutis of golde, that two of them be worth .j. noble, of whiche was paied
+sex hondred thousand scutis be the said king Johan comyng to Calix, and in
+certein yeris after was obliged under gret seurtees, as it is declared in
+the articulis of the pease finalle made betwene both kingis, to be paied
+400,000 till the said thre hondred M^l crones[110] were fullie paied,
+whiche as it is said was not parfourmed. And, after that, the said prince
+Edwarde and Harry that noble duke of Lancastre had the bataile of Nazar in
+Spaine withe king Peter ayenst the bastarde Henry callinge hym King of
+Spain, haveng lxiij M^l. fighting men in his host, and hym descomfit,
+voided the feelde, and many a noble knighte of Englonde and of Gascoigne
+and Guyen withe many othre worshipfulle gentiles quite hem righte manlie,
+and amongis {15} many goode men of chevalrie ser John Chandos avaunced hym
+chief in that bataile [havyng the avauntgard[111]], for he had in his
+retenu M^l.ij^c penons armed and x.M^l. horsmen; and ser William Beauchampe
+the erle of Warwik is sonne, lorde Hue Hastinges, lord Nevyle, lorde Rais a
+Breton lorde of Aubterre, withe many Gascoignes there also: ser Raufe
+Hastingis, ser Thomas Felton, ser Roberd Knolles, withe many other notable
+of the chevalrie of Inglonde, passed the streit high monteyns of Pirone by
+Runcyvale in the contre of Pampilon, going from the cite of Burdeux into
+Spaine, and ser Hughe Courtney, ser Philip Courtnay, ser John Tryvet,
+[Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset[111]]. And there was take ser
+Barthilmew Clekyn the Frenshe kingis lieutenaunt for the werre prisoner,
+also the Mareshalle of Fraunce, the Besque, with many othre notable lordis.
+Whiche bataile of Nazar was in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxvj. the thrid
+day of Aprille.
+
+How King Henry the v. conquerid [Normandy and Fraunce[111]].
+
+[Sidenote: De Henrico quinto.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota quomodo Rex Henricus V^{te}. obtinuit Harefleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: De extrema defensione ville Harflue contra potestatem Franciae et
+de fame ibidem.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota, qualiter per civitates et mare obtinuit.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bellum supermare et le[gh] carrikes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de bello apud Agincourt.]
+
+[Sidenote: Henricus Rex duxit in uxorem filiam Regis Fraunciae.]
+
+And sithe now late the noble prince[112] Henry the v^{te}. how in his
+daies, withyn the space of .vij. yere and .xv. daies, thoroughe sieges
+lieng, [[113] wan the towne of Harflete bethyn .xl. days, made Thomas
+Beauford then erle Dorset hys oncle capteyn of yt. And the seyd erle made
+ser John Fastolfe chevaler his lieutenaunt wyth M^l.v^c soudeours, and the
+baron of Carew, wyth .xxxiij. knyghtys, contynuelly defended the seyd toune
+ayenst the myghty power of Fraunce by the space of one yere and half aftyr
+the seyd prince Herry. v^{te}. departed from Hareflue. And the seyd towne
+was beseged by the Frenshe partye by lond and also by see, wyth a grete
+navye of carekys, galeyes, and shyppis off Spayne, tille that yn the meene
+tyme Johan duc of Bedfor(d), the erle of Marche your moste noble
+antecessour, accompanyed wyth many other nobles, wyth a puissaunt armee of
+shypps, fought wyth the carrekys and shypps lyeng at Seyn hede before
+Hareflue, were {16} taken and many one sleyn and drowned; and so vyttailled
+Harflue yn grete famyn, that a wreched cowys hede was solde for vj s. viij
+d. sterling, and the tong for xl d., and dyed of Englysh soudeours mo then
+v^c. yn defaut of sustenaunce. And the second voyage after wythynne the
+tyme before seyd Johan erle of Hontyndon was made cheif admyralle of a new
+armee to rescue Harflue, beseged of the new wyth a grete navy of shyppys
+and carekys of the Frenshe partye, [which] were foughten wyth and ovyrcom
+throw myghty fyghtyng; and of the new vitailled Hareflue, the seyd erle
+Dorset then beyng yn England at the Emperour comyng hedre, called
+Sygemondus. I briefly title thys incident to th'entent not to be foryete
+how suche tweyn myghety batailles were foughten uppon the see bethyn one
+yere and half, and how the seyd toune of Hareflue was deffended and kept
+ayenst the puyssaunt power of Fraunce beseged as yt were by the seyd tyme;
+and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I herd the seyd ser Johan
+Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a
+lyes, to berke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes
+or to aproche the towne for to scale yt. And the seyd prince Herry
+v^{the},[114]] albeit that it consumed gretlie his peple, and also by
+batailes yeveng, conquerid [the towne of Harflete[114]], and wanne bothe
+the saide Duchie of Normandie first and after the Roiaume of Fraunce,
+conquerid and broughte in subjeccion and wanne be his gret manhode, withe
+the noble power of his lordis and helpe of his comonys, and so overleid the
+myghtie roialle power of Fraunce be the seide sieges lieng, first in his
+first viage at Harflete, and in the second viage he made manly besegid
+Cane, the cite of Rone, Falleise, Argenten, Maunt, Vernonsurseyne, Melun,
+Meulx, Enbrie, and at many other castellis, forteressis, citeis, and townes
+to long to rehers. Also had gret batailes on the see ayenst many grete
+carekkis and gret shippes that beseiged Hareflue after it was Englisshe.
+And had a gret discomfiture at the bataile of Agincourt in the yere of
+Crist M^l.iiij^cxv. {17} at his first viage, where many dukes, erlis,
+lordis, and knightis were slaine and take prisoneris that bene in
+remembraunce at this day of men yet livyng. And after allied hym to the
+Frenshe king Charlis .vj.^{te} is doughter, because of whiche alliaunce
+gret part of the roiaume of Fraunce were yolden unto hym his obeisaunce.
+And now also in the said noble conquest hathe be kepte undre the obediaunce
+of Englisshe nacion from the begynnyng of the said late conquest by .xxxv.
+yeris be continued and kept by roialle power, as first be the noble and
+famous prince Johan duke of Bedforde, regent and governoure of the roiaume
+of Fraunce by .xiij. yeris, with the eide and power of the noble lordis of
+this lande, bothe youre said royaume of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie was
+kept and the ennemies kept ferre of in gret subjeccion.
+
+[Sidenote: Joh'es dux Bedforde.]
+
+How that in Johan duke of Bedforde tyme be his lieutenaunt erle of
+Salisburie had the victorie at the batelle of Cravant.
+
+[Sidenote: Bellum de Cravant.]
+
+[Sidenote: Thomas Montagu comes Sarum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Will's Pole comes Suff'.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dominus Willughby.]
+
+[Sidenote: Vindicatio mortis ducis Clarenciae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Secunda vice punicio mortis ducis Clarenciae.]
+
+In profe wherof how and in the first yere of the reigne of king Harry the
+sixt, at whiche tyme his seide uncle toke uppon hym the charge and the name
+of Regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, that had the victorie at the bateile
+of Cravant, where as at that tyme Thomas Montagu the noble erle of
+Salisburie, the erle of Suffolke, the marchalle of Bourgoine, the lord
+Willoughebie, withe a gret power of Phelip the duke of Bourgoine is host,
+holding the partie of the said Johan regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford,
+withe the eide and help of the trew subgettis of this lande, had the
+overhande of the ennemies assembled to the nombre of .ix. M^l. Frenshemen
+and Scottis at the said bataile of Cravant in the duchie of Bourgoine,
+where there were slayne of the ennemies to the nombre of .iiij. M^l.,
+beside .ij. M^l. prisonneris take, of whiche gret part of them were
+Scottis, the erle Bougham being chief capitein over them;[115] which late
+before were the cause of the male-infortuned journey at Bougee, where the
+famous {18} and victorious knight Thomas duc of Claraunce, youre nere
+cousyn, for the right of Fraunce, withe a smale company of his side, withe
+the Scottis to a grete nombre there assembled among hem in the feelde, was
+slayn, withe many a noble lorde, baron, knightis, squyers of Englond, that
+never so gret an overthrow of lordes and noble bloode was seene in no
+mannys daies as it was then. Aboute the nombre of .ij^c. l. cote-armes
+slaine and take prisoneris as yt was seyd, be the saide Scottis holding
+withe youre adverse party of Fraunce, whiche God of his infinite goodenes
+sone after at the saide batelle [of] Cravant, and after at the bateile of
+Vernell, was sent a chastisement upon the saide Scottis for theire
+cruelltie vengeable and mortelle dethe of the said victorious prince, duke
+of Claraunce, and of other of his noble lordis and knightis.
+
+How Johan duke of Bedforde had yn his owne parsone the batelle of Vernelle.
+
+[Sidenote: 1423.]
+
+[Sidenote: Batelle of Cravant.]
+
+[Sidenote: Batelle of Vernoyle.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1424.]
+
+Also in the said daies, sone after the saide batelle of Cravant, in the
+yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.xxiij., the .iij. yere of King Harry the sext, the
+.xvij. day of August, the said Johan duke of Bedford had a gret
+discomfiture and the victorie upon your adversaries of Fraunce and of
+Scottis at the batelle of Vernelle in Perche, where as Johan cleping hym
+duc of Alaunson, lieutenaunt for the Frenshe partie, was take prisoner that
+day, and the said erle Bougham of Scotlonde, marchalle of Fraunce, whiche
+was cause of that noble prince Thomas duke of Claraunce dethe, was in the
+said bataile overthrow and sleyne, and the erle Douglas made duc of
+Tourayne, aswelle as his sonne and heire that was in the feelde at
+Shrewisburie ayenst king Henry the .iiij^{the}, and another tyme being
+ayenst the said Johan duc of Bedford at Homeldonhille in Scotlond, was also
+slaine at the said batelle, withe many other grete lordis of the Frenshe
+partie slayne and taken prisoneris at the said bataile. {19}
+
+How that the grettir part of the counte of Mayne, the cite of Mauns, withe
+many other castellis, were yolden.
+
+[Sidenote: Mayn.]
+
+[Sidenote: Redempcio Joh'is dicentis [se] ducem de Allunson pro .clx.
+M^{l}. salux bene solutis ultra alia onera suarum expensarum.]
+
+And, overmore, not long after, youre auncien enheritaunce in the counte of
+Mayne, the cite of Maunce, conquerid and brought be the said regent duc of
+Bedforde, withe the power of his lordis and helpers, in subgeccion, [by the
+erle of Salysbery, lord Scalys, ser John Fastalf, ser John Popham, ser N.
+Mongomery, ser Wylliam Oldhalle, chevalers, and many othyr noble men of
+worshyppe.[116]] And whiche counte of Mayne was accustomed sithen to be in
+value yerely to the eide and helpe of the werres of Fraunce, and to the
+releve of the kyng ys subgettis obeisauntes lyvyng uppon the werre for the
+furtheraunce of that conquest, .x. M^l. li. sterlinges. Also the said
+regent of Fraunce, with the power of youre noble bloode and lordes, wanne
+the feeld at the forseid grete bataile of Vernelle in Perche ayenst the
+power of the Frenshe adverse party of Fraunce, being assembled to the
+nombre of .xl. M^l. fighters of the Frenshe partie; and there Johan cleping
+hymsilf duke of Alaunson, lieutenaunt to Charles the .vij. calling hym
+Frenshe king, taken prisonner, withe many other lordis, barons, and
+knightes, and noble men of worship, whiche paied to the said regent duc of
+Bedforde for his raunson and finaunce allone .clx. M. salux, beside his
+other grete costis and charges, whiche was a gret relief and socoure to the
+eide of the conquest, whiche bataile was in the yere of Crist
+M^l.iiij^c.xxiiij., the seyd .iij^d. yere of the reigne of king Henry sext.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene pro titulo Regis Henrici sexti.]
+
+How that Henry the sext was crouned king be the might of grete lordes.
+
+[Sidenote: Coronatio Regis Henrici sexti.]
+
+[Sidenote: De magna fama regni Angliae tempore regis Hen. vi^{th}]
+
+And he also, for a gret act of remembraunce to be had in writing, was
+crouned king of Fraunce in the noble citee of Paris, in the yere of Crist
+M^l.iiij^c.xxix., the .ix. yere of his reigne, withe right gret solennyte
+amongis the lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and be the gret mighte and
+power, as well in goodes and richesse, of his graunt {20} oncle Henry
+cardinalle of Englande, byshop of Wynchester, and by the gret mighte and
+power of his uncle Johan regent of the roiaum of Fraunce, duc of Bedforde,
+being present at that tyme to their grettist charge and cost to resist
+theire gret adversarie of Fraunce calling hym Dolphin. For sethen the
+roiaume of Englonde first began to be inhabite withe peple was never so
+worshipfulle an act of entreprise done in suche a case, the renoume of
+which coronacion spradde thoroughe alle cristen kingis roiaumes.
+
+[Sidenote: A courageous recomfortyng.]
+
+[Sidenote: Exortacio militaris.]
+
+O then ye most noble and cristen prince, for notwithestanding gret
+conquestis and batailes had in the said roiaume be the famous knight king
+Edwarde the thrid, he never atteyned to that souvraine honoure but by
+valiauntnes of Englishe men, whiche have in prowes avaunced hem, and
+governed so nobly as is before briefly historied and specified, be youre
+saide noble, puissaunt, and vailaunt progenitours in divers regions, and
+inespecialle in Fraunce and Normandie, and in the duchie of Gascoigne and
+Guyen, that this sodenly wern put oute of by usurpacion ayenst alle trouthe
+and knyghthode. Now therfore, in repairing this undew intrusion uppon yow,
+mantelle, fortifie, and make yow strong ayenst the power of youre said
+adversaries of Fraunce. For now it is tyme to clothe you in armoure of
+defense ayenst youre ennemies, withe the cotes of armes of youre auncien
+feernesse, haveng in remembraunce the victorious conquestis of youre noble
+predecessours, the whiche clothing many histories, cronicles, and writinges
+witnessithe moo than myn simple entendement can not suffice to reherse in
+this brief epistle.
+
+Of the noblesse of Ectour and other mighty kinges of Grece.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de exemplis aliorum nobilium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hector.]
+
+[Sidenote: Agamemnon.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ulixes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hercules.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1. j.]
+
+[Sidenote: 2. ij.]
+
+[Sidenote: 3. iij.]
+
+And also let be brought to mynde to folow the steppis in conceitis of noble
+courage of the mighty dedis in armes of the vaillaunt knight Hector of
+Troy, whiche bene enacted in the siege of Troy for a perpetuelle
+remembraunce of chevalrie [that your noblesse ys decended of[117]]. Also of
+the dedis in armes of Agamemnon the {21} puissaunt king of Greece, that
+thoroughe cruell and egre werre ayenst the Trojens bethin .x. yere day
+conquerid the gret cite of Troie. In like wise of the famous knight Ulixes,
+that alle his daies dispendid in marciall causis. And of the .xij.
+puissaunt entreprinses and aventurous dedis that Hercules, as it is figured
+and made mencion in the vij^{the} metre of the .v. booke of Boecius, toke
+uppon hym, putting himself frome voluptuouse delites and lustis, being
+subget to grete laboure, wynnyng renomme and worship; whiche .xij.
+entreprinses of Hercules, albeit it be thought [but a poesye[118]]
+impossible to any mortalle man to doo or take uppon hym, as for to bereffe
+the skyn of the rampant lion, wrestlid withe Antheus and Poliphemus, the
+gret giauntes, and hym overthrew, he slow the serpent clepit Ydra, made
+tame the proude beestis clepid Centaurus, that be of halfe man and halfe
+best, and many soche wonderfulle entreprises as is wreten that Hercules
+did, whiche is writen in figure of a poesy for to courage and comfort alle
+othre noble men of birthe to be victorious in entreprinses of armes. And
+how, in conclusion, that there is no power, puissaunce, ne strenght, who so
+lust manly [wyth prudens[118]] put forthe hymsilf may resist and
+withestande ayenst such gret entreprises.
+
+How a conquerour shulde use in especialle thre thinges.
+
+[Sidenote: A conqueroure shuld use iij thinges.]
+
+[Sidenote: j.]
+
+[Sidenote: ij.]
+
+And, as Vegecius in his booke of Chevalrie counceilithe that a conquerour
+shulde use thre thinges in especialle whiche the Romains used, and alle
+that tyme they had the victorie of here ennemies, that is to wete, The
+first was science, that is forto undrestonde prudence, to seene before the
+remedies of bonchief, or the contrarie; The second was exercitacion and
+usage in dedis of armes, that they might be apte and redie to bataille whan
+necessite fille; the thrid was naturalle love that a prince shulde have to
+his peple, as doing his trew diligence to doo that may be to the comon wele
+of his peple, whiche is to be undrestonde in the executing of justice
+egallie. And for to kepe them in tranquillite and pece within hemsilfe.
+
+{22}
+
+[Sidenote: Menne of noblenesse shuld lefe sensualites and delites.]
+
+How men of noblesse ought lefe sensualitees and delites.
+
+Let it no lenger be suffred to abide rote, no forto use the pouder and
+semblaunce of sensualite and idille delites, for Water Malexander seiethe,
+that voluptuous delitis led be sensualite be contrarie to the exercising
+and haunting of armes. Wherfor, like and after the example of the boore
+whiche knowethe not his power, but foryetithe his strenghte tille he be
+chafed and see his owne bloode, in like wise put forthe youre silf,
+avaunsing youre corageous hertis to werre, and late youre strenght be
+revyved and waked ayen, furious, egre, and rampanyng as liouns ayenst alle
+tho nacions that soo without title of right wolde put you frome youre said
+rightfulle enheritaunce. And where is a more holier, parfiter, or a juster
+thing than in youre adversary is offence and wrong-doing to make hym werre
+in youre rightfull title, where as none other moenys of pease can be hadde.
+And therfore considering be this brief declaracion that youre right and
+title in alle this royaumes and contrees is so opyn--
+
+[Sidenote: Mentio brevis de titulo ducatus Normandiae.]
+
+Here is briefly made mencion of the first title of Normandie, and how frely
+it holdithe.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo ducatus Normanniae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Richardus dux Normandiae cepit in bello Lodovicum regem Franciae,
+qui resingnavit totum titulum Ricardo de ducatu predicto.]
+
+[Sidenote: ccccc.^{th}xxx.v^{te}.]
+
+[Sidenote: Arma ducatus illius.]
+
+For as youre first auncien right and title in youre duchie of Normandie, it
+is knowen thoroughe alle cristen landes, and also of highe recorde by many
+credible bookis of olde cronicles and histories, that William Conqueroure
+descendid frome duc Rollo, after cristned and called Roberd, that came out
+of Dennemarke aboute the yere of Crist .ix^c.xij., was righte duke of
+Normandie by yeft of Charlys the symple, king of Fraunce, [who] maried his
+doughter to Rollo and gave hym the saide ducdome. And after Richarde due of
+Normandie, in the yere of Crist .ix^c.xlv. in plaine batelle before the
+cite of Rone toke Lowes king of Fraunce prisoner, and the said Lowes
+relesid the seide dukedom to the said Richarde and to alle his successours
+to holde frely in souvereinte and resort of none creature but of God, as in
+act therof is made mencion that was sene and rad uppon this writing. {23}
+And after the said William Conquerour being king of Englond, of whome ye
+and youre noble progenitours bene descendid and entitled this .v^c.xxxv.
+yere, and beere in armes by the saide duchie of Normandie in a feelde of
+gulis .ij. libardis of golde.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de tempore quo Rex Angliae intitulatus ducatui de Angew et
+comitatui Mayne.]
+
+How long the king is entitled to the righte enheritaunce of Angew and
+Mayne.
+
+[Sidenote: Matildis filia et heres Henrici primi copulata fuit imperatori,
+et quo mortuo copulata fuit Galfrido Plantagenet, et ex ea Henricus .ij.
+natus est.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1127.]
+
+[Sidenote: Angew. Nota, pro titulo ducat' Andegav'.]
+
+And that as for youre next enheritaunce that fille to youre seide
+progenitoures and to you in the duchie of Anjou and countee of Mayne and
+Tourayne, it is also notorily knowen among alle cristen princes and be
+parfit writing how that dame Maude, whiche was doughter and soule heire to
+that puissaunt king Henry the first, that after she weddid was to the
+emperoure of Almayne; after his decese the saide Maude emperesse was maried
+the yere of Crist .M^l.cxxvij. to Geffry Plantagenest son to Fouke king of
+Jherusalem, that was erle of Anjou, of Mayne, and Toreyne, by whome the
+saide Maude had issue that most famous king in renome Henry the seconde,
+whiche be right of his moder Maude was right king and enheritoure of
+Englonde, also duke of Normandie seisid. And be right of his foresaide
+father Geffrey Plantagenet was bethout any clayme or interupcion right
+enheritour and seisid of the said countee of Anjou, Mayne, Toreyne
+continued this .iij^c.xlvij. yer. [And the noble actys of the seyd erles of
+Angew wyth her lynealle dessentys ben wryten yn the cronicles called _Ymago
+historiarum_ that maister Raffe de Diceto dene of Poulys yn seynt Thomas
+Canterbery days wrote notablye. And therfore the armys of the noble erlys
+that for her prowesse were chosen king of Jerusalem wold be worshypped,
+because yowr hyghnes ys descended of the eyr masle, that ys to wete of
+Geffry Plantagenest erle of Angew, and the countee of Mayne by maryage was
+unyoned to the erledom of Angew to longe to wryte.[119]]
+
+{24}
+
+[Sidenote: Gyen.]
+
+Here is made mencion of the title of Gascoigne and Guien, and how long agoo
+passed possessid.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota, pro titulo Vasconiae.]
+
+[Sidenote: M^{l}.cxxxvij.]
+
+[Sidenote: Alienora et Aliciae filiae et heredes Will'mi ducis Guion.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota, divortio facta inter regem Franciae et Alienoram.]
+
+[Sidenote: Henricus ij^{d'} Angliae rex superduxit Alienoram filiam et
+heredem Willielmi ducis de Guien circa M.cxlvj^{ad}]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo Henrici ij.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene, Karolus vij rex Fraunciae primo intrusionem fecit in
+ducatum Normanniae, Gascon, Guion, etc. circa annum M^{l}iiij^clj.]
+
+And than for to be put in remembraunce of youre auncien enheritaunce,
+verray right and title in youre duchies of Gascoigne and Guien, withe the
+countrees, baronnyees and seignouries therto belonging. It is in like
+fourme knowen of highe recorde, enacted in divers cronicles, as amongis
+many other historialle bookis of auctorite, that aboute the yere of Crist
+.M^l.cxxxvij. William the duke of Guien died bethout heire masle, uppon his
+voiage he made to seint James, havyng .ij. doughters and heires, called
+Alienore, the second Alice, and king Lowes of Fraunce in his yong age, by
+the agrement of Lowys le gros his father, spoused the said Alienor, to
+whome the said duchie was hole enheriter. And after the said king Lowes
+came to yeris of discretion, the archebisshoppis of Sens, of Rayns, of
+Rone, and of Burdeux, withe others barouns, made relacion to the said king
+Lowes that the saide Alienor was so neere of his blode that he might not
+laufullie be the chirche kepe her to wiffe, so be theire counceile they
+bothe were departed laufully, and the said king Lowes maried after that
+Constance the king of Spayne doughter. And the said Alienor the duches of
+Gascoigne and Guien went to Burdeux. Than came the forsaid king Harry the
+seconde of Englande, that was the Erle of Anjou is sonne and heire, and
+wedded the said Alienor about the yere of Crist M^l.cxlvj. by whome he was
+duke of Gascoigne and Guien, and his heires after hym, of whom ye bene
+descended and come right downe. And the said king Henry the seconde bare in
+armes frome that day forthe the saide libarde of golde withe the other two
+libardis of the same that is borne for Duke of Normandie. So in conclusion
+he was, be right of his moder dame Maude, the empresse, king of Englonde
+and duke of Normandie, and, be right of his father Geffry Plantagenest,
+erle of Anjou and of Mayne and Torayne; be right of his wiffe dame Alienor,
+duke of Guien; of whiche duchie of Gascoigne and Guien your noble {25}
+progenitours have continually be possessid and seased of, this
+.iij^c.xxviij. yere complete, tille that by intrusion of youre said
+adversarie Charlis the vij^{the}. of Fraunce have disscasid yow in or about
+the monithe of June the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.lj., as he hathe late done
+of youre enheritaunce of Fraunce and Normandie and of the counte of Mayne,
+thoroughe umbre of the said fenied colour of trewes, ayenst alle honoure
+and trouthe of knighthode.
+
+How the historier procedithe in his matier of exhortacion.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bonum concilium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Magister Alanus de Auriga dicit.]
+
+And for to think to alle cristen nacions for to fight in bataile if the cas
+require it soo, that youre said enheritaunce can not be recuverid by none
+other due meane of pease, bothe for youre defens for the recuverey of youre
+roiaume of Fraunce, duchie of Normandie, and sithen sone after the duchie
+of Gascoigne, that alle cristen princes opynly may know it is youre verray
+true enheritaunce, and for salvacion of youre enheritaunce by undew menys
+lost; for that yt ys wryten by [maister Aleyn Chareter, _id est_ de Auriga,
+in hys boke of Quadrilogue, secretaire to Charlys le bien amee, the yere of
+Crist .1422. yn thys termys: "Ayenst Herry the .v^{th}., named kyng," yn
+provokyng the adverse partye to werre ayenst the seyd king Herry. How[120]]
+the famous clerke of eloquence Tullius seithe in his booke of retherique
+that, like as a man recevethe his lyving in a region or in a countree, so
+is he of naturall reason bounde to defende it; and law of nature, as welle
+as law imperiall whiche is auctorised by popis and emperours, wol
+condescend and agre to the same. Also Caton affirmithe withe the said
+Tullie. Therfor late not this gret and importune losses now by infortune
+and of over grete favoure and trust put to youre adversaries, fallen ayenst
+this lande undre the umbre and coloure of trewes and abstinence of werre
+late hadde and taken at Towris atwixen Charlis the .vij^{th}. youre
+adversaire of Fraunce and your predecessour {26} Harry the sext, and now
+uppon the exercise and usaige of bataile and left by so little a tyme,
+forto discomfort or fere to a new recovere. Not so: God defende that! for
+the famous poet Ovide seiethe that who so levithe the pursute and foloweing
+of good fortune for one mysaventure, it shalle never come to hym. And
+namely the said Water Malexander agreithe hym to the same saieng, and
+affermyng that good courages of hertis be not mynissed, broken, ne lessid
+for disusage and levyng armes for a litille season, nether for sodeyn
+recountres and hasty comyng on, be force of whiche one mysadventure may
+folow.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota quod pro defectu excercicii armorum mala sequentur
+exercitui Romanorum.]
+
+How for the defaute of exercise of armes the gret nombre of Romains were
+scomfited by men of Cartage.
+
+[Sidenote: Syr Alanus de Auriga.]
+
+[Sidenote: Notand' est.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de cede Romanorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de annulis inventis super digitos Romanorum occisorum.]
+
+A, mercifulle God! what was the losses of the Romayns, whiche in defaute
+and by negligence lost by a litille tyme left the exercise of armes was
+fulle gret ayenst the doughty men of Cartage, whan alle the puissaunce of
+the Romains were assembled in bataile, where that were so many noble men
+and coragious peple, the whiche were innumerable, assembled and joyned in
+bataile, that men say was betwene Camos and Hanibal prince of Cartage, the
+whiche discomfit before duke Camos in Puylle be suche power that the ringis
+of golde take frome the fingers of ded bodies of the said Romains, whiche
+were men of price and renomme, and Titus Livius seiethe in his booke of
+Romayne batailes were extendid and mesurid to the quantite of mesure of
+.xij. quarters or more, whiche Hanibal brought withe hym to his countre of
+Cartage in signe of victorie.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de experiencia armorum ex parte Romanorum.]
+
+How after the seide gret descomfiture that a few nombre of Romans expert in
+werre (_unfinished_)
+
+But the worthy Romains, for alle that, left not the hope and trust of
+recovering on another day, whan God lust, onnere and fortune, theyme so
+exercised daily armes, [and] after accustumyng hem ayene {27} to werre,
+were by experience lerned and enhardid, that, as by the exorting and
+comforting of one of theire princes, he assembled another time in bataile
+ayenst the litille residue that were left of the said Romayns, and by
+subtile craft of wise policie and good conduyt in actis of werre they fille
+and tooke uppon theym and charged theym so moche that by unware of theire
+purveiaunce met withe the said Haniballe at certen streightes and narow
+places fille into the handis of Romains, to the gret discomfiture and
+destruccion of Haniballe his gret oost of Cartage.
+
+[Sidenote: Exercitium armorum excedit divicias.]
+
+How men of armes welle lerned and excercised is of a grettir tresoure then
+any precious stones or riche tresour.
+
+Dame Cristen saiethe in the first booke of the Tree of Batailes that there
+is none erthely thing more forto be allowed than a countre or region whiche
+be furnisshed and stored withe good men of armes well lerned and exercited;
+for golde, silver, ne precious stones surmountethe not ne conquerithe not
+ennemies, nother in time of pease wardithe the peple to be in rest, the
+whiche thing a puissaunt man in armes dothe.
+
+How a few nombre of the Romains that were expert and connyng in the werre
+descomfited .c.iiij^{xx}.M^l. of Frenshemen that the prince of hem tolde
+and set right litille by.
+
+[Sidenote: Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo.]
+
+[Sidenote: In multitudine gencium non consistit victoria, ut infra. Nota
+bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Averaunces. D'n's Talbot. D'n's Fauconberge. Harflete.]
+
+[Sidenote: J. dux Som', Ed's Dors'. Cane.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fastolf. Harynton.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene et applica.]
+
+Also ye may consider by example of king Bituitus of the countre of Gaule
+clepid Fraunce, the whiche went ayenst the Romains withe an hondred and
+fourescore thousande men of armes; and he saw so few a companie of the
+Romains comyng that he despraised hem, and seid of gret pride that there
+were not inoughe of the Romains for to fede the doggis of his oost:
+neverthelesse, that few company were so welle excersised and lerned in
+armes that there were ynoughe whiche overcome and destroied the said king
+of Gaule and alle his gret {28} oost; whiche storie may be verified in
+every bataile or journay atwix youre adversarie of Fraunce and youre
+predecessoures entreprises this .xxxv. yeres that continued in possession
+frome king [named[121]] Henry the .v. is conquest till it was lost: for at
+the bataile of Agincourt descomfited by seid king Henry the .v.^{th} [wyth
+a few nomber.[121]] And at the bataile of the see ayenst the carrakes
+descomfited by Johan duke of Bedforde and the erle of the Marche being
+principalle cheveteins also in that bataile [wyth a few nombre yn
+comparison of the grete Frensh navye.[121]] Also at the journay of
+Kedecause descomfited be Thomas Beauforde erle Dorset after was duke of
+Eccestre; [the erle of Armonak conestable of Fraunce beyng aboute x.M^l
+fyghtyng men ayenst aboute .ix^c. accompanyed wyth the erle Dorset.[121]]
+Also at the bataile of Cravaunt descomfited by [Johan duc of Bedford as by
+hys lieutenaunt[121]] Thomas Montague the erle of Salisbury and Roberd
+[lord[121]] Willugheby chiefeteynes. And at the bataile of Vernelle fought
+and descomfited by Johan regent duke of Bedforde, the said erle of
+Salisbury and the erle of Suffolke, [lord Wyllughby, lord Pownynnys, ser
+John Fastolf, and many other noble men yn armys.[121]] Also at the bataylle
+of Roveraye foughte [ayenst the bastard of Burbon, the bastard of
+Orlyance,[121]] be ser Johan Fastolfe, ser Thomas Rempstone, chiefteins,
+upon the vitailing the siege of Orliaunce. Also at the rescue of the cite
+[of] Averaunces fought by Edmonde duke of Somerset and the erle of
+Shrewisburie and lorde Fauconberge chiefeteins. And at the second wynnyng
+of Hareflete fought [beseged[121]] by Johan duke of Somerset, by Edmund
+erle of Dorset, and the erle of Shrewisbury, at the rescue of Cane fought
+by ser Johan Fastolfe and ser Richarde Harington, and his felouship,
+[ayenst .xxx.M^l. men.[121]] And so in many other [sodeyn jorneys and[121]]
+sharpe recountres sodenly met and foughten, to long to write here. And also
+for the gret part at any maner bataile, journey, enterprise, [seges,[121]]
+and rescuse of places, it hathe bene alway seen that the power of Fraunce
+have be in nombre of peple assembled ayenst youre power {29} by double so
+many, or by the thrid part, yet youre right and title have bene so goode
+and fortunat, and men so well lernid and exercised in armes, that withe few
+peple have descomfited the gret multitude of your adverse partie.
+
+How Vegesse in his Booke of Chevalrie also gretly recomendithe exercise in
+men of armes.
+
+[Sidenote: Vegescius de re militari.]
+
+O then, seith Vegecius in his Booke of Chevalrie, therbe none that knowethe
+the gret merveilles and straunge aventures of armes and knighthode, the
+whiche be comprehendid and nombred in dedis of armes, to tho that be
+exercised in suche labouris of armes, that withe wise conduyt prudently can
+aventure and hardely take uppon theym such sodein entreprinses on hande.
+
+[Sidenote: Animacio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Concideracio.]
+
+O then, ye noble Englisshe chevalrie, late it no mervaile be to yow, in
+lessing youre courage ne abating of your hardiesse, they that ye renew
+youre coragious hertis to take armes and entreprinses, seeing so many good
+examples before yow of so many victorius dedis in armes done by youre noble
+progenitoures, and that it hathe be a thing to moche left discorage you
+not; for, thoughe that ye were in renomme accepted alleway withe the most
+worthi as in dede of armes, but now at this time ye ben take and accepted
+in suche marcialle causes that concernithe werre on the left hande, as
+withe the simplest of price and of reputacion. And it is to suppose that it
+is rather in defaute of exercising of armes left this .xxiiij. yere day
+that the londes were lost, thoroughe the said coloure of trewes, and for
+lak of good provisions bothe of artillery and ordenaunce for the werre and
+soudeyng to be made in dew season, and for singuler covetice reignyng among
+some peple endowed with worldly goodes, that can not depart but easily
+withe finaunce [wagyng[122]] and soulde theim in tyme of nede, then for
+defaut of good corage and manhode, whiche is to deme werre never feerser ne
+corageouser to dedis of armes, so they may be cherished and avaunced
+therafter, as ben at this day.
+
+{30}
+
+How dame Cristen counceilithe to make true paimentis to sowdieris.
+
+[Sidenote: Hic nota optime pro solucione soldariorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota concilium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene, ne forte.]
+
+For ye shalle rede in the first part of the Arbre of Batailes, where dame
+Cristen exhortithe and counceilithe that every chieftein and capiteyne of
+men of armes ought to have goode paimentis and sewre for assignacion of
+paiment for his sowdieris for so long tyme that he trustithe to endure and
+be souded in that voiage and armes; for to that singlerly before thing alle
+chieveteyns shulde have regarde, by as moche as it is the principalle and
+chief cause of the good spede and conduit of here entreprise, and the
+undoing and mischief of it [the contrarye[123]], if the paimentis be not
+duely made to the soudeours; for late it be put in certein that no
+cheveteyn can not have ne kepe long tyme good men of armes eville paied or
+long delaied, but discoragethe them as sone as paiment failethe, and
+takethe theire congie and licence of theire prince, if they can have
+licence, orellis they departethe bethout licence. And also of overmoche
+trust and avauntage gyven to your adversaries be this dissimiled trewes as
+otherwise. And also when that the cheveteins take more kepe to good than to
+worship [and] using justice. And as welle as in defaute of largesse to
+youre obeissauntes, not rewarding ne cherisshing youre obeissauntes
+subgettis yolden and sworne stedfastly abiding under your obeissaunce, but
+suffring them to be oppressid and charged unduely in divers wises, as well
+by over gret taskis and tailis rered uppon them, and therto they finding
+bothe horsmete and mannysmete to youre soudeours riding be the contre
+without contenting or agreing hem, becaus of nompower of youre said men ben
+not paide of here wages and soude, by lak of simple payment [caused the
+rather the ducdom of Normandy to be lost.[123]]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota peroptimum concilium istud.]
+
+[Sidenote: Inquiratur pro libro illo, bonum est.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene, ne forte.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dux Bedfordiae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Exhortacio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Exhortacio ad observandum ordinacionem principis in bello.]
+
+[Sidenote: Verba m'ri Alani de Auriga.]
+
+And the same dame Cristen in the .xiiij. chapiter seiethe that a noble good
+cheveteyn, whiche wolbe a leder of a felowship in werre, he must use
+justice to Goddis pleasure; and that he may stand in the grace and favoure
+of the worlde, and of his retenu and {31} of other peple undre hym, that
+the said chieftein must pay his men of soude so justly and truly, bethout
+any defalking [or] abbregging of here wagis, that they have no nede to lyve
+by pillage, extorcion, and rapyn uppon the countreis of here frendis that
+be yolden undre obeisaunce of here prince. And be this way the ost may
+never faut, for then the ost shalbe furnished of alle costis coostis[124]
+commyng withe vitailes inoughe; so that it be provided that marchauntes and
+vitailers may surely passe and come, and that a payne resonable be made,
+that uppon forfeiting that payne no man take vitaile beforce without
+payment made in hande, as the proclamacions made by Henry the .v^{the}.,
+that victorious prince, in his host. [And also the statutes made by Johan
+regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford, by a parlement at Cane, yn the .ij^{de}.
+yeere of [blessed[125]] Henry .vj^{te}., named kyng, uppon the conduyt of
+the werre, that I delyvered to your hyghenes enseled, the day before your
+departyng out of London, that remayned yn the kepyng of ser Johan Fastolfe
+for grate autoritee, a. iij.[126]] And that no damage or offence be done to
+the marchauntes. It is fulle gret jupardie and perille to an oost where as
+covetise of pillage and rappyne reignithe among men of armes more than
+theire entencion is to kepe and meinteine the right of theire prince's
+partie. And the worship of chevalrie and knighthode ys that they shulde
+peine hem to wynne. And suche as ben of that inordynat condicion of
+covetise and rappyne oughte rather be clepid pilleris, robberis,
+extorcioneris, than men of armes chevalerous. In example the said dame
+Cristen puttithe that the men of armes of the countre of Gaule, whiche now
+is Fraunce, that had in a tyme a discomfiture and the overhande uppon the
+Romains, being assembled withe a grete oost embatailed upon the river of
+Rosne in Burgoyne; and the men of Gaule had wonne gret praies and good, as
+horse harneis, vesselle of golde and of silver gret plente; but as to the
+worldly goodes they set no count ne prise of it, but cast it into the
+river. And in semblable wise it was saide of Johan duke of Bedforde, then
+regent, that the day he had the victorie at the {32} bataile of Vernaile,
+he exhorted, making an oration to his peple, that they attende not to
+covetise, for no sight of juelx and riches of cheynes of golde or nouches
+[or] ringis cast before hem or left in the feelde, to take them up, whiche
+might be the losse of the feeld, tille God had shewed his power and
+fortune; but onely to worship and to doo that that they come for. And so be
+the jugement of God had the victorie withe gret worship and riches, be the
+raunsonyng of prisoneris, and be rewardis of the said regent in londis and
+goodis to every man for theire welle doing that day, rewarded in lifelode
+of londes and tenementis yoven in the counte of Mayne to the yerely valeu
+of .x.M^l. marcs yerely, whiche was .lx.M^l.li. Turneis, as it is of record
+to shew; the whiche was don aftyr the Romayns' condicion, seeing that thei
+set so litille by goodis dispising but onely by worship, the whiche the
+saide Romains were gretly astonied and dred her power, for thei saw it
+never done before. And wolde Jhesus for his highe grace that every prince,
+chieftein, or captein wolde be of so noble condicions as is before made
+mencion of! I have be credibly enfourmed by tho as were present in bateile
+withe the fulle noble and victorius prince of renomme king Henry the
+.v^{te}. youre cousin and antecessour, used the saide counceile among his
+ostes. And also at the bateile of Agincourt be the exortacion of that
+forseyd noble prince Henry the .v^{the}. counceiled to set not be no
+tresure, praies, ne juelx and vesselle of golde and of silver, aswelle of
+tho that were his there lost, ne of the juelx that he wonne, but only to
+his right and to wonne worship. And that also fulle noble prince youre
+cousin Johan duke of Bedforde, another victorius prince, folowed his
+steppis tho daies that he was regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, and whan
+his chariottes of his tresoure and vesselle at the bataile of Vernelle in
+Perche was bereved frome hym by Lombardis and other sowdieris holding youre
+adverse partie, he comaunded the oost embatailed not forto breke ne remeve
+[theyr aray[127]] for wynnyng or kepyng worldly goodis, but only to wynne
+worship in the right of Englonde that day, whiche he hadde the victorie to
+his grettist renomme.
+
+{33} But yet it most be suffred paciently the fortune that is gevyn to
+youre ennemies at this tyme, and late the case be taken for a new lerning,
+and to the sharping of goode corages, to the refourmyng and amendement of
+theire wittis. For the saide Ovide the lawreat poet saiethe that it
+happithe often times that mysaventures lernithe tho that bene conquerid to
+be wise. And so at other times in actis and dedis of armes that for lak of
+providence or mysfortune were overthrow, enforcethe hem to be conquerours
+[another seson.[128]] Here is yet noone so gret inconvenient of aventure ne
+mysfortune falle at this tyme, but that it hathe be seene fallen er now [yn
+kyng Johan dayes and in kyng Edward iij^d day, as yn hys gret age put owt
+of Normandye and off many castells and townes yn Gyen by kyng Charlys the
+.v^{te}.[128]]
+
+[Sidenote: Defectus pecuniae ad solvendum soldarios fuit causa una
+prodicionis ducatus Normanniae.]
+
+How the duchie of Normandie for lak of a sufficient arme waged in due time,
+that king Johan [of England[128]] had not sufficiently wherof to wage [his
+peple,[128]] he lost the duchie of Normandie.
+
+[Sidenote: Infinita mala ex sensualitate corporis.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1203.]
+
+For a like mysfortune and overthrow fille unto us for defaute of providence
+and helpe in dew tyme, and sensualite of lustis of the bodie idely
+mispendid, and for lak of finaunce and goode[gh] to soude and wage goode
+mennys bodies over into Normandie and other contrees, ande thoroughe the
+umbre of trewes, the hole privacion of your duchie of Normandie, and of
+Angew, Mayne, and Torayne, and a gret part of Gascoigne and Guyen, was in
+king Johan daies by king Philip dieudonne of Fraunce, the yere of Crist
+.M^l.ij^c.iij^o. in the monithe of Maij began.
+
+{34}
+
+[Sidenote: Treugae pluries infractae.]
+
+How many divers times trewes that were taken betwene king Richarde the
+first, king Johan, and king Edward the thrid at the finalle peas generalle
+betwene tho kinges and the Frenshe kinges, were afterwarde be the Frenshe
+partie first broken.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota fallacias Francorum in rupcione treugarum; vide et attende
+bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Treuga pessima a^{o} Xp'i 1259.]
+
+[Sidenote: De infinitis dampnis ex ilia treuga sine pace.]
+
+[Sidenote: De pluribus treugis sine effectu durationis.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edward ij^{d}.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo regis.]
+
+[Sidenote: Effectus maritagii Isabellae reginae heredis regni Franciae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Edwardus ij^{us} duxit Isabellam filiam et heredem Karoli regis
+Franciae a^{o}. X^{l}. M^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.]
+
+And thus undre the coloure of trewes at divers times taken atwixt youre
+noble progenitoures king Henry the seconde, and also divers treties taken
+betwene the said king Johan and king Philip, and also sondry tymes trewes
+taken betwene king Richarde the first and the Frenshe king Philip
+dieudonne. And notwithestanding so oft tymes trewes and alliaunces taken
+and made betwene the forsaide kinges of Englonde and of Fraunce, alle waye
+whan the Frenshe partie coude have and fynde any avauntage or coloure to
+breke here trewes they did make new werre ayenst this lande. Also there was
+another trewes made at Paris the monithe of Octobre the yere of Crist
+M^l.cclix. betwene king Henry the thrid and Lowes king of Fraunce, the
+whiche king Lowes haveng grete conscience that he heelde bethout title of
+right the duchie of Normandie, the counte of Angew, Mayne, and Toureyne,
+out of the handis of the kinges of Englonde, therfore toke a trewis withe
+king Henry the thridde; and the saide king Lowes graunted and confirmed to
+the saide king Henry and to his heires for ever all the right that he hadd
+or myght have in the duchie of Gascoigne, withe thre eveschies clepid
+diocesis and citees in the saide duchie, that is to witt, Limogensis,
+Caourcensis, and Pieregourt. Also at[129] Agenois and Peito. And a peas to
+be made atwix bothe kinges undre the condicion that the saide king Henry
+thrid shuld relese unto king Lowes alle his right in Normandie and in the
+countre of Anjou, of Mayne, and Toreyne, your verray auncient enheritaunce
+tailed, whiche albeit if the said king Henry thrid had alone made any suche
+relese it was of none strenght ne effect, for it was never graunted be the
+auctorite of the parlement of thre astatis of his roiaume. For it is to be
+undrestande that be no law imperialle ne by no dew reason can be founded
+{35} that a prince may not gyve away his duchees or countees ne his
+demaynes that is his propre enheritaunces to a straunge parsone, of what
+astate or degre he is, bethout the agrement and consenting of a parlement
+of his lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and of his comyns assembled, and
+a sufficient nombre of every of hem, as it hathe bene accustumed; so in
+conclusion the relese of king Henry thrid to king Lowes was and is voide.
+And if any relese of king Lowes to the said king Henry in the said duchie
+of Gascoine had be made it standithe of fulle litille effect, becaus it was
+the said king Henry propre enheritaunce by his aiel king Henry the second
+that weddid dame Alienor duchesse and heriter of Guien, as is before
+expressid. And so the said king Lowes relese was a confirmacion of the said
+duchie of Guien into king Henry thrid is possession and a disclayme frome
+the kinges of Fraunce for ever. Also ther was another trux and pease made
+the yere of Crist M^l.cclxxix., at Amyens, betwen king Edwarde first and
+king Philip of Fraunce, that the said king Edwarde shulde holde peasibly
+all the saide landes in Gascoigne. Another trewes and peas made at Paris
+the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxxxvj. betwene the said king Edwarde first and
+king Philip of Fraunce for the saide duchie of Guien. Another trews made at
+Paris, the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.iij^o., the monithe of Maij, betwene
+king Edwarde first and king Philip of Fraunce, that marchauntes and alle
+maner men might passe to bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce bethout
+empeshement, and heelde not long. Another trux made in the yere of Crist
+M^l.cc.xiij., in a towne clept in Latyn Pissaicus, betwene king Edwarde
+second and king Phelip king of Fraunce for the said duchie of Guien. And in
+the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xxiiij. king Charles of Fraunce and of Navarre
+seased certein townes and forteresses in Guien for defaut of homage of the
+king Edwarde second for the said duchie of Guien, whiche townes and
+forteresses after was delivered ayen to the king Edwarde by the moyen of
+Edmonde erle of Kent, his lieftenaunt. Also another pease made in the yere
+of Crist M^l.iij^c.xxv. betwene king Edwarde second and king Charles de
+Valoys of Fraunce, be reason and meane that {36} the saide king Edwarde
+weddid dam Isabel king Charles of Fraunce daughter, [soule[130]] enheriter
+of Fraunce; and at that tyme king Edward made Edmond his brother erle of
+Kent his lieftenaunt for the duchie of Guyen, whiche fulle nobly governed
+and kept that contre.
+
+[Sidenote: a^{o}. X^{l}. M^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bellum Scluse.]
+
+Also in semblable wise in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xl. the .xiij. yere
+of king Edwarde the thrid, after the saide king had wonne the gret bataile
+of Scluse ayenst Philip de Valois his adversarie, and besieged Tourenay in
+Picardie, whan the saide Philip de Valois and the [kyngis[130]] Frenshe
+lordis were gretly rebuked and put abak, they desired a trux of king
+Edwarde frome the monithe of Septembre tille the feest of saint John next
+sueng, to the gret damage of the king Edwarde conquest. And the Bretons
+making under that colour mortalle werre to this land, but they were kept in
+subgeccion, and a gret bataile of descomfiture ayenst them had by the erle
+of Northampton, then the kingis lieutenaunt in that parties.
+
+Also the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xliij^o., the .xix. day of Januarii,
+another gret trux for the yere take withe Philip de Valois calling hym
+king, youre saide adversarie, and his allies, and the saide trux broken be
+the seide Philip bethin thre yeris after, comaunding the Bretons to make
+werre ayenst youre progenitours.
+
+[Sidenote: Obcidio Cane.]
+
+[Sidenote: Bellum Cressye.]
+
+And the noble king Edwarde the thrid, seeing that, in the monithe of Julie,
+the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xlvij^o., the .xx. yere of his reigne, disposed
+hym ayen to werre ayen withe the saide Philip, and wanne upon hym the
+strong towne of Cane, [and had[130]] the sore fought bataile of Cressy, the
+castelle of Calix by a harde siege bethin few daies after leide and
+(_unfinished_.)
+
+[Sidenote: De pace finali quamvis non sortiebatur diu effectum.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1363.]
+
+[Sidenote: Chaundos chevalier.]
+
+[Sidenote: De magnificencia Joh'is Chundos.]
+
+[Sidenote: Princeps Edwardus.]
+
+[Sidenote: De pluribus comitatibus in Vasconia sub obediencia regis
+Angliae.]
+
+[Sidenote: 1364.]
+
+How notwithestonding a finalle peas was made solempnely be the fulle assent
+of king Johan of Fraunce prisoner, as it is the chief auctorite, and
+comprehendid in many articles most sufficiauntly grounded by auctorite of
+the Pope, confermed that, for alle that it helde not passe .vij. or .viij.
+yere after. And so contynued by .xiij. {37} yeris fro the saide tyme mortal
+werre continued tille a final generalle peas was made after by agrement of
+king Johan of Fraunce that was take betwene the said noble king Edwarde the
+thrid and the saide king Johan the monithe of Maij the yere of Crist
+M^l.iij^c.lx., at Bretigny, the Pope assentyng, and be mediacion of
+cardinales, archebishoppis, bisshoppis, abbotis, dukes, erles, barons, and
+lordis, and by the assent of bothe parties of Englande as of Fraunce, and
+confermed by the saide Pope and the sacramentis of both cristen kinges,
+made bothe by hemselfe and by here commissaries in suche solempne wise that
+alle cristen princes wolde have thought it shulde stande ferme and have
+bene stable for ever, ande whiche finalle peas dured not scant .viij^{the}.
+yere after, but that it was broke fraudulentlie be feyned causes and
+colourable quarellis of the Frenshe partie, as of the erle of Armenak and
+other lordis of Guien. And after king Charles the .v^{the}, of Fraunce, son
+to king Johan, under colour of the seide trux and fynal peas made be his
+father, put king Edwarde the thrid and his sonnes and other his
+lieutenauntes out of alle his conquest, aswelle of alle the londis that
+king Edwarde conquerid in Fraunce, Normandie, Burgoyne, and Flaundres, and
+out of many other countee[gh], baronies, and lordshippes, and of a gret
+part of the duchie of Guien, whiche countee[gh] and lordshippes in
+Gascoigne and Guien were given utterly and plenerlie to doo none homage, ne
+sovereinte to holde but of the saide noble king Edwarde, and of alle his
+enheriteris, never to resort ayen in homage ne feute to youre adversaries
+of Fraunce, as it is expresly enacted and recorded in the registres of alle
+the homagieris of Guien and Gascoigne, that was made by the erle of
+Armenak, the lorde de la Brette, vicecountes, barons, chevalers, and
+escuiers, and alle other nobles of the saide duchies, made to the saide
+king Edwarde and to prince Edwarde the duke of Guien the kingis
+lieutenaunt; that is to wete, in the cathedralle chirche of saint Andrieu
+chirche at Burdeux, the .xix. day of Juilly, the yere of Crist
+M^l.iij^c.lxiij., present there ser Thomas Beauchampe erle of Warewik, that
+aventurous and most fortunat knighte in his daies, and ser John Chaundos of
+Herfordshire {38} vicount de Saint Saveoure [in Normandye,[131]] whiche had
+bene in many batailes, and had the governaunce of M^l. speris, and was
+comissarie for king Edwarde, withe a fulle grete ost of multitude of peple
+well defensid in Guien. And so, after that prince Edwarde had received alle
+the homages aboute Bourdeux, Bordelois, and Bassedois, within the
+seneschalcie of Gascoigne, than he and the said comissaries went to alle
+the countees foloweng and received theire homages and feutees bothe in the
+name of King Edwarde .iij^d., and than in like fourme did homage to the
+prince as Duc of Guien. And was no differens betwene the bothe homages
+doing to the King and to the Duc of Guien, except that homager at his othe
+making to the saide duke he reserved the sovereinte and the ressort dew to
+his highe soverein seigneur king Edwarde. [So he] toke the homages of alle
+the vassallis and subgettis in the seneschalcie of Agenois, after in the
+seneschalcie of Landis, after in the counte of Bigorre, then in the
+seneschalcie of Pierregort, in the seneschalcie of Caoursyn and Roergev'
+and Lymosyn, also in the counte of Engwillom, also in the seneschalcie of
+Xantonge, than in the counte of Poitou and Poytiers. By whiche it may be
+considerid be the said countees and countrees before specified, it was of a
+wide space and many a thousand peple that were at that tyme and yet ought
+be under youre obeisaunce. And the saide prince Edwarde and the kinges
+commissaries made here journeis by .viij. monithes day as tille the
+.iiij^{the}. day of Aprille the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxiiij., or thei
+coude receive alle the saide homagiers; whiche now in the yere of Crist
+M^l.iiij^c.li., after that hole Normaundie was lost, and also Gascoigne and
+Guien yoven up in defaute of socoure [of an armee made[131]] in season,
+many of youre saide trew liege peple be overcome by youre adversaries of
+Fraunce, and many a thousand peple of nobles and others coherted and be
+force ayenst theire hertis wille and entent to become homagiers to youre
+saide adversarie by the hole privacion of the saide duchie of Guien, as of
+Normandie, whiche withe the helpe of almightie God and {39} saint George,
+chief defendoure and protectoure of these youre londis, withe the comfort
+of youre true subgectis, shalnot abide long in theire possession ne
+governaunce.
+
+[Sidenote: De pace finali.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1420.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pro titulo regis nota.]
+
+And now of late tyme a peas finalle was made and take withe king Charlis
+the sext, and the whiche finalle peas made solempnelie at Trois in
+Champayne, the .xxj. day of Maij the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xx., and
+registred in the court of parlement, confermed that alle divisions and
+debates betwene the roiaume of Englande and the roiaume of Fraunce shulde
+for ever cease; and the saide finalle peas heelde not fullie .ij. yeris,
+but brake sone after the decese of that victorioux prince king Harry the
+.v^{the}., upon his mariage withe quene Katerin.
+
+[Sidenote: De infractione treugarum nota hoc.]
+
+And now last of alle the gret trewes taken and made at Towris betwene Henry
+the sext, the innocent[132] prince, and Charlis the .vij^{the}., youre
+adversarie of Fraunce, in the said .xxiiij. yere of his reigne, solempnely
+sworne and sealed, and sone after broken be the Frenshe partie.
+
+[Sidenote: De continuacione hereditatis ducatus Normandiae. Rollo dux
+vocatus Robertus filius magnifici d'ni in regno Daciae vocati
+Byercoteferre.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota causam &c.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota optime.]
+
+And none of alle these trewes hathe ben observed ne kept, notwithstanding
+any sacremente, othes, [or] promisses made by youre adversarie and be his
+dukes, erlis, and barones of the seide Frenshe partie, but alway brake the
+saide trewes whan they coude take any avauntage ayenst us, as it shewethe
+openly, and may be a mirroure for ever to alle cristen princes to mystrust
+any trewes taking by youre saide adversarie or his allies and subjectis, be
+it the duke of Breteyne, the duke of Orliens, or any suche other his
+complisses: for where as youre noble progenitours were seased and possessid
+of the said duchie of Normandie sithe that duke Rollo of the nacion of
+Denmarke, the yere of Crist .ix^cxij. conquerid it upon Charlis le Simple,
+to whome he gave his doughter in mariage withe the seide duchie, and so
+hathe continued from heire to heire .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere, but after as it
+may be cast it was .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere that it was nevor in no king of
+Fraunce is hande tille it was lost in king Johan is daies of Englande. And
+than for suche inconvenientis as was used now be mysfortune under {40} [the
+umbre of trewes and for puttyng down Arthur of Breteyn,[133]] it was lost
+and yoven up to the seide king Phelip dieudonne in the yere of Crist
+M^l.cc.iij., about the first [and second[133]] yere of the seide king
+Johan. And frome the saide first yere of king Johan the possession of the
+saide duchie of Normandie discontynued .C.xxxvj. yere, that was to the yere
+of Crist M^l.ccc.xxxix., that youre right and possession was refourmed by
+youre noble progenitoure king Edwarde the thrid, whiche by many yeris leide
+segis and had batailes withe Philip de Valois and Johan of Fraunce,
+occupieris of that kingdom.
+
+How king Edwarde the thrid made first grete alliaunces withe gret astatis
+or he began to make werre in Fraunce.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de auxilio regis Edwardi.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conciderand'.]
+
+[Sidenote: In cronicis Frodsard.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pax finalis sperata fuit.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1360.]
+
+[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Consideracio.]
+
+And therto king Edwarde allied hym withe fulle mighty princes to socour and
+reliefe hym in his werres or he began to set on hem: first withe Lowes
+emperoure of Allemayne, to whome he rewardid fifty thousande sak wolle for
+perveaunce, and soulde men of werre that he shulde make to helpe king
+Edward the thrid in his conquest; and after allied hym to the erle of
+Heynew and to the erle of Flaundres, and also withe the duke of Bretein;
+the whiche alliaunces was a fulle gret socoure and helpe to his conquest in
+Fraunce and Normandie, for he wanne at the first raise that he made over
+the see M^l.M^l.v^c. townes and castellis, and soforthe reigned and
+continued in armes .xxxiiij. yeris, by putting the Frenshe king and his
+allies in gret subgeccion for the right of his enheritaunces, like as who
+so lust rede the booke [of] his actis clepid [mayster[133]] Froddesarde
+more plainly may perceyve. And so alle his daies contynued tille unto the
+tyme that be dissimulacion of the gret peas taken atwix hym and his
+prisoner king Johan of Fraunce, made at Bretigny the yere of Crist
+M^l.iij^c.lx., that undre umbre of the seid trewes Charles le Sage his
+sonne, after the decese of king Johan, did put king Edwarde thrid out of
+alle his said conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, and partie of Guyen. And
+sithen more effectuelle laboures and dedis of armes {41} hathe be done by
+that victorioux prince Henry the .v^{the}., he being parsonelly bothe at
+many sieges, leyng at assautes, at batailes, and journeis frome the second
+yere of his reigne [exclusyfe[134]] into the day of his trespassement the
+space of .vij. yere. Whiche labouris parcellis of them briefly bene
+specified before. And there youre obeisaunt subgeitis and trew liege peple
+be put owt of their londis and tenementis yoven to hem by youre
+predecessoures, as wel as be that highe and mighty prince Richarde duke of
+Yorke youre father, being at two voiages lieutenaunt and gouvernaunt in
+Fraunce, for service done unto hem in theire conquest, not recompensed ayen
+to theire undoing. Heh allas! thei did crie, and woo be the tyme they
+saide, that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe partie or
+theire allie[gh] in any trewes keping, considering so many folde tymes we
+have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes as is
+late before specified. And yet not for alle these inconvenientis that have
+falle to us be conspiring of deceitis undre umbre of suche dissimuled
+trewes, late it be out of doubte that, thoughe they holde theym never so
+proude, puissaunt, and strong, ne so sotill and crafty in suche deceitis
+conspiring, they by Goddis might shalbe overcome and brought to the right
+astate that it oughte be, where as the title and clayme of thenheritaunce
+of Fraunce is verray trew, whan dew diligence have be shewed by us in
+executing the saide right, as it is verefied briefly by examples here
+before.
+
+[Sidenote: Divina concideracio enodanda per theologos.]
+
+How be it that at som tymes that God suffrithe the partie that hathe a true
+title and right to be overcome, yet for alle that a man shulde not be
+discouraged alway to sew his right.
+
+[Sidenote: .1450.]
+
+[Sidenote: Infortunium bellum apud Fermenye ultima vice.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gyen.]
+
+[Sidenote: Burdeux.]
+
+[Sidenote: De sancto Lodovico rege Fraunciae.]
+
+And albeit that at som tymes God suffrethe the partie that hathe right and
+a trew title, and that livethe after his lawes, to be gretly parsecuted,
+and to be put to over gret aventure, laboure, and peyne, some tyme to be
+overthrow, some tyme to be prisoner or slaine in {42} bataile be divine
+providence whan hym lust to be Juge, thoughe the peple be never so goode,
+ne the querelle, title, and right never so trew; and yet not for no suche
+adversite and as have fallen the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.l., be the last
+overthrow of a notable arme at Fremyny, where ser Thomas Kirielle knight,
+lieftenaunt in that voiage, [was take prysoner wyth many othyrs to the
+nombre about .ix^c.,[135]] a grete caus was that the pety capteins wolde
+not obbey at the day of that journay at that sodeyne recountre to her
+chieftein, and taried lengir in his voiage after he was londed or he came
+to any strong holde was present.[136] Also another gret armee and voiage
+fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this yere of Crist M^l.cccclj.,
+whiche were at last redy to goo to Gyen, the armee taried upon the see
+coostis in Englande almost a quarter of a yere or theire payment was redie.
+And the cite of Burdeux lost in the meane tyme for lak of rescue. Yet God
+defende that thoroughe suche adversitees we shulde be utterly discoraged.
+Late us take example in according to this. It is wretin in the booke of
+Machabeus, in the .viij. chapitre, how the worshipfull Judas Machabeus,
+seeyng Goddis peple gretly febled and abashed be divers discomfitures of
+theym, seide to his knightis, A, a, It is bettir to us to avaunce us forthe
+and rather to die in bataile then lengre to suffre the gret passions and
+troubles of oure infortune. And fro thens forthe by the wille of God, good
+corage and comfort taken to theyme, they were made conquerours and had the
+victorie in alle theire batailes. Also another example by seint Lowes king
+of Fraunce, whiche in encresing the cristyn feithe made gret armees into
+the holy land in [about[135]] the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx., and
+suffrethe gret adversiteis among the Sarresyns, he and his knightis
+overthrow and take prisoneris to the Soudan of Babilon, and the king put to
+gret raunsom paide, his peple died up by gret mortalite of pestilence,
+suffred famyne, hungur, and thurst, yet God at the last releved hym, and
+[he] came into Fraunce withe gret worship.
+
+{43}
+
+[Sidenote: Animacio.]
+
+An nother exhortacion of the historier.
+
+O ye highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englande and of Fraunce, and
+alle ye other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers
+astates olde or yong, of so auncien a stok and of so worthy a lineage, as
+of the noble Trojan is blode descendid, as it is auctorised and may appere
+by many croniclers and histories of noble doctours enacted and registred,
+that ye alonly have ever ben halden without note of errour or deformite of
+the law withe the most puissaunt and of power thoroughe alle regions
+cristen or hethen, haveng alway under youre regencie and governaunce the
+habondaunce of noble men of chevalrie, passing alle othir landes after the
+quantite and afferaunt of youre roiaume, lete then be as a mirrour noted
+and had before youre eyen by contynuell remembraunce to thentent that the
+excersising of theire noble actis in conquestis may the more vigorously
+endeuce you to succede the prowesse and vaillauntnesse of youre highe
+predecessoures in armes, like as it shewethe welle at this tyme of what
+worship they have bene by here victorious dedis, for they in difference of
+other nacions have ever ewred and shewed the renomme and excellence of
+youre highe and mighty antecessours' corages, aswelle in straunge regions
+as among the Sarrazyns in the region of Sirie and Turkie, as in the said
+neere regions of Fraunce, Spayne, Lumbardie, Spruce, and other countrees.
+And therfor ye shulde yeve laude and praisingis alway to God, for, sithe
+the trespassement of prince Edwarde and good Henry duc of Lancaster that
+was, [ther wer but few like to hem in armys.[137]]
+
+Here is brieflie made mencion of the recomendacion of acyn[138] worship of
+Henry the .v^{the}. and his bretheryn Thomas, Johan, and Humfrey, .iiij.
+noble princes.
+
+Where was he of late daies descendid of noble bloode that was so corageous
+in dedis of armes as was that mightifull prince of renommee of {44} youre
+noble lynage Henry .v^{te}. and his said thre full mighty and noble princes
+his brethern, and next .ij. cosyns germayns of youre kynne, that in here
+daies were as the pilours and chief postis of the holders up of the [last
+conquest, and of the[139]] possession of youre rightfulle enheritaunce,
+bothe of youre roiaumes of Fraunce as of justice keping, tranquillite and
+pease in youre roiaume of Englonde, also of the duchies of Normandie,
+Gascoigne, Guyen, and of the counte of Mayne.
+
+[Sidenote: Dux Clarence.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conciderandum est.]
+
+For as for a brief advertisement and remembraunce how Thomas the duc of
+Clarence in his yong age, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.iij., lieutenaunt of
+alle Irelonde, and after that lieutenaunt and governoure of youre duchees
+of Gascoyne and Guien, defending the true subgettis frome theire
+adversaries, holding up youre right and keping youre peple and subgettis
+under youre lawes. And after [the seyd duc,[139]] in company of the
+victorioux prince Henry the .v^{te}., labourid in armes upon that noble
+conquest in Fraunce and the duchie of Normandie, there being lieutenaunt
+for that marchis, where as he in bataile among youre adversaries in the
+duchie of Anjou at Bowgee most worshiplie at a sodeyn recountre fighting
+withe a few felouship of lordes and nobles, levyng his hoste behynde, not
+abiding theire comyng, ayenst a gret multitude of fighters, the yere of
+Crist M^l.cccc.xxj. among the Frenshemen and Scottis was slayne; whiche not
+long after God thoroughe power suffred the seid capteyns of Scottis to be
+overthrow bothe at the batailes of Cravant, also at the bataile of
+Vernelle, and [also[139]] at the bataile of Rouverey.
+
+[Sidenote: J. dux Bedfordie regens regni Frauncie.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conquestus comitatus de Mayn.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1435.]
+
+Also youre second cousyn Johan duc of Bedforde, that in his grene age was
+lieutenaunt of the marchis, werrid ayenst the Scottis, keping them in
+subgeccion, havyng gret journeis and batailes ayenst them. After that made
+admirall and kepar of the see, havyng a gret mortal bataile and victorie
+ayenst the carrakes, galeis, and othir gret shippis. Beyng also a certayn
+tyme lieutenaunt and protectoure in this lande; and sethe yeede upon youre
+said conquest into Fraunce and {45} Normandie, therof being regent and
+gouvernoure in the daies of the devout prince Henry the sext over alle the
+subgeitis of Fraunce and Normandie .xiij. yeris, and conquerid the counte
+of Mayne, defending, keping, and gouvernyng the said countreis in gret
+tranquillite and peace, to the gret worship of bothe roiaumes, and there
+made his faire ende at Rone, where he liethe tombid, the yere of Crist
+M^l.cccc.xxxv., the .xiiij. day of Septembre.
+
+[Sidenote: Dux Glouc'.]
+
+[Sidenote: Comes de Marche. Comes Suff'.]
+
+[Sidenote: Calix.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1436.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1447.]
+
+And how the thrid brother Humfrey duc of Gloucestre, withe a notabille
+power, was upon youre conquest in Normandie withe his said brother, and at
+the bataile of Agyncourt was sore woundid, and after he wanne [with help of
+the noble erle of Marche and the erle of Suffolk acompanyed,[140]] brought
+in subjeccion, beforce of siegislieng among youre adversaries, base
+Normandie, the castelle of Chierbourgh, the cite of Bayeux, Costances,
+withe all the close of Costantyne and Averances, Seynt Lowe, Carenten, and
+Valoignez, withe alle othir forteressis and villages in that marcher. And
+over that sithe he was protectoure and defendoure of your roiaume of
+Englond, in the tyme of the said Henry the sext of grene age, keping gret
+justice, tranquillite, and peace withyn youre saide roiaume. And after whan
+youre nobille castelle and towne of Calix was beseigid in the yere of Crist
+M^l.cccc.xxxvj., without long respit or tarieng, he puissauntly rescued it.
+And many other souvereyne and princely condicions he used in this youre
+roiaume of Englonde, as in [bokys yovyng as yt ys seyd to the value of M^l.
+marks of all the .vij. sciences, of dyvinite, as of lawe spirituell and
+cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford, and[140]] cherisshing the noble
+clergie of youre said roiaume. And also havyng gret charge and cost aboute
+the gret tendirnesse and favoure shewed and done to alle straungiers, were
+they ambassatours, messangiers, and other noblesse that sought worship of
+armes, that of divers regions visited this lande, for whiche favoure and
+bounteous chier, withe gret rewardes done to theym, the renome of his noble
+astate and name sprad thoroughe alle cristyn roiaumes {46} and in
+hethynesse. And after he had by many wyntris lyved in worship, he making
+his ende at the towne of Bury, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xlvij., the .xxv.
+day of Februarie.
+
+And over alle these puissaunt dedis done and meynteyned by the foreseid
+.iiij. noble princes in theire daies, and now sithen many of youre noble
+bloode, as cosins germayns and other allie[gh] of youre nere kyn, as dukis,
+erlis, barons, bene deceasid sithe the tyme of the last conquest of Fraunce
+and Normandie.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota de ordine militum de la Gartere.]
+
+For what cause the knightys of the order and felouship of saint George was
+ordeigned.
+
+[Sidenote: Non sunt oblivio tradend'.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nobilitas Johannis Chaundos de comitatu Herefordie, senescalli
+de Peytou.]
+
+[Sidenote: Senlys]
+
+[Sidenote: .1431.]
+
+[Sidenote: Parys.]
+
+And also of the vaillaunt chosen knightes of the noble and worshipfulle
+ordre of the Garter, founded by the right noble prince king Edward thrid,
+and to bere about his legge a tokyn of the Garter, in the castelle of
+Wynsore, the .xxiij. yere of his reigne. And [as yt ys seyd[141]] in token
+of worship that he being in bataile what fortune fille shuld not voide the
+feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende. Whiche for gret prowesse
+and here manlynesse approved in armes was founded for her gret labouris in
+werre and vaillaunt dedis of armes be now passid to God and ought be put in
+memorialle, that in what distresse of bataile or siege that they have ben
+yn for the righte title in the crowne of Fraunce they alway avaunsid hem
+forthe withe the formost in example of good corage gyvyng to alle theire
+felouship, to opteyne the overhande of here entreprise. He allas! sethe
+that none suche were never sene withdrawers or fleers frome batailes or
+dedis of worship, but rather vigorouslie foryeting theymsilfe, as did the
+full noble knight, a felow of the Garter, ser Johan Chaundos, as a lion
+fighting in the feelde [at the bataylle of Fizar, yn Spayn, wyth prince
+Edward[141]] of the lion condicion, and defendid youre roiaume of Fraunce
+frome youre adversaries, preservyng theire prince's right and theire
+subgettis, avaunced youre conquest of Fraunce and Normandie, Angew, and
+Mayne, and the noble duchie of Gascoigne and Gyen, {47} and maynteyned
+theire honoure and astate, to the welle of youre bothe roiaumes and relief
+of youre treu subgettis of this lande. And thereto they have ben of the
+condicions of lyons fighting withe gret strenght, puissauntlie and stifly
+sett to withestande youre ennemies, notwithestanding gret part of the said
+adverse partie have voided, fledd, and forsake the feeld and theire
+felouship at suche tyme as they sought to abide. In example, of the fulle
+noble jorney late had in the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxxj., at Senlys, where
+youre lieutenaunt and youre power being present, and Charlis the
+.vij^{the}, youre gret adversarie of Fraunce withe alle his power to the
+nombre of .l^{ti}.M^l. fighters on his side, and embatilled by thre daies
+in the feeld, fled and voided unfoughten at the said jorney of Senlis,
+youre saide kynnesman Johan duc of Bedford being then lieutenaunt, and
+present in the feeld before hym thre daies. And also sone after the saide
+worshipfull journey of Senlis, your saide adversarie of Fraunce, after that
+made his entreprise, comyng before the noble cite of Paris, with alle his
+roialle power to have entred the said cite, and to put out youre saide
+cosyn duke of Bedford; whiche havyng knowlege therof incontinent disposed
+hym (albeit he had upon so soden warnyng but a few felouship) to mete ayen
+withe youre saide adversarie, and put hym in gret aventure, and entred in
+youre saide cite of Paris to relief and defende theym as he promised, and
+sent worde unto hem late before to theire grettist yoie and comfort. And
+youre said adversarie, that ententid to gete the saide cite, besieging
+theym withe a grete nombre, mightilie resisted withe men and ordenaunce, so
+grevously hurt, being fayne to voide incontinent.
+
+And as in this maner it shewithe evidently that youre true obeisaunt
+lordis, and noble chieveteins, also true subgettis, have abandonned theire
+bodies, putting them in gret jupardie unto the parelle of dethe, or to be
+taking prisoneris, and yet God hathe served hem soo, that thoroughe His
+grace and theire manhod withe wise governaunce [they] have had the
+overhande of youre adversaries, and kept bothe the saide citee and the
+feelde withe other good men that aboode, whan theire partie contrarie have
+ben nombred double or treble {48} moo than youris, as is before expressid.
+And at whiche tyme the saide citee was so mightly besegid, ser John Radclif
+knight, withe his felouship, had gret worship.
+
+[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota. 1449, 1450.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tempus ultimi conquestus.]
+
+[Sidenote: De pace finali apud Bretygnye.]
+
+[Sidenote: .1371.]
+
+O ye right noble martirs! whiche that for youre verray righte of the
+coroune of Fraunce, and for the welfare of the kingis highenesse, and for
+the worship of his bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce, ye forto susteyne
+righte and forto wynne worship, have ben often put in gret aventure, as was
+often tymes of the worshipfulle Romayns. And therfore of you may be saide
+that ye were alway stedfast and obeieng youre souvereyn unto the jupardie
+and perille of dethe. So wolde Jhesus that in the brief seson of the
+sodeyne and wrecchid intrusion late had by the unmanly disseising and
+putting oute of Fraunce, Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, withe the duchies of
+Gasquien and Guyen, whiche is done bethin the space of .j. yere and .xiiij.
+wekis, that is to wete frome the .xv. day of Maij in the yere of Crist
+M^l.cccc.xlix. unto the .xv. day of the monithe of August the yere of Crist
+M^l.cccc.l, that every castelle, forteresse, and towne defensable of the
+said duchiees [were delyvered upp by force or composicion to the adverse
+partye.[142]] And if they had be alway furnished and stuffed withe suche
+suffisaunt nombre of men of armes, with ordenaunce, vitaile, and wages
+duely kept and be paied, that they myght couraged and enforced hem to have
+bene kept stille the possession,[143] and they so being of the lyonns kynde
+as to have bene of soo egir courage and so manly and stedfast as they were
+before this tyme in that parties of Normandie, conquering, keping, and
+defending it as they did by the space of .xxxv. yeris complete and .vij.
+daies frome the begynnyng of the last conquest the thrid yere of king Henry
+the .v^{the}., and not the whele of fortune turned ayenst this lande as it
+hathe. Notwithestanding king Edwarde the thrid occupied not in his conquest
+of Fraunce and Normandie passe .xxxiiij. yere, whiche that after undre
+certayne condicions upon apoyntement of a smalle pease made atwix hym and
+king Johan of Fraunce was {49} graunted that the saide king Johan shulde be
+seased and possessid ayen of a part of the said roiaume and duchie for
+certeyne countees, baronnyes, and seignories that we shulde in chief halde
+in Guien and other contrees, whiche is more amplie declared in the saide
+finalle trety of pease made at Bretygny; yet for alle the othes,
+sacrementis, seles of bothe kingis and here lordis made, the said trety of
+pease was sone broken by the adverse partie when they couth take theire
+avauntage, about the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.lxxj.
+
+[Sidenote: Exclamacio alia.]
+
+[Sidenote: De amicicia per maritagia et alias alligancias fienda.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota et concidera ad honorandum extraneos.]
+
+He allas! we dolorous parsones suffring intollerabille persecucions and
+miserie, aswelle in honoure lost as in oure[144] lyvelode there
+unrecompensid, as in oure meveable goodes bereved, what shalle we doo or
+say? Shalle we in this doloure, anguisshe, and hevynesse contynew long
+thus? Nay, nay, God defende that suche intrusions, grete wrongis, and
+tiranye shuld be left unpunisshed, and so gret a losse unpunysshed and not
+repared! For one good moyen, undre correccion, may be this, and if youre
+lordis wolde enforce hem to renew theire olde allie[gh] of straunge regions
+and countrees, as the Romayns did whan they werrid in Auffrik ayenst the
+Cartages, and of late daies king Edwarde the thrid gafe example and sithe
+king Harry the .v^{te}. in oure daies, and also his noble brothir Johan
+duke of Bedford after hym; whiche allies be almost werid out and foryete to
+oure grete desolacion, whiche and they were renewed by meane of mariages of
+gret birthe, by cherisshing of lordis, nobles, and marchauntes of the
+regions that we have been allied unto, or desire to be gyvyng renomme and
+honoure in armes to the princes that we desire alliaunce, or[145] sending
+at suche tymes as the cas shalle require to the princes ambassiatours that
+be halden worshipfulle men of astate and degree that have sene worship in
+divers contreis, whiche prudently can purpose and declare the urgent cause
+and necessite of this royaume, it wolde be to think verralie than that tho
+yowre[146] people true subgettis of Fraunce were mynusshed or abated as it
+is, but oure saide allies wolde enforce hem withe alle hir power and might
+to the {50} reformacion of the saide intrusions, and under colour of trewes
+wrought ayenst us. In example of this matier, it bathe bene specified
+herebefore, and how it hathe be rad among the Romayne stories that, whan
+Haniballe, prince of Cartage, had so gret a descomfiture ayenst Camos,
+governour of the Romayne ooste, that the men of Cartage gaderid of the
+fingers of the ded Romayns three muys fulle of golde ringis. So it shewed
+that the power of Rome was gretly mynusshed and febled. Than, whan this
+tidingis come to Cartage, one Hamon, a wise man, a senatoure, demaunded if
+it so were that for alle so gret a discomfiture is
+
+[At this place a leaf of the MS., or more, has been lost.]
+
+
+
+[Sidenote: Tullius Cicero.]
+
+[Sidenote: Boecius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Constellacio non necessitat sed forte disponit mores hominum
+altor' bene vel contra, ac impressiones aeris et causa mere naturalia
+concernencia.]
+
+[Sidenote: Contra fiduciam adhibendam in prophesiis. Nota conclusionem.
+Nisi fuerit sanctissimis viris.]
+
+[Sidenote: Josephus. Orosius. Titus Livius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gyldas.]
+
+[Sidenote: Deexpulsione Britonum in Walliam et Cornewaylle propter peccata.
+Destruccio regnorum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nynyve. Babylon. Troye. Thebes. Athenes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rome.]
+
+[Sidenote: Jerusalem.]
+
+[Sidenote: Picti gentes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Saxones.]
+
+[Sidenote: Danii. Normanni. Andegavenses.]
+
+[Sidenote: Galfridus Plantagenest.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lucius Valerius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Boicius.]
+
+[Sidenote: De republica custodienda.]
+
+[Sidenote: De justicia.]
+
+whiche may noie be, for Cicero seicthe in the booke that he made of
+Divinacion, and the famous doctour seint Austyn in the book of Fre wille,
+and also Boecius in his booke of Consolacion, or[147] Comforte ayenst
+mysfortune, accorden to the same, that we shuld not only trust that the
+thinges whiche sounethe to adversite or infortune, and the whiche comethe
+to us adversarily or on the lift side, for oure offenses not keping the
+lawes of God, that oft tymes comythe, they dyvynyng that they fallithe be
+casuelte of fortune, by prophesies, orellis thoroughe influence and
+constellacions of sterris of hevyn, whiche jugementes be not necessarilie
+true, for and if it were like to trouthe it were but as contingent and of
+no necessite, that is to sey, as likely to be not as to be. And if a
+constellacion or prophesie signified that suche a yere or bethin suche a
+tyme there shulde falle werre, pestilence, or deerthe of vitaile to a
+contree or region, or privacion of a contre, it is said but dispositiflie
+and not of necessite or certente, for than it shulde folow that the
+prophesies, constellacions, and influence of sterris were maistris over
+Goddis power, and that wolde soune to an herisie orellis to a gret erroure.
+And if suche {51} prophesies and influence of the seide constellacions
+might be trew, yet God hathe gyve that souvereynte in mannys soule that he,
+havyng a clene soule, may turne the contrarie disposicion that jugement of
+constellacion or prophesies signified. As it is verified by the famous
+astrologien Ptolome in his booke called Centilogie, the capitalle, seieng
+_quod homo sapiens dominatur astris_, that a man is sovereyn abofe suche
+domes of constellacions. And therfor ye oughte not deme ne conceyve the
+gret adversite that fallithe to us is not falle to us by prophesie or by
+influence of constellacion of sterris, but only for synne and wrecchidnes,
+and for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew tyme provided, and
+havyng no consideracion to the comen wele, but rathir to magnifie and
+enriche oure silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and
+suffring extorcions over the pore peple, for whiche inconvenientis by the
+jugementis and suffraunce of God, and of his divine providence, the whiche
+by divers and of his secretis and as misteries unknowen to us he hathe
+suffred this mysfortune among us here, and privacion of the saide roiaume
+of Fraunce and contreis ther to falle upon us. And who so wolle considre
+welle the histories of olde croniclers, as of Josephas, libro Antiquitatum,
+Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, Titus Livius of the Romayne battelis, and such
+othirs, how that gret chaunge of roiaumes and countreis frome one nacion to
+another straunge tong hathe be, for synne and wrecchidnesse and
+mysgovernaunce reignyng in the roiaume so conquerid. And as it is made
+mencion in the olde historien called Gildas that for pride, covetice, and
+flesshely lustis used amongis the olde Breton bloode lordis of this
+roiaume, God suffred the Saxons of Duche ys tung, a straunge nacion, to
+dryve them out of this land in Angle in Cornewale and Walis. And where is
+Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the gret toure,
+inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy [and] Thebes, .ij.
+grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of
+wisdam? and Cartage, the victorioux cite of gret renomme, most doubtable,
+by the Romayns was brent to asshes. {52} And also Rome, so gloriously
+magnified thoroughe alle the world, overthrow the gret part of it; aswelle
+as was Jerusalem. And to take an example of the many overthrowes and
+conquestis of this lande by straunge nacions sithen the Breton bloode first
+inhabited, as withe peple callid Pictics, commyng out of ferre northe
+partie of the worlde. Then after the Saxones drove out the olde Breton
+bloode. Than after the Danys peple conquerid the Saxons, and than the
+Normans conquerid the Danys. And sone after the Angevyns of highe Fraunce,
+full noble knightis of renomme, Geffrey erle Plantagenet erle of Angew
+maried withe dame Maud, doughter of the duke of Normandie and king of
+Englande, Harry the second, whych doughter, called dame Maude emperesse,
+and so haldyn stille the Normandie bloode and the Angevyns into this tyme.
+And Job in his booke seithe that nothing fallithe or risithe on the erthe
+without a cause, as who saiethe that none adversite fallithe not to us, but
+only for wikkidnesse of lyvyng and synne that reignithe on us; as pride,
+envye, singuler covetice, and sensualite of the bodie now a daies hathe
+most reigned over us to oure destruccion, we not havyng consideracion to
+the generalle profit and universalle wele of a comynalte. And to bring to
+mynde how the worshipfulle senatours Romayns did gife us many examples, as
+Lucius Valerius, and also the noble juge cenatoure of Rome Boecius, [of the
+grete lofe[148]] had alway to the cite of Rome. For the saide Lucius
+Valerius despendid so gret good upon the comyn profit of the said cite, to
+kepe and maynteyne the honoure of the citee, defending the cite and
+contreis about from here ennemies, that he died in gret povertee, but by
+the cenatours relevyng, and for his worshipfulle dedis they buried hym in
+the most solempne wise according to his worship. And the said juge Boecius
+loved rightwisnesse to be kept, and the pore comyns of Rome in that
+susteyned and maynteyned that he spared nothir lord ne none astate. But
+suffred hym to stande in the daunger of the hethyn king of Rome, and to be
+in exile rathir {53} than he wolde offende justice. Notwithestanding the
+saide adversite and tribulacions felle unto hem for avaunsing and tendring
+the comyn wele, and alle men of worship may put hem in worshipfulle
+remembraunce among worthy princes to here gret renomme and laude. Also it
+is to be noted that was one of the gret causis that the princes Romayns
+were so gret conquerours and helde the straunge roiaumes so long in
+subjeccion, but only using of trouthe and justice keping in here
+conquestis.
+
+[Sidenote: De justicia Camilli in obcidionibus historia gloriosa.]
+
+A fulle noble historie how that Camillus the duke of Rome wolde use justice
+in his conquest.
+
+[Sidenote: Quod princeps debet vincere cicius per justiciam quam per
+traditionem.]
+
+[Sidenote: Titus Livius decade primo.]
+
+[Sidenote: Florens cytee.]
+
+[Sidenote: Camillus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conciderandum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Proposicio ad Romanos gentes.]
+
+In example I rede in the Romayns stories of Titus Livius in the booke of
+the first decade that a prince Romayn clepid Camillus, whiche did so many
+victorioux dedis, and loved so welle the comyn profit of the cite of Rome,
+that he was called the second Romulus whiche founded first Rome, besieged a
+gret cite of Falistes, whiche is nowe as it is saide called Florence, to
+have hem undre the governaunce of the Romayne lawes. And as he had leyne
+long at the siege, and after gret batailes and scarmysshes it fortuned that
+a maister of sciencis of Falliste called now Florence, the whiche had all
+the enfauntes and childryn of the gouvernours and worshipfulle men of the
+saide citee in his rule to lerne hem virtuous sciencis, thought to wynne a
+gret rewarde and thank of the noble prince Camillus, and by the umbre of
+treson ayenst justice that the said maistre wolde wirke to cause the
+senatours of Faliste [the rather[149]] to deliver up the cite to the
+prince, the said maister by flatering and blandishing wordis meoved his
+clerkis to desport bethout the cite in the feeldis, and so fedde hem forthe
+withe sportis and plaies tille he had brought hem withyn the siege and
+power of Camillus, and came to his presence, saiyng to hym that he had
+brought to hym the sonnes of the chief lordes and governours of the cite of
+Falliste, {54} whiche and he wolde kepe the said chyldryn in servage, the
+faderis of hem wolle deliver hym the cite bethout any more werre making.
+Than saide that just prince Camillus that it was not the Romayns condicions
+to werre and punisshe such innocentis as never offendid in werre, ne knew
+not what werre meoved; and wolde not suffre that the Falistes be defrauded
+of here contre and cite by unjust menes of treason or fals covyn or undew
+alliaunce, but as naturalle werre wol fortune by manhod and just dede of
+armes to take the cite. And there the saide prince comaunded the
+scolemaister for his gret deceite to be dispoilid and to be betyn nakid
+withe baleese and sharpe roddis withe his owne clerkis into the cite ayen;
+than the governours and maistres of the cite, havyng consideracion of the
+gret justice and manhod that he used in his conquest, sent to Camillus
+ambassatours withe the keies of the cite, and purposid unto him, saieng, O
+ye fathir and prince of justice, wher as the welle honoure and renommee of
+justice and of victorioux dedis reignithe among you Romaynes by using of
+justice, and that for asmoche they perceyved that princes Romayns used
+feithe and justice, and peyned theym to kepe theire peple conquerid hem to
+be subgettis to Rome by justice, they were fulle joifulle and glad to lyve
+undre theire lawes, and so delivered hym the [keys and the[150]] citee, to
+the gret renomme of the saide prince and to alle the Romayns gretly to be
+magnified.
+
+Historie of dame Cristyn, declaring how a prince and a ledar of peple
+shulde use prudence and justice by example of the noble cenatoure called
+Fabricius.
+
+[Sidenote: Res publica.]
+
+And also as dame Cristyn[151] in the .xv. chapitre of the first partie of
+hir seid booke of Tree of Batailes leiethe a noble example that {55} among
+alle vertues that shulde long to a prince, a duke, a cheveteyne, or to a
+governoure of a contre, citee, or towne, or a leder of peple, rehersithe
+how it is necessarie that he shulde be a prudent man and a wise and of gret
+trouthe, as by example it is write of the noble and trew senatoure
+Fabricius, leder of the Roman oostis, the whiche for his gret trouthe,
+vailliaunce, and manhod, and wise governaunce, king Pirrus his adversarie
+offred to gyve hym the .iiij^{the}. part of his roiaume and of his tresoure
+and goodis, so that the saide Fabricius wolde yelden and turne to his
+partie and become his felow in armes. To whiche Pirrus the said Fabrisius
+answerd, that a trew man might not to over moche hate and dispreise
+tresoure and richesse by treason and falshed evylle getyn, where as by
+possibilite and alle liklinesse may be honourable and truly vanquisshid and
+wonne bye armes, and not in noo maner wise by untrouthe and falshed. In
+whiche matier verifieng, saiethe Vigecius in his booke of Chevalrie, to a
+chiefteyne, to whome is commytted so gret a thing as is deliverid hym the
+charge and governaunce of noblesse of chevalrie, the dedis and entreprises
+of a prince is office is principally comytted hym for the governaunce of
+comon publique of a roiaume, dukedom, erledom, barnage, or seignourie,
+castelle, forteresse, citee, and towne, that is clepid vulgarlie the comon
+profite, the suerte and saufegarde of alle the saide contreis. And if by
+the fortune of batailes he might not only have a generall consideracion and
+cure of alle his ooste or over alle the peple, contree, or citee that he
+hathe take the charge of, but he must entende to every particuler charge
+and thing that nedithe remedie or relief for his charge; and any thing
+myssfortune to a comon universall damage in defaut of oversight of remedie
+of a particuler and singuler thing or charge, thoroughe whiche might grow
+to an universall damage, than it is to be wited his defaute. {56} And
+therefore in conclusion of this, late it take example to folow the noble
+and fructufulle examples of the noble cenatours. And we ought so to kepe us
+frome the offending and grevyng of oure sovereyne Maker not to usurpe
+ayenst justice as hathe be doo, in suche wise that thoroughe oure synfulle
+and wrecchid lyvyng ayenst his lawes he be not lengir contrarie to us,
+suffring us this grevouslie for oure offensis to be overthrow, rebukid, and
+punished as we bee, but lyve and endure in suche clene life, observyng his
+.x. preceptis, that he have no cause to shew on us the rod of his
+chastising as he dothe.
+
+[Sidenote: Deploracio contra iniquos malefactores prevalentes.]
+
+Another exhortacion to kepe the lawes of God, for in doubte that ellis God
+wulle suffre oure adversaries punisshe us withe his rodde.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota optime.]
+
+O mightifulle God, if it be soo as holy scripture seiethe, the whiche is
+not to mystrust, have not we deserved cause this to be punished, seeyng so
+many wrecchid synnes as among us dailie uncorrectid hathe reigned, for
+whiche we ought know we be righte worthy of moche more chastising and
+grettir punishement of God, he being just and not chaungeable; for it is
+wretyn in the booke of Paralipomenon that for the gret synnes used be theym
+of Israelle, God of his rightwisnesse suffred the Phillistyns that were
+they never so eville ne in so eville a quarelle to be persecutours and
+destroiers of the lande of Judee and of Goddis peple, and the rathir that
+the saide Israelites had a law gyven hem by Moises and kept it not.
+
+[Sidenote: De republica augmentanda.]
+
+How every officer spirituelle and temporelle shulde put hym in his devoire
+to the avaunsing of the comon profite.
+
+[Sidenote: Tullius in nova rethorica.]
+
+And it is for to remembre among alle other thingis that is made mencion in
+this Epistille that every man after his power and degre shuld principallie
+put hym in devoire and laboure for the {57} avaunsment of the comon profit
+of a region, contre, cite, towne, or householde; for, as alle the famous
+clerkis writen, and inespecialle that wise cenatoure of Rome Tullius in his
+booke De Officiis [de Republica, that Novius Marcellus makyth mencion of yn
+dyvers chapiters,[152]] and in other bookis of his De Amicicia, Paradoxis,
+and Tusculanis questionibus, that Res publica welle attendid and observed,
+it is the grounde of welfare and prosperite of alle maner peple. And first
+to wete the verray declaracion of these .ij. termys Res publica, as seint
+Austyn seiethe in the .v. booke and .xxviij. chapitre of the Cite of God,
+and the saide Tullius the famous rethoricien accordithe withe the same,
+saieng in Latyn termes: "Res publica est res populi, res patriae, res
+communis; sic patet quod omnis qui intendit bonum commune et utilitatem
+populi vel patriae vel civitatis augere, conservare, protegere, salva
+justicia intendit et rempublicam augere et conservare." And it is forto
+lerne and considre to what vertues Respublica strecchithe, as I rede in a
+tretie that Wallensis, a noble clerk, wrote in his book clepid Commune
+loquium, C^o. 3^o. p^e partis, seithe quod, "Respublica ordinatur hiis
+virtutibus, scilicet, legum rectitudine, justiciae soliditate, equitatis
+concordia, unanimitatis fidelitate mutua adjuvante, concilio salubri
+dirigente, morum honestate decorante, ordinata intentione consumpnante." As
+for the first partie it is verified by Tullie in his Rethorik the first
+booke: "Omnes leges ad commodum reipublicae judicis referre oportet, et lex
+nichil aliud est quam recta racio et anima justa, imperans honesta,
+prohibens contraria." And it is right expedient that alle tho that be
+justices, governours, or rulers of contrees, citees, or townes, to a comon
+profit, must doo it by prudent counceile and good avise of auncien approved
+men; for a governoure of a comon profit were in olde tyme named amongis the
+Romayns, havyng the astate that at this daies bene used [by] alle tho that
+bene called to highe digniteis, the emperoure, kingis, princes, dukis,
+marques, erlis, vicountes, barons, baronettis, consules, chevalers,
+esquiers, and aldermannes, justices, {58} baillifis, provostis, maires, and
+suche othirs officers. And Tullius in the first booke of Offices seiethe:
+"Parva sunt foris arma ubi consilium non est domi."
+
+How auncient men growen in yeris be more acceptable to be elect for a
+counceilour, or for to gouverne a cite for a comyn profit, than yong men.
+
+[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.]
+
+[Sidenote: Examplum amplum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Experiencia, &c.]
+
+[Sidenote: Job.]
+
+Tullius in his book De Senectute saiethe that auncient men that bene growen
+in age bene more profitable in gyvyng counceile for the avaunsing and
+governyng a comon profit of a citee, towne, or village, as to bere offices,
+than othirs that bene yong of age, althoughe he be [of] mighty power of
+bodie. For an example he puttithe, as there be men in a ship som that be
+yonge of mighty power halithe up the ankirs, othirs goithe feersly aboute
+the ropis fastenyng, and some goithe to set up the saile and take it downe
+as the govenoure the maister avisithe hem. Yet the eldist man that is halde
+wisist among hem sittithe and kepithe the rothir or sterne [of] the ship,
+and seethe to the nedille for to gide the ship to alle costis, behofefulle
+to the savyng of the ship frome dangers and rokkis, whiche dothe more
+profit and grettir avauntage to the vesselle than alle tho yong lusty men
+that rennen, halithe, or clymethe. Wherfor it may be concluded that the
+auncien approved men by long experience, made governours and counceilours
+of roiaumes, contrees, citeis, and townes, done grettir dedis by theire
+wise counceile, than tho that labouren in the feelde, cite, or towne by
+mighty power of her hand. And it is saide by Job, .12^o. that Roboam,
+whiche forsooke the counceile of olde men, and drew after the counceile of
+yong men, lost the kingdom [of] whiche he had the gouvernaunce; and whiche
+example is right necessarie to be had in remembraunce in every wise
+governoure is hert. And so wolde the mightifulle God that every governoure
+wolde have a verray parfit love to the governaunce of a comon wele by wise
+and goode counceile, and to folow the pathis and weies and examples {59} of
+the noble senatours of Rome, how they were attending to the commyn profit,
+setting aside singular availe. So tho famous region and citeis aboute undre
+theire obeissaunce reigned alle that tyme by many revolucion of yeris in
+gret worship and prosperite, as I shalle in example put here in
+remembraunce, and is founden writen in divers stories, as of one among
+othir ys
+
+[Sidenote: De preferramento rei publice.]
+
+How Fabius the noble cenatoure set by no worship of vayne glorie, but only
+laboured for the comon profit of Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: Fabius cenator dexspexit vanam gloriam.]
+
+[Sidenote: Quomodo Romani gentes fuerant divinatores et auguriste pro
+conservacione rei publice.]
+
+Tullius de Senectute the first partie maketh mencion of a noble prince
+Romayne clepid Fabius, whiche had gret batailes and journeis withe Hanibal
+prince of Cartage, to kepe the conquest of Romayne contreis, and to see
+theire libertees and fraunchises observed and kept for the wele of alle
+maner peple; whiche Fabius despraised renommee and vayne glorie, but onlie
+gafe his solicitude, thought, and his bisy cure about the comon profit of
+Rome; for whiche cause the saide Fabius after his dethe was put in gret
+renomme and more magnified among the Romayns than he was in his liffe tyme.
+And the saide Fabius, after the right and usage was in tho daies, did gret
+diligence to lerne and know by augures and divinacions of briddis and by
+other causes naturell after the ceasons of the yeris and in what tymes
+prosperite, welthe, and plente, derthe, or scarsite of cornes, wynes, [and]
+oilis shulde falle to the contre of Romayns, to his grettist comfort for
+the avauncement of the comon wele. And he delited gretly to rede actis and
+dedis of armes of straunge nacions, to have a parfiter remembraunce and
+experience to rule a comon wele, that was moche bettir than before his
+daies ne sithe was no consulle like to his governaunce except the worthy
+Scipion's. And it were fulle necessarie that princes and lordis shuld know
+by naturalle cause of philosophie the seasons and yeris of prosperite or
+adversite falling to the region that he is of, to th'entent he might make
+his provision thereafter; but more pite is few {60} profound clerkis in
+this lande ben parfitelie grounded in suche workis or they fauten her
+principales in scolis, so they have no sufficient bookis, orellis they
+taken upon them the connyng of judicielle mateiris to know the impressions
+of the heire and be not expertid, and be this maner the noble science of
+suche judicielle mater in causis naturelle concernyng the influence of the
+bodies of hevyn ben defamed and rebukid.
+
+How Lucius Paulus Fabricius and Curius Cornicanus, cenatours, in her grete
+age onlie studied and concellid for the proferring of the comon wele.
+
+Also to bring to mynde for to folow the steppis of the full noble consulle
+of Rome Lucius Paulus, whiche the wise Caton is sonne maried the doughter
+of the saide Lucius Paule. Also the senatours clepid Fabricius and Curiois
+Cornecanois, that they aswelle as the forsaide Fabius in her grete age did
+none othir bisinesse but only by theire counceile and by theire auctorite
+counceiled, avised, and comaunded that that shulde bee to the comon profit
+of the saide cite of Rome.
+
+How Appius the highe preest of the tempill of Mynerfe, albeit he was
+blinde, of good corage purposid tofore the Romains to make werre withe king
+Pirrus then to be com subjet to her auncient ennemy king Pirrus.
+
+[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ennius poeta.]
+
+In like wise the [hyghe[153]] preest of the tempille of Mynerve of Rome
+clepid Appius, after he was for gret age blinde and feble, whan king
+Pirrus, king of Epirotes, werrid so ayenst Rome that he had [febled
+and[153]] werried them so sore and wan upon hem so gret contreis, that the
+Romains ayenst theire worship wolde have made pease and alliaunces withe
+hym to her uttermost dishonoure, {61} but the said Appius purposid tofore
+the noble senatoures Romayn and required hem to doo after the counceile of
+Ennius the wise consul, that the Romains shulde take good hert to hem, and
+not to abate here noble courages, to become subjet to theire auncient
+adversarie Pirrus; and that they shulde take new entreprinses upon Pirrus
+and destroie his gret armees; whiche the saide senatours were revived in
+theire courages thoroughe the wise exhortacions of Appius, and had the
+victorie of Pirrus.
+
+[Sidenote: De Officiis Catonis.]
+
+This chapitre declarithe how many gret offices of highe dignite Caton was
+called and auctorised for his gret manhode and wisdom, and how he in his
+age couraged the yong knightis to goo to feelde to venquisshe Cartage or he
+died.
+
+Also the noble senatoure of Rome Caton, that was so manlie, prudent, and of
+holsom counceile, whiche in his yong daies occupied the office of a knight
+in excersising armes, anothir season he occupied the office of tribune as a
+chief juge among the Romayns, another season was a legat as an ambassatoure
+into ferre contreis, yet anothir tyme in his gret auncien age, that he
+might not gretlie laboure, was made consul of Rome to sit stille and avise
+the weies and meenys how the Romayns might alway be puissaunt to resist
+ayenst Cartage, whiche he hopid verralie or he died to see the saide cite
+destroied. And the said Caton, in presence of yong Scipio and Lelius, .ij.
+noblest yong knightis of Rome that visited Cato to here of his wise conduit
+and counceile, he being then of full gret age, tendred so ferventlie the
+well of comon profit of Rome, that he required and besought the immortalle
+godis[154] of licence that he might not die till he might know Cartage
+destroied by victorie of bataile, and to be avengid of the servage and
+miserie of the noble Romayns whiche were prisoneris withe Quintus Fabius in
+Cartage xxxiij yere passed.
+
+{62}
+
+[Sidenote: Doctor militum in armis.]
+
+Of a semblable noble condition of Quintus Fabius according to Caton.
+
+And Quintus Fabius, albeit he might not in his gret age laboure, left the
+usage that he in his youthe taught yong knightis, as to renne, lepe, just
+withe speris, fight afoote withe axes, yet he had in his olde age alway
+gret solicitude and thought for the avauncement of the comon profit of the
+citee by counceile, by reason and by inure deliberacion of hymsilf and of
+the wise senatoure.
+
+The diffinicion of the office that belongithe to the senate.
+
+[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.]
+
+And whiche terme senate is as moche for to say a companie of aged men
+assembled togither.
+
+How Caton writithe that citeis and contreis that were governed by men of
+yong age were destroied, and they lost also theire lifelode wastefullie.
+
+[Sidenote: Ita Officia danda juvenibus.]
+
+And Caton saide that who so wolde rede in auncien histories he shulde finde
+that citeis whiche were conduit and governed by men of yong age, were
+destroied and brought to desert, as well Rome as othirs, and it was not
+revived ne encresid ayen, but onlie be the counceile of auncien men. And
+the saide Cato makithe a question to tho saide yong joly knightis, Scipion
+and Lilius, demaunding them why they and suche othir yong counceilours had
+wasted and brought to nought theire inheritaunce callid patrimonie, and the
+comon profit of theire cite and countre destroied. And Nennius the poet
+made answere for hem and saide, tho that were made counceilours for the
+{63} comon profit of the towne, also suche that were of Scipion and Lilius
+counceile, were but new [not expert[155]] drawen maistris, ignoraunt
+advocat[gh] and pledours, yong men not roted ne expert in the law ne in
+policie [of] governaunce, whiche by theire fole-hardiesse and be the
+proprete and nature of grene age causid the patrimonie of Lelius and
+Scipion to be lost, and also the countreis that they hadde to governaunce.
+And he that wolle have prudent avise and sure conceile must doo by
+counceile of men of gret age, aswelle in counceile of civile causes as in
+conduct of armees and oostis of men of armes in werre, for the defence of
+the comon publique.
+
+[Sidenote: Agamenon.]
+
+Of the answere and reson of Agamenon duke and leder of the Greekis hoost
+ayenst the Troiens.
+
+For Agamenon the noble knight that was leder and governoure of the Grekis
+batailes ayenst the noble Troiens,
+
+[Sidenote: Nestor.]
+
+Of the wisdom of king Nestor a Troian.
+
+[Sidenote: De conciliis antiquorum militum in experiencia preferrendorum.]
+
+when he herde of king Nestor, how he was holden the wisist lyvyng of
+counceile yevyng and of gret eloquence in his auncien age,
+
+[Sidenote: Ayax.]
+
+Of the recomendacion of the prowesse of Ayax a knight of Grece.
+
+and in like wise one Ayax a knight of Grece was halden the best fighter
+amonge the Grekis ayenst the Trojens; in so moche that the Grekis desired
+of the immortell goddis to have only but .xl. suche batellous knightis as
+Ayax is to fighte withe the Grekis ayenst the Troyens,
+
+{64}
+
+How duke Agamenon trusted so gretlie in the counceile of agid men, that he
+required the immortelle goddis to have suche .vj. olde kingis as Nestor is,
+doubted not to wynne Troie in short tyme.
+
+but that noble duke Agamenon required of the goddis six suche wise viellars
+as was Nestor, that then he doubted not within short tyme that Troie shulde
+be take and destroied.
+
+[Sidenote: Publius Decius.]
+
+How that most noble centoure Publius Decius, so hardie an entreprennoure in
+the bataile, whan the Romains were almost overthrow, he avaunsid hym silfe
+so ferre in the bataile, to die to th'entent to make the Romains more gret,
+and felle for his dethe in fighting tille they had the victory.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene diversitatem militum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Publius Decius non est recomendandus in hoc negocio.]
+
+In semblable wise Tullius writithe of that vaillaunt citezin Romayne
+Publius Decius, at a tyme he was chosen consulle and as a chiefteyne among
+the Romayne ostes, he saw how the Romayne oost was almost bete downe to
+grounde, he thought in his soule that he wolde put his bodie in jubardie
+frely to die, forto make the Romains more egir and fellir in that bataile
+to revive hem silfe thoroughe cruelte of his dethe. He tooke his hors withe
+the sporis, and avaunsing hym silfe among his adversaries, and at the last
+was so sore charged withe hem that he was fellid to grounde deede. The
+Romayns, havyng consideracion in theire courageous hertis how knyghtly he
+avaunsid hym in bataile fighting and suffered dethe for here sake, tooke
+courage and hert to hem, and recomforting hem foughten so vigorouslie
+ayenst theire adversaries that they hadde the victorie.
+
+[Here is added in the margin the following anecdote:]
+
+Hyt ys to remembre that I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, whan he had
+yong knyghtys and nobles at hys solasse, how that {65} there be twey maner
+condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys an
+hardye man; but he seyd the manly man ys more to be commended, more then
+the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode
+avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be halde courageouse, and wyth
+grete aventur he scapyth, voydith the felde allone, but he levyth hys
+felyshyp destrussed. And the manly man, ys policie ys that, or he avaunce
+hym and hys felyshyp at skirmysshe or sodeyn racountre, he wille so
+discretely avaunce hym that he wille entend to hafe the ovyr hand of hys
+adversarye, and safe hymsylf and hys felyshyp. And therfore the aventure of
+Publius Decius ys not aftyr cristen lawes comended by hys willefulle deth,
+nother hys son.
+
+How the son of the said Publius died in the same case.
+
+And the sonne of the said Publius, that was foure tyme electe and and chose
+consul among the Romains, put hym in so gret jupardie of bataile, for the
+helthe, prosperitie, and welfare of the Romains, that he died in bataile in
+like wise.
+
+    Here folowithe the historie of the most noble recommendacion in
+    perpetuite of Marcus Actilius, a chief duke of the Romayne hostes, of
+    his gret providence using in hostes ayenst derthes and scarsetees[156]
+    of cornes, wines, [and] oilis; and how he of fortune of werre, being
+    prisoner in Cartage amongis his dedlie adversaries, albeit he was put
+    to raunson, suffred wilfullie for to die in prison, because he was so
+    gretly aged and wered in bataile, then to the Romains to pay so
+    infenite a somme for his finaunce and raunson.
+
+[Sidenote: Autor rei publicae.]
+
+Hit is historied also of worshipfulle remembraunce how that verray trew
+lover of the comon wele of the Romains, Marcus Actilius, that first yave
+hym to labouragis and approwementis of londes and {66} pastures, to
+furnisshe and store the saide countre withe plente of corne and vitaile;
+after, for his gret policie, wisdom, and manhod, was made consulle and
+conestable of the Romayne batailes, and fulle often sithis discomfited
+theire adversaries of Cartage. And he, at a tyme, by chaunge of fortune in
+bataile, was take prisoner into Cartage, being of gret age than. And for
+deliveraunce of whiche Actilius the governours of Cartage desired hym that
+he shulde laboure and sende to Rome forto deliver out of prison a gret
+nombre of yong men of werre of Cartage that were prisoneris in Rome, and he
+shulde goo frank and quite. And the saide Actilius denyed and refused it
+utterly, but that he wolde rather die in prison than to suffre the werrours
+of Cartage to be delyverid for his sake, for he loved the comon wele and
+proffit of Rome; and becaus that noble Actilius wolde not condescende to
+deliver the prisoneris of Cartage, they turmentid hym in prison in the most
+cruelle wise to dethe; that, and it were expressid here, it wolde make an
+harde hert man to falle the teris of his yen. The voluntarie dethe of
+whiche Marcus Actilius, for the welfare, prosperite, and comon profit of
+Rome, causithe hym to be an example to alle othir, and to be put
+perpetuelly in remembraunce for worship.
+
+How the noble duke Scipion Affrican put hym in so gret aventure in his gret
+age ayens the Cartages, that he died upon,[157] rathir than to life in
+servage.
+
+[Sidenote: Scypio Affricanus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio Asyanus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio Affricanus.]
+
+Also to have in remembraunce to folow the steppis of the full noble and
+glorious champions two bretherin Scipion Africanus and Scipion Asian,
+whiche alle their lyve daies emploied and besied hem in divers entreprises
+of armees and batailes ayenst the Affricains, for the saufegarde and
+defense of the comon wele of theire contre. And the saide Scipion Affrican
+wilfully died in armes of chevalrie rathir than to lyve in servage and
+distresse among his adversaries in Cartage.
+
+{67}
+
+How Scipion Asian, a noble conqueroure for the Romayns, yet in his age he
+was envyed, accused to king Antiochus, [and] died pitouslie in prison for
+his rewarde.
+
+And notwithestanding after many triumphes and victories done by Scipion
+Asian, that put in subjeccion the contre of Asie, and enriched gretlie the
+tresoure of Rome thoroughe his conquestis, he was by envious peple accused
+falsely to king Antiochus, that he hadde withehalde the tresoure of Rome,
+and was condempned to prison, where he endid his daies.
+
+[Sidenote: Lucius Paulus.]
+
+How Lucius Paulus, a cenatoure, in defaute that his hoste wolde not doo by
+counceile, he was slayne in bataile.
+
+[Sidenote: Quod capitanei non debent renunciare concilia peritorum.]
+
+Also Lucius Paulus, a noble consul Romayne, that spared not hym silfe to
+die in bataile in Puylle withe .ccc. noble Romains that were assemblid
+unwitting the saide Lucius Paulus, and alle for lak of counceile that the
+saide .iij^c. nobles Romayns wolde not be governed by hym: he seeng anothir
+consul Romayn toke the entreprise, was so overthrowen withe his felouship,
+the saide Lucius Paulus avaunced hym wilfully among his adversaries withe
+the residew of the Romains that [were] lefte, and there died withe them, to
+th'entent that it shulde be noted and know that the saide entreprise was
+not lost in his defaute.
+
+[Sidenote: Marcus Marcellus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Haniballe.]
+
+How Marcus Marcellus, a consul that for the welfare of Rome, bethout avise,
+went hastilie to bataile ayenst Haniballe of Cartage, and he being so sorie
+for the dethe of so manlie a duke did hym to be buried in the most
+worshipfulle wise.
+
+Also it is [to be] remembrid of Marcus Marcellus, a consulle Romayne that
+set noughte of dethe, for he upon a tyme, bethout gret {68} deliberacion or
+advisement, desired to fight ayenst Haniballe prince of Cartage, assemblid
+withe a gret power ayenst the Romains, whiche were feerse
+
+[Here again a leaf of the Manuscript is lost.]
+
+[Sidenote: Res publica.]
+
+of man, his beeis for hony, his medewis purveied for sustenaunce of his
+grete bestis, and every man after his degree to store hym silfe, that whan
+ther falle by fortune of straunge wethirs, as thoroughe excessife moist,
+colde, heet, mildewis, or by fortune of bataile and werre, the saide
+countre, cite, towne, village, or menage so provided and stuffid before
+shalle mow withe gret ease endure the persecucion of a scarsete or derthe
+fallen [by] suche straunge menys. And aswelle the terme of Res publica,
+whiche is in Englisshe tong clepid a comyn profit, it ought aswelle be
+referred to the provision and wise gouvernaunce of a mesuage or a
+householde as to the conduit and wise governaunce of a village, towne,
+citee, countree, or region.
+
+[The following addition is here made in the margin.]
+
+Hyt ys to remembre thys caase of rebellyon of Parys felle in abcence of
+Herry .v^{te}. kyng beyng in England wyth hys queene. And bethoute noote of
+vaynglory, yff I do wryte of myne autor[158] I fynde by hys bokes of hys
+purveours how yn every castelle, forteresse, and cyte or towne he wolde
+hafe grete providence of vitaille of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of
+stokphyshe and saltfyshe owt of England commyng by shyppes. And that
+policie was one of the grete causes that the regent of Fraunce and the
+lordes of the kyng ys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to
+kepe that he ledd yerly .iij^c. sperys and the bowes. And also yn semblable
+wyse purveyed yeerly for lyverey whyte and rede for hubes for hys
+soudeours, and for armurs wepyns redye to a naked man that was hable to do
+the kyng and the sayd regent service. And yt fille yn the .viij^{te}. yere
+of Herry the .v^{the}., named kyng, when he was capteyn of the Bastyle of
+Seynt Antonye of Parys, and Thomas Beauford, dux of Excestyr, {69} beyng
+then capteyn of the cytee, hyt fortuned that for the arrestyng of the lord
+Lyseladam, who[159] was yn so grete favour of the cyte that alle the comyns
+of the seyd cyte [stode] sodanly to harneys and rebelled ayenst the duc of
+Exetyr and ayenst hys armee and felyshyppe; so the duc for more suerte wyth
+hys felyshype were coherced to take the Bastyle for her deffence. And at
+hys commyng the chieff questyon he demaunded of the seyd Fastolf how welle
+he was stored of greynes, of whete, of benys, pesyn, and aveyn for
+horsmete, and of othyr vitaille; he seyd for half yere and more suffisaunt.
+And hyt comforted gretly the prince. Then the duc made redy the ordenaunce
+wyth shot of grete gonnys amongys the rebells and shot of arowes myghtelye,
+that they kept her loggeyns. And the Frenshe kyng and the quene beyng yn
+the cytee, helde ayenst the rebellys, so yn short tyme the burgeyses wer
+constreyned to submytt them and put hem yn the duc ys grace.
+
+[Sidenote: De magnificencia felicitatis cultoribus terrarum adhibenda,
+specialiter Cyro regi.]
+
+Caton magnifiethe that prince that cherisshith and favourithe erthe
+tiliers.
+
+[Sidenote: Socrates.]
+
+[Sidenote: De quodam Lysander ph'o.]
+
+[Sidenote: De Ciro rege Persarum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tullius.]
+
+And as Caton writithe that it is one of the principalle dedis of a prince
+to maynteyne, kepe, and avaunce labourage of the londe, and of all tho that
+bee laboureris of the londe, whiche men soo cherisshed most of verray
+necessite cause a roiaume, countree, or cite to be plenteous, riche, and
+well at ease. And the philosophur Socrates writithe that Cirus king of
+Perse was excellent in wit, glorious in seignorie terrien; in the daies
+[of] whiche Cirus one Lisander, of the cite of Lacedemone in Grece, a man
+halden of gret vertew and noblesse, came owt of ferre contrees to see the
+saide king Cirus, being in the cite of Sardes, and presented hym withe
+clothis of golde, juellis, and othir ricchesses sent by the citezeins of
+Lacedemonois; the whiche king Cirus received the saide Li[gh]ander full
+worshiplie in his palais, and, for the grettist ricchesse roialle and
+pleasure that the said {70} king Cirus had to doo hym worship and pleasure
+and chier, he broughte the saide Lisander to see his gardins and herbers,
+whiche gardins were so proporcionallie in a convenient distaunce sett and
+planted withe treis of verdure of divers fructis, the gardyns so welle
+aleyed to walke upon, and rengid withe beddis bering fulle many straunge
+and divers herbis, and the herbers of so soote smyllis of flouris and
+herbis of divers colours, that it was the joieust and plesaunt sighte that
+ever the saide citesyn Lisander had see beforne. And the saide Cirus saide
+unto Lisander that he had devised and ordeined the herbers to be compassed,
+rengid, and made, and many of the treis planted it withe his owne hande.
+And the saide Lisander, beholding the gret beaute, semlinesse of his
+parson, [and] the riche clothis he ware of tissue and precious stones, he
+saide that fortune and felicite mondeyne was joyned and knyt withe his
+vertue and noblesse roiall, forasmoche as the saide Cirus emploied and
+intentife[160] besynesse in tymes oportune in tilieng, ering, and labourage
+of his londis to bere corne and fruit, whiche is the principalle partie of
+beneurte and felicite mondeyne, that is to wete the naturelle richesse of
+worldlie joie. Also Tullius writithe that Valerius Corvinus, an auncien
+citesyn Romayne, did his gret peyne and diligence to laboure londes and
+make it riche withe labourage and tilieng upon the londe for the comon wele
+of the cite of Rome, that in tyme and yeris of scarsete the garners in Rome
+shulde be alway furnisshed and stuffid withe greyn, that a meane price of
+corne shulde be alway hadde.
+
+[Sidenote: De re publica.]
+
+How the noble cenatours of Rome avaunced here parsones in gret perille and
+jubardie ayenst theire adversaries for the comon welfare of the Romains.
+
+[Sidenote: Lucius Brutus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lucius Romanus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Non est laudendum secundum legem Christianorum.]
+
+And the saide famous clerk Tullius, in the .5. disc' of the saide booke,
+puttithe in remembraunce whiche of the noble and famous {71} dukis,
+princes, and cenatours of Romains abandonned her bodies and goodis, only
+putting them to the uttermost jubardy in the feelde ayenst theire
+adversaries, for the avauncement and keping in prosperite, worship, and
+welfare of Rome. Among whiche, one of the saide Romains was Lucius Brutus,
+that whan Arnus, a leder of peple, assemblid a gret oost ayenst the Romains
+to have discomfit hem and put hem in servage out of her fraunchise, the
+saide noble Lucius, being then governoure of the ooste of Romains, thought
+rathir to die upon the said Arnus, so that he mighte subdew hym, rathir
+than the saide citee shulde stande in servage. He mounted upon his hors,
+and leide his spere in the rest, and withe a mightie courage renne feerslie
+upon the saide Arnus being in the myddille of his oost, and fortuned by
+chaunce that bothe of hem wounded[161] othir to dethe. And whan it was
+undrestonde in the hooste that the saide Arnus, capitalle adversarie to
+Romains, was dede, his gret oost departed out of their feelde, whiche had
+not soo done had not bene by mightie aventure the wilfulle dethe of the
+saide Lucius Brutus.
+
+How a prince, be he made regent, governoure, or duke[162], chieveteyne,
+lieutenaunt, capetaine, conestable, or marchalle, make alwaie just paiment
+to her soudeours, for eschewing of gret inconvenientis might falle.
+
+[Sidenote: Autor. Notandum est super omnia effectus istius articuli, quoad
+execucionem justicii.]
+
+[Sidenote: Notandum est de ordinaria solucione Joh'is ducis Bedfordie.]
+
+[Sidenote: Concidera.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota multiplicacionem officiariorum.]
+
+And overmore, most highe and excellent prince, of youre benigne grace and
+providence, if it please youre highenesse to have consideracion, in way of
+justice and keping, to remedie one singuler offence and damage to youre
+liege people, the whiche by Goddis law, and by law of reason and nature, is
+the contrarie of it righte dampnable,[163] and which grevous offence, as it
+is voised accustumablie, rennythe and hathe be more usid under [tho that
+oughte be[164]] youre obeisaunce in Fraunce and Normandie than in othir
+straunge regions: and to {72} every welle advised man it is easy to
+undrestande that it is a thing that may welle bene amendid and correctid,
+and to be a gret mene to the recuvere of youre londes in the saide adverse
+partie; that is to say, that shalle be men of soude and of armes, as well
+tho that [shalle be[165]] undre youre lieutenauntis as the chiefteins and
+capetains, may be duely paide of her wages by the monithe, [lyke as Johan
+regent of Fraunce payd,[165]] or by quarter, bethout any rewarde [of
+curtesyie of colour[166]] gyven, bribe, defalcacion, or abreggement, or
+undew assignacion not levable assigned or made unto them, aswelle in this
+londe as in Normandie, to deceyve hem, or cause hem be empoverisshed in
+straunge contreis, as it hathe be accustumed late in the saide contreis.
+And that suche paymentis be made content bethout delaie or nede of[167]
+long and grete pursute, upon suche a resonable peyne as the cause shalle
+require it. And that none of youre officers roialle, nethir hir debitees or
+commissioneris, shalle darre doo the contrarie to take no bribe, rewarde,
+or defalke the kingis wagis; wherbie youre souldeours shalle not have cause
+to oppresse and charge youre obeissauntis and youre peple in taking theire
+vitaile bethout paieng therfor, whiche gret part of theym in defaut of due
+payment hathe ben accustumed, by .x. or .xij. yere day contynued, or the
+saide londes were lost, uncorrectid ne punisshid, [as] turned to the gret
+undoing of youre saide obeisauntes, and one othir of gret causis that they
+have turned their hertis frome us, breking theire allegeaunce by manere of
+cohercion for suche rapyn, oppressions, and extorcions. And also the
+officers than being nedithe not to have so many lieutenauntis or undre
+officers as they have hadde, whiche wastithe and destroiethe youre saide
+peple by undew charges to enriche hemsilfe; and many of the officers have
+be but esy vaileable to the defense of youre countre, thoroughe negligence
+of exersising of armes for theire defense and proteccion in tyme of
+necessite. For it was never seen that any countre, cite, or towne did
+encrece welle wherover many nedeles officers and governours that onlie
+wolde have a renomme, and {73} undre that colour be a extorcioner, piller,
+or briboure, was reignyng and ruling over theym.
+
+[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]
+
+[Sidenote: De lamentabili oppressione subditorum nostrorum in Frauncia.]
+
+[Sidenote: Alia exclamacio soldariorum ultimo in Normannia commorancium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Deploracio miseriae.]
+
+O mighetie king, and ye noble lordes of this roiaume, if ye were wele
+advertised and enfourmed of the gret persecucions, by way of suche
+oppressions and tirannyes, ravynes, and crueltees, that many of suche
+officers have suffred to be done unponisshed to the pore comons, laborers,
+paissauntes of the saide duchie of Normandie, it is verailie to deme that
+certe[gh] ye of noble condicions, naturally pitous, wolde not have suffred
+suche grevous inconvenientis to be redressid and amendid long or the said
+intrusion fille, and the regalite of justice had be in tho daies in youre
+possession. For often tymes suche as have pretendid theym officers wastid
+of youre [predecessour[168]] is livelode more than nedithe, and often tymes
+suffred them to be manassed [and] beten, and mischieved theire bestis withe
+theire wepyns, that they were nighe out of theire wittis for sorow, and so
+enforced for duresse to forsake youre title and youre lawes, and but esilie
+relevyd and socoured. And therto they have ben so often surcharged
+grevouslie withe paieng of tasques, tailis, subsides, and imposicions
+beside theire rentis, paieng to the somme righte importable sommes, paide
+to your predecessours for youre demains, and to theire landlordis that
+halden of you, and many of theym duelling upon the marches patised to youre
+adverse partie also to dwelle in rest, and this innumerable charges and
+divers tormentis have ben done to theym to theire uttermost undoing. He
+allas! and yet seeing they bene christen men, and lyvyng under youre
+obeissaunce, lawes-yovyng, and yeldyng to youre lawes as trew Englisshe men
+done, by whome also we lyve and be susteyned, and youre werre the bettir
+born out and mainteyned, why shulde it here after be suffred that suche
+tormentrie and cruelte shulde be shewed unto theym? O God! whiche art most
+mercifulle and highest juge, soverein, and just, how maist thow long suffre
+this regnyng without the {74} stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng
+upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom?
+
+[Sidenote: Nota tria.]
+
+[Sidenote: Prima.]
+
+[Sidenote: .ij^{a}.]
+
+[Sidenote: .iij. causa.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conciderandum est super omnia.]
+
+Late it be noted and construed what gret inconvenientis have folow herof.
+There may be undrestonde to folow .iij. thingis inespecialle of gret
+hurtis. One is the ire of God and his rod of vengeaunce fallen now upon us
+by his dyvyne punisshement [of God,[169]] aswelle in suffring oure saide
+adversaries to have the overhande upon us, as in destroieng of oure lordis
+by sodeyn fortunes [of dyvysyons[169]] in this lande the saide yere and
+season, the yere of Crist .M^liiij^cl. that youre [grete[169]] adversarie
+made his intrusion in the saide Normandy, for pite of his peple so
+oppressid, hiring theire clamours and cries and theire curses. The second
+is theire rebellion, as thoroughe theire wanhope, havyng no trust of hastie
+socoure and relief of an armee to come in tyme covenable, be turned awaie
+frome her ligeaunce and obedience to youre adverse partie, seeing theym
+thus ungoodelie entretid under tho whiche were comytted to kepe, defende,
+and maynteyn them. The .iij^{de}. is famyn of vitaile and penurie of money,
+and lak of provision of artillerie and stuffe of ordenaunce, whiche youre
+saide obeissauntis for faute of these were constreined to flee to youre
+adverse partie, and to leve rathir theire natife contree, orellis to die
+for famyn and povertee.
+
+[Sidenote: Ecclesia honoranda.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hospitalitas in ecclesia est preferranda.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lamentacio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cogita.]
+
+An exortacion how princes, lordes, and officers roialle shulde worship and
+meynteyne the Chirche, and defende hem from oppression.
+
+And moreover in way of gret pitee and in the worship of God suffre ye not
+the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis,
+abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and theire ministrours, to be
+oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as they have bene in youre predecessour
+daies accepted in fulle litille reverence or {75} obedience, for how that
+men usurpen in tho daies in surchargeyng them unduelie it is by experience
+knowen welle ynoughe, as they be manere of a prive cohercion to lyve in
+more rest withe theire lyvelode, be dryve too forto gyve out to rulers,
+gouvernours, and maistris of the marchis and contrees that they dwellin
+upon or have her lyvelode, gret fees and wages and rewardis nedelese. And
+the peple that were welle set[170] and often tymes they ben visited withe
+straungiers of gret astatis, as welle spirituelle as temporelle, and
+namelie withe tho that have the lawes to mynistre and to kepe, and withe
+other nedeles peple that waste and surcharge theym, for they were founded
+to that entent but to kepe theire nombre of fundacion, praieng for theire
+foundoures, and [kepe hospitalitee for to[171]] feede the pore and the
+nedie in case of necessite. A mercifulle Jhesu! many auctours rehersithe in
+her cronicles that Pompeus, whiche that was so chevalrous a paynym knighte
+amongis the Romains, the cause of his wofulle dethe and mortalle ende was
+alonlie that he on a tyme disdeyned to reverence and worship holy places,
+as chirches and seyntuaries, stabled his hors in Salamon is Temple, the
+whiche the saide Salamon had edified to be the most sovereyn chirche or
+temple of the erthe to serve and praise God. And in example of late daies
+yn king Johan of Fraunce tyme suche chieveteins as was in his armee before
+he was take at the bataile of Peitiers, as it is saide, avaunted hym silfe
+to stabille her hors in the cathedralle chirche of Salisbury. And after he
+was take and had sighte of the saide chirche [they[171]] had gret
+repentaunce of. And therfor, fulle noble king and ye puissaunt lordis of
+renomme, let a covenable and a necessarye medecyn be counceiled and yoven
+to us for provision and reformacion of this infirmite, and that it may be
+purveied for by so dew meenes that it may be to God is pleasaunce. And that
+we may withedraw and leve oure wrecchid governaunce that temporelle men
+wolde so inordinatlie rule and oppresse the Chirche. So that now this begon
+mischiefe and stroke of pestilence in youre {76} predecessour daies be not
+set as a jugement in oure arbitracion as to be decreed, juged, or
+determyned for oure wele and availe, but as a chastising of oure mysdoeng,
+so to be take for oure savacion. What saiethe saint Jeroyme amongis his
+dolorous lamentacions upon the prophesie of Jooelle? If we have not,
+(seithe he,) know God in welthe and prosperite, then, at the leest, let us
+know hym in oure adversite, in suche wise there we have erred and fauted by
+over gret haboundaunce of suche chargeable crimes and synnes of delites, of
+suche oppression, covetice, inespecialle pride and envy, &c. Let us
+withedraw us from hem withe goode corage, and to that ende that we be not
+chastised ne punisshed by the stroke of vengeaunce and pestilence, nor of
+none suche affliccions as we hafe ben dailie by youre predecessour's daies
+by youre saide adversaries.
+
+[Sidenote: Quod officium deffencionis adversariorum patriae est preferrandum
+quemcunque singularem facultatem sive practicam.]
+
+How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe,
+shulde excersise hem in armes lernyng.
+
+[Sidenote: Introduccio juvenum nobilium natu.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ser Johan Fastolf.]
+
+[Sidenote: Optativus modus.]
+
+And also moreover for the grettir defens of youre roiaumes, and saufe garde
+of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and encrece
+of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, establisshe,
+and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of
+alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien
+knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that while they ben of
+grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised in disciplines,
+doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to can renne withe
+speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to
+wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver,
+and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in suche tyme of nede to
+have theire service in entreprises of dedis of armes, they may of
+experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service honourable in what
+region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,[172]] abashed, ne astonied,
+{77} forto take entreprises, to answere or deliver a gentilman that desire
+in worship to doo armes in liestis to the utteraunce, or to certein
+pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, and in cas of necessite
+you[173] and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, and defende frome youre
+adversaries in tyme of werre. And this was the custom in the daies of youre
+noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of Fraunce as of Englande. In example
+wherof, king Edwarde .iij^{de}. that exersised his noble son Edwarde the
+prince in righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries,
+wherby they were more apt in haunting of armes. And, [as myne autor seyd
+me,[174]] the chevalrous knight [fyrst[174]] Henry duke of Lancastre, which
+is named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym
+frome princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of Spayne, Aragon,
+Portingale, Naverre, and out of Fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to be
+doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of armes and
+for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. Wherthoroughe here honoure
+spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. And after
+hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis of gret
+birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of armes and
+gentilnes[175] to them longing. But now of late daies, the grettir pite is,
+many one that ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis
+sonnes, esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler
+practik, straunge [facultee[gh][176]] frome that fet, as to lerne the
+practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn
+gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis
+halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and shiris
+halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and simple comyns
+of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. And who can be a reuler
+and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the worlde goithe now,
+among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe despendid .xxx. or .xl.
+yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre {78} [antecessourys[177]]
+conquestis and werris. So wolde Jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to
+be as good men of armes, chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that
+befallithe for hem where worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir
+rathir then as they have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a
+sessions or a shire day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple,
+to theire [enpoveryshyng[178],] and to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified
+the more, but only they shulde maynteyn your justices and your officers
+usyng the goode custom of youre lawes. And than ye shulde have righte
+litille nede to have thoughte, anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and
+wyn ayen youre rightfulle enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from
+youre ennemies. And that suche singuler practik shulde [not[177]] be
+accustumed and occupied [undewly[177]] withe suche men that be come of
+noble birthe, [but he be the yonger brother, havyng not whereof to lyve
+honestly[177].] And if the vaillaunt Romayns had suffred theire sonnes to
+mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, using oppressing by
+colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered twyes[177]] Cartage
+ayenst alle the Affricans.
+
+How officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and temperate men,
+vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of
+birthe.
+
+[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]
+
+Hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the
+custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of
+demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe he
+were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, and to
+mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law to youre
+peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. And the saide officers and
+ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the princes,
+lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie tho that
+oughte defende yow and youre {79} roiaume that halden theire londis of you
+by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by youre noble auncestries.
+And over this that they be lerned and introducid in the drede of God, and
+not presumptuously take upon hem to offende theire law, for the whiche, and
+in example to this purpose, it is wretin in the .36. chapitre of the
+prophete Jeremye, because that Joachym king of Juda despraised the
+admonestementis, advertisementis, and the doctrines of God, that Jeremie
+had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, the whiche he made to be cast in
+the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, but usid after his owne wilfulnesse
+and hedinesse and without counceile, therfor God seiethe by the mouthe of
+the prophete that of hym shuld issew ne come none heire to succeede
+ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie and holde his roiaume, and overmore
+that he shulde visit hym by punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym
+that had suffred and caused to be so eville inducid. And so it fille after
+the prophesie. O ye than in the same wise puttithe away the delites of
+sensualitees of suche inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome
+the children of noble men. And late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe
+that in thingis [of noblesse[179]] that apparteynithe and belongithe to
+theym to lerne, as in excercising[180] of armes and to suche occupacions of
+worship. These thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be long delaied,
+but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then doubte not but that
+God, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every necessite to relief us,
+despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, but that he of his
+infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and his grace oure good
+entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis and dedis.
+
+How over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed.
+
+And therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and excesse
+of arraie and clothing. And late everie astate use as {80} the worthie
+Romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or anguisshes
+by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, and anothir
+maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. And the same
+maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of Fraunce hathe used,
+escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees,
+and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away. Whiche
+costues arraymentis and disgising of clothing of so many divers facion used
+in this youre roiaume, inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be
+one of the gret inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and
+enforced gret pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe
+broughte them to gret indigence and povertee.
+
+How that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume because
+the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys and prestis made to
+highe sovereins.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota optime.]
+
+Moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,[181]] not paied
+holy theire duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir
+marchaundise, as by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the
+behofe of youre predecessoure Henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises
+be delaied and despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her
+deutees and paiementis, and fayn to suffre to defalke and relese partie of
+her dutee to receyve the othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and
+hinderaunce of youre peple. And therefore, to voide this inconvenient,
+righte noble king, withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let
+youre riche tresours be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of
+gold and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe
+and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and
+nedie peple. And inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis,
+livelode, and {81} goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be
+put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this
+gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from
+youre adversaries before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre
+or[182]] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of golde than without worship,
+and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in a riche roiaume in
+tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore roiaume where debate and
+strife reignithe. And if ye wolle doo thus, every man than in his degree
+wolle doo the same. And to example of us alle ye [soo[182]] puissaunt and
+mighetie men of good counceile and stere,[183] every man helpe after his
+degree.
+
+[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
+
+How saint Lowis, king of Fraunce, in his testament writen of his owne
+hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, to cherisshe and
+favoure the good Citeis and Townes of his lande, and use justice and peas.
+
+And to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of Saint Lowes, king of
+Fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his
+testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne Phelip
+that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his diligence
+that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and inespecialle to
+favoure and cherisshe the good Citeis and Townes of his roiaume, and to
+kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may encrese and lyve
+puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of power and mighetie of
+goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre adverse partie wol doubt
+and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre noble mageste. And if the
+adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of youre parsone, and the welfare
+of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns shalbe
+of power and of goode courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes
+largelie depart to be yoven forto resist them. And, {82} therefore, favoure
+and forbere the pore peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre
+hertis may bring to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to
+this roiaume shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late
+lost. And who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym
+in dedis of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste[184]
+and spirituelle, temporelle men wolde sey, Yet com forthe withe a goode
+courage, and not by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in
+tyme to come, but of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is
+so expedient and necessarie, as trew Englisshe men shulde doo, every man
+bring and put forthe of his goodes after that his power is. Now in the
+worship of God let this be timelie done. It shall now shew, or it may be
+shewed, who that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or
+set hym silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret
+necessite. And who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or
+tresoure, yet put his good wille therto. A noble Roiaume of gret price and
+of noble renomme as thow hast be. Whan God lust to shew thy power, and to
+be victorious, who may noy the? Shall thou than suffre the to be confunded
+withe simpler people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and
+youre noble progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before
+this? It is welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne
+defendour but it come of God, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder.
+Som say that the floode of Temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in
+stormye seasons. Yet for alle that, withe Goddis mighte and grace, thow art
+not in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche
+indigence and necessite.
+
+{83}
+
+How that when the Romains were yn that uttermost necessite that bothe mete
+and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, yet tho that [were] left
+toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes and othirs, that releved ayen the
+frauncheis and libertees of Rome.
+
+And where as the Romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan that
+bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire manhode,
+neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; so that,
+what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, than they made
+knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest forto encrese
+withe theire hoost. And that the goode worshipfulle ladies of Rome, and
+namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not usid of custom
+nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, yet at that tyme
+whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought right liberallie of
+theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were right gretly thanked
+and praised, and after the victorie had welle recompensid and contentid.
+
+[Sidenote: Titus Livius. A noble historye of the largesse of Romaynys, how
+amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an
+armee yn to the contree of Auffrique.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lenius.]
+
+Also I rede of a noble example in Titus Livius the .5. booke of the seconde
+decade of Punica bella, that whan the noble Romains, in the tyme of werris
+long continued ayen theire adversaries of Aufrik, what by tasques, tailes,
+and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree habandonned and yoven
+largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide Romains had no more in
+substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. And it fille soo that the
+countree of Cisiliens and Champenois hadde doo purvoie for a gret armee and
+an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and kepe the see as the
+lond. And so the comons of Rome had borne so many gret chargis before that
+they might no more, but if the lordis senatours and counceilours of Rome
+wolde put too theire hande. And in so moche that the comons of Rome
+complained and grugged in open market places {84} ayenst the saide gret
+astatis and governours of Rome, seieng but they wolde sille theire bodies
+and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne taile, the saide
+governours of Rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they wolde counceile
+togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, and seiden in
+conclusion that, were[185] it righte or wrong, we senatours, astatis, and
+governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve example to the
+comons for the defens of the contree of Cesille and keping of the lande and
+see frome ennemies. And one Lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide
+that, forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in
+preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they
+here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow woldist
+comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons example, to
+morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret part of the
+golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us senatours and
+statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his propre use but
+ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children withalle; so that
+every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but for a chapelle and a
+cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde of coyned silver; and
+every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe for every of hem an
+ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every citesyn of havyour and
+degre to reserve only but .v^{mil}. pens of brasse money, and soo that alle
+othir golde, silver, and brasse money coyned to be brought to the tresorers
+of the citee. And aftre than the comons of Rome, havyng consideracion that
+the senatours and governours of Rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned
+and put out so habundantlie and largelie of her golde and tresour for the
+comon wele, to the defense and keping of the see withe shippis and
+maryneris, to the defense and rebutting of her adversaries, that every of
+the comons of Rome, after her power and havyoure, of gret courage brought
+frelie of gold, silver, and othir coyne money to the {85} tresorers and
+chaungers that were comytted to receyve the money, the prese was so grete
+that they had no tyme to write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto
+nombre and telle the quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they
+broughte; and by this accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid
+that the knightis and men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to
+defende and kepe the countre of Cecilians and Champenois, and also to be
+maistris of the see; and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre
+was purveied for and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours
+counceilours had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem
+wente forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret
+discomfort stode never the Romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee,
+and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship,
+prosperite, and welfare. And wolde the mightifulle God that every harde
+covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable good
+and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure adversaries,
+and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway be lordis and
+maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this tyme.
+
+Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of June, the yeere
+of Crist .M^liiij^clxxv., and of the noble Reyne of kyng Edward the
+.iiij^{the}. the .xv^{ne}.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{87}
+
+GENERAL INDEX.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+  Acre, 11
+  Actovylle, Raulyn, 8
+  Africa, 11, 83
+  Agamemnon, 20, 63
+  Agincourt, battle of, 16, 28, 32, 45
+  Ajax, 63, 64
+  Alencon, duke of 12;
+    taken prisoner 18;
+    his redemption 19
+  Alexander, king, 7
+  Anjou, the title of, 23
+  Appius, 60
+  Appulton, John, his letter to sir John Fastolfe, lvi
+  Arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, 77
+  Armonac, earl of, 8, 28, 37
+  Arras, treaty of, xlix
+  Arthur, king, 2, 9
+  ---- of Breteyn, 40
+  Astrology depreciated, viii, 50
+  Authors quoted:--
+    de Auriga, Alanus, his Quadrilogus, 25, 27, 33;
+      Preface iii, vi, vii, ix
+    Austyn, of the City of God, 57;
+    ---- of Free will, 50;
+    Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus Rerum, 2;
+    Basset, Peter, liii;
+    Boetius de Consolatione, 3, 21, 50, 52;
+    Cato, 25, 62, 69;
+    Chartier, see Auriga
+    Cicero, of Divination, 50;
+    ---- _see_ Tullius;
+    Cristina, Arbre de Batailes, 6 _bis_, 27, 30, 31, 54 (her biography
+        _ib._);
+    de Diceto, Radulphus, Ymago historiarum, 23;
+    Dudley's Tree of Commonwealth, vii;
+    Froissart, 40;
+    Gildas, 51;
+    Governance of Princes,liv;
+    Jeremye the prophet, 79;
+    Jerome, saint, 76;
+    Job, 6, 52, 58;
+    Josephus, liber antiquitatum, 51;
+    Kayus son, ii, 1;
+    Livius (Titus, 26, 51, 53, 83;
+    Machabeus, 42;
+    Malexander, Walter, 22, 26;
+    Nennius, 62;
+    Novius Marcellus, 57;
+    Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, 51;
+    Ovid, 26, 33;
+    Paralipomenon, 56;
+    Philip, the Acts of King, (the Philippiados), 13;
+    Pliny the younger, ii;
+    du Premier-Faict, Laurence, li;
+    Ptolomy, Centilogie, 51;
+    _de Regimine Principum_, liv;
+    Socrates, 69;
+    Tree of Batailes, iii, liv;
+    Tullius, 25, 57 _ter_, 58 _bis_, 59, 60, 62, 70;
+    Vegetius, his book of Chivalry (_de Arte Militari_), 21, 29, 55;
+      Preface, p. vi.;
+    Wallensis, Commune loquium, 57;
+    Worcestre, William of, l, 1
+  Averaunces, 28
+  {88}
+  Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, 10
+  Basset, Peter, an historical writer, liii
+  Bastille of St. Anthoine, victualling of, xi, lx, 68
+  Beauchamp, sir William, 15
+  Bedford, John duke of, 15, 17;
+    wins the battle of Vernelle 18;
+    and conquers the county of Maine 19;
+    other victories 28;
+    statutes of 31;
+    eulogy on 44;
+    defended Paris 47;
+    his payment of wages 72
+  Benevolence, a voluntary taxation, xvii, xxi
+  Bituitus, king, 27
+  Boecius, 52
+  BOKE OF NOBLESSE, its scope and intention, i;
+    probable date of its composition, _ib._;
+    abstract of its contents, i-xvii;
+    the question of its authorship, l;
+    other books of the same character, liv;
+    the MS. described, lv
+  Bonnet, Honore, iv
+  Bordeaux, 42
+  Bougee, battle of, 17, 44
+  Bourbon, the bastard of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 28
+  ---- the cardinal of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix
+  Brennus, 10
+  Bretagne, Charles duke of, 13
+  ---- Giles son of the duke of, ii, 5
+  ---- the duke of, protected by king Edward, xl, xli
+  Bretailles, Louis de, xlii
+  Bretigny, peace of, 37, 40, 49
+  Buchan, earl of, 17
+  Burgoyne, duke of, 7, 8
+  ---- marshal of, 17
+  Burgundy, Charles duke of, i;
+    his designation of _le Hardi_, x;
+    brother-in-law both to king Louis and king Edward, xxviii;
+    interviews with king Edward, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii;
+    character of, xxv;
+    suspected by the English, xxx,  xlvi;
+    his truce with France, xlvii
+  ---- John duke of, his murder, xxxviii
+  ---- Margaret duchess of, xxiii
+  Caen, won by assault, 12, 36;
+    rescue of, 28;
+    parliament at, 31
+  Calais, siege of, 13, 36, 45
+  Camillus, 53
+  Canute (Knowt), 2
+  Carew, the baron of, 15
+  Carthage, wars of the Romans with, 26, 61, 65
+  Cato, 61
+  Caulx, Pais de, the destruction of, lvi
+  Caxton, works of:--
+    Book of the ordre of Chevalrye or Knyghthode, liv;
+    Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye, vi;
+    Curial, vii;
+    Tully on Old Age, li;
+    Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, xliii
+  Cerdic, 2
+  Champenois, 83
+  Chandos, Sir John, 15, 37, 46
+  Charles V. of France, purchased fortresses from the English, xxxii;
+    mentioned, 33, 37
+  Charles VII. his re-conquest of Normandy ii, iii;
+    his secretary Alain Chartier vii;
+    mentioned 3, 25
+  Charles le bien ame, 25
+  Charles le simple, 39
+  Charles the sage, 40
+  Chartier; _see_ Authors
+  Chester, Randolfe earl of, 10
+  Cheyne, sir John, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii
+  Childermas day, xxxv
+  Chirburgh, 12
+  Chivalry, synonymous with Noblesse, xv
+  Christine, dame; _see_ Passy _and_ Pisan
+  Church, oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74
+  Citizens, their contributions to the war, xxi;
+    their experience in the campaign, xlv
+  Clarence, George duke of, his retinue and their
+    pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii, xxxviii
+  Clarence, Thomas duke of, 18;
+    eulogy on, 44
+  Clekyn, sir Barthilmew, 15
+  Cleret, Pierre, xxxiii
+  Clergy oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74;
+  {89}
+  Clothing, cost and pomp in, 79
+  Commines, Philippe de, the historian, xvii, xxv;
+    employed by king Louis, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi;
+    dressed like his master, xxxvii;
+    characteras an historian, xli
+  Commons, or people, termed "bestial", 77, 78
+  Conquerors, duties of, 21
+  Cornwall, language of, 2
+  Countour, a commissioner of taxes, xv
+  Courtenay, sir Hugh, 15
+  ---- sir Philip, _ib._
+  Cravant, battle of, 17, 18, 28, 44
+  Cressy, battle of, 12, 36
+  Cyprus, king of, 10
+  Cyrus, his gardens at Sardis, 69
+
+  Damascus, 10
+  David king of Scots, 13
+  Derby, earl of, 13
+  Dieppe, 5
+  Dorset, Edmond earl of, 28
+  ---- Thomas earl of, 15
+  Douglas, earl of, 18
+  Dove, the omen of the, xxiv, xlii
+  Dress; _see_ Clothing
+  Dudley, Edmonde, his "Tree of Common Wealth", vii
+  Dudley, William, xxxi, xxxii
+  Durham ("Deram upon the marchis of Scotland"), 13
+  Dynham, John lord, xxii
+
+  Education, military, 76
+  Edmond Ironside, 10
+  Edward the First, 11
+  Edward the Third, 3, 12, 14, 33, 77;
+    he made great alliances, 40
+  Edward prince of Wales, 4, 13, 14;
+    received homage as duke of Guienne, 37, 43
+  Edward the Fourth, his prosperous state in  his second reign, i;
+    prepares to invade France xvii;
+    salutes the generous widow xxi;
+    lands at Calais xxvi;
+    interviews with the duke of Burgundy xxiv, xxix;
+    with king Louis xxxvi;
+    character of xxv, xli, xlv;
+    his personal appearance xxxviii;
+    ruin of his political schemes and death xlviii
+  Elkyngton, John, xxxii
+  English, their character as soldiers xxvi;
+    beat a double or treble number of Frenchmen, 28
+  Ennius, 61, 62
+  Eu, earl of, 12
+  Exeter, Thomas duke of 28, 68;
+    captain of Paris, xi, xii
+
+  Fabius, 59, 60, 62
+  Fabricius, 55, 60
+  Faliste, 53
+  Fastolfe, sir John, "myne autor", i;
+    anecdotes and sayings of, v, x, xi, xiv;
+    his books of accompt, xi;
+    captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine, _ib._;
+    his connection with "The Boke of Noblesse", l;
+    his services in France, li;
+    mentioned, 15, 16, 19, 28 _ter_, 31, 64, 68
+  Fauconberg, lord, 28;
+    taken prisoner, iii, 5
+  Felton, sir Thomas, 15
+  Ferranus king of Spain, 10
+  Fizar, battle, 46
+  Florence, 53
+  Formigny, the battle of, viii, 42
+  Fougeres, the capture of, iii, 5
+  France, oppression of the English subjects in, vii;
+    its sufferings from quartering soldiers, xii;
+    narrative of the invasion of in 1475, xvii-xliv;
+    difficulties of an English invasion of, xxvii;
+    costly dress put away in, 80
+  Franklin, character of, xv
+  Frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by Englishmen, 28
+  Fulke earl of Anjou, 10, 23
+
+  Garnett, Richard, xxi
+  Garter, the order of the, 46;
+  {90}
+  Gascony, the title of, 24
+  Geoffrey Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52
+  Gloucester, Humphrey duke of, eulogy on, 45
+  ---- Richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii;
+    affects to lead the English chivalry, xli
+  ---- Robert Clare, earl of, 10
+  Gourney, Mathew, lix, 15
+  Grey, Thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, xx
+  Guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, 34
+  Guisnes, castle of, xxiii
+
+  the Hagge, 12
+  Hannibal, 50, 59, 67
+  Hardy man, definition of, x
+  Harflete, siege of, 15
+  Harington, sir Richard, 28
+  Hastings, Hugh lord, 15
+  ---- sir Ralph, 15
+  ---- William lord, accepts pensions both from Burgundy and France,
+      xxxiii, xxxviii
+  Hay, sir Gilbert, liv
+  Hector, 20
+  Henry the First, 10
+  Henry the Second, 24
+  Henry the Fifth, 4;
+    how he conquered Normandy and France, 15;
+    his marriage, 17;
+    wins the battle of Agincourt, 28, 32;
+    "that victorious prince", 39, 41;
+    praise of him and his brethren, 43;
+    his historians, liii
+  Henry VI. his coronation at Paris, 19;
+    "the innocent prince", 39
+  Hercules, 21
+  Homeldon hill, battle of, 18
+  Howard, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi;
+    left as hostage with the French, xxxii, xli, xliii, xlvi
+  Hubert bishop of Salisbury, 10
+  Huntingdon, John earl of, 16
+
+  Jerusalem, 52
+  Joachym king of Juda, 79
+  John, king, 33
+  John king of France taken prisoner and
+    brought to England, 13, 14, 36, 75
+  Judas Machabeus, 42
+
+  Kedecause, journey of, 28
+  Kent, Edmond earl of, 35, 36
+  Knollys, sir Robert, 15
+  Knowt (Canute), 2
+  Kyriell, sir Thomas viii, 42
+
+  Lancaster, Henry duke of, 43;
+    "a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," 77
+  Law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, xv, 77;
+    choice of officers of, 78
+  Lelius, 61, 62
+  Lenius, 84
+  Library of sir John Paston, lix;
+    of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, 45
+  Lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house
+      of England, ii;
+    men of war should resemble, 4, 22, 46, 47, 48
+  L'Isle Adam, Jean de Villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, xi; 8, 68
+  Loans, xvi. 80
+  Lombards, 32
+  Louis, Saint, counsel to his son, v. 8, 11, 42,  81
+  Louis XI. abetted the Earl of Warwick, xvii;
+    character, xxv;
+    his reception of King Edward's defiance, xxvii;
+    kept no herald, xxx;
+    his "disguised apparel", xxxvii;
+    his timidity, xliii;
+    anecdotes of xli _et seq._
+  Lucius Brutus, 71
+  Lucius Paulus, 60, 67
+  Lucius Valerius, 52
+  Lumley, John lord, lv
+  Lysander, 69
+
+  Maine, county of, the conquest of, 19, 45;
+    the title of, 23, 32;
+    revenues of 68
+  {91}
+  Manly man, distinguished from the (fool-)hardy man, 65
+  Mansel, an esquire, iii, 5
+  March, earl of, 15, 28, 45
+  Marcus Actilius, 65
+  Marcus Marcellus, 67
+  Margaret of Austria, her matrimonial alliances, xlviii
+  Maude, the empress, 23, 52
+  Montgomery, sir N., 19
+  Morhier, sir Simon, iii, 5
+  Morton, doctor, xxv, xxxi, xxxii
+  Montreuil (Motreaw), 8
+  Mountgomery, sir Thomas, xxiii, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, xlvi
+
+  Narbonne, the vicomte de, xlvi
+  Nazar, battle of, 14
+  Nestor, 63, 64
+  Neuss, the siege of, xxv
+  Neville, lord, 15
+  Noblesse, identical with Chivalry, xv;
+    and with Honour, liv.;
+    _See_ BOKE OF NOBLESSE
+  Normandy, the title of, 22;
+    arms of, 23;
+    the wretched state of, 72;
+    the clergy oppressed, 74;
+    its re-conquest by the French, ii, iii, viii
+
+  Oldhall, sir William, 19
+  Orleans; bastard of, 28
+  ---- duke of, 7, 8
+  ---- siege of, 28
+
+  Paris, 7, 8, 19;
+    siege of, 47;
+    rebellion in, 68;
+    bastille of St. Anthony, xi, lx, 68;
+    in the hands of the English, xi
+  Parliament, the English, as described by Commines, xvii
+  Passy, dame Christine of, iv;
+    biographical note upon, 54
+  Paston, sir John, his library, lix
+  Peace, the treaty of, in 1475, xxxviii
+  Philip, king of France, 8
+  Philip Dieu-donne, 10, 33, 34, 40
+  Philip of Valois, 12
+  Picquigny, the royal interview at, xxxvi
+  de Pisan, Christine, vi
+  Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52
+  Poitiers, battle of, 13, 75
+  Pompeus, 75
+  Pont l'Arche, the capture of iii, 5
+  Popham, sir John, 19
+  Poynings, lord, 28
+  Prophecies, the English always provided with, xxxix, 50
+  Publius Decius, 64
+  Pyrrhus, 55, 60
+
+  Radcliff, sir John, 48
+  Rais, lord, 15
+  Rempston, sir Thomas, 28
+  Respublica, 68
+  Richard emperor of Almaine, 11
+  Richard the First, 10
+  Riviers, Anthony earl of, his embassies to the duke of Burgundy, xxv;
+    his connections with royalty, xxvi. _See_ Scales
+  Robert, king of Jerusalem, 10
+  Rochedaryon, 13
+  Rollo, duke of Normandy, 39
+  Romans, their wars with Carthage, 26;
+    the largess of, to make an army to Africa, 83
+  Rome, 52
+  Rotherham, archbishop, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix
+  Rouen, 5
+  Roveraye, battle of, 28, 44
+  Runcyvale, 15
+
+  St. Cloud, battle of, 8
+  St. Leger, sir Thomas, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvi
+  St. Pol, Louis de Luxembourg comte de, brother-in-law to king Louis, and
+      uncle to queen Elizabeth Wydville, xxviii;
+    his temporising and treacherous conduct, xxix;
+    circumstances of his ruin, xxxiv, xl, xliv
+  Salisbury, Thomas earl of, 17, 19, 28
+  {92}
+  Scales, lord, 19;
+    _see_ Riviers
+  Sciences, the, vii, 45
+  Scipio, 61, 62
+  Scipio Africanus and Scipio Asianus, 66
+  Scluse, battle of, 12, 36
+  Senlys, 47
+  Sensuality, evils of, 22, 33, 52
+  Sessions, 77, 78
+  Shire-days, holding of, xv, 77, 78
+  Shrewsbury, 18
+  Shrewsbury, earl of, 28 _bis_
+  Sicily, 83
+  Smert, John, Garter king of arms, xxvii
+  Soldiers, on the just payment of, 71
+  Somerset, Edmond duke of, 28
+  ---- John duke of, 28
+  Stanley, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi
+  Suffolk, William earl of, 17, 28, 45
+  Surie (Syria), 10, 11
+
+  Tancarville, earl of, 12
+  Thames, the flood of, 82
+  Tours, 5, 25;
+    truce of, ii
+  "Tree of Batailes," a popular work, iii;
+    its author, editions, and manuscripts, iv;
+    quoted, vii
+  Troy, 2, 20, 43, 64
+  Truces with France, the history of, 34;
+    truce of Tours, ii
+  Tryvet, sir John, 15
+  Tunis, 11
+  Tunstall, sir Richard, xx, xxiii, xxxii
+
+  Ulixes, 21
+  d'Urfe, seigneur, xxxiii
+
+  Valerius Corvinus, 70
+  Vernelle, battle of, 18, 19, 28, 32 _bis_, 44
+  Virtues, the iiij principalle cardinall, 7
+
+  Wales, language of, 2
+  Warwick, Thomas earl of, 37
+  William the Conqueror, 2, 10, 22
+  Willoughby, Robert lord, 17, 28
+  Winchester, bailiffs of, their letter (to sir John
+    Fastolfe), lvii
+  Worcestre, William of, the secretary of sir John Fastolfe, l;
+    his supposed _Acta d'ni Joh. Fastolff_, lii
+  Wyer, Robert, liv
+
+  York, Richard duke of, 41.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{93}
+
+GLOSSARIAL INDEX.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+  admonestementis 79
+  afferaunt 43
+  aiel 35
+  amercie 78
+  approwementis 65
+  assailours 9
+  astonyed 2
+  atwix (betwixt) 48
+  avaunt 75
+  aventure 33
+  aveyn 69
+
+  baleese 54
+  barnage (baronage) 55
+  batellous 63
+  be (by) 9
+  beforce (by force) 31
+  beforne 70
+  benecute 70
+  benevolence xvii, xxi, xxii
+  bestialle 77, 78
+  bethout (without) 7 _et passim_
+  bethyn (within) 3 _et passim_
+  bobauncees 80
+  bonchief 21
+
+  chevalrie 66, 76, 83
+  clepid 27, 31, 40, 55
+  congie 30
+  convenable 74, 75
+  costius, costues (costly) 80
+  cote-armer 18
+  cotes of armes 20
+  countour xv
+  covyn 54
+  croiserie 10, 11
+  custrell xx
+
+  defalke 31, 72
+  defend (drive away) 9
+  deliver (agile) 76
+  deliver (to fulfil a challenge in arms) 77
+  depart (part with) 81, 83 side note
+  detrussed 65, _detrousse_, unbound
+  devoire 9, 56
+  dissimiled (dissembled) 30,
+    dissimuled 41
+  dissimulacion 40
+  dulled 2
+
+  egallie (equally) 21
+  embrace (to take part, or patronise) xv, 77
+  empeshement 35
+  enfamyned 13
+  entendement 20
+  entreprennour 64
+  entreprinses _and_ entreprises, 6, 21, 29
+  ering 70
+  at erst 6
+  escarmisshes 13
+  esy (little _or_ scarcely) 72,
+    esilie (scarcely), 73
+  ewred 43
+
+  fauten 60
+  feernesse (_for_ feersnesse?) 4, 20
+  fellir (more fell) 64
+  fille (fell) 21, 23, 27, 73, 83
+  finaunce 9, 14, 19, 29, 33, 65
+  fole-hardiesse 63, _see_ hardy
+  fraunchise 81
+  {94}
+  fructufulle 56
+
+  grene age 76
+
+  hardiesse 29
+  hardy (or fool-hardy) man, 65
+  haunting arms 3, 6, 22, 77
+  havyour 84
+  herbers (of soote smyllis of flowris and herbis of divers colours) 70
+  hethynesse 46
+  historier 25, 43
+  hostied 13
+  hubes 68
+
+  infortune 42, 50
+  inure 62
+
+  joieuest (most joyful) 70
+  jorney (military expedition) 47
+  jupardie 65, 70, 77
+
+  labourage 65, 69, 70
+  lifelode 32, 49, 32, 73, 80
+  lust (_verb_) 82
+  lyes (leash) 16
+
+  manassed 73
+  manly man 65
+  mantelle 20
+  masty hound 16
+  meintenaunce 78
+  menage 69
+  messangiers 45
+  moien 85
+  mondeyn 70
+  mow (shall mow endure) 69
+  muys 50
+
+  namelie (especially) 82, 83
+  noblesse xv. liv
+  nompower 30
+  nouches 84
+  noy 82
+
+  obeisaunce _and_ obediaunce 17, 30, 59
+  obeissauntes 30, 47
+  onure, 85
+  oost (host) 27, 28, 31, 32, 64, 71
+  osteyng 11
+  ovyr hand 65
+
+  paast, 6
+  paissauntes (peasants) 72, 73
+  patised 73
+  payneymys 10
+  paynym 75
+  peine hem (take pains) 31
+  perveaunce 40
+  piller (thief) 31, 72
+  plenerlie 37
+  practik (singler) 77, 78
+  practique of law 77
+  print money, 84
+  puissaunt 20, 23, 26, 41, 43, 46, 61
+  purveonds 68
+  puttithe away (_plur._) 79
+
+  quaiers (of books) lix, 79
+
+  raise 40. Chaucer says of his Knight, In Lettowe had he _reysed_ and in
+      Russe.
+  ravyne 72, 73
+  recordacion 3
+  renomme 32
+  revaled 3, 9, 11, 74
+  rightwisnesse 56
+  rothir or sterne 58
+
+  servage 71
+  sille (sell) 84
+  sleuth (sloth) 6
+  soude 33, 72;
+    soulde 29, 40
+  soudeours 16, 68, 71;
+    sowdieris 30
+  soudeyng 29;
+    souding, 83
+  souneth (threaten) 48
+  synguler (personal) 7, 29, 55
+
+  {95}
+  tailis 73, 83, 84
+  take in gree 79
+  tasques 73, 83, 84
+  terrein 69
+  tilieng (tilling) 70
+  tofore (before) 60
+  to morne (tomorrow) 84
+  trespasseinte 11
+  trespassement 41, 43
+
+  umbre 3, 4, 25, 33, 41
+
+  viellars 64
+  vileyned 74
+  voulente 84
+  vyfnes 4
+
+  wanhope 74
+  well (easy), "it is well to undrestonde" 82
+  werreied (made war) 10
+  wited (considered) 55
+
+  yen (eyen _or_ eyes) 66
+  yoven (given) 81
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] Giles brother to Francis I. duke of Bretagne. Having differences with
+his brother respecting his apanage, he was with the duke's consent arrested
+by king Charles VII.; and, perhaps in consequence of the English taking his
+part, he was put to death in the year 1450. His fate was commemorated in
+the "Histoire lamentable de Gilles seigneur de Chateaubriand et de
+Chantoce, prince du sang de France et de Bretagne, estrangle en prison par
+les ministres d'un favory." See Daru's Histoire de Bretagne, 1826, vol. ii.
+pp. 287 et seq.
+
+[2] Sir Simon Morhier is one of the commissioners named for concluding a
+treaty with "our adversary of France," dated 28 July 1438. (Rymer, x. 709.)
+Monstrelet relates that at the battle of Rouvray, commonly called the
+battle of the Herrings, which took place during the siege of Orleans in
+1428, the only man of note slain on the English side was one named
+Bresanteau, nephew to Simon Morhier provost of Paris.
+
+[3] I do not find the name of this esquire in the memoirs of the Mansel
+family, privately printed in 1850, by William W. Mansell, esq. There were
+Mansels in Bretagne as well as in England.
+
+[4] A description of the taking of Pont de l'Arche will be found in the
+_Histoire du roy Charles VII._, by Alain Chartier. He states that from a
+hundred to six score Englishmen were there either killed or taken
+prisoners: "Entre les autres y fut prins le sire de Faucquembergue, qui
+d'aventure y estoit venu la nuict." This was William Neville, lord
+Fauconberg, a younger son of the first earl of Westmerland, and uncle to
+the King-making earl of Warwick. Dugdale describes his imprisonment on the
+authority of letters patent (30 Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 24) whereby he was
+granted some compensation: "Being sent ambassador into Normandy, to treat
+of peace and truce betwixt both realms, he was most perfidiously seized
+upon by the French, and kept prisoner: in respect of which sufferings he
+had in 30 Hen. VI. an assignation of 4108l. 18s. 101/4d. then in arrears to
+him for his pay whilst he was governor of Roxburgh, to be received out of
+the customs of wool, cloths, skins, lead, and other commodities, arising in
+the ports of Boston, Kingston upon Hull, and Ipswich." In 32 Hen. VI.
+(1453-4) he was still prisoner in France. (Baronage of England, i. 308,
+309.)
+
+[5] Fougeres was a strongly fortified town, and was considered one of the
+keys of Bretagne. It was taken by surprise, in the night of the 23-24 of
+March 1448, by Francois de Surienne, on the part of the English: an event
+which was followed by very important results, for Charles VII. made it an
+excuse for resuming hostilities in order to protect the duke of Bretagne as
+his vassal and ally: the Constable of France Artur de Richemont, who was
+the duke's uncle, (but who had been opposed to the arrest of his nephew
+Giles,) recovered the captured town; the duke invaded Lower Normandy,
+whilst the king of France entered the upper province, and by a rapid series
+of successes they within fifteen months drove the English out of the
+country.
+
+[6] Honore Bonnet was prior of Salon in Provence, as is shown by his own
+dedication of the book to Charles VI. written during the sovereignty of
+Louis II. of Anjou in Provence, that is, from 1384 to 1390. In some of the
+early editions of the book the author's name was altered to Bonnor: its
+title is "Larbre des batailles. Sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de
+plusieurs choses comme de leglise. Et aussi des faictz de la guerre. Et
+aussi c[=o]ment on se doyt gouuerner. Paris, 1493." folio. Also Paris,
+1505, 4to. Among the Royal collection of Manuscripts in the British Museum
+(20 C. VIII.) is a magnificent copy in large folio, and another, in quarto,
+has been recently purchased (Addit. MS. 22,768.) Respecting others at Paris
+see the work of M. Paulin Paris on "Les Manuscrits Francais de la
+Bibliotheque du Roi," vol. v. pp. 101, 307.
+
+On the fly-leaf of the Royal MS. is the following inscription in an old
+hand, the writer of which avowedly followed the note at p. 54 of the
+present volume:
+
+_L'Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en
+Prouuence._
+
+Note y^t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of y^e tree of
+Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she was a notable Benefactour
+to Learned men and perchaunce to y^e autor of this Booke. And therefore
+diuers of them sette furthe their Bookes under her name. See y^e Booke of
+Noblesse in englishe and Chrystines Life amongste y^e autors de claris
+mulieribus as I rem[=e]ber.
+
+On the title-page are the autograph inscriptions of two of the former
+owners of the volume, _Sum Humfridi LLoyd_ and _Lumley_: and at the end is
+inscribed _Iste liber constat Joh'i Gamston' Generoso_. It seems not
+improbable that the entry above extracted was written by Lord Lumley.
+
+[7] At the end of the life of Saint Louis by Geoffroi de Beaulieu, in the
+_Historiens de la_ _France_, tome xx. p. 26, (1840, folio,) will be found
+the Instructions of king Louis to his Son, in their vernacular language. A
+copy of them, headed "Ce sont les enseignemens que mons^r sainct Loys fist
+a son filz Charles roy de France," occurs in the MS. at the College of Arms
+which contains many things about sir John Fastolfe. (MS. Arundel XXVI. fol.
+ii v.)
+
+[8] Vegetius was a great authority with the writers of the middle ages.
+Monstrelet commences the prologue to the second volume of his chronicles by
+citing the book of "un tresrenomme philosophe nomme Vegece, qu'il feist de
+la vaillance et prudence de chevalerie." The treatise of Vegetius de Re
+Militari had been translated into French about the year 1284, by Jean de
+Meun, one of the authors of the Roman de la Rose. In the fifteenth century
+it was one of the principal sources of a book entitled "Lart de cheualerie
+selon Vegece; lequel trait de la maniere que les princes doiuent tenir au
+fait de leurs guerres et batailles." This was printed at Paris by Anthoine
+Verard in 1488; and it was, at the command of king Henry VII. translated by
+Caxton, and printed by him at Westminster in the following year, as "The
+Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye," which (he states in his colophon,)
+"Christian of Pise made and drew out of the book named Vegecius de Re
+Militari, and out of the Arbre of Battles." Now, Christina de Pisan was a
+poetess: and it is not likely that she had more to do with this treatise on
+the art of war than the "dame Christine" of our present author had with the
+Arbre des Batailles. Indeed it is probable that the two misappropriations
+are connected in their origin. On the actual productions of Christine de
+Pisan, which furnished other works to our first English printer, see the
+description by M. Paulin Paris of "Les Manuscrits Francais de la
+Bibliotheque du Roi," vol. iv. 184, vol. v. 148-185, vi. 359, 399: and an
+"Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de Pisan, suivi d'une Notice
+Litteraire et de Pieces Inedites. Par Raimond Thomassy, 1838." 8vo. pp.
+200.
+
+[9] Alain Chartier was a writer both in prose and poetry. There are
+separate editions of several of his works: and a collected volume of them
+was edited by Andrew du Chesne in 1617. An English translation of his
+"Curial" was printed by Caxton without date. See an account of various
+manuscripts of the works of Chartier given by M. Paulin Paris in his vol.
+vi. pp. 385-387, vol. vii. pp. 251-254.
+
+[10] The personages speaking in the Quadrilogue are France, Le Peuple, Le
+Chevalier, and Le Clergie, to whose conversation l'Acteur, or the Author,
+occasionally interposes some remarks. Le Chevalier is also the Gendarmerie,
+and described as being identical with the Estat de Noblesse--an identity
+which is thus maintained at the beginning of the reign of Henry the
+Eighth:--"in all the Chevalrie of this realme, wherein be intended all
+Dukes, Erles, Barons, Knightes, Esquires, and other Gentlemen by office or
+aucthoritie." I quote this from The Tree of Common Wealth, by Edmonde
+Dudley, (written in 1509 or 1510,) printed for the Brotherhood of the Rosy
+Cross, at Manchester, 1859, p. 18.
+
+[11] "Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo." Sidenote in
+p. 27.
+
+[12] This battle, from which the final loss of Normandy ensued, was fought
+at Formigny, between Charenton and Bayeux, on the 15th of April 1450. Sir
+Thomas Kyriell, who was there taken prisoner, was a veteran warrior of
+Agincourt, and had for some years been lieutenant of Calais. By a writ of
+privy seal dated the 12th August 1451, Henry VI. granted the sum of 5000
+crowns and lent another 5000, out of the bonds due from the duke of
+Orleans, in order to provide for the ransom of sir Thomas Kyriell. (Rymer,
+xi. 287.) Sir Thomas was elected a Knight of the Garter at the close of the
+reign of Henry the Sixth, Feb. 8, 1460-1, and beheaded by the victorious
+Yorkists on the 18th of the same month.
+
+[13] This passage was an abridgment from one in _Le Quadrilogue Invectif_
+of Alain Chartier: which is as follows: "Toutes anciennes escriptures sont
+plaines de mutations, subversions, et changemens de Royaulmes et des
+Principaultez. Car comme les enfans naissent et croissent en hommes
+parfaitz, et puis declinent a vieillesse et a mort; ainsi ont les
+Seigneuries leur commencement, et leur accroissement, et leur declin. Ou
+est Ninive la grant cite, qui duroit trois journees de chemin? Qu'est
+devenue Babiloine, qui fut edifiee de matiere artificieuse pour plus durer
+aux hommes, et maintenant est habitee de serpens? Que dira l'en de Troye la
+riche et tres renommee? Et de Ylion le chastel sans per, dont les portes
+furent d'ivoire, et les colonnes d'argent; et maintenant a peine en reste
+le pie des fondemens, que les haulx buissons forcloent de la veue des
+hommes? Thebes qui fut fondee de Cadmus le fils de Agenor, et la plus
+peuplee de dessus la terre pour son temps: en laquelle part pourroit en
+trouver tant de reliques de son nom, que gens se puissent monstrer nez de
+sa semence? Lacedemoine, dont les loix vindrent a diverse nations,
+desquelles encores nous usons, ne peut oncques tant estroictement garder
+les loix de Licurgus le doicturier, qui furent faictes pour sa
+perpetuation, que sa vertu ne soit extaincte et aneantie. Athenes fontaine
+de sapience, et source des haultes doctrines de philosophie, n'est elle pas
+en subversion, et les ruisseaulx de son escole taris et asseichez? Carthage
+la batailleresse, qui domptait les elephans a batailler, et qui jadis fut
+tant redoubtee aux Romains, ou a elle tourne sa grant glorie, sinon en la
+cendre du feu ou elle fut arse et embrasee? Mais parlons de Romme, qui fut
+derreniere en souveraine majeste, et excellente en vertu. Et notons bien la
+parolle de Lucan, qui dit que de elle mesme par sa pesanteur elle decheut.
+Car les trops pesans faiz font les plus griefues cheoistes. Par ceste
+maniere chascune a sa tour et en son ordre se changent, rebaissent, ou
+soubvertissent les eureuses fortunes, et le bruit des Royaulmes. Ainsi
+comme la Monarchie du monde et la dignite du Souverain Empire fut jadis
+translatee des Assiriens aux Persans, des Persans aux Grecz, des Grecz aux
+Rommains, et des Rommains es mains des Francois et des Germains."
+
+[14] It was in this sense that the duke of Burgundy was called Charles le
+Hardi, which was equivalent to the modern _le Temeraire_, that is, not only
+Bold, but Rash. We find that the author of _L'Arbre des Batailles_
+discusses in his third book, chapter viii., the various causes from which
+"est ung chevalier bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "Car
+premierement ung chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire
+et l'honneur de ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez
+et le couhars dishonnourez. Ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur
+de perdre honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil
+estoit couhart. La tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps
+porte le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in
+ce quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. Aultre chevalier y a
+qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de
+bonne espreuve. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine quil
+scet estre bien sage et bien fortune. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy
+par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. Aultre chevalier y a
+qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne scet que est
+vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus avance. Aultre
+chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner richesses et non pour
+aultre chose. Or saiches maintenant comme en toutes ces hardiesses na vertu
+si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte congnoissance et de droit
+scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et a justice et ferme voulente
+d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue et possible par la vertu de
+force. Et te souffise de ceste vertu quant a present."
+
+[15] Jean de Villiers, seigneur de l'Isle Adam et de Villiers le Bel,
+having joined the party of the duke of Burgundy, was by his influence made
+Marechal of France in 1418. He was arrested by the duke of Exeter at Paris
+in 1420, and released by the duke of Bedford in 1422, at the request of
+Philip duke of Burgundy. By duke Charles he was highly favoured, made one
+of the first knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, and captain of
+Paris when the duke of Bedford left that city in 1430. He was killed during
+a popular commotion at Bruges in 1437. See his life in Anselme's Histoire
+Genealogique, 1723, vii. 10.
+
+[16] The account which Monstrelet gives of this insurrection entirely
+corresponds with that of our author. It is as follows:
+
+    "En apres le duc d'Excestre, qui estoit capitaine de Paris, pour
+    certaines causes qui a ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le
+    seigneur de l'Isle Adam par aucuns de ses Anglois: pour laquelle prinse
+    s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de Paris, pour
+    le rescourre a ceux qui le menoient en la bastille S. Anthoine. Mais
+    tantost ledit duc d'Excestre a tout six vingts combattans, dont il y
+    avoit la plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer
+    les dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par
+    la cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de
+    par le Roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit
+    seigneur de l'Isle Adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y
+    demoura durant la vie du roy Henry d'Angleterre, lequel l'eust faict
+    mourir, ce n'eust este la requeste du duc de Bourgongne." (Chroniques
+    de Monstrelet, vol. i. chap. ccxxxviii.)
+
+[17] It is very remarkable how entirely these statements correspond with
+some passages of Commines, (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes
+the conduct of tyrannical princes, and the way in which France especially
+suffered from quartering soldiers. "To the common people they leave little
+or nothing, though their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do
+they take any care to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who
+are constantly quartered throughout the country without paying anything,
+and commit all manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for,
+not contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied,
+they beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread,
+wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the goodman's
+wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course is to keep
+her out of their sight. And yet, where money is abundant, it would be no
+difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by paying them
+every two months at furthest, which would obviate the pretence of want of
+pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no inconvenience to the
+prince, because his money is raised punctually every year. I say this in
+compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more oppressed and harassed
+in quartering soldiers than any in all Europe."
+
+[18] This word, or "obeissauntis," which was used in the same sense, may be
+taken as the original reading of the erasure in p. 73, in the place of
+"predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse.
+
+[19] Chaucer says of his Franklin--
+
+  At sessions there was he lord and sire,
+  Full often time he was Knight of the shire,
+  A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour.
+
+The countour--a term which has been involved in some doubt, was probably a
+commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the royal
+exchequer.
+
+[20] _i.e._ take a factious or unjust part.
+
+[21] Sir Harris Nicolas, in his memoir on the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll
+(ii. 347), has remarked "the slighting manner in which the profession of
+the law is mentioned, in comparison with that of arms," in the deposition
+of sir William Aton. Speaking of sir Henry Scrope, that witness stated that
+he was come of noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his
+parents was put to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless
+used in his halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of
+_Azure, a bend or_. At a much later date (1542) sir Edmund Knightley,
+though a younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full
+suit of armour at Fawsley, co. Northampton. His epitaph commemorates both
+his gentilitial and his professional merits:
+
+  Natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri,
+    Qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suae;
+  Legis erat patriae gnarus, compescere lites
+    Assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis.
+
+But, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing
+chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd
+class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in
+proof of the general opinions of society. It is indisputable that, from the
+Conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest families
+have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the resort of
+young men of noble birth.
+
+[22] The notices which the chroniclers Fabyan and Hall give of the first
+Benevolence will be found in a subsequent page.
+
+[23] Commines gives the following somewhat satirical account of an English
+parliament. "The king was not able to undertake such an affair without
+calling his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and,
+consisting for the most part of sage and religious men, is very serviceable
+and a great strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament
+the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no
+money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or
+Scotland, and then they supply him very liberally, especially against
+France. Yet the kings of England have this artifice when they want money,
+and have a desire to have any supplies granted,--to raise men, and pretend
+quarrels with Scotland or France, and, having encamped with their army for
+about three months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of
+the money for their own private use; and this trade king Edward understood
+very well, and often practised it."
+
+[24] At that time the parliament first granted the number of 20,000
+archers, which was afterwards reduced to 13,000. Rot. Parl. v. 230, 231.
+
+[25] Rotuli Parl. vi. 4.
+
+[26] Ibid. p. 6.
+
+[27] Ibid. p. 39.
+
+[28] The parliament re-assembled accordingly on the 9th of May 1474: and
+during that session, on the 18th of July, the commons again granted to the
+king a quinsisme and a disme (a fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum
+of 51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. in full payment of the wages of the 13,000 archers,
+who, notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still
+maintained in readiness for the proposed expedition. In making these votes,
+the commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a
+mighty army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme
+beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained "that,
+if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt John Baptist the
+year of our Lord M cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of the forsaid
+xiij M. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the wages of the
+same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (Rot. Parl. vi. 111,
+118.) On the re-assembling of parliament in January 1474-5 a further act
+was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted (Ibid. p. 120);
+and again, on the 14th of March, immediately before the dissolution of the
+parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and tenth, and three
+parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the before-mentioned sum of
+51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. (Ibid. pp. 149, 153.)
+
+[29] They are printed in Rymer's Foedera, &c. vol. xi. pp. 804 et seq.
+
+[30] An account of the payment of these wages for the first quarter, is
+preserved on the pell records of the Exchequer, and an abstract printed in
+Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi. p. 844. It includes the names of the dukes of
+Clarence, Norfolk, and Suffolk, the earls of Ormonde and Northumberland,
+the lords Grey, Scrope, Ferrers, Stanley, Fitzwarren, Hastynges, Lisle, and
+Cobham, and as bannerets sir Ralph Hastings, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and
+sir John Astley; besides the earl of Douglas and the lord Boyd, noblemen of
+Scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's
+household.
+
+The item to the duke of Clarence will afford a specimen of these payments:
+"Georgio duci Clarentiae pro Cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso computato ut Duce
+ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum Militum quilibet ad ij s.
+per diem, et xcix aliis Hominibus ad Arma quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj
+d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille Sagittariis [2275li.
+
+Summa totalis,] MMMCxciij l. vj s. x d.
+
+The payments to the Duke of Gloucester (omitted by Rymer, but extracted in
+Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 498,) were nearly to the same
+amount, viz. For 116 Men at Arms, to himself as a Duke at 13 s. 4 d. per
+day, 60 l. 13 s. 4 d.; for six Knights, to each of them 2 s. per day, 54 l.
+12 s.; to each of the remainder of the said 116 Men at Arms 12 d. per day,
+and 6 d. per day as a reward,--743 l. 18 s. 6 d.; and to 950 Archers, to
+each of them 6 d. per day, 2161 l. 6 s.--Total 3020 l. 8 s. 10 d.
+
+Rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. 817-819) given at length three specimens of
+the indentures made with several persons. The first (dated 20 August 1474)
+is an indenture retaining sir Richard Tunstall to serve the king for one
+whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of France, with ten speres,
+himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently abiled,
+armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, for
+everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. by the
+day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the said
+archers vj d. by the day. The next is an indenture made (on the 13th
+November) with Thomas Grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to
+attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six
+archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being xij
+d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," and vj
+d. a day for each of his archers. The third is the indenture made with
+Richard Garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was retained for
+the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his spere, with
+xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and arraied," taking
+wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each xij d. a day, and
+for the remainder each vj d. a day.
+
+[31] Ibid. pp. 837, 838.
+
+[32] Ibid. pp. 839, 840, 843.
+
+[33] Rymer, xi. 848.
+
+[34] Foedera, vol. xii. p. 1. Lord Dynham had the principal command at sea
+by previous appointments in the 12 and 15 Edw. IV. See Dugdale's Baronage,
+i. 515.
+
+[35] Fabyan says that "upon the iiij day of July (_an error for_ June) he
+rode with a goodly company thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde."
+
+[36] Printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 366.
+
+[37] They are printed in Rymer, vol. xii. pp. 13, 14. This was merely a
+constitutional form, for the prince was then only four years of age.
+
+[38] Hall states that "he hymself with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned
+passed over betwene Dover and Caleys the iiij daye of July," his army,
+horses, and ammunitions of war having in their transport occupied twenty
+days.
+
+[39] Monstrelet in his Chronicle attempts to present a list of the
+principal English lords and knights (the latter more than fifty in number),
+but every name is so disfigured that they are almost past recognition: as
+the names he gives to the nobility will show. He calls them, the dukes of
+Sufflocq and Noirflocq, the earls of Crodale (Arundel?), Nortonbellan,
+Scersebry, (Shrewsbury, and not as Buchon his editor suggests Salisbury,
+which title did not then exist,) Willephis (Wiltshire?), and Riviere; the
+lords Stanlay, Grisrufis, Gray, Erdelay, Ondelay, Verton, Montu, Beguey,
+Strangle, Havart, and Caubehem. The last name (Cobham) and that of lord
+Fitzwaren are among the indentures printed by Rymer in his vol. xi. pp.
+844-848, already noticed in the note in p. xx.
+
+[40] These particulars are derived from the diary kept by the _maistres
+d'hostel_ of the Burgundian court, which gives the following minute and
+curious account of the duke's movements, including the positions, not
+elsewhere to be found, of the English army during the months of July and
+August.
+
+"Le 6. Juillet la duchesse de Bourgoyne, qui avoit ete presque toujours a
+Gand, arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre son frere, qui la deffraya.
+
+"Le 14. ce duc arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre, qui le deffraya,
+la duchesse etant pour lors a Sainct Omer, avec les ducs de Clarence et de
+Glocestre ses freres. Le 18. il alla au chasteau de Guines avec ce roy, qui
+le fit deffraiyer. Il en partit le 19, et alla a Sainct Omer, ou il trouva
+la duchesse. Il en partit le 22., et alla a Fauquemberghe, pres l'ost du
+roy d'Angleterre. Il y sejourna le 23., et en partit le 24. apres dejeuner,
+et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en la cite d'Arras; et ce jour il
+mangea du poisson, a cause de la veille de Sainct Jacques. Le 27. il partit
+d'Arras apres disner, et alla coucher a Dourlens. Il en partit le 29. apres
+disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucher en le cense de
+Hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce jour de Sainct Omer, pour retourner a
+Gand, ou mademoiselle de Bourgoyne etoit restee.
+
+"Le mardy premier Aout, ce duc disna en la cense de Hamencourt, coucha au
+village d'Aichen, pres l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il en partit le 2. apres
+disner, et coucha a Ancre. Il en partit le 3. apres disner, et coucha a
+Curleu sur Somme, pres ledit ost. Il y disna le 6. passa par l'ost du roy
+d'Angleterre, et coucha a Peronne. Il y resta jusques au 12. qu'il en
+partit apres disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et alla coucher a
+Cambray. Il y disna le 13. et coucha a Valenciennes, d'ou il partit le 18.
+apres disner, souppa a Cambray, et alla coucher a Peronne. Il y disna le
+20. alla encore voir le roy d'Angleterre au mesme camp, et alla coucher a
+Cambray. Le 21. il disna a Valenciennes, coucha a Mons. Le 22. il disna a
+Nivelle, et coucha a Namur, ou les ambassadeurs de Naples, Arragon, Venise,
+et autres se rendirent. Le 29. Aout, entreveue du roy avec le roy
+d'Angleterre, au lieu de Pequigny; ces princes convinrent d'une treve entre
+eux, et que le Dauphin epouseroit la fille de ce roy d'Angleterre."
+(Memoires de P. de Cominines, edited by Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, vol. ii.
+p. 216.)
+
+[41] Another version of this omen of the dove will be found in the extracts
+from Commines hereafter.
+
+[42] The fact of earl Rivers having repaired to the duke of Burgundy
+_once_, at the end of April, is confirmed by the chronicle formed from the
+journals of the duke's _maistres d'hoste_: "Le 29. de ce mois (Avril) le
+sire de Riviers, ambassadeur du roy d'Angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en
+fut regale." (Appendix to the edition of Commines, by the Abbe Lenglet du
+Fresnoy, 4to. 1747, ii. 216.) But in the previous January we read, "The
+King's ambassadors, sir Thomas Mountgomery and the Master of the Rolls
+(doctor Morton), be coming homeward from Nuys." (Paston Letters, vol. ii.
+p. 175.)
+
+[43] _i.e._ their horses protected by armour.
+
+[44] Hall, following this part of Commines's narrative, on mentioning this
+English herald, adds, "whome Argenton (meaning Commines,) untrewly calleth
+Garter borne in Normandy, for the rome of Gartier was never geven to no
+estraunger." The office of Garter was at this time occupied by John Smert,
+who was appointed in 28 Hen. VI. and died in 18 Edw. IV. He was the
+son-in-law of Bruges his predecessor in the office: and there are large
+materials for his biography in Anstis's Collections on the heralds, at the
+College of Arms, but containing no evidence either to prove Commines's
+assertion, or Hall's denial, of his being a native of Normandy.
+
+[45] The constable of France, Jacques de Luxembourg, comte de St. Pol.
+After temporising between Burgundy and France at this crisis, he paid the
+penalty for his vacillation, the duke surrendering him to Louis, by whom he
+was decapitated before the end of the year (Dec. 19, 1475).
+
+[46] Jacqueline duchess of Bedford, the mother of the queen of England, was
+one of the constable's sisters. The constable was also connected by
+marriage with king Louis, who called him "brother" from their having
+married two sisters. The relationship of all the principal actors in the
+transactions described in the text is shown in the following table:--
+
+         Pierre             Louis           Charles VII.        Richard
+    Comte de St. Pol    Duke of Savoy.    King of France.     Duke of York.
+           =                  =                 =                   =
+           |                  |                 |                   |
+     +-----+            +-----+-----+     +-----+-+                 +-----+
+     |     |            |           |     |       |                 |     |
+     |   Louis Comte=Mary of  Charlotte=Louis  Katharine=Charles=Margaret |
+     |  de St. Pol,  Savoy.   of Savoy.  XI.    of       Duke of  of York.|
+     | the Constable.                          France.   Burgundy.        |
+     |                                                                    |
+   Jacqueline = Richard                                                   |
+   Duchess of |  Earl                                                     |
+   Bedford.   | Rivers.                                                   |
+              +-+------------------------------------+            +-------+
+                |                                    |            |
+            Anthony Lord Scales,            Elizabeth Wydville.=King Edward
+            and Earl Rivers.                                    the Fourth.
+
+[47] Afterwards the first duke of Norfolk and earl of Derby of their
+respective families.
+
+[48] The narrative is continued on the authority of Commines.
+
+[49] See the extracts from the register of the Burgundian _maistres
+d'hostel_ already given in p. xxiii. The English camp is described as near
+Fauquemberghe on the 22d of July, and near Aichen on the 1st of August. Its
+position near Peronne is believed to have been at St. Christ, on the river
+Somme, and it appears to have remained there for a considerable time.
+
+[50] The duke was at Peronne from the 6th to 12th of August. See the note
+on his movements before, p. xxiv.
+
+[51] The last was afterwards the husband of the king's daughter the lady
+Anne of York, and ancestor of the earls and dukes of Rutland.
+
+[52] The prudent and conciliatory conduct of Louis XI. towards the English
+at this crisis seems to have had a precedent in that of his ancestor
+Charles V. "Le sage roy de France Charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait
+que grant honte estoit de recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les
+Anglois a tort tenoient, comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par
+force, Il me semble (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne
+doit point estre achete par sang d'homme." (From the end of the twelfth
+chapter of the second book of the Faits d'armes de Guerre et de Chevalerie
+par Christine de Pisan.)
+
+[53] St. Christ.
+
+[54] It is printed in Rymer's Collection, vol. xii. p. 14.
+
+[55] Lord Hastings was previously a pensioner of the duke of Burgundy.
+Lenglet du Fresnoy has published a letter of the duke granting to William
+lord Hastings a yearly pension of 1000 crowns of Flanders, dated at the
+castle of Peronne, 4 May 1471; a receipt of lord Hastings for that sum on
+the 12th July 1474; and another receipt for 1200 livres of Flanders, dated
+12th April 1475. (Memoires de P. de Commines, 1745, iii. 616, 619.)
+Commines, in his Sixth Book, chapter ii. relates how he had himself been
+the agent who had secured lord Hastings to the Burgundian interest, and how
+he subsequently negociated with him on the part of king Louis. Hastings
+accepted the French pension, being double the amount of the Burgundian, but
+on this occasion, according to Commines, would give no written
+acknowledgment. In an interview with the French emissary, Pierre Cleret, of
+which Commines in his Book VI. chapter ii. gives the particulars at some
+length, he said the money might be put in his sleeve. Cleret left it,
+without acquittance; and his conduct was approved by his master.
+
+[56] In the article of plate "his bountie apperyd by a gyfte that he gave
+unto lorde Hastynges then lord chamberlayne, as xxiiij. dosen of bollys,
+wherof halfe were gylt and halfe white, which weyed xvij. nobles every
+cuppe or more." Fabyan's Chronicle.
+
+[57] This passionate interview must have taken place on the 19th or 20th of
+August: see the note on the Duke's movements in p. xxiv.
+
+[58] We are continuing to follow the account of Commines. But the truce,
+which was not yet concluded, was made for seven years only; and the dukes
+of Burgundy and Britany were not mentioned in the articles. The duke of
+Burgundy, shortly after, himself made a truce with France for nine years.
+It was dated on the 13th of September, only fifteen days after that of the
+English.
+
+[59] Molinet says, "de quatrevingts a cent chariots de vin."
+
+[60] The real Childermas day was on the 28th of December; but sir John
+Fenn, the editor of the Paston Letters, has suggested that the 28th of
+every month was regarded as a Childermas day; for the 28th of June, 1461,
+being Childermas, and consequently a day of unlucky omen, was avoided for
+the coronation of Edward the Fourth. From other authorities it appears that
+the day of the week on which Childermas occurred was regarded as
+unfortunate throughout the year.
+
+[61] Molinet mentions three other names, those of the admiral, the seigneur
+de Craon, and the mayor of Amiens.
+
+[62] According to our London historian, Fabyan, Louis's attire was by no
+means becoming:
+
+"Of the nyse and wanton disguysed apparayll (he says) that the kynge Lowys
+ware upon hym at the tyme of this metynge I myght make a longe rehersayl:
+but for it shulde sownde more to dishonour of suche a noble man, that was
+apparaylled more lyke a mynstrell than a prynce royall, therfor I passe it
+over."
+
+[63] Commines saw king Edward at the Burgundian court in 1470. On that
+occasion he gives him this brief character: "King Edward was not a man of
+any great management or foresight, but of an invincible courage, and the
+most beautiful prince my eyes ever beheld."
+
+[64] The documents which bear date on the day of the royal interview are
+these, as printed in the edition of Commines by the Abbe Lenglet du
+Fresnoy, 1747, 4to. vol. iii:--
+
+1. The treaty of truce for seven years between Edward king of France and
+England and lord of Ireland and his allies on the one part, and the most
+illustrious prince Louis of France (not styled king) and his allies, on the
+other. (In Latin.) Dated in a field near Amiens on the 29th August 1475.
+The conservators of the truce on the part of the king of England were the
+dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the chancellor of England, the keeper of
+the privy seal, the warden of the cinque ports, and the captain or deputy
+of Calais for the time being; on the part of the prince of France his
+brother Charles comte of Beaujeu and John bastard of Bourbon admiral of
+France.
+
+2. Obligation of Louis king of the French to pay to Edward king of England
+yearly, in London, during the life of either party, the sum of 50,000
+crowns. (In Latin.) Dated at Amiens on the 29th of August.
+
+3. A treaty of alliance between king Edward and Louis of France (in Latin)
+stipulating, 1. that if either of them were driven from his kingdom, he
+should be received in the states of the other, and assisted to recover it.
+2. to name commissioners of coinage, which should circulate in their
+dominions respectively. 3. that prince Charles, son of Louis, should marry
+Elizabeth daughter of the king of England, or, in case of her decease, her
+sister Mary. Dated in the field near Amiens, on the 29th of August.
+
+4. Another part of the treaty, bearing the same date, appointing for the
+arbiters of all differences, on the part of the king of England his uncle
+the cardinal Thomas archbishop of Canterbury and his brother George duke of
+Clarence, and on the part of Louis of France, Charles archbishop of Lyons
+and John comte de Dunois.
+
+In April 1478 the three years were prolonged by another like term to the
+29th August 1481; the letters patent relative to which are printed ibid. p.
+536.
+
+On the 13th Feb. 1478-9 the truce was renewed for the lives of both
+princes, and for one hundred years after the decease of either, king Louis
+obliging himself and his successors to continue the payment of the 50,000
+crowns during that term: the documents relating to this negotiation are
+printed ibid. pp. 560--570.
+
+[65] Molinet, in his account of the conference, states that it lasted for
+an hour and a half, and that a principal topic of discussion was the
+conduct of the constable, Louis showing a letter, in which the constable
+had engaged to harass the English army as soon as it was landed.
+
+[66] This Gascon gentleman is a person of some interest, from his name
+being mentioned by Caxton. He was resident at the English court, as a
+servant of Anthony lord Scales (the queen's brother) as early as the year
+1466, when in a letter, dated at London, on the 16th of June, he challenged
+sir Jehan de Chassa, a knight in the retinue of the duke of Burgundy, to do
+battle with him in honour of a noble lady of high estimation, immediately
+after the performance of the intended combat in London between the lord
+Scales and the bastard of Burgundy. His letter of challenge, in which he
+terms the king of England his sovereign lord, is printed in the Excerpta
+Historica, 1831, p. 216; and that of sir Jehan de Chassa accepting it at p.
+219, addressed, _A treshonnoure escueire Louys de Brutallis_. His own
+signature is _Loys de Brutalljs_. The encounter is thus noticed in the
+Annals of William of Wyrcestre: "Et iij^o die congressi sunt pedestres in
+campo, in praesencia regis, Lodowicus Bretailles cum Burgundiae; deditque Rex
+honorem ambobus, attamen Bretailles habuit se melius in campo:" and thus by
+Olivier de la Marche: "On the morrow Messire Jehan de Cassa and a Gascon
+squire named Louis de Brettailles, servant of Mons. d'Escalles, did arms on
+foot: and they accomplished these arms without hurting one another much.
+And on the morrow they did arms on horseback; wherein Messire Jean de
+Chassa had great honour, and was held for a good runner at the lance."
+Lowys de Bretaylles, as his name is printed by Caxton, was still attendant
+upon the same nobleman, then earl Rivers, in 1473, when he went to the
+pilgrimage of St. James in Galicia; and upon that occasion, soon after
+sailing from Southampton, he lent to the earl the Book of _Les Dictes
+Moraux des Philosophes_, written in French by Johan de Tronville, which the
+earl translated, and caused it to be printed by Caxton, as _The Dicts and
+Sayings of the Philosophers_, in 1477.
+
+[67] Fabyan's Chronicle.
+
+[68] The former importance and power of the constable are thus described by
+Commines: "Some persons may perhaps hereafter ask, Whether the king alone
+was not able to have ruined him? I answer, No; for his territories lay just
+between those of the king and the duke of Burgundy: he had St. Quintin
+always, and another strong town in Vermandois: he had Ham and Bohain, and
+other considerable places not far from St. Quintin, which he might always
+garrison with what troops (and of what country) he pleased. He had four
+hundred of the king's men at arms, well paid; was commissary himself, and
+made his own musters,--by which means he feathered his nest very well, for
+he never had his complement. He had likewise a salary of forty-five
+thousand francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed
+into Hainault or Flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all
+this, he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest
+in France, and a greater in Burgundy, on account of his kinsmen."
+
+[69] None had actually been made with Burgundy by the treaty of the 29th of
+August. Commines certainly wrote under a misapprehension in that respect,
+as well as upon the number of years of the truce with England.
+
+[70] Besides the lady Margaret there were two sons: Maximilian, afterwards
+the emperor Maximilian, and Philip. There was a contract of marriage in
+1479 between the latter and the lady Anne of England, one of the daughters
+of Edward the Fourth. (Rymer, xii. 110.)
+
+[71] Margaret herself was eventually rejected by Charles VIII. who was
+nearly nine years her senior. When he had the opportunity of marrying the
+heiress of Bretagne, and thereby annexing that duchy to France, Margaret
+was sent back to her father in 1493, and afterwards married in 1497 to John
+infante of Castile, and in 1501 to Philibert duke of Savoy. She
+subsequently nearly yielded to the suit of Charles Brandon lord Lisle,
+(afterwards the husband of Mary queen dowager of France,) who was made duke
+of Suffolk by his royal master in order to be more worthy of her
+acceptance; but at last she died childless in 1530, after a widowhood of
+six and twenty years, and a long and prosperous reign as regent of the
+Netherlands.
+
+[72] Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 172.
+
+[73] "Whiche book was translated and thystoryes openly declared by the
+ordinaunce and desyre of the noble auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf, of
+the countee of Norfolk banerette, lyvyng' the age of four score yere,
+excercisyng' the warrys in the Royame of Fraunce and other countrees for
+the diffence and universal welfare of bothe royames of Englond' and'
+Fraunce, by fourty yeres enduryng', the fayte of armes haunting, and in
+admynystryng Justice and polytique governaunce under thre kynges, that is
+to wete, Henry the fourth, Henry the fyfthe, Henry the syxthe, And was
+governour of the duchye of Angeou and the countee of Mayne, Capytayn of
+many townys, castellys, and fortressys in the said Royame of Fraunce,
+havyng' the charge and saufgarde of them dyverse yeres, ocupyeng' and
+rewlynge thre honderd' speres and' the bowes acustomed thenne, And yeldyng'
+good' acompt of the foresaid townes, castellys, and fortresses to the seyd'
+kynges and to theyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan
+regent of Fraunce Duc of Bedforde, Thomas duc of Excestre, Thomas duc of
+Clarence, and other lyeutenauntes." This may be considered as a grateful
+tribute from William of Worcestre, when himself advanced in years (he died
+in or about 1484), to the memory of his ancient master, sir John Fastolfe,
+who had died in 1460. The biography of William of Worcestre was written by
+the Rev. James Dallaway in the Retrospective Review, vol. xvi. p. 451; and
+reprinted in 4to. 1823, in his volume entitled "William Wyrcestre
+redivivus: Notices of Ancient Church Architecture, particularly in
+Bristol," &c.; but the latest and most agreeable sketch of Worcestre's life
+is that given by Mr. G. Poulett Scrope in his History of Castle Combe,
+1852, 4to.
+
+[74] He has recorded that in 1473 he presented a copy of his translation to
+bishop Waynflete,--"but received no reward!" His version was not made from
+the original, but from the French of Laurentius de Primo Facto, or du
+Premier-Faict: an industrious French translator, who flourished from 1380
+to 1420.
+
+[75] Bale, in his list of the works of Worcestre, whom he notices under his
+_alias_ of Botoner, mentions _Acta Domini Joannis Fastolf_, lib. I,
+(commencing) "Anno Christi 1421, et anno regni--"
+
+Oldys (in the Biographia Britannica, 1750, p. 1907) attributes to Worcestre
+"a particular treatise, gratefully preserving the life and deeds of his
+master, under the title of _Acta Domini Johannis Fastolff_, which we hear
+is still in being, and has been promised the publick;" but in the second
+edition of Oldys's life of Fastolfe (Biographia Britannica, 1793, v. 706),
+we find merely this note substituted: "This is mentioned in the Paston
+Letters, iv. p. 78." The letter there printed is one addressed by John Davy
+to his master John Paston esquire after sir John Fastolfe's death. It
+relates to inquiries made of one "Bussard" for evidences relative to
+Fastolfe's estate; and it thus concludes: "he seyth the last tyme that he
+wrot on to William Wusseter it was beffor myssomyr, and thanne he wrote a
+Cronekyl of Jerewsalem and the Jornes that my mayster dede whyl he was in
+Fraunce, that God on his sowle have mercy, and he seyth that this drew more
+than xx whazerys (quires) off paper, and this wrytyng delyvered onto
+Wursseter, and non other, ne knowyth not off non other be is feyth." It
+appears, I think, very clearly that this passage was misunderstood by
+Oldys, or his informant, and that the historian of the "journeys" and
+valiant acts of sir John Fastolfe was not Worcestre, but the person called
+Bussard. It is not impossible that the person whom John Davy meant by that
+name was Peter Basset, who is noticed in the next page.
+
+Mr. Benjamin Williams, in the Preface to "Henrici Quinti Gesta," (printed
+for the English Historical Society, 1850,) says of Worcestre that "he wrote
+the _Acts of Sir John Fastolfe_, contained in the volume from which this
+chronicle is extracted," _i.e._ the Arundel MS. XLVIII. in the College of
+Arms; but that statement appears to have been carelessly made, without
+ascertaining that the volume contained any such "Acts." "Also (Mr. Williams
+adds) the _Acts of John Duke of Bedford_ (MS. Lambeth);" but those "Acts"
+again are not an historical or biographical memoir, but a collection of
+state papers and documents relating to the English occupation of France,
+which will be found described in Archdeacon Todd's Catalogue of the Lambeth
+Manuscripts as No. 506. Its contents are nearly identical with those of a
+volume in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, MSS. No. 41, as will
+be found on comparison with Sir Henry Ellis's Catalogue of that collection,
+p. 17. The latter is the volume which Oldys, in his life of sir John
+Fastolfe, in the Biographia Britannica 1750, has described at p. 1907 as a
+"quarto book some time in the custody of the late Brian Fairfax esquire,
+one of the Commissioners of the Customs," and of which Oldys attributes the
+collection to the son of William of Worcestre, because a dedicatory letter
+from that person to king Edward the Fourth is prefixed to the volume.
+
+Another very valuable assemblage of papers of the like character, and which
+may also be regarded as part of the papers of sir John Fastolfe, is
+preserved in the College of Arms, MS. Arundel XLVIII., and is fully
+described by Mr. W. H. Black in his Catalogue of that collection, 8vo.
+1829. This is the volume from which Hearne derived the Annals of William of
+Worcestre, and Mr. Benjamin Williams one of his chronicles of the reign of
+Henry the Fifth.
+
+It is probable that the Lambeth MS. was formerly in the Royal Library, for
+abstracts of some of its more important documents, in the autograph of King
+Edward the Sixth, are preserved in the MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. These have
+been printed in the Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth, pp. 555-560.
+
+[76] From the authority of Tanner and Oldys, we gather that there was
+formerly a volume in the library of the College of Arms, bearing the
+following title: "Liber de Actis Armorum et Conquestus Regni Franciae,
+ducatus Normanniae, ducatus Alenconiae, ducatus Andegaviae et Cenomanniae, &c.
+Compilatus fuit ad nobilem virum Johannem Fastolff, baronem de Cyllye
+guillem vel Cylly quotem, &c. 1459, per Pet. Basset armig." (Tanner,
+Bibliotheca Britannica, 1748, p. 79; Oldys, Biographia Britannica, 1750,
+iii. 1903, again, p. 1906; and 2nd edit. 1793, v. 701.) Both Tanner and
+Oldys describe this book as being in the Heralds' Office at London, but it
+is not now to be found there; and is certainly not a part of the Arundel
+MS. XLVIII. the contents of which curious and valuable volume are minutely
+described in the Catalogue of the collection by Mr. W. H. Black, F.S.A.
+
+[77] Bale (Scriptores Brytanniae, vii. 80, Folio, 1557, p. 568,) describes
+Peter Basset as an esquire of noble family, and an attendant upon Henry the
+Fifth in his bedchamber throughout that monarch's career. Bale states that
+this faithful esquire wrote the memoirs of his royal master, very fully,
+from his cradle to his grave, in the English language; and we find that the
+work was known to the chronicler Hall, who quotes Basset in regard to the
+disease of which the king died. It is remarkable, however, that this work,
+like that formerly in the College of Arms, mentioned in the preceding note
+(if it were not the same), has now disappeared; and the name of Basset has
+been unknown to Mr. Benjamin Williams and Mr. Charles Augustus Cole, the
+editors of recent collections on the reign of Henry the Fifth for the
+English Historical Society and the series of the present Master of the
+Rolls, (1850 and 1858,) as also to Sir N. Harris Nicolas, the historian of
+the Battle of Agincourt, and the Rev. J. Endell Tyler, the biographer of
+King Henry of Monmouth (2 vols. 8vo. 1838).
+
+[78] Its real author is supposed to have been AEgidius Romanus, or De
+Columna, who was bishop of Berri, and died in 1316. See Les Manuscrits
+Francois de la Bibliotheque du Roi, par M. Paulin Paris, 1836, i. 224. It
+was printed at Rome in 1482, and at Venice in 1598: see Cave, Historia
+Literaria, vol. ii. p. 340. Thomas Occleve, the contemporary of Chaucer,
+wrote a poem _De Regimine Principum_, founded, to a certain extent, upon
+the work of AEgidius, but applied to the events of his own time, and
+specially directed to the instruction of the prince of Wales, afterwards
+King Henry V. The Roxburghe Club has recently committed the editorship of
+this work to Mr. Thomas Wright, F.S.A.
+
+[79] Preface to The Buke of the Order of Knyghthede (Abbotsford Club,
+1847,) p. xxiii.
+
+[80] Ames's Typographical Antiquities, by Dibdin, iii. 198. Moule
+(Bibliotheca Heraldica, 1822, p. 12,) conjectures that this may have been
+the same with "A Treatise of Nobility," by John Clerke, mentioned by Wood,
+in his Athenae Oxonienses, as being also a translation from the French; this
+was printed in 12mo, 1543. (Ath. Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 205.) In that case
+the name of _Larke_ is an error of Ames.
+
+[81] Wyer also printed "The Boke of Knowledge," a work on prognostics in
+physic, and on astronomy (Dibdin's Ames, iii. 199, 200), and "The Book of
+Wysdome, spekyng of vyces and vertues, 1532." (ibid. p. 175.)
+
+[82] Typographical Antiquities, first edition, iii. 1527.
+
+[83] Mr. B. B. Woodward, F.S.A. the author of a History of Hampshire now in
+progress, kindly undertook for me to search the records of the city of
+Winchester in order to discover, if possible, any information in
+elucidation of this document; but he found them in so great confusion, that
+at present it is impossible to pursue such an inquiry with any hope of
+success.
+
+[84] _Here is written above the line, in a later hand_, yn yo^r most noble
+persone and
+
+[85] _In MS._ whiche whan
+
+[86] _MS._ of
+
+[87] _These words are inserted by a second hand._
+
+[88] _Inserted above the line by a second hand._
+
+[89] _sc._ weight
+
+[90] _MS._ infinitee
+
+[91] _MS._ to
+
+[92] _MS._ if it
+
+[93] _MS._ defoule
+
+[94] _MS._ be that
+
+[95] _MS._ they
+
+[96] _MS._ it is
+
+[97] _The words_ thowsands and _are inserted above the line._
+
+[98] _Added by second hand._
+
+[99] _Altered by second hand to_ youre
+
+[100] _Inserted above the line by a second hand._
+
+[101] _qu._? yet
+
+[102] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[103] _Added by second hand._
+
+[104] _This passage is inserted by the second hand._
+
+[105] _Added by second hand._
+
+[106] _The Hague._
+
+[107] _So the MS._
+
+[108] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[109] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[110] _MS._ cons.
+
+[111] _Inserted by the second hand._
+
+[112] _The word_ king _has been erased, and altered to_ prince.
+
+[113] _The insertion occupying the ensuing page is written by the second
+hand in the margin._
+
+[114] _Inserted by the second hand._
+
+[115] overthrow _in MS._
+
+[116] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[117] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[118] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[119] _Added in the margin by second hand._
+
+[120] _Added by second hand in the margin._
+
+[121] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[122] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[123] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[124] _So in MS._
+
+[125] _Inserted by third hand._
+
+[126] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[127] _Inserted by the second hand._
+
+[128] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[129] ? all.
+
+[130] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[131] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[132] _The word_ innocent _is written by some Lancastrian over an erasure_.
+
+[133] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[134] _Added by second hand._
+
+[135] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[136] _So in the MS._
+
+[137] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[138] _So in MS._
+
+[139] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[140] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[141] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[142] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[143] _So in the MS._
+
+[144] _MS._ youre.
+
+[145] _MS._ of.
+
+[146] _MS._ they owre.
+
+[147] of _in MS._
+
+[148] _Added by second hand._
+
+[149] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[150] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[151] _In the margin is here placed the following note respecting Dame
+Christina of Passy:--_ "Notandum est quod Cristina [fuit] domina praeclara
+natu et moribus, et manebat in domo religiosarum dominarum apud Passye
+prope Parys; et ita virtuosa fuit quod ipsa exhibuit plures clericos
+studentes in universitate Parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures libros
+virtuosos, utpote _Liber Arboris Bellorum_, et doctores racione eorum
+exhibicionis attribuerunt nomen autoris Christinae, sed aliquando nomen
+autoris clerici studentis imponitur in diversis libris; et vixit circa
+annum Christi 1430, sed floruit ab anno Christi 1400."
+
+[152] _Inserted by second hand in the margin._
+
+[153] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[154] _MS._ goodis.
+
+[155] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[156] _MS._ startees.
+
+[157] _So in MS._
+
+[158] Sir John Fastolfe.
+
+[159] _This word has been in the MS. by error altered to_ stode, _which
+belongs to the next line_.
+
+[160] _So. in MS._
+
+[161] _MS._ wounding.
+
+[162] _This word is written on an erasure._
+
+[163] _So in the MS._
+
+[164] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[165] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[166] _Written over an erasure._
+
+[167] _MS._ nede or of.
+
+[168] _Written on an erasure._
+
+[169] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[170] _So in the MS._
+
+[171] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[172] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[173] _MS._ youre.
+
+[174] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[175] _MS._ Gentiles.
+
+[176] _Written on an erasure._
+
+[177] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[178] _Written on an erasure._
+
+[179] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[180] _MS._ excersing.
+
+[181] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[182] _Inserted by second hand._
+
+[183] _So in MS. sc._ stir?
+
+[184] _So in MS._
+
+[185] _MS._ where.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+Corrections made to printed original.
+
+Page xxxvi. "the gate should be delivered up": 'he delivered' in original.
+
+Page 38. "the seneschalcie of Pierregort": 'of of' (across line break) in
+original.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Boke of Noblesse, by Unknown
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